THE CONCEPTION OF ALCHEMY AS EXPRESSED IN THE

PRETIOSA MARGARITA NOVELLA

OFPETRUSBONUSOFFERRARA
Bv CmARA CRJsC1AN1*

I
"I do not know how Pietro Buono composed his Precious Pearl, but if he had
written out ali the Latin alchemical, philosophical and mystical books available
to him, cut the copies into small pieces, classified the innumerable fragments
as plausibly as possible, and finally edited them in the new order thus obtained.. .
the final result would not have been very different from his compilation."
That ·was G. Sarton's1 j udgement on Bonus; earlier, in their more detailed
papers, J. M. Stillman and J. Ruska2 had expressed similar views. On the
whole, Pretiosa Margarita seemed to these scholars to be an interesting text
because ( 1) it offC(ed a broad review of the alchemical theories existing in the
fourteenth century; (2) with its numerous quotations it provided a great deal
of information about the alchemical texts and sources available in the early
decades of the fom teenth century; (3) its scholastic and argumentative style,
at the same time rigorous and systematic, causes it to be a pointer to a new spirit
in the western alchemical tradition. 3 However, irrespective of these opinions,
Bonus' work was regarded as a scholarly and boring compilation, almost devoid
of any originality as far as theory is concerned, and making no contribution to
research. Even A. E. Waite, although defining Pretiosa Margarita (perhaps over-
optimistically) as: "a very clear, methodical and well-reasoned treatise" ,4 con-
fined his enthusiasm to those details concerning Bonus' style.
Indeed , after the period between the latter half of the fifteenth century and
the early half of the sixteenth century, during which time Bonus' work was
received with outstanding approval, 5 we find in the seventeenth century at
least two opinions about the Pretiosa Margarita which differ little from those
given by contemporary .critics. They are advanced by two ｳ｣ ｨｯ ｬｾｲｳ＠ who,

• Istituto di storia della filosofia, Università degli Studi, Pavia, ltaly.

1
G. Sarton, /nlroduclion lo llu Hislory of Scimce; Baltimore, 1927-48, 1111, 751-2.
• J. M. Stillman, "Petrus Bonus and Supposed Chemical Forgeries", &imtifu: Monthly, •7•
318-25, 1933; J. Ruska, "L'alchimie à ｬＧｾｰｯｱｵ･＠ du Dante", Annales Guibhard-Siverin11, • O, 411-17,
1934·
3 Ruska (2) , 415.
4
A. E. Waite, Tlu New Pearl ofGreat Price, London, 1894, (rep. 1963), viii.
• Ludovico Lazzarelli (1450- 1500) transcribed 'Pretiosa Margarila for his "master" Giovanni
Mercurio ofCorreggio and composed a dedication in verse praising Bonus (see Modena, Biblioteca
Estense, Lat. 299- exa M Il 16-). Besides the specific alchemical problems, Lazzarelli's interest was
probably aroused by those parts of the text where Bonus expressed, in respect of alchemy, religious
views dose to his own Ficinian position. A similar admiration for Bonus was shown by Jano Lacinia,
who paraphrased and edited Pretiosa Margarita for the first time in 1546.

-
ft.
166 CHIARA CRISCIANI

obviously, do not evaluate Bonus' text from an historical standpoint but wish
to verify its scientific value directly. Thus, G. Plattes regards Bonus as
the author of a scholarly treatise based upon opinion rather than on factual
experience. Hence he states that "all his directions are not worth a button"
and that "as for his knowledge, I would not give twopence."6 Less cuttingly,
Olaus Borricchius, though criticizing Bonus' limited practical ability, recognizes
in Pretiosa Margarita the merits of erudition and defines it as "a little work useful
for beginners, and almost a necessity for the incredulous to lead them back
upon the right path" (opusculum tyronibus utile, incredulis in rectam viam
rcdigendis pene necessarium). 7
These views- both the most recent and the oldest-undoubtedly emphasize
some of the salient fcatures of ｐｾ･ｴｩｯｳ｡＠ Margarita. Bonus employs lengthy and
rcpetitious quotations; he disagrees only slightly with the usually accepted
alchcmical theories of the fourteenth century;8 he does not suggest any new
tcchnical procedures or originai recipes; indeed, the author repeatedly admits
frankly that he has not applied himself to the opus. 9 All this does not imply,
however, that his work is to be intended merely as an uncritical and pedantic J
collection of quotations. In his own style, which undoubtedly bears heavily
upon his treatise, Bonus attempts, in respect of alchemy, to provide a theoretical
foundation. In his opinion, this task, as yet not attempted, should not be delayed
any longer; it should be carried out before evaluating the scientific value of
different alchemical theories 10 and refuting the objections of the opponents of
alchemy, in particular, before applying oneself to technical operations. Bonus,
thercfore, does not consider the alchemical research in toto as a "datum", but
rather as a problem, in the face of which he suggests a philosophical approach
capable of evaluating the possible conditions according to which alchemy may
be considered as a 'legitimate and well-founded discipline.

6 D. Geoghegan, " Gabriel Plattes Caveat for Alchymists", Amhix, 10, 100, 1962.
' Olaus Borricchius, lonspeclus S<Tiptorum Chemicorum, ed. Manget, I, 44.
8
For Bonus's piace in the history of chemical theories see W. Ganzenmilller, L'alchimie au
moyen age, Fr. trans., Paris, 1940, 126-7; R . P. Multhauf, The Origins ef Chemistry, London, 1966,
193-7.
9
I have used the text of Pretiosa Margarila edited by J. J. Manget in Bihliotheca Chemica Curiosa,
(}eneva, 1702, II, 1-80, hereafter quoted as " P.M.". An a, h, e, d, or n after the page-number indicates
the section of the page or note in Manget's èdition. See P.M ., Be ( ••• quamvis ab operatione etiam et
finali adhuc usque simus suspensi et immunes ... ); P.M., 52h ( . .. quamvis operationi et labori
fuerimus raro dediti •. . }; llnd P.M., Bob. Bonus, however, was acquainted with several mining and
metallurgical techniques of his timl' (st'e P.M., 17h, 56h, 61c, 68h) .
10
Bonus, that is, believed (P.M., 22d) that ••• ars haec quaerit, propter diHìcultatem in-
quisitionis eius, et quid est, sive quod significai, et hoc habito, utrum sit verum ve! non. Severa!
r
times he emphasized (e.g., P.M., 8d, ga) the originality ofhis approach in respect ofhis predecessoI'll,
both for this generai a pproach and when dealing with the arguments pro in quaestio about the truth
of alchemy (P.M., 22c).
 ALCHEMY IN THE "PRETIOSA MAROARITA NOVELLA" 167

On the one hand, then, Bonus shows how, epistemologically, alchemy must
be regarded as a science (with its own field ofresearch and methods of enquiry),
worthy to be included in the body of scientific knowledge. On the other hand
he attempts to demonstrate that, even if alchemy is a science, it is still different
from and nobler than the others, since it is in part divine and also based upon a
special revelation bestowed by God only upon true initiates.
The inter-relationship of exoteric and esoteric themes is still one of the most

l interesting and problematic aspects of alchemica! traditions, even in the west.

The aim of this paper, therefore, is to show (a) how a fourteenth century author
arrives at a philosophical viewpoint on this dual aspect of the great art11 (sec-
tions 2, 3, 4); ()J) how Bonus' approach to alchemical research fits into a period
which is particularly meaningful for the development of alchemy -in the west
(section 5).

II
In the preface and in the introductory chapters of the treatise Bonus at-
tempts a twofold analysis in order to justify alchemy as a legitimate science:
( 1) he makes it clear at what level of knowledge alchemy may be placed by
examining the relationship existing between alchemy and other more generai
sciences from the viewpoint oftheir respective subjects (subiecta); (2) he verifies
also that, from the point of view of the cognitive criteria pertaining to scientific
knowledge, alchemy as a science is not only possible but necessary.
Firstly, therefore, Bonus looks at the subject of the plurality and unity of
sciences, accepting in toto the Aristotelian standpoint (distinction between
practical philosophy and speculative philosophy, the latter being divided into
natural philosophy, mathematics, metaphysics). Then he illustrates scientific
knowledge as a single, hierarchically ordered whole, wherein the different
sciences are connected in terms of subordinates (subalternatio). For Bonus this
is the unifying relationship which exists among sciences, differentiated accord-
ing to the different degrees of generality of the beings with which they are con-
cerned and of the explanatory principles which they individuate.12 Thus,
on the one hand, each science draws from its superior one those generai ex-
planatory principles (propter quid) appropriate to its own sphere; on the other,

) 11 L. Thorndike, A Hìstory of Magie and Experìmental Science, New York, 1953, III, 152, 159, has

already considered that the twofold nature attributed by Bonus to alchemy is characteristic of Pretiosa
Margarila.
" Et omnis scientia et ars inferior accipit a suo superiori subiectum suum, et continetur sub eo,
et contrahit ad se accipiendo de ipso quantum sibi suflìcit. Et sic omnis scientia inferior quia accipit
sua principia tradita a sibi superiori elevatur ad eam, et illa ad aliam sibi superiorem, quousque
principia omnium scientiarum eleventur secundum ordinem ad philosophiam primam, quae
metaphisica nuncupatur, et ibi ortus et principium, P.M., 2bd.
168 CHIARA CRISCIANI

it converts them into workable terms if it uses them precisely in respect of the
field of facts (quia) limited to its own specified subject matter (subiectum).
Since alchemy13 studies things-metals--composed of matter and under-
going change, it is, according to Bonus, part of the more genera! realm of na-
tural philosophy by way of a chain of subordinates (subaltematio ). In this way
natural philosophy subordin'!tes first the science ofminerals which is concemed
with the characteristics of metals, though in a way which is too genera! and
abstract to provide any detailed criteria conceming technical transformations.
Alchemy is subordinate to this intermediate science; it draws from it the genera!
principles required for its own limited subject matter (subiectum), and thence, 14
from a more specific viewpoint, leads on to an enquiry into 'metals from. the
particular viewpoint "insofar as they can be artificially transformed into one
another" (prout possunt ad invicem artificialiter transformari). Only such a
more detailed theoretical investigation can provide the precise knowledge
and technical teaching necessary for alchemy as an art. And finally, practical
alchemy and other arts15 subordinate themselves below speculative alchemy
at the bottom of the hierarchy.
As can be seen, the art of alchemy's aims of technical transformations offer
the standpoint from which the science of alchemy can define more accurately
its subject of enquiry. Thus there is added the condition ("that they can be
transformed artificially"- prout possunt artificialiter transformari) according
to which the genus of metals- likewise analysed generically by the science of
minerals- may be included and investigated in more detail by the science of
alchemy. 16
Summing up, Bonus regards alchemy as placed at a particular leve! in
this descending hierarchy of sciences; to justify the necessity for this he con-
siders the framework of alchemy in accordance with the cognitive principles
of analysis and synthesis (which are the procedures required to construct
scientific knowledge) .

13 Est ergo Alchemia primo et per se de rebus, quae dicuntur metalla, et accidentibus eorum

et proprietatibus, prout ingegnose possunt ad invicem artificialiter transformari et perfici, minis-

trando naturae .. ., P.M., 3a. See also P.M., 1cd.
i• ... Naturalis philosophia, in scientia mineralium docet de metallorum cognitione. .. non
applicando ad operationem artis . . . Ars autem Alchemiae, cum ei subalternetur quantum ad hanc
partem mineralium, recipit omnia haec eredita ab ip.sa, et ponit investigationem ulteriorem ... et
altiorem perscrutationem et penetrat usque ad ultimas profunditates. .. , P.f1., 3b.
u Et artes transformationum rerum inanimatarum, sicut est vitrorum. et .salium artilicialium,
subalternantur alchimiae, P.M., 2d.
u Grosseteste, although in a dilferent generai context, had outlined the process of subalternalio
in analogous terms (on this subject see A.C. Crombie, Robert Grosseteste and the Origins of Experimental
Sciente, Oxford, 1953, 52-g1; F. Alessio, Mito e ｳ｣ｩ･ｮｾ｡＠ in Ruggero Bacone, Milano, 1957, 157-61).
Bonus also took up attitudes similar to Grosseteste's concerning other epistemologica! thcmcs
(procedures of rtso/ulÌIJ and composilio, importance of the empirical-factual content when constructing
 ALCHEMY IN THE "PRETIOSA MARGARITA NOVELLA" 169

From this viewpoint Bonus points out that "if one wants to work on the
transmutation of metallic bodies ... this can scarcely be done without a know-
ledge of their basic principles" .17 But the initial empiricai approach to metals
provides us with only confused and vague knowledge; it is necessary, therefore,
to resolve these compound data, which are the erratic contingent happenings
(contigentia erratica), into the principles which constitute them-"from which
they consist because they take-their very nature from them" (ex.quibus constant
quia ab eis habent esse suum). From this process of resolution we obtain for
the science of minerals a generai knowledge of the principles of metals which,
again, reveals itself as "confused and indistinct". However, this is not the con-
fused state typicai of the initial stage of knowledge gained through the senses,
but is a result of the extremely generai nature of such a level of analysis, where
principles (propter quid) are related to the entire wide genus of minerals.18
Theoreticai alchemy, then, finds itself subordinated to this generai minerai
sci"ence, and must conduct a specialized analysis of the principles which it de-
rives from above; these must be specified in respect ofthe more limited and con-
crete field ofits subject matter (suhiectum), determined by the succeeding phase
of composition; that is, in respect of metals, not in any generai sense, but as
characterized by the addition of differentiating attributes, including also those
properties which allow oftheir artificial transmutations. Thus alchemy becomes
a necessary stage in the compositive-deductive phase of the scientific knowledge
of the minerai world, and, of necessity, it is worthy of its own place in the field
of theoreticai research. Therefore, even if depending upon more generai dis-
ciplines, it should be regarded as a science of the highest importance among
those comprised by natural philosophy. 19 ·

scientific theories, criteria ofvtTijicatio andfalsijicatio oftheories, principle ofuniformity ofNature).

Crombie has demonstrated that Grosseteste developed (particularly in the case of subalternatio and
resolutiql epistemological themes recurrent in the medicai tradition. Bonus's text indirectly confirms
this view; in fact, Bonus never quoces Grosseteste and sets these epistemologica) problems in the con-
text of his own wide medicai knowledge, in which the chief authorities are Galen and Avicenna.
17 ••• si ergo volumus aliquid operari in transmutationibus ｾｯｲｰｵｭ＠ metallorum ... hoc minime
fieri possit absque cognitione suorum principiorum. The themes of resolutio and compositio are dealt
with in P.M., 5d-6b.
18 Therefore, Bonus claimed, as they stop at a too generai knowledge, phi/osophus naturalis and

philosophus mineralium (P.M., gc) give superficial and incompetent opinions about alchemy; ... solus
ergo Alchemista, quia Philosphiae de Minerali bus subalternatur in mente ... potest invesilgare,
cum ipse solus de hoc dubitet et sciat ...
I 1 • Bonus, unlike other thinkers, decidedly rejected the view that alchemy was a mere ars me- .

i chanica; theoretical alchemy had ali the characters of a science; practical alchemy, moreover, had
J as a result a natural form-that of gold-not an artificial form, as the artes mechanicae proper (P.M.,

2.b, 4'1, 5a, gn, 5911).

 CHIARA CRISCIANI

III
In spite of the fact that alchemy is a legitimate, though very specialized
science, Bonus admits that numerous problems pertaining to this research
cannat be solved by reason. This statement does not lead him to deny the scien-
tific basis of alchemy as previously defined; rather, it leads to the further need
of alchemy for some type of religious basis. 20 The alchemist begins his research
in accordance with the methods ofreason and intellect, but where these human
tools come up against definite limits to their usage he finds a deeper justifica-
tion and aid in divine inspiration itself; in this way some basic alchemica! facts
are not discovered by the alchemist in his role as a scientist, but have become
µart ofhis faith as revealed to him by God. 21 Bonus shows very clearly this dual
foundation of alchemy as a whole when he states the principles upon which
it is founded. There are the scientific and technical principles according to
which the alchemist can investigate and transform metals. But these principles
- merely human and natural-are valueless without the higher basic principle,
which alone permits the accomplishment ofthe opus and is an inspiration to the
intellect resulting from divine revelation. 22
In short, for Bonus, the dual scientific and religious foundations of alchemy
and the two types of knowledge related to them-reason and revelation-are
based upon the dual nature ofthe lapis, the ultimate aim ofboth theoretical and
technical research into the magnum opus. lndeed, Bonus describes the lapis
naluralis (obtained by sublimation) as a product which is not yet perfect, though
it may become so when adjoined (by fixation) to the occult and divine lapis.
Since this process depends for its realization upon free divine revelation, it
transcends natural laws and appears to be a true miracle.
In considering the religious aspect of alchemy, Bonus succeeds in emphasizing
the significant identity of the basic features of the alchemica! opus as a whole
and the various stages of religious progress of the believer. 23 Both alchemist
and believer, in fact, start from the same standpoint, divine revelation, and go
through the same stages (faith, reason, illumination) to attain finally the same

20
Amplius ars haec cogens nos, tum propter difficultatem eius tum propter insuetudinem
dilatare sermones, dicimus quod ipsa partim est naturalis et partim divina sive supra naturam,
P.M., 296.
21 Neque in hoc prodest fortuna sed gratià Dei, rationi coniuncta, aut gratia divinae revela-
tionis sola, P.M., 31a.
22 ••• Est autem principium unum, ali ud ab hiis, excelsum et divinum, quod est sicut eia vis et

nexus illorum, sine quo non potest perfici opus hoc, quod supra omnem rationem naturalem, debet
cadere in intellectum .. . , P.M., 54cd.
23 This identity clearly appears in the following sentence relating lo the occult lapis: Et sic cum

intellectus non possit hoc comprehendere, nec satisfacere sibi, et oportet ipsum credere, sicut in
miraculosis rebus divinis, ita ut fundamentum !idei Christianae, quod supra naturam existit, a non
credentibus primo existimetur verum omnino .. . , P.M., 29d.
 ALCHEMY IN THE "PRETIOSA MARGARITA NOVELLA"

result--salvation: on the one band, purification ofthe soul, on the other, purifi·
cation of the imperfect metals by means of the miraculous lapis.
To confirm this identity, Bonus draws a comparison between two groups of
ancient alchemists. There are those who did not comprehend the dual aspect-
natural and divine---of the lapis and of alchemy as a whole; they did not under·
stand because they were unbelievers. By claiming to operate only through ｮ｡ｾ＠
ture they did not understand that " reasoning is not sufficierit for the .investiga·
tion ofthe same, but one must believe that the end ofit can be thus, and so must
summon up a profound faith"(non sufficit ratio ad ipsius invèstigationem, sed
oportet credere finem eius sic esse posse, et fidem penitus adhibere). Opposed.
· to these incredulous and over·confident operators are the true sages, the an·
cient philosophers of this art. · Not only did they achieve complete success in \
the alchemica! ｯｰｾＬ＠ but, becie se oftheir initiation into this divine art, they were
also prophets of the faith. 24 Here ｾｯｮｵｳ＠ does not give pride of piace to the re·
ligious truths (of which those of alchemy would be an allegorica! expression 25 )
but, boldly reversing their places, puts the alchemica! doctrines first. These,
based upon a divine revelation and capable of producing miraculous results,
may thus allow themselves to be represented as religious truths. In this way the
profound identity which Bonus sèes between alchemy and the realm of religion .
enables him to recognize the main alchemica! doctrines as predicting the fun·
<lamentai ｴ･ｮｾ＠ ofthe faith. The ancient alchemists, 26 inspired by divine revela·
tion, are therefore described as philosophers or prophets, since, starting from one
basic tru th- alchemical and hence religious-they foretold the J udgemen t,
wcre aware in advance of Mary's mysterious Conception and the mìraculous
and divine incarnation of Christ, and, finally, had in.tuition of the mystery of
the Holy Trinity. 27 Bonus then states that "we can prove incontestably that
the ancient philosophers of this art were seers who truly prophesied through
this divine art about the manifestation of God in the flesh of man-riamely
Christ-and bis identity with GQCi by means of the inglowing and emmanence
òf the Holy Ghost" (convincere possumus directe quod philosophi antiqui

•• Far incredulous alchemists, ｡ｬ｣ｨ･ｭｩｳｴＭｰｲｾ＠ and their prophecies see P.M., io-1 ab.
•• On this subject see A. Koyré, Mystiques, spirituels, alchimistes, Paris, 1955, 70-1; M. Butor,
l'alchimia e il suo linguaggio. Repertorio, (ltalian trans), Milanp, 1961, 14-25.
•• Among the founders of alchemy Bonus (who bere follows Secretum Secretorum) puts Adam,
Asclepius, Enoch/Hermes (P.M., 32c); among the prophets who cultivated it (not far prolit but
because they considered this research as divinam et mysticam) he quotes (P.M., 34 c) Moses, David,
Salomon and John the Evangelist (already considered as an alchemist by Vincent of Beauvais).
Among the ancient true alchemists (listed in P.M., 52b) he also puts Homer, Vergil, Ovid. Ali these,
since alchemists, are also considered prophets of religious truths.
27 In fact, these mystdrious phenomena take piace in the miraculous lapis, which concipit et im-

pregnatur a se ipso, in which gen<Tans et gm<Tatum ... patl!T et filius fiunt omnino unum, ànd in which anima,
spiritus, corpus constitute an indissoluble unity, that is, a ｣ｯｮｾ･ｴ＠ and divine Trinity on thc piane
of matter (P.M. 3ocd, 5ob). · .

----- ----------
172 CHIARA CRISCIANI

huius artis fuerunt vates vere per hanc divinam artem de apparitione Dei in
humana carne, scilicet Christi, et identitate ipsius cum Dea mediante influxu
et manatione Spiritus Sancti). 28 These ancient sages, even though belonging
to different peoples and epochs and associated with different historical religions,
were all illuminated by God, who ultimately elevated them to the everlasting
glory of His paradise.
Bonus, then, shows how closely the interior and the exterior magisteria
complement each other. The alchemica! opus, so charged with religious impli-
cations, involves the purification of both corrupt metals and the soul of the
alchemist. In fact, the ancient alchemists were saved by God, as are the modem
adepts who, if they understand the meaning of the opus and put it into practice,
simultaneously perfect both the metals and their own inner state. 29 In this way
Bonus interprets the alchemica! opus as both a technical and scientific activity
and a religious history, originating from a divine illumination and ending in
salvation. According to this outlook there is not, then, any radical division be-
tween "interior" and "exterior'', between the alchemist's soul and the natural
materials on which he works, but rather a complementary relationship between
the two levels within the framework of the fundamental unity of reality. 30
Finally, we must point out that certain Gnostic and Hermetic motifS are
still discernible in the features attributed by Bonus to the lapis. As we have seen,
this shows the interdependence of the divine and natural aspects; it derives in
part from God and affects nature as a redemptive farce; it goes through severa!
stages of purification and only as a result of this series of "tortures" does it be-
come incorruptible. 31 Since it is a union of opposites and a mixture of corporea!
and incorporea! elements, 32 the lapis is a microcosm, 33 which, like the other

•• P.M., 5ob.
•• Et credo firmiter quocl quicumque infidelis hanc artem divinam veraciter sciret, fieret neces-
sario fidelis in Trini tate Dei et credere! in Christo J esu !ilio Dei Domino nostro ... Non igitur videtur
in mundo ... thesaurus similis huic (lapidi), cum anima scientis hoc, et corpus, sint in hoc mundo
libera et futuri seculi beatitudine adipiscatur ... , P.M. 5on. For the theme of the alchemist's redemp-
tion see C. G.Jung, Psychologie und Alchemie Zurich, 1944 (Psicologia e Alchimia, Italian trans., Roma,
1950; English trans., London 1953); M. Eliade, Il mito dell'alchimia, ltalian trans., Roma, 1968;
HJ. Sheppard, "Gnosticism and Alchemy", Ambix, 6, 86-I01, 1957; H. J. Sheppard, "The Ouro-
boros and the Unity of Matter in Alchemy", Ambix, 10; 96, 1962.
30 Sheppard, "The Ouroboros" (29), 94; Sheppard, "Gnosticism" (29); F. A. Yates, Giordano

Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, Chicago, 1964, I 7 (I talian trans., Bari, 1969, 59, I 70).
31 Bonus describes the phases of purification of the lapis (which is at the same time venenum et

ryriaca to itself) in P.M., 5obc, and compares its death and subsequent rebirth to the death and beati-
fication ofthe Saints. For the "tortures" ofmetals see Eliade (29), 161-6.
32 For Bonus the lapis could be defined at the same time as male and female, poison and antidote,

precious and vile, divine and natural, and a unitary synthesis of the four elements (P.M., 48cd).
33 Hic est qui omni nomine nominatur et omni rei similatur de mundo. Ideo a Philosophis

minor mundus dicitur: quia sicut homo dicitur minor mundus, eo quocl in ipso omnium rerum
similitudo et participatio reperitur ... , P.M., ＶｾＮ＠ cf, also, ibid., 48d.
 ALCHEMY IN THE "PRETIOSA MARGARITA NOVELLA" 1 73

ｭｩ｣ｲｯ ｣ ｯ ｳ ｾ＠ that is to say, man- incorporates the spiritual and materiai as-
pects of the whole universe. Bonus develops the analogy between man and the
lapis in two ways. In the former the lapis is assimilated to natural man and like-
nesses34 are noted between the life-cycles of both (conception, gestation, birth,
growth, wedlock, death) . In the latter direction the gnostic intluence is more
specific. Here the lapis (the divine element which enters into nature and hence
must be isolated in order to become the redeemer of metals) is compared to
the microcosm par excellence-that is, to Anthropos, son of the Nous-Father;
in Christian alchemy .this motif becomes the parallel lapis-Christ, 35 namely the
analogy between the redeemer of metals and the saviour of mankind. Bonus
is perhaps one af the first Latin authors to point out clearly this parallel; indeed,
for him, the lapis bears all the aspects of Christ (a concrete union of the divine
and the natural, miraculous birth, soteriologica! function) so much so that,
having effected it, the ancient alchemists could prophesy the advent of Christ.

IV
Bonus' attitude to alchemy is an originai one, since he has differentiated
between the two levels-scientific and religious - constituting the whole
alchemical research. Both are complementary and must, therefore, be investi-
gated together. In fact, if alchemy results from a higher revelation making it
partly divine, its truth is guaranteed; it need not fear -indeed, it demands -- that
its contents be set out on rational lines. On the other hand, only insofar as al-
chemy can be justifiably regarded as a science, with a set field of research and
precise methods, can it be possible to indicate separately those problems which
can be solved only on the superrational level. 36 Hence, the ambivalent basis of
alchemy as a whole provides a dual meaning for the various subjects connected
with the opus, which Bonus investigates from both the scientific-technical and
the religious viewpoints. -
This is so for the many facets of the personality of the alchemist, as seen
by Bonus--scientist, craftsman and pious illumine. Consequently, such an
alchemist must reveal scientific accuracy in study, physical strength, technical
capacity and alertness throughout the stages ofthe opus-and hurnility and faith
vis-a-vis the divine inspiration.37
34 For these analogies, P.M ., eh. 25.

•• Cf. Jung (29, ltalian ed.) 38o-464 (English ed., 332-89) ; Eliade (29), 155-66; Sheppard,
"Gnosticism" (119), 99-10 1. For the gnostic origins of this concept see the papers ofSheppard (29)
and Yates (30, Italian ed.) , 36-52 (Eng. ed., 22 fT.)
30 Only after having established this twofold nature of alchemy, was it possible to understand

how some of the numerous problems of content and apparent contradictions of alchemy (listed in
P.M., ch.4) could be rationally solved; other problems were misplaced and required faith and divine
intervention. Therefore Bonus dcvelops in full the broad quaestio de veritau alchimiae only after having
lixed the value of alchemy both as a science and a donum Dei.
37 For these qualities of the alchemist see P.M., 36h, 38n, 44n, 45n, 3w. The most signilicant are

operatio manuum, intuitus visus and the operator's alertness.

 CHIARA CRISCIANI

Also, the relationship between such a manifold discipline as alchemy and

Nature seems, for Bonus, to speak with more tha,one voice. Insofar as alchemy
is a science, it does notjudge Nature, but makes a part ofit (the metallic realm)
the subject for scientific enquiry in order to distinguish its principles and regu-
larities. Here alchemy is "the servant and follower of Nature" (ministrans et
sequela naturae) becaÙse it reflects its plans. To this science of metals, as we
have seen, alchemy as an art is subordinate. In the face of this, Nature is no
longer a model to be studied but is a recipient of the technical operations aimed
at modifying it. Here, rightly, the art ofalchemy, upheld by the will ofthe worker
(voluntas artificis), does not follow Nature but controls it. 38 Finally, alchemy is
also divine or beyond nature, and through its medium God Himself intends to
reveal His own power. 39 Here Nature appears as an imperfect level in need of
redemption, in which take piace miraculous interventions which transcend its
usual behaviour.
Bonus' attitude is also ambivalent in respect of the transmission of al-
｣ｨｾｭｩ｡ｬ＠ doctrines. In considering the scientific aspect of alchemy he admits 40
that the obscure language used by the alchemists involves contradictory and
misleading statements and is a serious obstacle to the correct interpretation of
the theories thus expounded. Instead, he purports to conduct an inquiry into
alchemy in rational terms, avoiding ambiguities and providing precise defini-
tions "so that any scholar may by reasoning know what part is to be upheld,
and whether he ought to persevere in the operations of the same, or not" (ut
quilibet doctus secundum rationem cognoscat quae pars tenenda si"t et utrum
ipsius (alchemiae) operatione vel non debeat insudare). 41 But when Bonus sets
out those mystii::al and religious aspects of alchemy based upon the revelation
given by God to a few initiates, he appreciates the hermetic caution adopted
by alchemists, and their allusive and ambiguous language seems to him justi-
fiable for severa! reasons. Firstly, the divine lapis, insofar as it is super-rational,
is not capable of unambiguous definition and can only be described in vague
terms. 42 Moreover, while regarding alchemy as a gift of God, the obscure lan-

• as Cf., P.M., 45n (Voluntas ... debet regere et modificare naturam . .. ) and 4SC (•. . nostra volun·
tas cum sapientia .•. cognoscit naturam et opera eius et ipsam scquitur et gubernat . .. ).

G
Ideo tunc solus Deus est operator quiescente natu.ra artifice, P.M., 29d. Cf. also P.M., 3od:
t ostendit Deus hoc exemplum miraculosum Philosophis in li.oc lapide ... ut i psi scirent eum opera
uae supra naturam consistunt. .. posse efficere quando vult.
'- • 0 P.M., 25bd, 26a and ch.9. The theme of alchemica! language is pursued in M.P. Crosland,

Ìlistorical Studies in tlu Language efC/umistry, London, 1962, 3-65 .

u P.M., Bd. The treatise is comparatively free from the ambiguities of an obscure language
(ef. however P.M., 46c, 76n). The hermetic language , rather than being actually used becomes,
for Bonus, a subject for philosophical reflection, which individuates its causes and functions. This
is also linked up with the fact that Bonus does not intend to transmit concreM: recipes and experiments.
42
P.M., 34ab, 35a.
 ALCHEMY IN THE "PRETIOSA MARGARITA NOVELLA" 1 75

guage is not only caused by this impossibility of definition but is deliberately

adopted by alchemists as a praiseworthy and all-important expository device.
In fact, according to Bonus, hermetic secrecy performs two fundamental tasks.
On one hand, it is necessary to protect an indisputably divine secret. OI\ the
other, it is a test which distinguishes between truly illuminated scientists and the
false alchemists ;43 the former, if inspired by the same God, must succeed in
understanding what their brethren expound, in spi te ofthe deliberate ambiguity
of the expressions usec;J.. The cryptic secrecy serves, then, to verify the presence
ofillumination in true initiates, and to guarantee the possession ofthe alchemical
secret among a limited group of initiates44 assembled by divine choice.

V
From the point of view of the more strictly alchemica! theories and con-
tents, Bonus, though apparently knowing in depth the ancient and modem
results of this research, offers no radically fresh views: in respect of the alchemi-
cal tradition, Pretiosa Margarita has rather the meaning of a recapitulation of
the questions involved, doubts and problems raised by the stormy development
ofLatin alchemy in Europe. Bonus' most significant contribution consists, there-
fore, in the general layout ofhis approach to alchemy, which is seen to be rather
Iike a brief speli of philosophical meditation required for the arrangement and
evaluation of the results of the intense direct research and for judging the im-
portance and scope of alchemica! studies.
In this context, Pretiosa Margarita seems to reflect in the specific field of
alchemy some of the attitudes of fourteenth-century culture, principally in
respect of the tendency towards specialization (present in several scientific
sections) as well as to the new Iinks between the various disciplines. 45 In fact,
Bonus confers cultura! dignity on a "specialized" research so far excluded by
the representatives of academic culture ;46 for the most part the latter had
judged alchemy to be a technique Iacking a title-that is, without any theoretical
scope of its own--or they had seen it as a dangerous incursion into the vague

43
Far these two motives sce P.M., 32d, 33ab, 37d.
•• Benvenuto da Imola, commenting on canto XXIX of Dante's Inferno, thus gives cvidcnce
about the attitude of alchcmists to consider themselves brethren :... isti alchimici stant socia ti simul
quia de rei veri tate Alchimistac communiter colloquuntur... Unde sicut videmus de ｦ｡ｾｴｯ＠ nulli sunt
artifices ita inter se familiares sicut Alchimici: nam si duo sunt in terra statim unus invenit alterum
et contrahit societatem secum.
•• In this context the dose connection between alchemy and medicine, and alchemy and
math ematics which is found in some authors ofthe XIV c. is significant, (see Multhauf (8), 208-32,
Sarton (1), 1111, 178). On this subject and, more generally, on the tendency towards scientific
specialism in the XIV c, sec F. Alessio, "II Trecento", in Storia de/lajilosofia (to be published shortly
by Vallardi /Editori, I Milano).
46 S. F. Mason, Storia delle scienze della natura, Milano, 1971,.I, 117 (English ed., London, N.

York, 1956, go).

 ｃｈｾ＠ CRISCIANI

world of magie and occultism. Vis-a-vis these views Bonus' philosophical analysis
of the legitimacy and the dual nature of alchemy achieves three important
results.
Firstly, alchemy attains a precise scientific standing as a specialized and in-
termediate science, dependent on more general theoretical sciences, though
also linked with technical operations. After stressfog this specific aspect Bonus
shows in numerous passages the aflinities and differences between alcheniy and
other intermediate disciplines; in particular, he often analyses the dose rela-
tionship between alchemy and medicine and often has recourse to examples
drawn from medicai casuistry in order to explain alchemica! problems.
Secondly, Bonus a}so analyses the more esoteric and "miraculous" aspect
of alchemy. It cannot be disregarded ar_id constitutes part of alchemy, in par-
ticular when, from a study of metals, it leads on to the production of the elixir
in order to transmute them. By definition, this very aspect is devoid of any ra-
tional and exhaustive comprehension, though it does become for Bonus a sub-
ject for a philosophical investigation aimed at evaluating its nature and impor-
tance. In this way the tendencies (connected wi th medieval underground
magical and hermetic currents) aiming at modifying Nature, and not only
at contemplating it, are not only transformed by Bonus into legitimate technical
aspects of a rationally based science, but form part of a multi-fac.eted religious
dimension-analysed philosophically- at times very dose to those which form
part of the hermetic views of the Renaissance.47 Thus, Bonus doubly salvages
man's attempts to modify Nature from the "dark holes and corners" 48 within
which they had often been constrained, and links them dosely with the aspira-
tion to redemption which pervades the adept himself. Because ofits philosophical
importance, then, Bonus' commentary on alchemy as a gift of God is very dif-
ferent from the schematic religious formulae which are outlined in the alchemica!
literature.
Finally, by demonstrating the dignity and legitimacy of alchemy, Bonus
sets it in the context of organized knowledge. The overall meaning of the cul-
tura! task that he performs consists also in making the corpus of sciences more
dynamic and articulate (when, hitherto, it was within a confined and static
field) by s.etting into it a "new" and many-sided discipline such as alchemy.
The methods by which this is accommodated must be examined in more
detail. In fact, by attributing to alchemy both a scientific and a religious value,
Bonus aims at securing, from the research viewpoint, its legitimacy and its au-
tonomy. In other words, he seems to aflirm that, if alchemy is a science, the

47
Note Bonus's irenica! conception when hejudges equally venerable and saved by God alchem-
ists of different ages, peoples and faiths, because divine illumination had been bestowed upon them.
48 Yates (30, ltalian ed.), 30 125 (English ed. 17). See also E. Garin, Medio Evo e Rinascimento,

Bari, 1966, 158.

\
\
 ALCHEMY IN THE "PRETIOSA MARGARITA NOVELLA"

natural philosophers canrtot exclude it from the pattern ofknowledge; however,

they cannot control alchemical experimentation directly, because there al-
ways remains a defence-the indispensable divine inspiration and consequent
hermetism-which forms the heritage ofthe few enlightened scientists. Thus the
alchemist who appears to emerge from Bonus' exegesis extracts from academic
cultura! ideas the general pattern of natural philosophy pertaining to his own
researches, without any desire to depend entirely upon this culture. His research,
both theoretical and technical, links him in part with both scholars and artisans,
but the religious attitude which he adopts separates him from both. He finds
himself in an ambiguous position, intermediate between both scholars and
artisans, such that he recognizes the subordinating function of natural philosophy
which is related to severa.I arts, though he conceals from scholars and crafts-
men the secret ofthe occult and divine Lapis which God alone reveals to ìnitiates.
One must ask, then, what, in fourteenth-century society, is the true place of
activity of such a researcher, fundamentally separated from the environment
of scholars and craftsmen, though in part linked. to them. To attempt to find
a reply to this question it is indispensable that one bears in mind the attitudes
towards alchemy which were adopted around the beginning of the fourteenth
century by religious orders, thé Curia, jurists and courts.
As is known, from the. latter half of the thirteenth century the Orders issued
severe condemnations against their members who devoted themselves to al-
chemy; such condemnations became more frequent and severe around the
beginning of the fourteenth centnry, that is when the development of alchemy
in the West achieved its highest development. In fact, during this period, al-
chemica! studies were not only very widely diffused, but had become-both in
style and content-independent of direct Muslim influences ;49 moreover, some
thinkers had begun to link their alchemica! researches with divine inspiration
and the hope of a wide religious revival. 50 Presumably, therefore, the con-
demnation ofthe Orders stemmed from two different concerns: ( r) the avoidance
of the working of metals which might lead to fraudulent results; (2) the sup-
pression of a now independent research which so often involved dangerously
heterodox religious ｶｩ･ｾ＠ and direct divine revelations.
Hence, the Narbonne Provincia! Chapter (1272) forbade Franciscans51
to indulge in alchemical practices, and that prohibition was upheld in numerous

•• Thorndike (11), III, 47.

•0 On Villanova, Rupescissa and Franciscan alchemy, see ibid., II, 842, III, 52-85, 347-69;
F. Heer, Il Medioevo, Italian trans., Milano, 1962, 286-301.
51 On prohibitions to Franciscans and Dominicans see C. Narbey, "Le moine Roger Bacon et

le mouvement scientifique au XIII siècle'', Revue dts questions historiques, 35, 157, 1884;J. R. Parting-
ton, "Albertus Magnus on Alchemy", Ambix, 1, 13, 1937; E. H. Duncan, "The Literature of Alchemy
and Chaucer's Canon's Yeoman's Tale", Speculum, 43' 635, 1968.
 CHIARA CRISCIANI

resolutions issued between 1272 and 1323. The Dominican Order52 showed a
significant tightening of these sanctions, in line, as it were, with the qualitative
and quantitative increase in pace of alchemica! researches. The Pest General
Chapter (1273), too, for the first time forbade Dominicans to study, teach or
practice alchemy ; this prohibition was confirmed at Bordeaux ( l 287 ), where
severe penalties wer.e threatened to offenders. Metz General Chapter ( l 3 l 3),
recognizing the danger of alchemica! researches, went so far as threatening
excommunication as the penalty for offenders; the Barcelona General Chapter,
also,1expressed itselfsimilarly (1323) . Likewise, the Cistercian Order,03 in 1317,
aligrÌed itself with this solid front of officia! condemnation.
These official censures seem to find their authority in the cautious attitude54
of the Curia towards all cultura! movements which were neither orthodox nor
open to inspection; in particular, during the pontificate ofjohn XXII (1316-34)
the Avignon Curia evinced a remarkable interest in occult arts and alchemy.
In thé many trials and enquiries conducted against those who were presumed
to be poisoners and magicians, some portray alchemy as witchcraft, associated
with magie and devoid of all scientific worth. In any case, the most explicit
condemna tion of alchemy is con tained in the decretai ofJ ohn XXII " Spondent
quas non exhibent" (i.e., faithfully promise what they do not deliver), 1317. 55
In this the Pope affirms that the practical aim (the production of gold) of the
alchemists is false and implicitly strikes at the theories and principles on which
they are based, and develops his argument along three lines. First, all alchemists
contradict themselves, since they are unable to reach a common truth, which
shows that alchemy is not a science. Next, they presume to carry out opera-
tions which are not to be found in Nature; hence they despise the immutable
laws of Nature. Finally, alchemists are in any case deceitful because they pass
off spurious metals. as real and spread false and ambiguous doctrines.
lt would not appear that the decretai prevented the appearance of alchemi-
ca! treatises in the fourteenth century, even though it may have ·had some in-
direct influence ;56 it is significant, however, that this document is not men-

•• For the texts of admonitions to Dominicans :·Acta Capitulorum gnzeralium 0.P., ed. B.M. Reichert,
Roma, 1899, I, 170, 239, 252; Il, 65, 66, 147. Cf. a!so F.S. Taylor, Th Alchemists, London, 1951,
117 where the prohibition against Dominicans owning instruments for distillation, issued in Rimini
by the Provincia! Chapter in 1288, is cited.
03 Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cistercensis ab'anno 1116 ad annum 1786, ed. J. M. Canivez,

Louvain, III , 337. In this case the sanction for offenders was excommunication.
54 On this subject see Thorndike (11), Ili, 18-39; Histoire Littiraire de la France, Paris, XXXIV,

408-72.
•• Corpus Juris Canonici, E. Friedberg, Graz, 1959. Il, 1295.
•• Stillman (2), 323; Duncan (51 ), 637, 643. lt will also be noticed that, among the subjects
thoroughly examined by Bonus, there are the items listed by the Decretal---scientific aspect of
alchemy, contradictions among alchemists, hermetic language, art-nature relationship, characters
of alchemic gold.
 ALCHEMY IN THE "PRETIOSA MARGARITA NOVELLA" 1 79

tioned by many jurists, 57 who, in the fourteenth century, even offer some justi-
fication for alchemy, not so much from the epistemologica! point of view but
rather from the legai one. The jurist ｏｾ､ｯ＠ da Ponte is, perhaps, the first to
face up to the problem of the legality of alchemy in bis 74th Consilium entitled
"An alchemista peccet vel sit ars prohibita" (whether an alchemist is a sinner
and whether bis art is prohibited ). He admii:s of the existence of the arguments
for and against alchemy, but in the end he states, on the basis of two strictly
legalistic arguments, 58 that it "is a co"mpletely legitimate and commendablf'
form of research. Other jurists- Giovanni Andrea, Andrea de Rampinis, Al-
berico da Rosciate, Baldo da Perug_fa- are in agreement with that favourable
opinion ; some even praise contemporary alchemists, though others affirm that
an honest alchemist may not coin money without the prince's consent. 59
Some indications, then, permit one to put forward a tentative hypothesis,
on the validity of which further detailed researches must be pursued; hence,
this .Paper must be limited to offering only certain indications. It might seem
that, in the face of the officiai hostility of the Church, the Courts (at any rate,
in the early part of the fourteenth century) would regard alchemy with some
favour, either because it could possibly yield useful practical results, or because
often (as we have seen in the case of Bonus) it has the features of a research
relatively independent of officiai philosophical trends, and, as a consequence,
more workable in the light of the new cultura! policies that the princes are
beginning to advance. Hence it is not by mere chance that some jurists who fully
back the legitimacy of alchemy also hold legai and diplomatic appointments
at the Courts of some princes. Moreover, it is known that the Courts of France
and England, 60 at this very time, show a remarkable, although discontinuous,
interest in alchemica! researches. Tommaso da Bologna works with fluctuating
success at the Court of Charles V of France, Gerardo Marionis dedicates an
alchemica! opuscule to Philip VI, and Philip I is said to be the author of the
alchemica! work "The Stone ofthe Mountain". Edward III ofEngland receives
two alchemists at his Court, prevents the imprisonment of another in 1336, and,
in 1 350, finances the furtherance of researches; d uring the same period a canon of
. the Chapel Royal, Windsor, displays an interest in alchemy. It seems 1 too, that }

57
1 For information about thesejurists see Thorndike ( 11 ), I_II, 48-51; for the texts see Johannes
Q!!!:yili:!J>us Fanianus, De iure artis alchimiae, ed. Manget, II, 210-16 .
.. (i) Alchemy wants to imitate Nature in order to produce gold: this is not illegal, as is proved
by the laws on adoption where artificial paternity imitates the natural one ; (ii) The sanctions fixed
by ancient laws against utterers offalse metals have never been very severe : therefore, if alchemists
sometimes incur_thi,s_o.ffi:n.ce,_tbis ｉｄＡｓＮ ｾ￧Ｙ ｟ ｮ ﾧ ｩ｣ＡＮ･ ｾＳ ｟ ｴｯ､ｲＢｳ＠ one. -.
n Andrea dc Rampinis, ComTMnlaria in ususfeudorum, in De iu,.e arlis alchimiae (57), 212. For
other rcferenccs to the advantagcs and disadvantagcs of the rdationship between alchemists
and politica! powers see Ganzenmilller (8), 85-g3; Thorndike (11), II, 572, and III, 184.
10 Ganzenmiiller (8), 92-6; Taylor (52), 123-30; Thorndikc (11), III, 173-4.
180 CHIARA CRISCIANI

those regions of ltaly, where the study of alchemy finds more fertile ground in
the late Middle Ages, are in the north, 61 where, at the same time, the "signorie"
are beginning to assert themselves; in particular, it seems that astrologers and
alchemists were present at the Courts of the Estensi and the Visconti, even
though their activities are at present not well known. Finally, it is significant
that Bonus himselfwrites his treatise in Pola in 1330,62 where he was an important
municipal officiai: in fact, he practised as a physician in the employment of the
town. 63 During that period Pola was the only Istrian town governed by a
"signoria" under the rule of the House of Castropola. 64 These overlords had
encouraged at their smaU court a cultura! centre, albeit at provincia! level, and,
among other things, had devoted themselves to financial and money-lenàing
practices, as well as to trading in currency; hence one can presume, at least,
that for both cultura! and economie reasons, they evinced some interest in the
novel view of alchemy as proposed by Bonus.
In conclusion, we feel that it is essential that more accurate enquiries be
pursued into the activities of alchemists in France, England and northern ltaly
during the fourteenth century, the possible relationships with the Courts and
the Kings, and the distinctive features of their works, if only to shed some light
(in a socio-historical context) on what has been termed the periocl of apogee
of Latin alchemy. 65

q.
.t Carbonelli, Sulle fonti storiche della Chimica e del/' Alchimia in Italia, Roma, 1925, viii-ix; the
vitality of research in these areas would be proved by public conferences held by akhemists in
Genoa in 1303. Cf. also C. Vasoli, "La cultura dei secoli XIV-XVI", Atti del contJegrw intema;;ionale
delle fonti per la storia della scien;;a italiana : i secoli XIV-XVI, Firenze, 1967, 62.
"' Hanc quaestionem prolixam sic solemniter et exquisite investiga tam .. . composuit et ordinavi!
magister Bonus Ferrariensis Physicus subtilis, Anno a nativitate Christi 1339 (sic) qui tunc erat in
Pola salariatus, de provincia Istriae .. . Scripsimus prius similem quaestionem in civitate Craguirii
(sic: mistake for Tragurii = Trogir) in 23 Anno .. . Explicit preciosa novella Margarita, edita a
Magistro Bono Lombardo de Ferraria Physico, introducens ad artem Akhemiae, composita anno
Domini 1330. In civitate Pola in Provincia Istriae, P.M., Boe.
•• The presence of professional people from Emilia and Romagna in Istria was very frequent
in that perioij_,_ and the relationship (especially economie) ｢･ｴｷｾｮ＠ the two areas was ｙＡｽＧ｟ｧｑｬ￧ｪｾ＠
C. De Franccschi, "Il Comune ｾｬ･ｳ＠ e - la signoria dci Castropoia", Atti s«. Inridtui tii
archeologia, :18, 98, 168ff., 1902). Thcrc is plenty of cvidence concerning the good situation of
the physician hired by Istrian citics; hc took part in public )ife, receivcd a high salary and
cnjoyed tax allowanccs, his activitics being regulated by detailed agreements (see B.
Schiavuzzi, "Le istituzioni sanitarie istriane nei tempi passati", Atti soc. Istriana di arcluuologia,
8, 315 ff., 1892; Senato Misti, ibid., 5, 271, 1889; Chartularium Piranense, ibid., ,.S, 151 ff.,
184, 1935).
"' G. De Vergottini, Lineamenti storici della costituzione politica dell'Istria duranle il Metiio Evo,
Roma, ＱＹｾＴ［＠ C. De Franccschi (63), 164 ff. . .
•• Multhauf (8), 176-9 7. On money difficulties in the West at the end of the XIII c. (a factor to
be connected, perhaps, with the contemporary growth of alchemica! research) see a first general
' approach inJ. Le Golf, Il Basso Medioevo, Italian trans., Milano, 1967, 305-8.
 ALCHEMY IN THE "PRETIOSA MARGARITA NOVELLA"

Acknowledgements. I should like to tender my thanks to Professor F. Alessio for

his precious help and interest in my work, and to Mr H.J. Sheppard for reading
and revising the English manuscript.