Adsuara - Remarks On The Structure

Cantus Planus.
Sopron, 1995 1
REMARKS ON TI-lE STRUCTURE OF KAlOPHONIC STICHERA:

WORKING HYPOTHESES
(LARA ADSUARA
1. Introduction
In Byzantine music, the term "kalophonia'" designates a highly melismatic
and embellished style, which reached its peak in the 14th and 15th centuries,
known as the Koukouzelian period, the period of the greatest composers in
the new style: NtKT)<p6po~ 'Hel1~6<;, 'Icoavv"c; rA,\)lCtl~, 'Iroavvll~ KO,\)1CO'\)~tAll~,
Etv~ Kopc1lvll~. 'ICJ)avv,,~ KA.aSa.~ and Mavo'\)TtA. XPt(JcX(I)T\~.
We can trace its origins to around the 9th century. According to Mrs. Pal i-
karova-Verdeil,1 the compositions of the Slavic Kontakaria, borrowed by the
Slavs in the 9th century,2 are as embellished as those from the Koukouzelian
period. 3
An scholars agree that the melismatic compositions of the Psaltikon and
Asmatikon constitute a precedent for the kalophonic style. Indeed, copies of
both musical books dating from the 11 th to t 3th centuries (but whose tradi-
tion is earlier) show traces of melismatic ornamentation. At the same time,
the compositions of the Sticherarion and Heirmologion were composed in
the old traditional syllabic style.
At the beginning of the 12th century we find, for the first time, melismatic
stichera for certain feasts. They are, as far as [ know, the first occurrence of
melismatic style in pieces not belonging either to the Psaltikon or Asmati-
kon. The manuscript with these embellished versions is the Sticherarion
E.a.XI (1113 a.D.), coming from Calabria, in the archaic palaeobyzantine
notation. Although described as kalophonic stichera by Oliver Strunk4 they
I The basis for this statement can be found in H. R. Palikarova- Verdeil, La mu-
sique Byzantine ... , p. 136.
1 The written sources for these 9th-century melodies date back to the I tth-13th
centuries.
3 Gregorios Stathes supports this view when he establishes the distinction be-
tween IltA.OC; O''UV'tOIlOV (0''\)AAa~1.l,6v) and Il£AOC; Ctpy6v (1tamxSu::6v, melismatic), al-
ready present in the pre-notational period. Cf. Gregorios Stathes, al clvaYPWlIl<X'ttQ'-
Ilru... ,
p. 61, note 2.
" Oliver Strunk, Specimina .. " Plates 73, 74 and 75.
2 CLARA ADSUARA
are, in my opinion, melismatic compositions, with no intercalation either of

echematic syllables or teretismata. 5
Fi ly, in 13th century find kalophonic stichera, although n
completely developed. Almost all of them occur in the Asmata repertoires.6
In these pieces we find typical melismatic features like the sign which stands
for DU (y) and gam (- rr plus the vowel the context in
cadential position. In addition, there are characteristic kalophonic devices
like the interpolation of non-sense passages with a structural function, and
the ical ing a led parakletike (1tapaKAl1ttKTt) ng the
beginning of a new section) Finally, common to both styles, we find the x-
plus the vowel of the context, the words 1tCtAlV and'lEYEB and the melismatic
music I this would in opin am the mel style
of the Psaltikon and Asmatikon, and the new one of the kalophonia.
Three main points me to the conclusion that the Asma repertoire is
the imrllediate ancestor the kalophon :
1. The mix of typical melismatic and kalophonic musical features.
2. earl use word relating the kalophon appears for the
first time in the South-Italian Asma manuscript Messina 161.9
3. Asma repertoire was mainly inherited the ophon musical
book called Papadike, which is almost a repetition of the contents 0 f
the Asma.
5 These archaic melismatic stichera also have their syllabic counterparts, so we

can see once the existence of both tendencies: in some manuscripts the
melismatic style of the Psaltikon, in others the traditional version of the normal Su-
cherarion. For references to the different versions see Constantine Floras, Univer-
sale .. , XXXI, pp, 259-26 ,
6 Asmata with Hrst kalophonic compositions are .yJV, Messanensis
gr.161, r.y.YII and r.y.Y1. There are some further examples in the Asmatikon r.y.I.
These are studied by Ihrtolomeo Salvo BolleHino ... XIII, pp. 45-
50 and 145 j pp. 178 XVI, 35-1
7 Normally, in the asmata pieces the parakletike sign is missing but the succes-
sion of neumes the same.
8 interpolation these occurs only some of Asma
repertoire.
9 This manuscript has the heading: Iuv 9£0 ICo.locprovtlcov apx6~f.vOV a1tO 'tfj(;
n:Pro'tl1<; !!EAcOOtCti:;i containing the nning Hexapsalmos 142); lowed
by apX~ 'tau {Xcrfl.o.tOC;.
STRUcrURI: MLOPHONIC ST1CHERA 3
The aim of this paper is to show, as clearly as possible, the complex

structure of the kalophonic stichera, and the main kalophonic devices used
by the composers in such extremely long pieces. These prel iminary conc1u-
can be as a tool further of the kalophonic com-
To end I three cl examples kalophon stiehera:
Ex. 1: 'H 'tIDV A.El\JlcXvrov OO\) e1lKll, for the feast of Simeon the Stylite, Septem-
ber 1 (Sinai 1251, 4v 'IrocrvvllC; rA:mc,,~: first half of the 14th cenL).
j
: LU ~O,\) the feast

Kp(X'tcu.a I the Exal of the Sep-
tember 14 (Sinai 125t, 25v, 'IroavvllC; rAUK~<;).
Ex. 3: LU }.lou meE1tll Kpa"CClt(x, a more embellished version of the same stiche-
ran (5 566, 40v 'lroavvrt<;
1 second of the cent.-
begin the 1
2. The textual structure in the stichera: verses and sections

term lcheron" ( ) derives from the o'ttXOC;, de-
the verses the psal and the lea! odes. are, therefore,
the hymns or troparia that are sung immediately after the stichoi or mixed
with them during the rite.
order to able to the of the st it is
necessary first establish mInImum units - meani com-
plete in itself - into which the text of every sticheron may be divided, which
we shall call from now on short verses. The criteria used for this division are
the punctuation marks, the modal indications and other musical criteria, to-
with syntax and textual In some ambiguous cases the
kalophonic of the is helpful.
A long verse is made up by from two to four short verses. For this division
the most important criteria are those of the syntax and the textual content. In
examples, short long verses numbered,
The major ion into sections can be seen' the kalophonic sti-
chera, due to some fixed features which mark the end of one section and the
beginning of another. The features I refer to are four:
The signs:: ,(they end of section),
The opening called parakletike (n:apaKA'llttlCf]) marks
the beginning of a new section).
4 CLARA ADSUARA
3. The non-sense passages of teretismata and echemata: they function as

separators of sections. There are two main positions for them: at the
veT)' beginning of a section (from now on, Initial teretismatalechemata)
and at the very end of it (Final teretismatalechemata).lo
4. The repetition of text normally from the preceding section (it marks
the end of the section).
3. Elements of a section
In one complete section, del imited by one or more of the techniques
mentioned above, there are 3 main structural elements:
• Introduction: This is madeup by the initial teretismata or echemata, pre-
ceded by the first syllable of the basic text plus the parakletike opening
formula.
• Basic Text: This consists of the original text of the sticheron in its nor-
mal order. In most cases, the parakletike formula occurs in the veT)' fIrst
syllable. This musical formula can occur in the introduction and basic
text or only in one of them. 11 Although the refrain cl1tD xopou belongs
also to the basic text of the sticheron, it is normally isolated at the end
of the piece by means of the so-called End. The rubric anD xopou
means that the text concerned, with the same music of the old syllabic
stichera, might be performed by a choir, in contrast with the rest of the
kalophonic piece, which is supposed to be sung by a soloist (because of
its highly complicated musical style).
• End: There are three types of End:

aJ Final teretismata plus textual repetition;
bl Final teretismata alone;
cl Textual repetition alone.
10 There is a third possibility, namely, in the middle of one section (Middle tere-
tismatalechemata). In this position, the non-sense passages have no structural func-
tion, but are only an embellishment or enlargement of the piece. A clear example of
this is the one in To JlVllJl60'uvov O'OU, v.9 (Sinai 1251, 5v-6v).
I t Among the nine stichera I have studied, there are only two whose second sec-
tions lack the parakletike opening formula in the introduction and basic text: l:~ ~ou
<JK£m'\ xper:ta,let (in both versions Sinai 125 t and Sinai t 566), which may be seen in
the analysis below, and 9EOMYE nap6e.v£. In the three cases the type of section is Bi-
partite 1 ( see below).
REMARKS ON THE STRUCfURE OF KALOPHONIC STICHERA 5
4. Types of sections
Depending on how many of the above elements exist in one section, we
can make the following division:
1. A tripartite section: This embraces the three elements: Introduction,
BasiC Text and End.
2. A bipartite section: This embraces only two of the three elements.

There are two subdivisions:
Bipartite 1: This contains the Basic Text and End.
Bipartite 2: This contains the Introduction and the BaSic Text.
5 _Three examples of kalophonic structure

In examples 1 to 3 will be found the kalophonic text of our three stichera,
divided into verses and sections. I have stressed by means of small letters the
ka]ophonic additions to the original sy]]abic text. 12 Here I include the
schemes of the kalophonic structure in each of the three cases.
'H 'ICilv AEUjlqyQ)V ao\) e~f) (Sinai 125 t, 4v):

First section : Tripartite
• Introduction: f). (parakletike) + initial teretismata

• Basic Text: vs. 1-6 (parakletike)
• End (flnal teretismata + vs.4 and 6) + colon (:)
Second section: Tripartite
• Introduction: E-. (parakletike) + initial echemata
• Basic Text: vs.7-10(parakletike)
• End (final teretismata + v.l0)

• Refrain altO XOPOU: vs.11 and 12 (only occurs part of 11)
I have used mainly the punctuation marks as criteria for distinguishing what is
12
the original text and what the kalophonic repetitions (in small letters).
6 ClARA ADSUARA
~JlQU OI'E:1ttlJfpa'tauX (Sinai 1251/ 25v):
sectj : Tripartite
• Introduction: QU (parakletike) + initial teretismata.
• Basic : vs.l
• End (Anal teretismata + v.3)
section: Bipartite 1
• Basic Text: vs.4 and 5
• End cma xopou): and (only verse 4)
~~QU m(t1ti0P~ nai 40v):
First section: Tripartite
• lntroduction: (paraklet + teretismata colon:
• Basic Text: vs. 1-3 (parakletike)
• {vs. + final teretismata + v.
Second section: Bipartite 1
• "'Basic vs.4 and 5
• End (final teretismata + vsA and 5).
Conclusions:
As can from above, besides me1ismatic two main ele-

ments in the kalophonic stichera constitute the most striking difference from
their syllabic counterparts: the interpolation of non-sense passages and the
kalophonic treatment text. IS
Before the Introduction there is a complete modal intonation of the second au-
13
thentic mode.
14 Basic there a indication of second authentic
mode written in full.
REMARKS ON THESTRUCTURE OF KALOPHONIC STICHERA 7
The teretismata and echemata (non-sense passages) always appear in the

Introduction (Initial) and, vet)' frequently, in the End (Final) of a section. In
these positions they are used with a double function: al as structural elements
and bl as musical embell ishment and enlargement of the piece. Less frequent-
ly they appear purely as an embellishment, in the Basic Text. 16
In this paper, which is focussed on the general kalophonic structure of the
stichera and the structure of the text, the non-sense passages are only ob-
served as structural elements in the piece, without taking into account their
musical value.
6. The kalophonic treatment of text. 17

This heading denotes the three follOWing features related to the text
which may be found in the kalophonic stichera:
6.1. The repetitions of words and phrases.
6.2. The interpolation of the words 1taAlV and AeYE.
6.3. The interpolation of the asmatic syllable -x-.
6.1. The kalophonic repetitions may be of different types (see Example 4):
Type A: Repetition of the first syllable(s) of a word within a short verse. E.g.
crro-crro~a'toc;, Jlapa-Jlapavacra. 18
Type B: Repetition of words within a short verse. 19 This kind of repetition

normally occurs at the end of the verse (*B) or at the beginning (B*).
Finally, the repetition can be of the whole verse (+ B), of the whole
verse plus a second repetition (+ +B) or of only part of the verse (- B).
Type C: Inversion of words within a short verse.
15 A similar division is made by Gregorios Stathes when he defines the main ele-
ments of the kalophonic style: 1/ To 1(CiAO<pOOVt1(OV ~£AOC; 2/ Ot aVCiypCi~~o,"[t(J~Ot il
ac,xCi1tOOt(J~Ot ",[DU 1tOtT'l"[t1(Ol) lC£l~f.VOU 3/ Ta itxT)jlCi"'[Ci il lCPCi1:11jlCilCi. Cf. Gregorios
Stathes, Ot ixvCiypg~)1<Xl\'(!}.lOL .. , p. 68· 71.
16 E.g. the above-mentioned To jlvT'l)160''\)vov 0'0'1), v.9 .
17 This heading is inspired by Edward V. Williams' article, ''The Treatment of
Text ... "
18 These examples are taken from To lCo,9o,pav 'tile; ix.YVEto.e;O'O\) (Sinai 1251, 33v).
19 Type B also includes the repetitions by means of the word It<x.A..tV.
8 ClARA ADSUARA
Type 0: Repetition of preceding verses from the same or a different section.

The repetition of the original verse can be complete (+) or incomplete
( -). The most common position this type is in the End of a section
(with without Anal teretismata), marking the end f it, but there are
also some cases throughout the Basic Text of one section. 20
These four kalophonic devices are not spread throughout the sticheron,
but are attached only to certain verses. The question is not why they do exist
(they are embellishments) but why we nnd them in these particular verses. In
my opinion they also have a structural function (like the non-sense passages),
conHrmi the division of the sticheron either nto short and long verses or
into sections. In some cases, there is such a striking symmetry in their posi-
tion (see below, 'H '(mv A£t'VCtvrovaou 9111(11), that it is unlikely that the repeti-
tions have been made at random.
J present Example 4 the schemes, according to sections, of these phe-
nomena our three stichera,
Comments on 'H Wy 2&l"V~.a:mLe~T1 (Sinai 1251,

The four occurrences of B are in the Arst and last short verses of each
section (which confirms the division into sections in this sticheron). The sym-
metry can be seen the type repetition (which is the same in both sec-
tions) and also in the number of syllables:
vs,1 and t . 7and 7(+3)21 syl1ables.
vs.6 and 7: 3 syllables,
Commen 0 ~J.lQ\) <I1<EmtKPocmill (Sinai 1251, 25v).
In the version Sinai 25 each verse Arst section has repe-

tition. The odd verses (1 and 3) have the repetition at the end of the verse,
while the second one has it at the vety beginning. Vs.1 and 2 repeat only one
word, while v.3 repeats the whole verse. The same v.3 is repeated once more
in the End. In the second section, there is only a repetition in the End, v.4
(and vety ikely v5), which makes up the refrain ano
xopou.
20 Among the nine stichera I have studied, there are three ca~es of type D in the
Basic Text in the following pieces: S£OA6ye mxp8£v£, Tt'tv 'tcov cl.1tO(J't6A(J)V cl.lCp6ul"ta
and Tov "tov 1f\<; ~pov'tfl'i.
21 We add syllables more by means of the second repetition of the word
xope:6rov.
ON THE SrRUCTURE OF KALOPHONIC STICHERA 9
Comments on ~_.I.lO\) <IlCE1t1lKP~ (Sinai 1566, 40v).

Each short verse of the Rrst section has a repetition, as in the case above,
the di that v.2 marked the end means of
3 includes second and asmatic -x·. In d,
besides the repetition of v.3 (in common with Sinai 1251), it has another rep-
etition of the first three verses. In the second section, in the End, vs.4 and 5
repeated without a1tO In fact, version vet)'
in common with that rAUlCTtC;.22
6.2. The interpolation of the words 1tO:)..,tV and AEYE.
This is a typical kalophonic phenomenon, although it has its nrst oc-

currences in pieces of Asma The 1t6:AtV A,tYE
two each in <IlCE1tll x:patut6:: once the by
rAU"lCt,C; (Ex. 2) and three times in the one by A6:mcap'I1C; (Ex. 3). None of
them occur in the sticheron rH t&V AEl'l'O:Vo)V <IQ\) el,Kl1. Both words normally
occur in the Basic Text. 23
curious see in the sources the discrepancy use of and
for writi g these In our mai source, Sinai 1, by scribe
John Plusiadenos, I have found that all occurrences but one 24 of 1t6:AtV and
1£y£ are written in black ink. On the other hand, in other pieces, in Sinai
by the scribe, words are tten in red , This
~\) O'lCE1tll Kpa'tcwx 1566), scribe Angelos
This discrepancy in using either red or black ink, even by the same scribe,
shows that there was no Axed rule in the matter, but it depended on scribe
and circumstances,
From a point the ntroduces com-
repetition the short Such exact, the
For the clarity I with bold the agreements with ion

of Sinai 1251.
23 Among the 9 stichera I have studied, there is only one exception to this rule,
1[cHtv (of the End) Iu ~ot> 'Kpa'tclt6: 1566).
This is found sticheron Ka9apov a:yw,ia.<; aO\l , ' It
stressed, nevertheless, the word is not its right context,

namely, introducing a repetition of the whole verse. For that reason, I think that
here it is merely an optative variant to the real text: na6£c;, and this could be the rea·
the use ink.
10 CLARA ADSUARA
verse is repeated without any kalophonic addition to the original text. See,
for example, v.2 of Ex. 3:
~- 'im6.pxEt<; uruXPXEt~ 6 'tPt~EPt,~ cr'ta\)p6~. 'tOU XPtO"'tou ltIlAlV. 6- UmXPXEt<;
UltQPXElS 6 tptflEpt1<; crto..up6<; 'tOU XPl<ftOu ()..iYE).
The flrst verse of the sticheron NEOV <put6v (Sinai 1251, 6v) is also vety
illustrative:
~- VE VEOV. <pu'tov. Ka6a1tEp EAal.a~ lta.Al v. ~- YE. VEOV <put6v. Ka96.lt£p.
EAai.~.
Despite the fact that the textual repetition is always exact, there may be
some differences in punctuation, as in the two examples above. We may con-
clude that the vel)' same text in the repetition (excluding the punctuation
marks) is always the "conditio sine qua non" for the use of lt6.AtV.
As to the music, it also implies complete or partial musical repetition. In
the two cases of Ex . 3, the melodic Row (as well as the neumes) for 1t(XAtv is
exactly the same: Gab c cl, followed by a modal indication for the fourth au-
thentic mode.
In v.2, on one hand, the music and neumes of the model and the repetition
are exactly the same, but there is a difference in the modal indication (we
pass from the second to the fourth authentic mode). In this case, 1taAlV
makes a gentle musical transition from F to b. In the repetition of v.3, on the
other hand, the music is exactly the same in both the model and the
repetition, but only until ao-<ayl.<xcrov, when the cadence begins. Now the
modal indication is the same, for the fourth authentic mode. Here 1t<XAlV
makes the transition from F to high d.
bl The two occurrences of AEYE are in both versions of LU ~ou aK£1tT] Kpa-
'tuta in the very same position: they link vs.2 and 3. The melodic flow for
AEYE in the version by fAuKllC; (Ex. 2) is (G) dc d, while in the version by Aaa-
KapllC; (Ex. 3) it is (F) C ab c d. This means that Aa(jKup,,~ has chosen the
same melodic Row for both 1tCtAtV and AEYE throughout his piece. In both
cases, AEyE !in ks two different texts and music.
Through a deeper musical analysis of the contexts of both words their
close connexion with the modal signatures and intonations becomes quite
deari but this is not the main topic of this paper, which deals only with the
textual structure of the kalophonic stichera. The results of this analysis will
nevertheless be presented in a future paper.
REMARKS ON THE STRUCTURE OF KALOPHONIC STICHERA 11
6.3. The interpolation of the asmatic syllable -x-.
This device can be found in the melismatic compositions f the Psaltikon

and Asmatikon, in Asma repertoire. The depen on con-
text. It always occurs on the accentuated syllable of the word.
7. Conclusion.
The formal structure f kalophon ic stid1era here demonstrated my

opmlOll, prerequisite the of the ismat music. Such extremely
long and complex compositions must, flrst and foremost, be divided into
small These units be reunited in bigger groups ich we 1sec-
tions, fled some external features ike the diacritical signs the
parakletike opening formula). Each sticheron is normally made up of two to
four sections, each section Axed elements which vary according
to the of on.
Once the kalophonic composer has this general scheme in mind, he
interpolates all k nds of repetition nd kalophonic devices, according
to the structure the piece and is personal musical taste.
iography
Di Salvo, Bartolomeo, Bollettino deJJa Badia Greca di Grottaferrata XIII, XIV
XVI ( 195 960 962).
Floros, Constantine, UniversaJe Neumenkunde, Zweiter Band (Kassel, 1970).
Palikarova-Verdc H. I La musique tine Jes Bulgares les

Russes (du IX au XIV siecle), Monurnenta Musicae Byzantinae (herein-
after MMB) Subsidia Ill. (Copenhagen, 1953).
Stathes, Cregorios, at avqypgflfllX11Qi..101. Ko,L_m_tHXOi\U<x1Q 't~~~~cwtW~C;

flEA01tOtl<X~ (Athens, t 979).
Strunk, iver/ Notationum AnUquiorum, MMB principa1e

VI!., ed. O. Strunk (Copenhagen, 1965).
Williams, Edward v., "TI1e Treatment of Text in the Ka1ophon Chanting of
rn 2", Stlldies Eastern Chant cd. M' Vel lrovic (l.ondon,
1971) .
12 CLARA ADSUARA
Example 1. The kalophonic structure:

'H lroV
~ , \'
A£t\jfavrov (JOU e''tL1crl
(S. t 251, 4v), 'IroavvTlC; n . UK~: first half of the 14th cent.
First section : Tripartite
Introduction: ~- 11. + Initial teretismata.
Basic Text:
First long verse:
11 p- ". " mv AEt\jlavrov efaU 91l1crl. a,,1(11 "trov A.El'l'avcov (lO\).
21 p- 1taVEt)<PTlJ!E 1taIEp.
31 1tTlyasEt tal.UXI<X.
Second long verse:
41 K<Xt. " ayia efaU \jfUX".
5/ o.yyt -. EAOt(; O'UVOUO'(x.
6/ ~\.~. o.~troc; o:yaAAEIUt.
End: Final teretismata. EKE. E V<X .
4/ Kcd it o:y\.cx. (Jou \jIUX"·
61 ~t-Xl-COC; o.yaA.A.E't<n:
Second section : Tripartite

Introduction: ~- E-. + Initial echemata.
Basic text:
First long verse:
71 p- £Xrov oUv. £'xrov ouv 1tpOC; K"6pwv.
81 DO'tE 1t(XPP TlO"uxv.
Second long verse:

91 a- Kat. flEICx lOOV O:O'OlJla -xa-lrov.
101 xop£urov EV oupavot:C;. a- EV o-opavot<; xopeurov. XOPEUroV.
End: Final teretismata.

101 XOPEUCOV EV oupcx.votC;.
1 11 anO xopou
p- (lu'tov tK£:
REMARKS ON THE STRUCTURE OF KALOPHONIC STTCHERA 13

.t:iL !lO\) <IlcE1tT1..WMWi&
(Sinai 1251, 25v). 'Iro6.vv,,~ rA\)~: flrst half of the 14th cent.
Introduction: ~- oi> + Initial teretismata.
Basic Text:
First long verse:
1I p- (r6 !lO\) (J1CE1tll Kpa'tcn6. lCpatata.
21 umXPXEI.c;. U1t6.PXEtt; 6 'tPt!lEP~t; <l'tU\)pOt; 'tOU XPtCJ'tou. A£y£·
31 a- 6:yiucroV!lE"tfI b\)v6.!lEt OO\). p- Ct'Yl.<XO"ov I1E tU /)~val1£t O"O~.
End: Final teretismata
31 ay\.aO"ov I1E-XE tft 3~vaJ.1£t O"O~.

Basic Text:
Second long verse:
41 p- lVU 1tlO"'tEt teUt 1t69q>.
51 1tPOOlC\)vro !Cat bo~6.Cro <lE.
End:
41 altO xopo{)- iva mO"tEI. Kat 1t6~ : -
14 CLARA ADSUARA

LU ,..LOU qKtzt1UP~ (5 .1566 40v). 1
'Icoavvll~ AacrlCap1lC;: Second half of the 14th - beginning of the t 5th cent.
b- Modal intonation formula for the second authentic mode: Echemata.

Introduction: ~- ou + Initial Teretismata.
Basic Text:
First long verse:
1/ p- (JU cru ~ou OKE1t1l Kpa'tUta Kpa't<XtCt.
2/ ~- U1tapxEt~. uruXPXElC; 6 'tPt~EP~C; O''taupoc;. 'tou XPto'tou 7W.AtV.
0- U1tapXEt~ UMPX€t<; 6 1:ptjlEPf)<; (J1:<Xup0C; 'to\) XPt(J'tO\).U:YE.
3/ 0- aytaaov !lE 'tn ouva~Et O'ou. 1tO- «yl.<X(JOV jlE tu ~itva-xa 1:11
ouvajlEt CWU.
End:
1/ M- (JU jlO~ (JK£1tt1l':p<Xt<X'la. p- (J'I> jlOt) O'K£1tTJ Kpa't(x'ta.
2/ U1tapxEtC; 6 tptjlEpTJ<; (J't<Xupoc;.
3/ 0- <xrl<X(Jov ~E 7tO.AW. l)- 6:yt(X,O'ov J!E. 1ft buvCtjlEt (JOt).
l)- Final teretismata.
3/ M- «yt(X,O'ov jlE 't11- Xll tft buv6.flE'l (JOU.
(Modal intonation: JJ- )

Basic Text:
Second long verse:
4/ lva 1ttCJ'tEt Kat 1to9cp co-xro
5/ 1tPOcrKUvro Kat 8o~a~co crE.
End: ~- Final teretismata.

4/ p- tv(X, ma't£t Kat 1t6ecp.
5/ 1tPOO'Kuvro Kat oos,a/;;ro (JE:
KALOPHONIC 15
Example ... Word and repetitions

In the schemes below, I indicate the number of the short verse and the
type of repetition by means of the following codes:
A =Repetition of the first syllables of a word within a short verse.

B of words within verse.
C of words with verse.
D of preceding
* verse itself.
+ repetition of short verse.
++ = A complete repetition including a second repetition.
= An incomplete repetition of the short verse.
Ex. 4. t: 'H '(mv AEl\jlclvrov crop efLlCll
First Second section:
Basic Text:
7 ... ·8*
6 ... lO ... *++BC
End: End:
4 ... +D 10 ... +D
6 ... +D
Ex. 4.2: ~Jloo:uJjS:f.1tlUP~ (S. t 251).

First Second section:
1 ... *-B
2 ... -8*
3 ... *+B
End: End: (a1to xopou)

4 ... +D
<5> ... <+D
16 ClARA ADSUARA
Ex. 4.3: ~JlQ'l) crJCEzt'll...KP<XI<Xt<l (5.1566).

First section, Second section:
Basic Text:
1 '" *-8
2 ...
End:
1 ". ++D 4 ... +D
:2 '" ·D 5 ... 0
.3 .. .
3 ... +D
1995 17
Zu DEN MEGALA SEMADIA

DER BYZANTJNISCHEN NOTATION 1
ALEXANDRU
Die sogenannten megaJa !>emadia c,gro.8c Zeiehen j fortan MgS)

Jl
ein
problematisches Kapitel byz. dar.
Begri ist aus spatbyzant ischen des ge-
nannten propadeutisehen T extes bekannt, wo er als Synonym zu megaJai
hypostaseis oder aphona se. semadia eine umfangreiche Neumengruppe ein-
die den empnona, ntetVall entgegcngcstellt wird.
spatbyzantinischen entsprechende Zeichen gibt es in
alien anderen Notationsphasen: in cler Neumenklassifizierung der Coislin-
Notation (sog. hagiopolitanische Klassifizierung) werden sie z.T. zusammen
mit bloBen IntetVal1zeichen den Gruppen tonoi, nemitona, mde zugewiesenj
mittelbyz. Notation, der wir das Wlrken cler des
. Jhs. ausschlieRen, diese als symphona (oder ge-
fahrt j in der Chrysanthinisehen als hypostaseis. 2
Urn die Verstandigung zu erleichtern, soIl die sp:1tbyzantinisehe Bezeich-
MgS, Floros' (UNK I 44), auf korrespondierenden
der Notationsphasen
Wahrend die IntetVallzeiehen, zumal naeh der endgtiltigen Ausfonnung
der hypo taxis im 12. Jh., ein quasi stabiles Element der Notation darstellen,
sind die MgS in besonderer Weise dem Wandel ausgesetzt. Das kommt darin
Ausdruck, man ich zwei Abschriften desselben fin-
die im der vollig nstimmeni darin, etnlge
MgS an ein gewisses Repertoire gebunden sind i oder schlieBlich darin, daB
sich MgS von einer Notationsphase zur anderen verandern: man kann also
Variation, fferenzierung und Entwicklung im cler spre-
. Hier wir einen ick zuletzt genannte
1 Dieser Beitrag entstand in Anlehnung an unsere Spezialabhandlung "Bemerkun-

zu den Semadia byzantinischen Notation, besonderer Beriick-
sichtibTUng musiktheoretischer Schriften", J~rgen Raasted und Christian
Troeisgard, Universitat Kopenhagen, Herbstsemester 1995.
2 Cf. Floras, UNK Ill, Tabelle Xi Hss. Petrop. gr. 496, f. 2 (Thibaut, Manu-
r
men S. 134) It. Paris. gr. 261, 139vi Chrysanthos, Theoretikon, § 116.
18 MARIA ALEXANDRU
Thema der MgS-Entwicklung zu geben, und zwar unter au8erem uncl inne-
rem Aspekt:
AI Zunachst fallt ein Wandel im MgS- Bestancl cler einzelnen Notationspha-
sen und in der Palaographie der Zeichen auf. Das mag in der Tabelle zum
Schlu8 des Beitrags illustriert werden: die MgS der vier Notationsphasen sind
in alphabetischer Reihenfolge aufgeftihrt j Namen, die mit einem * versehen
sind, kommen bereits in den palaobyzantinischen Neumenlisten (Laura
Gamma 67 und Hagiopolites) vor, die tibrigen Bezeichnungen treten erst in
mittel- bzw. spatbyz. Quellen auf. Anwachsen uncl Zusammenschrumpfen
cler MgS-Gruppe in palao- bzw. mittelbyz. Notation Anden gewissermaBen
eine Entsprechung in der spatbyz. - fast konnte man sagen MgS-"InAation ll
uncl der radikalen Recluzierung im Chrysanthinischen System. Chartres- und

spatbyz. Notation lieben ligaturen und Konjunkturen im Unterschied zu den
beiden anderen Notationsphasen.
Nur die folgenden MgS sind in alien Perioden vertreten: antikenoma,
bareia, gorgon, dipJe, kJasma, psephiston, (stauros).
BI Die Rekonstruktion der inneren semasiologischen Entwicklung cler
MgS bereitet erhebliche Schwierigkeiten :
Unter den MgS der palaobyz. Notation gibt es a/ was Roros "stenogra-
phische Symbole" fur "stereotype Tonformeln" nennt (z. B. kylisma), bl Zei-
chen fur einzelne modiHzierte Tone (z.B. diple) , d was Floros als "Buch-
stabenneumen fuhrt (z.B. gorgon) und dJ Zeichen zur Regulierung von
ll
moclalen/strukturellen Verhaltnissen eines StUckes (z.B. parakletike).3 Wie

den Beschreibungen desselben Autors zu entnehmen ist, 4 werden den MgS
der ersten beiden Kategorien in der jUngeren Coislin-Notation allmahlich dia-
stematisch prazisierende Zeichen beigegeben - denen aus cler ersten Katego-
rie z.T. auch rhythmisch verdeutlichende.
Die Zeichen fUr einzelne modifizierte Tone werden somit in Zeichen zur
Modiflzierung einzelner Tone verwandelt, also in ihrem Wirkungsbereich
eingeschrankt; die stenographischen Symbole werden analysiert - scheinen
also ihre "raison d'etre/l verloren zu haben, und konnten e1iminiert werden:
3 Zu a/ u. cl: UNK I, S. 30 bzw. 186-8. Die MgS der Gruppe b/ sind: dip/e, kra-
tema, kratemokouphisma, stauros und z.T. apoderma und klasma (cf. ibid., S. 195-7,
199-200, 165, 126-7, 128-9, 156-9). Zu dJ kann man zahlen: meson, parakletike,
phthora (cf. Troelsgarcl, The Role of Parakletike, passim; Gerda Wolfram, "Die
phthorai der paliiobyzantinischen Notationen", Palaeobyzantine Notations, S. 119-
129) und vielleicht auch andere MgS.
4 Vg!. bes. UNKI, S. 118-9; 305,320-1,199,325,274; 344·6,212; 242.
Zu DEN MECALA SEMADIA DER BYZANTTNTSCHEN NOTA1l0N 19
vgl. Beisp. 1. Indes wurden mehr als die Halfte dieser COislin-MgS in cler mit-
telbyz. Notation beibehalten (vg!. Tabelle),
Beispiel1 5
Coislin-Notation Mittelbyz. Notation

altere jiingere
dipJe 11 71
piasma
"71"
..
,)...
..
\\
;) "".-;-
Rechtfertigen iel1e sich das nur, wenn palaobyz. ersten Kate-
gorie neben dem Tonhohen- und ggf rhythmischen Wert eine weitere
FUll ktion besaf3en/ auf sie clann cler itte1byz. Notation wer·
den konnten, oder aber wenn ihnen eine neue Funktion verliehen wurde. In
ersterem Sinne auJ1erte sich bereits Tillyard, Floras tendiert hingegen dazu,
letztcres anzunchmen Doch urn wekhe Funktion handelt es sich?
Erlauterungen zu den MgS begegnen grundsatzlich erst in spatbyz. theo-
relischen Schri . D daraus gewonnenen Einsichten lassen sich ge
will auf die nach demseJben Prinzip funktionierende mittelbyz. Notation
rlickObertragen
Gabriel Hieromonachos (AbhandJung, Z. 289-373), der Anonymus B
(Tardo, L'antica melurgia, z.B. S, 223) und andere Autoren deuten spatbyz.
MgS als Vortragszeichen, und zwar aufgrund ihrcr Etymologie. Da diese
Namen zum groBen Teil bereits in den palaobyz. Neumenlisten belegt sind
die in cler Tabel erste Spal ist unserer Meinung plausibel,
dan die MgS bereits in der ersten Notationsphase auch als Vortragsmarken
gedient
Etwa die Halfteder untersuchten papadikai (vgI. S. 37) erwahnen die Chei-
ronomie der Rubrik, welche die MgS-Cruppe fuhrt, z.B . IITau'tCt Eialv
'ta. aq>rova. 'to. Otg
ruPID!Q~ill~, Ci'tlVCt A£YOV'C<xt IlEYeXA(xl u1tQCftaanc;li
(JrtJl<Xoux
(Athen 2600)i oder: /ITa OE ~E)'eXAa cnw.tXou:x 'CeX crq>rova, Ct'tw<x AtYOV'ta.t
~EYtl:A<Xt u1(o(n6:(fEt~, 'ta:u'tCl. OlCCIlQy~x£!PQYQ~ill;~ KEl}tEVo; Kat DU 0
<proVT,V, cr<prov<x yap EicrlV'-" (KoutL 449). Oer Anonymus E auBert sich im sel-
5 Cf. Floras, UNK L S, 196-7, 198-9, 320 und UNKIII, Ex, 75,139.
H, ,W. Tillyard, Handbook the Middle Musical Notation.
MMB Subs. I (Copenhagen, 1935), S, 29; C Floros, "Die Entzifferung def Kondaka·
rien Notation", Musik Ostens 4 (1 S, ab er auch UNK I, S 29-3
20 MARIA ALEXANDRU
ben Sinne: "All diese (Zeichen) sind tonlos, und sie haben zwar eine Cheiro-
nomie, bedtirfen aber auch aufsteigender und absteigender Intervalle."7
Die spatbyz. MgS werden hier also als cheironomische Zeichen "par ex-
cellence" charakterisiert, die keinen eigenen Intervallwert besitzen. Sicherlich
wurden die MgS nicht erst in dieser Notationsphase mit der Cheironomie
assoziiert - BeIege fUr Handzeichen in Verbindung mit byzantinischem Ge-
sang gibt es narnlich bereits ab dem 6 . Jh.B
Mit dem Wirken der maistores des 14. ]hs., Gtykys, Koukouzeles und
Korones, muB die Cheironomie jedoch eine Hochbttite erreicht haben. Dies
bezeugen: 1/ der stets anwachsende Gebrauch von MgS in den Musikhand-
schriften und 2/ die anonym uberlieferten oder Glykys bzw. Koukouzeles
zugeschriebenen Cheironomie-Obungen und Lehrgesange.
Was Punkt 1/ betrifft, handelt es sich al urn Zeichen, die in cler rnittelbyz.
Notation nur sparsarn, jetzt aber haufiger eingesetzt werden, wie z.B. antike-
noma; bl urn Zeichen, die aus den palaobyz. Notationen wiederaufgegriffen
werden, so z.B. epegenna. Aber NB: gelegentlich werden alwberlieferte
Namen mit neuen Graphien und z.T. auch mit neuen Formeln verbunden:
vg!. Beisp. 2; d urn neue Zeichen, wie z.B. argosyntheton, gorgosyntheton.
Dieser Aspekt kann in cler Tabelle verfoIgt werclen.
Beispie129
Palaobyz. Mittelbyz. Spatbyz.

argon Coislin .f fl(r ... in Petrop. gr. 497,
CheironomieDbung, "argon
tau maistoros" (= Koukou-
zeles) genannt 10
aura- Chartres ,....J ~
nisma (Laura y 67, f. 159) (Paris261,f. 139v) (Laura £ 173, f. 2v)
fur mitte16yz. nur Formel
..
~- /.
• .. [.-0'1
= Thematismos
, "
~'t£pov
--
""'" > >-.1 ,
7 Zitiert von Thibaut, Etude de musique bizantine. La Notation de Koukou-

z6ies, !zvestija russkago archeologiceskago instituta v Konstantinopole, Bd. 6, Heft
2-3 (Sofia, t 90 t), S. 369, Anm. 2.
8 Cf. Moran, Singers, S. 38.
9 Cf. Floros, UNK I, S. 187-8,263-4 und UNK lIJ, Ex. 296.
10 Cf. Thibaut, Monuments, S. 138 und Floros, UNK I, S. 188.
Zu DEN MEGAIA SEMADJA DERBYZANTINISCHEN NOTATION 21
In cler ersten H:11fte des 15. Jhs. gewahrt Gabriel Hieromonachos Einblick
in Grundzuge des "Handzeichengesetzesil (AbhandJun Z. 149-62), Dies
laBt sich wie fo)gt zusammenfassen: Die Cheironomie ist ein unentbehrliches
Element cler psaltike. Als solche ist sie nicht an die MgS gebunden, sondern
auch die somata ihre eigenen Handzeichen, sie die
cheironomie1osen pneumata Ubertragen, soda~ im Endeffekt alle Neumen
/fdirigiert" werden konnen. Es wichtig festzuhalten, dan es Cheirono-
mie wegen des hypo taxis- bzw. synthesis- Prinzips nicht vermag, genaue Inter-
vat1werte anzuzeigen.
ie Frage, wie diese vom protopsahes oder VOIn domestikos ausgefuhrten
Handzeichen im einzelnen wohl ausgesehen haben, 1:1~t sich mit Eindeutig-
keit nur das und die beantworten: Moran 11 machte alIf eine Mi-
niatur (hochstwahrscheinlich aus der Hs. Koutloumousiou 257, 14. ]hi') auf- /I
merksam, cler Koukouze1es uncl Korones cler rechten Hand den Gestus
flir die beiden erwahnten Zeichen machen, was schriftlich erlautert wird.
FUr die Cheironomie einiger MgS, bes. des stauros und des seisma, bieten
die theoretischen Schriften Anhaltspunkte (vg!. Tardo, L'antica me/urgia,
S. 213 und Gabrie1, Abhandlung, Z.324-7),
die Frage nach Verhaltn zwischen Cheironomie cler em-
phona und derjenigen der aphona gibt die Rubrik bei der Cheironomie-
Obung aus Laura Epsilon 173 (A.D. 436)1 2v, Aufschlul1 wie folgt: /lDas
sind die tonlosen (Zeichen). Diesen (gehoren) zwar die Handzeichen, die In-
terval1e (gehi)ren) aber den somata und pneumata, Es besitzen aber auch jene
(narnlich die somata und pneumata) ihre eigenen Handzeichen, jedoch
entfalten sie die Hand nicht so wie diese (gemeint sind die aphona). Denn in
ihnen zusammengcsetzt, oder vie! urn sie herum (also emphona um
aphona herumgruppiert), vervollstandigen sie die Handzeichen mit ihren
Intervallen. So sehcn sic aber "\2
Wenn wir das richtig verstehen, geben die Intervallzeichen also ihre
eigene Cheironomie auf! wenn sie in Verhindung mit MgS treten (Z.8, weist
die Dxeia, wenn alleinstehcnd oder mit einem pncwna kombiniert das
in der oben erw:1hnten Miniatur f1xierte Handzeichen auf; bef1ndet sie sich
abeT innerhalb kylisma, n clas ky/isma Ilcheironom
Cf. op. eit., 44-6 u. Abb. 6.

12 "To:uteX flow ta Wprovu' 'tOUtcov j.1£v at XElPOVOjltat: at ~E cpcovat. t<Ov 1tpoypacpev-
'trov mOj.1eX't(l)v 'tE 1tVEUl1tt:trov' £xoum 1(Ct1(Etva taC; EaUt6)v XE1.pOVO~$xC;· Di>"K
£1tt1toi..lt~OU(Jt 't."v xetpa oo~p a-$tlt· Ev uoU'to'tc; yap (J\)v't£a£V'w' ft j.l<ii..i..ov 7t£p\ a-\)'totc;.
t£h:iar; Ct1tap'tt~ou(Jt 'taC; X£tPOVOJlt~. IiE'ta 'toov au'tO)v !pmvtilv' fxoum OE O\)'teo<;'-"
22 MAR lA ALEXANDRU
Was die Funktion der Cheironomie anbelangt, berichtet Gabriel, da8 sie
die theseis (Formeln) reguliert, das Singen erleichtert (ahnlich wie die
Gestikulation das Reden) und den Chorgesang koordiniert (Abhandlung,
Z. 377-99).
Halten wir kurz Rtickschau: palaobyz. MgS erwiesen sich als komplexe
Zeichen, zur Fixierung von Tonhohen, Rhythmus, Vortrag und Cheirono-
mie, mittel- und spatbyz. MgS als Rhythmus-, Vortrags- und Cheironomie-
Zeichen, wobei in spatbyzantinischer Notation letztere Funktion wahrschein-
lich besonclers dominant wird. Es bliebe nur, die Bedeutung der einzelnen
MgS in diesem Rahmen zu bestimmen, was u.a. die Grander der MMB und
Floros hinsichtlich des Rhythmus- und Vortrags- bzw. Tonhohenwertes zum
groHen Teil getan haben, und wozu Moran bezuglich der Cheironomie die
entscheidenden Schritte machte.
Chrysanthos v. Madyta cleAniert die in das Neue System tibernommenen
MgS als Rhythmus- und Vortragsmarken. Die spatbyzantinischen MgS cha-
rakterisiert er indessen als Zeichen, die IIwegen der Cheironomie und wegen
cler Erweiterung der melodischen linien" eingesetzt wurden. 13 Das aus der
spatbyz. papa dike bekannte "dia (manes) cheironomias" erscheint hier also in
"dia cheironomias kai dia pJatysmou ton melon" verwandelt.
Handelt es sich urn Funktionserweiterung oder -wechsel? Wann hat der
betreffencle Proze8 stattgefunden? Chrysanthos berichtet (Theoretikon,
§ 216, Anm. ex), da8 die Cheironomie urn die Mitte des 17. Jhs. auBer Ge-
brauch geraten war. Man konnte deswegen vielleicht eine Verbindung zwi-
schen einem allmahlichen Verbllihen der erwahnten Kunst und einer eben-
falls allmahlichen Umorientierung cler MgS in Richtung Erweiterung des
me/os herstellen wollen.
Anders stellen die meisten griechischen Forscher das Problem: rur sie ist
die Erfassung des erweiterten oder "wahren me/os" (also des me/os schlecht-
hin) durch lntervallzeichen allein, das Ziel der sog. exegesis. 14 Diese reprasen-
tiere das zwischen dem Ende des t 7. Jhs. bis 1814 allmahl ich vollzogene
schriftliche Einholen einer stabilen, tausendjahrigen mundlichen Tradition.
Andere Forscher halten die Exegese rur eine in nachbyzantinischer Zeit
aufgekornmene Technik der Ornarnentierung mittel- und spatbyzantinischer
Gesange. 15
13 Theoretikon, §§ 116-36, bzw. § 407.

14 Vg!. Stathes, Analysis, S. 182, Anm. 20.
15 Cr. Husmann, Interpretation, passim .
Zu DEN MECAL4 SEMADJA DER BYZANTINISCHEN NOTATION 23
Die Frage ist also, ob es sich bloB urn eine Exegese cler Notation handeh,
wobei die MgS in erster Linie davon betroffen sind, oder aber urn eine
"Interpretierung der Musik, die dann auch die Anderung der Schrift bewirkt.
ll
Greifen wir den Fall des piasma wieder auf:
Beispie1 316
Palaobyz. Mittel.- u. (Petros Chrysanthinisch

Spatbyz. Peloponnesios)
.. \.....:.!..
'\
'\",
, ~.
EFC
Beispie14
Ambros. A 139 sup., f. 82 Koukouzeles, mega ison
(Athen 2458, f. 3v)
\1", c/ '" L <-- ,..::-(
~
O't-mv' O''l1-)lE-POV (XV'ttICE- VCI)1('\)AtO'I.Ul
cl d G d d dc d G G d
1st bereits die mittelbyz. Notation eine voll analytische Schrift, oder erst
die chrysanthinische?
Anstelle einer SchlufHolgerung mag das Schema auf S. 9 den "status quaes-
tionis" erlautern.
Das erste Modellleitet sich aus der Erforschung von Hss. und Theoretika .
des t 7,-19. Jhs. her, und zwar nach der regressiven Methode, das zweite aus
der Untersuchung von Hss. des 10.-15. Jhs. Die Frage, welches der Modelle'
das richtige ist, konnte vielleicht eine Beantwortung Rnden, indem man
16 Cf. Floros, UNK Ill, Ex. 75, 139; Pandekte tes hieras ekklesiastikes hymnodias
tou h%u eniautou, edd. [oannes Lampadarios/Stephanos a' domestikos tes tou Chri-
stou Megales Ekklesias (Konstantinopel, 1851), Bd. 11, S. 545 (tiber Stathes' Konkor-
danz aus Exegesis, S. 104) und Hs. Patmos 816, f. 195v.
24 MARIA ALEXANDRU
- Hss. .-1 Jhs. auf Gebrauch Notation/ bcsondcrs

MgS hin untersucht 17
Charakteristika cler Ornamentienmgstechniken herausarbeitet (psal~

tikon-Stil im Unterschiecl zu asmatikon-Stil,18 kaJophonia l9 und kallopis-
mos20 im Unterschied zum sylIabischen Stil) und sieht, in welchem Verhalt-
nis sic zur Exegese stel1en21
- an andere Sprachen (z.B. Slavisch und Rumanisch) adaptierte byzanti-
ische Melodien mit griechischen Originalen vergleicht.
Wir hoffen, einigen dieser Aspekte in einer kiinftigen Arbeit nachgehen zu
17 Cf. Stathes' Ansicht uber die Bedeutung des 17. Jhs. in def byz. Notation:
Analysis, S. 89-90.
1B Cf. di Salvo, Qualche appunto, passim.
9 ct Clara Adsuaras Dissertation uber den kalophonischen Stil Vorberei~
tung).
20 Cf. E Makris, Umarbeitungsvorgange in musikalischen Tradition des Ana·
stasimatarion im 16. und 17. Jh (Beitrag zum Kongrd3 uMusica antiqua", Bydgoszcz,
J 994 j im Druck).
21 cr di Salvo, op. eit, S. 200-1 und Cr. Stathes, .) sistemi alfabetici di scrittura
musicale per scrivere la musica bizantina ne! periodo 1790-1850", Kleronomia 4 B
(1972), S. 383~4, Anm. I.
22 Cf. Stathes, z.B. Anagrammatismoi, S. 48-59 und Semeiographia, passim; fer-
ner Psachos, Parasemantike, S. 24- 8 3
23 Stathes (Semeiographia, S. 209- J 0) weist darauf hin, dal1 man sich belm Sin-
gen des melos sticherarikon lIapo diphtheras" sehr eng ans Schriftbild somit an
die metrophonia hieit. Dies ginge aus dem me/os syntomon sticherarikon (z.B. in
doxastarion Petros Peloponnesim) hervor, eben diese Cesangspraxis
widerspiegle.
24 Karas ist der Auffassung, dan sich Drei Lehrer, Vertrauen auf zu
Beginn des 19. Jhs. noch Jebendige miindliche Tradition, einer z.T. noch stenogra-
phischen Schrift und zur Wiedergabe der Feinheiten alten Notation nicht vollig
gewachsenen Schrift bedient hatten, ohne deren exakte Beschreibung zu hinterlas-
sen. Er darauf hin, diese Versaumnisse zu beheben: . Methodos I, a', b ' ,
180-219,224-8; VII, S. b'.
MEGALA SEMADIA BYZANTINISCHEN NOTA Tl ON 25
Schema: Verhaltnis zwischen dem Klang- und Schriftbild einer in alien

Notationsphasen vertretenen thesis
- die meisten griech ischen Forscher: 22
1720-60
Hs Sinai 1477
(Klangbi
I
I ,
I
1177 1500-20 d.3 Lehrer
s Sinai t 218 Chalkeo-
graphe _ _-, Exegesis (im
mittelbyz. N. poulos
(Schri ftbiId) altere jungere engen Sin ne)
C~isTin-N.
Chartres-N.
-die 25
me/os
27·-----····----· ca. 1670
25 Cf. Husmann, Interpretation, passim; ferner Tillyard, The Stenographic Theo-

ry, passim.
26 Einige abendlandische Farscher halten die Exegese fur moglich aber nicht ab-
solut erfarderlich: di Salvo, Qualche Appunto, S. 200- t und Raasted, Length, passim.
27 darauf spatbyz. MgS mstanden
stenographlsch Fallen habe der thesis
aus dem auszufuhren, in Kuku-
zeles' festgelegten Byzantine 67).
Dieser wird auch van vertreten (Zeichen, Vgl.
unser Beisp. 4.
26 MARJA ALEXANDRLl
ynoptische Tabel
Name Palaobyzantinisch, P.l~obyzantini.ch,
Cha.rtI:es Coblin
1. 6:VctTpix.IO~O* (JL II
I .///
Lig_. : m. OU pO\! l O}lQ /~
aVlIKevCilKUhIO\lO l.--,
KUAlOPOVllktVCJ)~O
rlur Kon).
3. CtVllKtvCil\lO" :.;K6vZ'>eupCl (I) /1 --;
F'.
L
5.
exn6bePlAa *
ouo6€\lO'" '-l,1./
"
5. t:nty€p)J1:l
r ,
6. oj')yov
cif c:tVr
7. onyoouv6EIOV
B, l3ape I a* "- ' t I t \

9. yopy6\J* ,.
in FIoIOS' Material nicht
r
bcleqt
to\!
10&. tle:pOV lOO

IjIClt. T l KOU
11. YOUPYOLJPIOIJO
12. ypov8iollN1O' tJ
s. auch
+FlU
Oi:~
Cl
KO 1 anoOel
#
13. 1') LO~€P l opec;

14. OtflAf'\ !. 6~~do I
15. b l nAoe;ntyep\lo
16. b i. nt.o6~ol\ov
11 blllAont>'CXOllo
1 B • t\lQP~ l <; 1
~ Y "'""V
19. tv661f\Wv
Zu DEN MECALA SEMADIA DER B¥ZANTINISCHEN NOTATTON 27
der Hegala Semadia

Hittelbyzantinisch SpltbyzantiDisch ChrY!lanthinisch
~~)f~ :;).-?:::L-? /~ ( Y"'".,.....-JtH.)

.
,.~ -,.-J
Konj.: 6vTlKe~WKUAI~CI ~€16
tT€POV (se. ~ \11114>10100 ~ /
KUAlOflCl) 100
\IIOAIlKOU
/ -----
--=t--, ~ .
auch blll>-'oo.,.O"OV, nX&lilV,
b 1 nAolltAClO~O qenannt;
rr--ry / ~
aueh
'-+.
~l1p6v ~eT6 6~ahOO
~ ~
genannt
vgl. Liq. bei ~1l~la16v,

6~aA6v lOOPlK6v
11 etnM
tilllAi]
IplMn
USW'o
s. Konj. bei tntyep~a
s. ~opyoauve€'loV
s. yopyooUV8€lOV
L IL ~ V
auch b lCf)Jep I O1l6~ ~enannt
\...
(\\0&1. lv
28 MARIA ALEXANDRU
Name Chartres Coislin

20. i:.ntyepllCt 5. oJl6Be\la "'"'"
Liq. : ro. AUYlOIlCt ~
21. rwCt(>yc'>v
t(J€IJUUAlI<6v
22. in1 (4leofXX'" ~ .A ~ ~ ..:7

23. illl ( 4l6ooov
24. il\l(~WVOV
25. i)x6blV· vJ ~
26. 6c\10:* onAOOv
~/ ih(, .
-&.J,
-&-<.r,
U.&.
~ .
-ev'., •
27. 6e1lCtll0110<; van -9;1

{)- - I i /7~
bis zu "
-Ho-
28. 6te; kCt i on66ec;
3. voov6fOUOtCt "*
2g. J( Cl' t Or (\cl( O\lCl' •
) } ~
nur Liq., Konj.
(z.B. tvap~ Le:;,
Koa{n~OKCtlOaaOlla)
t( l(nnerllc'lv K(nO-
~ao).1Cl' u. IiIflilll<110 V
KCtlOBOOIJCt erwahnt in
Petcop. gr. 239,
letzteces auch in
Barb. gc. 300
30. KO 1a(3en PO).1 LKOV" ~\ /~.

Liq.: m. o(e La ~
-r ) 1
m. K6vbeu~a I ~
m. 0\1010 ( X. t opo I II ~
m. ova 1 p ( X I opa f!J U.
OUpOvlOl1o ~ ,~
m. c:ru vaVlla I u. oU p~
3l. Pt AO:0).10 * v u
V
auch mit Attribut
~ l K06\1, tA04lPO\)
,/1 (J<. I)
32. KQv/5eu).1o*
"x (J< • III
Liq. : 2 Kov1'>e:ullcna m.
J!~\) M2Jpn~ov
1(, I entspricht
atV [lKtvwl1O: K. II in
Floras' Haterial nicht
beleqt
Zu DEN MEGAlA SEMADIA DER BY7ANTINISCI4EN NOTATION 29
Mittelbyz. Splltbyz. Chrys.

~ / ~ \u... \..\\
Konj.: ~ I n~o(';nty€p~cx ~J
~-J -~S1-
± /~
I~
s yopyooUvSelov
..{}-
IN ~ -e-.- i}t.J j-&t-.J ~~
-Er
Sinai -Eh
nUl
s por adb ch
r
~ ~f.I)-e> I -&'
~ -fif)-
/-fM-
Petrop. gr. 496, f. s. r (.lOlll KOV , tKOt pent6v,
[ : "/'iuo cy(Vc- lOIOV
Ol-\O'lO'- l .q
Koi aPl
::>
K(ll o(3("(0 II(l'V .J .
tteoo v 11'I141l 01~ ~
vg 1. lOOfl I
K01 p€n I
\lJJltLOIOV
r-
s. lPOlltKOv !I • OjlcxMv
v ~
'-'
auch rnit Atttibut lCaJ(lOUcx

l'Xcxcflpov:
auch t~6K
qenannt
30 MARlA ALEXANDRU
Name chart.tes Coislin

11.../ ~
auch mit Attribut
),1tya
34 . J(~HlI.l0-
J(()101300~()"
")-.J l V]
//1" s. K\})... I o~Cl
38 . AUY I OJ,Jo
39.
Ilto ov
40 . J.11': T nIT QV
,/" I'" h'
42. OIJClAOV
11
~
<:...,... CV'
gelegentlich
J tJ It. QeO).1O',' w V
l!. auch. ~eoo" u. epllbyz. fVClIJ~L<;
Zu DEN MECALA SEMADJA DERSYZANTINISCHEN NOTATION 31
Kitte1bYl. S~lltbyz. Chrys.

-tLJ ~ V I~ ''- ~
4---1t ~I ~t---,c ~
.,..----.....,. j-v--' ~l--
l---
-v-'/~ t("..J (~ .,;~)
nur Forme1
261 )
(Paris
//'- rr'
C,....-J
(~,)
~ Sinaj 1294; dazu vg 1.

Nr. lOa
~
I~
~
Lig. :
r"?-"/J>-1
~~POv ~~10 6~aAou
s. auch Nr. lOa. ~
nur Formel
261) ;
(Paris J
Lig. :
) I) -I --I
-;:;r- lOUp l KOV 6~aAOv p€la napaKaAto~o10~,

genannt I (ibid.) auch t 1 e:pov YOUPYOI"P I O]lO
genannl ~
nur Formel
261)
(Paris ~.-i+lu. a.Irl!,)-~ W
( 2- mit Interv811-
wert in Sinai 1218,
z .B. f. 228r,Z.10;
in Patmos 221 auch
V- u \.< z.B. t. 56v,1..8
129v,Z.2);
Pet.rop. gr. 496, f. 2.r:
nKUA(a~01a e/V~·l
~ (2,-
nanOKOA€o}Ja e I e/~ ~
Paris 261:
"1IOrmKOA€OpO t..--J"
I f If: po v 11. l..---J I~ E1:€poV '--.>
von
~
- bis
6>-X-o\l~ (Athen 2444)
f:KOtP€1I10V n. 'p/--9,-J
~ I n.\onNpoK&X-eO).lO C:J!..(Ba
1530)
O)JOIDV ~ (ibid. )
----
~~I --
~.I~'
~
gelegentlich zw. no},.ala--....,u .._~

t t tpCt vto ~ unterschieden(i~~
32 MARIA ALEXANDRU
Name Chartre:!l Coislin
~
47. lIeXao16v" von Vat. gr- 872
erwllhnt, aber in
Floros' Material
nicht beleqt
48. I1 (ClOllo· \\ (P. Il \\ (P. I)
G,. /G, (P. Il)
49. Don l o~a· ).J.J I~ .,....

50. oeO~CI· vJ
auch nOQOKA!JIlKrl
3.
,.
SI. De t opec"
"..",V (S. 1)
(5. III ~~
(S. I)
(S. III
\'r (s. !II) I
auch IplnAol1v
genannt
52. OlClUpQ<; + +- +
52&. olCluno<; 6no k/~
f)etluc;-· Lig.: (dU~
OlOUPOO'
r€
~
la
53. 01 ('JClVV [Ollcna"

<::: -\~ ' ' t)
(Str.
III
(Str.
"1
"\ "Strangisma n
H. OUVOYIlO • ,...-J. (Syn. 11
weitere Lig. : m. auppo
r0
55. nUflllo" ~ '-, ':>

nu!" Lig.: 9. bei ouvoYIJO
u. koto(knpO\llKOV
56. ltooaoo· Ai
57. 1 (OKlOlJa
59. TlvoYlJo· ~I y s. KI;>' lOUO

"linksgedreht":~ ~
~
Liq. : m. K016~CtopCt ~
59. tplO· tJ
60 . t ~l n)..oO\J· vql. oelolla I I I
Zu DEN MECAIA SEMADIA DER BYUNTJNJSCHEN NOTATION 33
Mittelbyz. Splltbyz. Chry:. .
\\
"
\\S •. ,..,~ ~·1

\\1
l "S ,..~
+
nur Sinai 1218, t.
259, let'Zte Zeile
-+- /+
~ I~(syn.
·o1l.1I.6l,C; c;: . (Parill
Il)
~I l-~ /';6
261)/ ~
s. xopF:\I~a
~lt~rn.tivbezeich- Dezeichnun9 fur x~ao~a

nunq fUr K1I.ao~a
.-
34 MARIA ALEXANDRU
Name Chartres Coislin
1. tPOPlKO\! / / t-~ (T. It

nUl: Lig./Konj. (z. B.
t\lan~ I , m:Arrcl O\!)
C, (T. II) (T. Il)
Liq.: m. AUVlO~O: u.
Oe: l).lCl (X
..1);/ Jl;:--
6Z. 1 pO}Jl Koouv8e: wv

i/leopz,~ AA Ph. 1 ....,,(Ph. Il
//A (Ph. III ~'l ~/-'l' (Ph. Il)
.", (Ph . IlI) .,.7,-<f> (Ph. I l I l
64. XOP€U).lu" s. OUPjJll
~v
(Ch. II)
Cf\l OV ~ /!
nUr Konj./Lig. (:t.B.
)~
Thema bestehend aus
I5ln)..f\, Kp6tntlO:', nUl: Konj.
on60e}Jo, 1 POlll K6v I I u.
wn~lo{6v '/v/ ~ )
/,/ --..I.l./
66. U!1lq, l CH oouv8e 1 QV

MECALI\ SFMADIA DER BYZAI\.lfINISCHEN NOTATION 35
Mittelb z. Chr s.
Paris 261;
• nO\llX6V
6AAO
z. T. eiqene Klasse eiqene Klasse
nur Formel (fa Ch.

:Paris 2
j If
Petrop. qr. 496, f.
J
2r: "Kal&~aO\lav-'
tlG()OV llrn(jllot6y~"
>
U.&.
36 MARIA ALEXANDRU
Quellenverzeichnis2 8 und uteraturnachweis for die Tabel1e
Fur die palaobyzantinischen MgS:

Neumen listen:
- fur die Chartres-Notation: aus der Hs. Laura Gamma 67 (10. Jh., Strunk),
f. t 59 (Facs. u. a. in H. J W. TiIlyard, "Fragment of a Byzantine Musical
Handbook in the Monastery of Laura on Mt. Athos", repr. form the An-
nual of the British School atAthens XIX, 1912-13, Tafel XIIl)
- fur die COislin·Notation 29 : aus dem Hagiopolites, in den Fassungen: Paris.
gr. 360 (14 . Jh.), ed. J Raasted, Kap. 22, Z. 1-17; Vatic. Barber. gr. 300
(15 . Jh ., Tardo), f. 9v-10 (Facs. in Floras, UNK IJI, Nr. 9-10) und Pe-
trop. gr. 239, ed. Thibaut, Monuments, S. 87; Petrop. gr. 496 (15. Jh.),
f. Iv (Facs. in Thibaut, op. cit., S. 133)j Vatic. gr. 872 (14.Jh.), ed. Tar-
do, L' antica me!urgia, S. 168 -9.
literaturnachweis:
Floros, UNK, I, S. 11 t -302; I], S. 260; Ill, S. 39-50, Exempla, Tafeln.
Fur die mittelbyzantinischen MgS:

N eumen listen:
Petrop. gr. 496 (15. Jh.), f. 1v unten·2 30 (Facs. in Thibaut, op . cit., S. 133-4);
Paris. gr. 261 (A.D. t 289), f. 139v (Facs. u.a. in FJoros, UNK Ill, Nr. 2)
Repertoire:
Grottaferrata Epsilon gamma 2 (heinnologion, A.D. 1281; ed. L. Tardo,
MMB 3, Rom 1951); Sinai 1218 (sticherarion, A.D. 1177); Patmos 221
(psaltikon, "um 1177", ders. Schreiber wie Sinai 1218; Roros, UNK I,
S. 350); Grottaferrata Gamma gamma 7 (asmatikon und asma, 13. Jh.;
Salvo u.a.)
28 Handschriften-Datien.mgen mitsamt Autoren- Verweisen sind, bis auf wenige

Ausnahmen, T roelsgards Inventory/Byzantine Catalogue entnommen. Es wurden nur
Faksimilia und Mikrofilme benutzt .
29 Die Hinweise auf diese Listen verdanken wir F1oros, UNK Ill, Tabelle X.
30 ReRektiert einen alteren Notationsstand als die Neumenliste aus Paris 261.
MECALA SEMADIA DERBYZANT1N1SCHEN NOTATION 37
Fur die spiUbyzantinischen MgS:31

Neumenlisten:
aus def papadike :32 (14. I Papadopoulos-Kera-

meus), Batopedlou 1530 ( , BibJiolheks-interner Katalog r
urn ca. 1920 in Gebrauch), f. 4; Athen, Nationalbibl. 885 (15 .Jh., Sakke-
lion), f. 5v-6 j Sinai 1294 (15.Jh., Clark), f. 8r-v 11 Athen, Nationalbib1.
2600 ( "Bibliotheks-interner talog), f. iberon (A.D.
1425), Athen/NationalbibL (t5.Jh., Ov-le Epsi-
lon 173 (A.D. 1436), f. 1r-v; Hiberon 1120 (Vorlage: A.D. 1458 33 ),
f. 2r-v/; Athen, Nationalbibl. 2267 (A.D. 1457), f. 2r-v; Batopediou
1530 (s, oben), f. 2r-vj Athen, Nationalbibl. 899 (15. Jh., Sakkelion),
f. t 8r-vi Epsilon (16. )h., Spyridon), Koutloumousiou
449 (1 / Lambrosj Jh., , f. tv- Codex Chrysander
(15. Jh., Floros), Facs. in O. Fleischer, Die spatgriechische To nsch rift,
(Berlin, 1904), Teil 8, S. 6-8; Jerusalem r Anastaseos 45 (A.D. 1719),
f. t DVj Epsilon (A.D. f. 2; Anastaseos 90
(wahrschci ich 18. f. 9r-v i Jerusalem, Anastaseos (wahr-
scheinlich 18. Jh1 f. S; Kopenhagen, Konigliche Bibl. 80,8 (18. Jh./;
Schartau)r f. 3r-v
aus dem Anonymus nach: monitou Cum 141
f. 7r-v; oumousiou 1 (A.D. f. 107v-
31 aus Konstamonitou 86 (s. oben), f. lSr-v
Fur Chrysanthinischen MgS:
Chrysanthos, Theoretikon, §§ 116-129
31 Die spatbyzantinische Notation lassen wir hi er mit dem Wirken der rnaistores
auS dem 14. Jh. beginnen. Vg!. Oliver Strunk, Specimina notationurn antiquiorum,
MMB Vllr Pars . (Kopenhagen, 1966), S I
Fur den auf danken J Raasted.
T roelsgihd, InventoryI
34 Vg], Tardo, L'antica melurgia, S J.:21.

35 Cr. Stathes, Ta cheirographa byzantines mousikes, Hagion Gros (At hen,
Bd. 1,
38 MARIA ALEXANDRU
Bemerkungen .zur Tabelle:

Zur Spalte IINamen": alle MgS-Bezeichnungen aus oben erwahntem Ma-
terial (aber s. noch weiter unten), in alphabetischer Reihenfolge. Ein * weist
darauf hin, da8 der Name bereits in den palaobyz. Neumenlisten belegt ist.
- Zu den Zeichen: Chartres: nach der Liste aus Laura Gamma 67, falls
darin belegt, ansonsten nach Floros. 36 Bei mehreren Graphien, sind die aus
cler Laura-liste stammenden durch / von den iibrigen getrennt i Coislin: nach
Floras 37 (die AbschriftenIFassungen des Hagiopolites reichen fruhestens ins
14. Jh. zUrUck und fuhren, wenn uberhaupt, mittel- oder spatbyz. Craphien);
Mitte1byz.:38 nach den NeumenJisten, ggf. mit sonstigen Forrnen aus' dem
"Repertoire" erganzt (durch I abgetrennt); Spatbyzantiniscn: zunachst, als
Standardform, die iiblichste Graphie in listen des 15. Jhs . Nach I ggf. spatere
Formen und Sondergraphien; Chrysanthinj~ch: nach Chrysanthos' Theore-
tikon.
- Zu den zusammengesetzten Zeichen (ligaturen, Konjunkturen - letzte-
re nur ftir die spatbyz. Notation bertickSichtigt 39 ): Wenn sie in mehreren No-
tationsphasen vertreten sincl, werden sie als "Lemmata" in die Tabelle aufge-
nommeni ebenfalls, wenn sie nur in einer Notationsphase vertreten siod
(meist Chartres oder spatbyz.), aber mit eigenem Namen versehen werden
(z.B. argosyntheton statt etwa kratemohyporoon meta homalou). Ansonsten
werden sie unter cler jeweiligen "Kopfneume"40 verzeichnet.
- Zur Synonymie:41 hat ein Zeichen oder eine ligatur/Konjunktur in ein
und derselben Notationsphase mehrere Namen, so wird es unter dem meist
36 Au(3er dem -+- bei Nr. 52 (nach Laura Gamma 67, z.B. f. 104, vor/. Zeile)j bei
Nr. 39 nach Troelsgard, The Role of ParakJetike, S. 86.
37 Urn ggf. die Zuweisung einer gewissen Graphie zur Coislin- ader Chartres-
Notation sicherzustellen, wurden Floros' Exempla und die van ihm zitierten Hss, zu
Rate gezagen.
38 Alle in den beiden mittelbyz. Neumenlisten aufgefuhrten MgS sind im "Reper-
toire" belegt.
39 Sie sind meistens nur in den listen des Anonymus B belegt.
40 T enninus van Floros ubernommen: vg/. z.B. UNK I, S. J 99 .
41 Die Verweise auf die Korrespondenzen zWischen apothema-epegerrna, anti-
kenoma·kondeuma /, gronthismata-thes kai apothes, katabatromikon-homalon, kylis-
ma-/aimos-tinagma, rheuma-parakletike, syrma-choreuma sind Floros entnommen
(UNK I, S. J 14, 232, 268, 247-8, 208- J 3, 160, 270- J) und diejenigen zwischen pa-
laobyz. parakJetike und meson-splitbyz. enarxis, Troelsgiird, op. cit., passim.
MEGAL/I SE1VIAD1A DER BYZANTINISCH NOTATION 39
belegten behandelt. Die Ubrigen Namen werden auch als "Lemmata" aufge-
nommen, jeweils mit cinem Verweis auf die Hauptbenennung. Varianten
Zeichens a1s neteron ... al1on .. homoion"' ekstrepton
f f gefuhrt,
f
unter jeweil Rcferenzze vermerkt.

ie ein MgS-AbkUrzungen beigegehenen ro Zah dcuten
auf Floros' Terminologie hin.
AusgewMt1te Bibliographie Abkiirzungsverzeichnis

(Kmztitel Abkiirzungen fettgedruckt)
Gruppe 1:
Anonymus B Hermcncia ,ed. 'antica S. 2
keopoul Akakios, tat: d. "De theseis kai
}ahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik 32/7 (1982), S. 49-61 i
Hs. Athen 917, bes. f. Dv-13v.
Chrysanthos Madyta , ischof Dyrrhach I Theoretikon mega
tes (Triestc
f 2; Nachdr, Athen, 1
Gabriel Hieromonachos, AbhandJung iiber den Kirchengesang, edd. Chr.

Hannick-C, Wolfram Corpus Scriptorum de Re Musica 1 (Wien, 1985)
t
Hagiopolites. A Byza Trea on Musical Theory, nary

edition by J. Raasted, Cahiers de nnstitut clu Moyen-Age Crec et Latin
45 (Kopenhagen, 1983)
Cruppe 2:
omos, D E . , Byzan Trisagia nd Cheroubika in the Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Century. A Study of Late Byzantine Liturgical Chant
(Thessalon iki, 1974)
Constan . , UnivcrsaJe Neumcnkllnde / UNK, Bde. (KasseC 970)
Husmann, Hcinrich, )nterpretation und Ornamentierung in cler nachbyzanti-
nischen Musik", Acta musicoJogica 52 (1980), S. 101 -21.
Simol1, Methodos hcJlcnikes I1wu5;ikes, 8 .(Athen,19 ,1984,
1985)
40 MARJA ALEXANDRU
Kujumclijewa, Swetlana, "Ober die Zeichen Aphona wahrend cler spat- und
postbyzantinischen Periode Sonderdruck aus; Musikkulturgeschichte,
lJ
,
Festschrift fur Constantin Fioros, zum 60. Ceburtstag (Wiesbaden,

1983 (7]), S. 449-60.
Moran, Neil K., "Singers in Late Byzantine and Slavonic Paintings lJ
, Byzanti-
na Neerlandica 9 (Leiden, 1986)
Psachos, Konstantinos, He parasemantike tes byzantines mousikes (Athen,
1917)
Raasted, J0rgen, IlLength and Festivity. On some Prolongation Techniques in

Byzantine Chant Liturgy and the Arts. Essays in Memory of C. Clif-
lJ
,
ford F1aningen (in Erscheinung begriffen j benutzt wurde das Handout

zum Seminar aber byz. Musik an cler Universitat Kopenhagen, Ftiih-
jahrsemester 1994)
Salvo, Bartolomeo di, IIQuaJche appunto sulla chironomia nella musica bizan-
tina Orientalia Christiana Periodica 23 (t 957), S. 192-20 t.
lJ
,
Stathes, Gregorios Th., ,,An Analysis of the Sticheron Ton helion krypsanta
by Germanos, Bishop of New Patras", Studies in Eastern Chant 4
(1979), S. 177-227.
idem, He exegesis tes palaias byzantines semeiographias ... (Athen, 1978)
idem, IIHe palaia byzantine semeiographia kai to probJema metagraphes tes
eis to pentagrammon Byzantina 7 (1975), S. 193-220,427·60.
lJ
,
idem, Hoi anagrammatismoi kai ta mathemata tes byzantines me1opoiias

(Athen, 1979)
Tardo, Lorenzo, L'antica melurgia bizantina nell' interpretazione de/la Scuo-
la Monastica di Crottaferrata (Grottaferrata, 1938)
Thibaut, Jean B., Monuments de la Notation Ekphonetique et Hagiopolite
de J'Eglise Grecque (St. Petersburg/ 1913)
TilIyard, H. J. W., liThe Stenographic Theory of Byzantine Music", Laudate
2, Nr. 4 (1924), S. 216-25, Laudate 3, Nr. 9 (1925), S. 28·32,. anderer
Beitrag mit demselben Titel, Byzantinische Zeitscnrift 25 (1925);
S. 333-8.
Troelsgihd, Christian, An Inventory of Microfilms and Photographs in the
Collection of Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae (Kopenhagen, 1992)
MECAL4. SEMADJA BYZANTINISCHEN NOTAnON 41
idem, Byzantine Catalogue (File aus Database der MMB)

idem, liThe Role of Parakletike in Palaeobyzantine Notations", Palaeobyzan-
tine Notations, S. 81-117.
Cruppe 3:
MMB Musicae Kopenhagen, seit
Notations = Notations. A
Material, edd. Troelsg~rd 995)
Bemerkung; Zusatzlich sei auf Gertsman, Evgeny Vladimirovich, Peters-

burg Theoreticon (Odessa, 1994) hingewiesen, ein Buch das vide wichtige
lnformationen zum Thema MgS enthalt (vg!. besonders Teill, Kap. 4 uncl 6i
Teil 11, Kap.4). Da wir es leider nur kurz var cler Verbffentlichung unseres
Beitrages durchlesen konnten, war es nicht mehr moglich, es hier zu beruck-
sichtigen
Cantus Planus. Sopron, 1995 43
MUSICAL CONTENTS OF THE CATALAN PRINTED RITUALS

OF THE 16TH CENTURyt
MARIUS BERNADd
Among all the types of liturgical books, the ritual is one of the least known
from the point of view of its musical content. Although the interest of its mu-
sical repertory is not generally exceptional, and the di fferent celebrations and
the corresponding chants that it contains are quite well-known, one ~an fre-
quently And in the ritual remains of traditions and local ceremonies that have
survived the homogenising force of the ecclesiastical authorities.
It is important to note the great capacity of the people to identify with the
ceremonies that are covered in these books, which were intended to mark
each important event of the life of the faithful. From birth to burial, the ritual
will have been an inseparable companion. This daily contact of the people
with the sacramental ceremonies meant that the ritual was less permeable
than other types of books to the mutations suffered by most other liturgical
repertories. Thus, its evolutionary changes were far slower and the adoption
of new formularies was accomplished only with difAculty. With regard to the
ceremonies, the local particularities of each diocese were often conserved
with extreme care and a sense of heritage. Parallel to thiS, we can infer that
the musical repertory must have been subject to a similar sense of con-
servation.
This paper touches on some aspects of the musical contents of rituals of
the sixteenth century from the area of Catalonia. Most of the printed rituals
during this period and in this region were published under the title ordi-
narium. 1
t A previous version of this work was delivered in "I Congres d'Historia de I'Es-
glesia Catalana (Solsona, 20-23 September 1993)", AnaJecta Sacra Tarraconensia
67/2 (1994), pp. 581-93. My deepest thanks to prof. David Hiley for reading the
original version of this paper before publication and for his suggestions and correc-
tions of the English version.
1 We have knowledge of only a single incunabula ritual of Catalan origin. This
is the Ordinarium llerdense, printed by E. Botel in L1eida in around 1495, unfortu-
nately now lost. Cf. M. Jimenez Catalan, Apuntes para una bibliografra llerdense de
/os sig/os XV al XVlII (Barcelona, 1912), No. 18 and A. Odriozola, "Luces y sombras
en la bibliograffa litlirgica ilerdense", Ilerda 33 (t 972), pp. 295-300 .
44 MARIUS BERNADd
We should first point out the homogeneity of the geographical area 0 f

Catalonia with regard to liturgical books of all types. The coincidences in the
I iturgical formulae, which were quite differentiated in many cases from those
of the rest of the Iberian Peninsula, are more than evident. Naturally, this is
the result of a historical tradition that comes from far back and corresponds
to an equally contrasted liturgical tradition. Furthermore, in the case of the
ritual, the very frequent presence of the Catalan language helps us to draw a
clear map of customs and a repertory that deserve a homogeneous treatment.
This area of linguistic and cultural unity would include the present-day Cata-
lonia, plus the territories of ValenCia, the Balearic Islands, the region of the
Rossellon, currently belonging to France, and some parts of Sardinia. The
corresponding dioceses were: Barcelona, Girona, Lleida, Tortosa, Tarragona,
Urgell and Vie, plus Valencia, MatJorca, Elna and Cagliari. (See Plate I)
The inventOTY of printed rituals which we have used in the present study
is the following:
t. Barcelona 1501
Ordinarium sacramentorum [BarchinonenseJ (Barcelona: P. Posa, 1501).
2. Girona 1502
Ordinarium sacramentorum secundum consuetudinem dyocesis Cerundensis
(Perpinya: J. Rosenbach, 1502).
3. Vic 1508
Ordinarium Vicense (Barcelona: J. Rosenbach, ca 1508).
4. Barcelona 1508
Ordinarium sacramentorum [Barchinonense}
(Barcelona: J. Rosenbach, 1508~) .
5. Tortosa 1524
Ordinarium sacramentorum ritum dyocesis Dertusensis
(Barcelona: J Rosenbach, 1524).
6. Tarragona 1530
Ordinarium sacramentorum secundum ritum et consuetudine sancte metro-
polis eccIesie Tarraconensis (Barcelona: J. Rosenbach, 1530).
7 Barcelona t 532
Ordinarium sacramentorum secundum ritum ecclesie catedral Barchinonense
(Barcelona: P. Monpezat, 1532).
CONTENTS 45
Vicense (Lyon: C. 1547).
11.
Ordinarium UrgelIinum (Lyon: C. de Septgranges, 1548).
t 2. Girona 1550
Ordina,rium sacramentorum secundum laudabilem ritum diocesis Gerundensis
(Lyon: C. de Septgranges, 1550).
t 3. 550
Ordinarium sacramentorum honorabilem rraco-
nensis Lyon: C. de 550).
14. Lleida t
Sacerdotale voJumen quod Ordinarium llerdense dicitur
(L1eida: P. de RobJes, 1567).
15. Vic 1568
Ordinari 0 Manual per aJs curats (Barcelona: C. Bornat, t 568).
16. 69
Ordinarium Barcinonense (Barcelon 1569).
17.
RituaJe seu Ordinarium diocesis Oertusens;s (Valencia: P. P.1v1ey, 1592).
18. Vict596
Ordinarium Vicense (Barcelona: S. Cormellas, 1596).
We are thus dealing exclusively with the rituals of the dioceses of Cata-
lonia: Girona, L1eida, Tortosa, Urgell
I Despite
the iturgical and that relate them of this
grOUPI on this occas referring to the Valencia
(Valencia 15 t 4; Val la, 1527; Val Mey,
1592) orea (Valencia: 16)/ or those (Barcelona:
46 MAR/US BERNADO
J. Rosenbach, 1509) and Cagliari (Lyon: F. Cuarnerius, 1589,. Cagliari: ]. M.

Calcerini, 1594).
The first of the known rituals with musical content is Girona 1502. As an
addendum, in the middle of the book and with a different foliation , we find a
collection of chants for the burial rite that show in some cases notable dis-
crepancies from the usual Roman melody. This is a veT)' rich collection of
exequial chants that was maintained, to a greater or lesser extent, through the
editions that followed it. Indeed, this was the only ceremony for which we
will always hnd the appropriate musical notation in all the rituals in which it
appears, except in the first three printed for the diocese of Barcelona (1501,
1508 and 1532), in which there is curiously no trace of music.
Naturally, the musical content of this ceremony varies enormously from
one diocese to another, whether in the density and composition of the cere-
monies or in the melodies, which also show important variations. These
chants, which form part of one of the offices that is most suitable for popular
participation, must for this reason necessarily have been subject to moddl-
cations and different evolutions in one place or another. Furthermore, as has
been already pointed out,3 it is precisely in this ceremony that the points of
contact with the old Hispanic liturgy are clearest. Indeed, as in any other
of the ceremonies contained in these editions, in the ritual of the dead one
can easily trace the vestiges of the ancient formulae.
Though this liturgical heritage seems to be quite clear, it is more difficult
to demonstrate the possibility of a corresponding musical relationship. How-
ever, several arguments and a more detailed study of each and every one of
the melodic variations can lead us to state the prevalence of certain musical
customs that had Iittle to do with those made offiCial by the Roman church,
though we are not certain of their origin and cannot trace the evolution of
the ancient Hispanic chant up to this type of rormulation.
A look at Example 1 will allow llS to appreciate the behaviour of one of
the chants that we have mentioned above. This is the start of the responsory
.5ubvenite sancti Dei, which in almost all the editions marks the beginning of
the ritus sepeliendi. First we present it as it appears in the Roman repertories,
and then as it appears in the different rituals that the Catalan dioceses
brought out during the course of the sixteenth century. The first thing that
A. M. Franquesa, "El ritual tarraconense", Liturgica 2 (1958), p. 41 and "Ele-

3
mentos visigoticos en eI ritual tarraconense del siglo XV!", Hispania Sacra 11 (1958),
pr. 119-23.
CONTENTS 47
we prevalence, to the last of two

well differentiated melodies with no relation to each other. The first appear-
ance of the music of this responsory, which we find in the Catalan rituals at
such an early date as 1502, does not correspond at all to the traditional
Roman melody and was to be maintained, with no substantial modifications,
in most of the editions that followed. The other one, obviously related to the
ofAcial also enjoyed a I the same period. it is
symptomatic the presence other corresponds geograph-
ical that remained over a longer the
dioceses Tarragona, Barcelona always same
melody, which we could qualify as "local whereas the more peripheral dio-
ll
,
ceses of Tortosa and Lleida do the same with the other, "official" one. At the
same time we can observe how the variations of the same melody that are
heard between dioceses, for example between Girona and Vic, are not struc-
tural, and have only ornamental significance. The successive editions of each
diocese chant evolve regard to the typo-
graph in the musical in almost all melodic
variations irrelevant.
the process of of these chants controlled
by respect r musical traditions diocese, which back to
far earlier times. These traditions were probably conserved by a number of
different means. Oral transmission could have played a decisive role, but it is
difficult for us to specify its scope. Previous manuscript sources do not give
LIS more information on the origin or dissemination of this repertory.
Between and 1550 the Corneille de execut-

ed four rituals for Catalan Vie 1547, Cirona
1550 1550. Leaving of Urgell, the offer
Subvenite. All nted within a velY period of
time, coincidences typography of the initial
letters, but not in the musical notation, where important differences between
the three are noticeable. Both the clef and the different arrangement of the
musical figures show that a certain control was exercised by those responsible
for the edition in each diocese. Furthermore, despite the use of the same ba-
sic melody, the variations that appear throughout the piece show us that
there ire to maintain peculiarities. (
Of task of reviewing usical texts must n the
hands able to make coincide with ar us-
es of A well-known documented case Pere
48 MARIUS BERNADO
Mulner, choirmaster in Seu d'Urgell,4 who, as is stated on the cover of the

book, was commissioned to revise the ordinarium of Urgell of 1548:
Ordarium Urgellinum de Jicentia Reverendissimi in Christo patris domini Do-
mini Francisci ab Urries dei gratia Urgellensis episcopi denuo per venerandum
Perotthum Mulnerium Urgelline Sedis Precentorem recognitum,castigatum, et
quam plurimis necessariis auctum ...
Besides the burial rites, which are the only ones that appear with music in
the editions previous to Tortosa 1524, from this one on the musical notation
for the chants of blessings also began to be included. In the first, Tortosa
1524, Tarragona 1530 and Lleida 1532, only those corresponding to the bene-
dictio fontes et terminum are present. 5 From Urgell J 536 on, chants with mu-
sical notation become notably prominent in some of the rituals. Urgell 1536
and UrgeIl 1548 are two of the most significant in this aspect, together with
Girona 1550, L1eida 1567, Barcelona 1569 and Vic 1596. In all of these a
great number of pages are given over to music for the most diverse ceremo-
nies . It is surprising to observe that, whereas in these books the presence 0 f
chant notation is so overwhelming, in other strictly contemporary rituals,
such as Vic 1547, Tarragona 1550, Tortosa 1592 and to a certain extent Vic
t 568, it is reduced to a minimum, being found only in the burial ceremony
and in the benedictions, as was the case in the first editions.
From Urgell 1536 onwards chants for other ceremonies began to be in-
cluded: for the sprinkling of the holy water, the blessing of candles and
palms/ the adoration of the cross, the blessing of the paschal candle, the ser-
vices of Holy Saturday, processions, deprecations for times of pestilence, and
a long list of chants, most of which would be common in almost all the
books that followed. In many cases the melodic differences between the two
main chant traditions persist in a manner similar to that discussed above for
the burial ceremony.
Some of the richest sources encompass a complete processional. This is
the case with Urgell 1548, Girona 1550, Ueida 1567 and Barcelona 1569,
which include, among others, several chants for the processions of welcome
for different categories of ecclesiastic or civil dignitary: bishops, archbishops,
emperors, kings, princes, empresses, queens and princesses. The same was
4 F. Pedrell-H. Angles, Eis Madrigals i la Missa de Difunts d'en Brudieu (Barcelo-

na, 1921), pp.13, 15 and 135-36.
5 (n Vie 1508 the staff for the chants of the benedictions is engraved, but not
the musical figures.
CONTENTS OF THE CATAIAN PRINTED RITUALS 49
true for the processions for the different festivities of the liturgical year and
for special or very particular celebrations.
Other sources, such as Urgell 1548/ Girona 1550 and Vic 1568 devote a
to tones for lessons, and psalms Bene-
dicamus. That Vic, although its musical contribution rather ins Hcant,
includes a small treatise in Catalan: a Compendi per a Jes entonacions of les-
sons, prayers, epistles and gospels, with examples "corrected, revised, proved
modified" be used cathedral diocese
Aquest breu una art pera Ecclesiastich, qui
seguira 10 cor en la cathedra de Vic, y per tot la Bisbat; en la qual se trobara 10
modo corn se han de entonar totes les hores canoniques, y perque aquest breu
modo y se usa en de Vie, diligencia ben correcte, remi-
rat, provat esmenat, posam aci per modo 6
Girona 1550 is also of outstanding interest for its presentation of the into-
nations, together with Marian antiphons and other chants such as the Te
which only find and in 1 latter adds
complete on that is other Catalan of
some of the chapters of the Arte Tripharia by J. Bermudo, .published in Osu-
na in 1550. 7
Urgell 1548 includes, before the beginning of the strictly sacramental eer-
and a different foliation, tonations the lessons, epistles,
etc. j Marian antiphons, a interesting collection hymns,
the tones for psalms with an explication of the same, the intonations of the
Benedicamus Domino and several responsories.
Among musical repertories induded in 1548 without
one richest most interesting books a whole the
musical point of view - the collection of hymns has a prime importance. It is
a collection of 52 hymns, all written using mensural notation,. there are even
frequent signs of mensuration (binary or ternary), As will be seen below,
6 'This brief compendium will be a useful tool for any ecclesiastic who follows
the services of the choir in the cathedral of Vic and in the whole bishopric. Here he
Rnd the in which canonical must sung. And this
and manner is used i Cathedal and it corrected, revised,
proved and modified, we attach it here in the follOWing form ... " (Vie 1568, fo1. 5).
7 Studied by M. A. Ester-Sala, "Difusi6 en catala de I'obra de J. Bermudo a l'Ord;-
narium Barcinonense de 1569", Recerca MusicoJogica 5 (1985), pp. 13-43,
50 MARIUS BERNADO
some religious chants of a popular nature to be found in Catalan rituals also

use similar principles of notation.
In addition to this notational peculiarity we also Rnd that in many cases
the hymn melodies do not coincide with the usual ones of the international
repertory} but rather show similarities to the characteristic Hispanic hymn
repertory. This leads us once more to link these non-Roman melodies with a
possible Hispanic musical tradition that could go back to very ancient times. S
It should not be forgotten that hymns and sequences are precisely the
chants that are most rapidly assimilated by the people, whether due to their
syllabic nature, their regular metric rhythm or their strophic idiosyncrasy. At
some time they could have come to enrich the popular musical heritage, until
they became an inseparable part of some of the 1iturgical functions that in-
voved greater participation by the people. In their transcription into the
liturgical sources here under inspection, after suffering the inevitable effects
of the passing of time, emphasis has been placed on maintaining peculiarities
of interpretation gradually acquired along the way.
We would finally like to mention some chants that appear in Urge1l1536,
Urgell 1548} Girona 1550} LJeida ]567 and Barcelona 1569. Firstly} the roga-
tion chants ad petendam p!uviam: all Ave editions have an identical melody,
which is of a very popular nature and written in mensural notation. It is true
that L1eida 1567 is characterised by a very timid use of mensura1 figures,9
though melodically it coincides with the previous versions. (See Plate 111)
For the printing of UrgeH 1548 and Girona 1550, the flne work of C.
de Septgranges, similar typographical plates must have been used in these
and other sheets. The variants are negligeable. 1D (See Plate IV)
8 See on this point M. Bemado, "Sobre eI origen y la procedencia de la tradicion

himn6dica hispanica a fines de la Edad Media" in "Aetas del XV Congreso de la So-
ciedad lntemacional de Musicologia", Revista de Musicologia XVIl2 (1993); "The
Hymns of the /ntonarium ToIetanum (1515): Some Peculiarities", International Musi-
cological Society Study Group Cantus Planus. Papers Read at the 6th Meeting
(Eger, Hungary, 1993) vot. 1 (Budapest, 1995), pp. 367-96; B. Turner, "Spanish litur-
gical hymns: a matter of time", Early Music XXIIl/3 (1995), pp. 473-82.
9 Whereas in the other books breves, semibreves and minims are used, the latter
disappear from the L1eida edition, being replaced by semibreves. The rests and dots
also disappear.
10 The same rubric that precedes these chants in Urgell 1536 and Urgell 1548 is
also found in Girona 1550. In this Saint Ermengol is quoted, who is obviously con-
nected with the Pyrenean diocese, but not with that of Girona.
C ONTINTS OF THE PRINTED RITUALS 51
In the procession, after the chant of the litany Sancta Maria quae sum us,
the people sing 0 tu, Senyor in Catalan (except in Ueida 1567), and later
prose Non sumus digni . In all ody is ical. Barcel 1569
includes first two but ass to the procession necessi-
tate in general. It uses, moreover, a type of notation that is quite different
from that of the rest of the book, with not very marked mensural features,
more similar to Lleida 1567 than to the notation used in the other editions.
melody observe variations from the offered re-
mg bookst the does not (See
The chant Judicii signum, or Cant de la Sibilla in Catalan, continues in all
of them except L1eida 1567. This time there are differences between the dif-
versions though
t two of Urgell are identicaL
concl Urgell 1
I Urgell 1 Girona offer two de-
functorum prosa: Redemptor Deu5 miscrcrc and lesu rcdemptor suscipe. In
all these sources the first prose appears in chant notation, whereas the second
appears in very precise mensural notation. (See Exx 2. t 2.2 and Plate VI)
I
52 MARIUS BERNADd
Plate I.
MUSICAL CONTINTS OF THE CATALAN PRINTED RITUALS 53
Example t.
f ;• •
,
Sub - ve -
f;
ni
M
le
M
san -
M
eti
•?l
De
;; r.'. M::; ..---;
Girona 1502
f. • w- •
M M
• • e • • •M
Vie 1508
f. • • w- M M. M
• • • • ••• • •
Tortosa 1524
f fM ill M M M M
• .-. ~ M ;1 • •
T8I'I'8goDIl1530
f. • r·· • ii~ D .,;]
•
UeidaI532
f• f • • ;
• • •
;. ~ M .':=; •
Vie 1547
f. • ; • -"~ ili n ~...... ,:
J""~ ; ,
• •
Girona 1550
f. • ;; • -"~ .i n "i~ •
Tarngona 15!O
f. • ; ....~ M -; ~ :::~
•
.; .
Lleida (567
f• • • • • • •- ; • -i
....-
M
Vie 1568
f. :75 •
....-;;
•
:..-
.~ r. ~ ~~..•••J
;
Barcelona 1569
f. • ;; M -; • :it .'; •
Tortosa 1592
f f •
M ; M M
• • •• c ~
.~ a::; ::;
Vie 1596
f. • ; .... ~ M M1 h .•..
. . J-;,;.::..
De - - i
54 MARIUS BERNADQ
Plate IliA. Vie 1547, fol.115v
. j' •./~ . .~ . I-
'IIt ••. ,.
T I , • II I . ~I
{lbucnitt (anctibc i OCCur;
,; •.1.•r.! I -a • I ·l·· . !. I • a :laroi

bdkll l
ritc$lhgCU (u(cipltnttsanima eiuG. ef.? !\ ~~(

• I ~[;Jj
• 1= ~
I, ut
ta l
.\--t .
. .' . .11~. ta:m
f'
,1. . • •
.. I'.I'~
. I ....I . ~ I'
!
.!. . .1
(trentcs (Qm in con(ptctu Quiffi mi. "1(01':
,:rom
,t
'. • ••• 1,.....·,., \ 1 I
If " I
6ufc{piat re
I 1 1
tCb:iftus quiaCillft cc,
. f.· '- .I --.;' ~ ' •
,1-et Ifinu:ablab{btducutt,
ill
., " : ,
t .
I J"
•
I I.
~tfetctt9".
MUSI CAL CONTENTS OF THE CATALA~ PRlNTEn RITUAI.S 55
Plate IIIB. Cirona 1550, fol. 123v
•
56 MARIUS BERNADO
Plate lye. Tarragona 1550 fol. 88v

1
. .
, . ·Ia8eftrebtts . -.~ III

.,
. .
• q:~~~~ ~~~~~:,~ . .~~ ~

....
MUSI CAL CONTENTS OF THE CATALAN PRINTED RITUALS 57
PlateIIIIA. UrgelI 1536, fo1.169
d luw, n
i\, - CLXI
~l(dadUr=.p.ufta qucrumus:~t qui due ~Ui agimu'; me
rftiG}prw.a momlera pdkco:poue ct ammcUl>crcu1Ur •
Gdlii lUillobisbiK placatu8iim~l1de:(r DutTccdlhbu9 oml
. .. nfbus fanctis tuie!NCIlOS ab omiaduai'jfQtdaberari: et in erer
nakt(da MudaeaalriilUs.·ftxr tJOminum noJlrum.1c.
trfft»O(d1io,ldpluutaimpcrrmJ~- .In 4 tJlt o~c:q Ii :'
O!uotiOnl6 gratia. ~rrQ ~b":~fll5:\?(1 eti it U X( f
C'l ~imo o;cuttdo be tiplo!( ne rUT le' 1( •~ t fUp.l tU \; 1 " r;J,
. iarun ' lrJo.~ti~.quafi"ittl fil-ufo. i ~ t 1 J (~.I
. 'lblmJlftlRcfpotQ!fu~l'(hlutip~o iJ n ltl"an 1 "
J ill.
cri It:rm~t1gaudi:v fau(i' 1~ n rf:~ d quo 'pe: ~ IlUt,WU",",
c'<Urr~tfa tem~:io;\)d \) 'offidl"1 11 k ! in . tt vi

fi .Ift · 1U p..opU,'l'labozf1l imiuutlOD r .et t
l'ordtcilntQrl (':\jU(US l~rou;~;
58 MARlUS BERNAD0
Plate III1B. L1eida 1567, fo!' 1t 1

MUSICAL CONTENTS OF THE CATALAN PRINTED RITUALS 59
Plate IV/A. Urgell 1548, fols 176v-177

MARIUS BERNADO
Plate IVIB. Girona 1550, fals 2 t Iv-(212)

MUSICAL CONTENTS OF THE CATALAN PRINTED RITUAI.S
Plate V. Barcelona 1569, p. 168
.. p~ttots faluar,y -rebrc, CeiiorverDeu ajuda, .don as

-.:..-. ..~ -j --.: ........ -.~ . . -
1 1 ....
.
~
.-
........ , ._ _ ....
62 MAR!US BERNADO
Example 2.1. Prosa Redemptor Deus Miserere

(UrgeIl1536, fo1. 173v; Urge1l1548, fo1. 181v; Girona 1550, fol. 216)
. ·l····f· .;:; plor Dc· us mi- se lC - - re
0 . :.s~ •
tor vc
• •
ni- am • de
. ..-;
~()n (;e - -
(;i - bus \If - gi - nis Ma - n - - e
;:
pec - ca -
w- •
- tu c
•
s
• •
ius
•
di
~•
mil -
r- •
le
.--:::r-;:s::-
• GIroaa 1550 -:-~ --- =;-:.
~.---
MUSICAL CONTENTS OF THE CA TA LAN PRINTED RrrUALs 63
Example 2.2. Prosa lesu redemptor suscipe

(Urgell 1536, fol. 173v-174 j Urgell1548, fol. 181v-182 j Girona 1550,
'0
fo!' 216-:216v)
·, ....... 11 .. J J
le - su
J r rriHJ rrr JrJJJ j
red- em - - - poor sus- ci - pc ip - sam
, J j J r rrnJJ FFr JrJJJ J

'n Jp - sam
J ,J
San - cia
du- cen -
Ma - ri -
-
J r r r!JJJ Err Jri6J J

-
-
-
- do
- a
ID
-
pa - radl
ge -
- sum
lOx
f
I nI -
j j J F FrBJJ Hr Jr£lJ:J
pre - ci - bus no - - stris sis mc- di - a lOx
f ClFFrrrJrr JrJJJ
a - Ri- ma "Iuod e - ius lu ¥is sus - cc plrix
64 MARIUS BERNADd
Plate VIJA. Urgell 1536, fol. 173v
re
- -- -----.-- -.---
~ . , i--~~··""'"
-"+~ .'-''''--''''''-~.!4-'''::::-4l-~....J:..tIt=;-.::;'----t-----l'- -
-+-_. ~~i-:- t - -.....;....-+----+----- ~~--

niamco"cC
c furedcmp to: (ufd P(ip ram ipfa~ tmccn

--------~~~~~----
.__.----
doinpa radl (urn '\ 0andaman

--..o!r----.---~ __,-........... - -.- - - - I-+ .. - -
..
• ~*- .'
.,...:--L..,IIIr- f -... • .. .
- - - ---' -.---~
g uirrif p: ~bUG.no ftrio fie m.(di "
MUSICAL CONTENTS OF THE CATALAN PRINTED RITUALS 65
Plate VIIB. Urgell 1548, fa!' 181v
. ,. tu· lI
..
EIN FRAGMENT AUS DEM KONVENT SAN DOMENICO

IN TAGGIA
EDITH BOEWE-KOOB
Einfiihrung
In einer Vitrine in der Sakristei des Dominikanerklosters San Domenico in
Taggia (ligurien) benndet sich ein neumiertes Fragment, das einmal als Maku-
latur benutzt wurde und nun heute, losgelost vom Einband, als Fragment von
Interesse ist.
H Convento San Domenico dell' ordine dei Frati Predicatori besitzt in cler
Klosterkirche eine wichtige Kulturstatte. Neben einer reichhaltigen Biblio-
thek hat das Kloster beruhmte Gemalde aus ligurischen, genuesischen, lom-
bardischen, emilianischen und rbmischen Malschulen in seinem Besitz. Die
Klostergrilndung im Jahr 1459 geht auf die Initiative des Dominikanerpaters
Cristoforo cla Milano zurtick. Die Bauarbeiten begannen 1469 und waren
1479 vollendet. Die Kirche wurde 1490 konsekriert t wahrend die Klosterge-
baude erst am Ende des 15. lahrhunderts fertiggestellt werden konnten. 1 Der
Klostergrunder Cristoforo da Milano wird noch heute im Kloster als Sel iger
verehrt.
Nach Verhandlungen mit dem zustandigen Pater war es moglich, zuerst
einmal das Fragment durch die Glasscheibe abzuschreiben. Spater fertigte
mir der Prior eine Fotokopie an,2 die fragmentarisch erhaltene Offlzien van
Vincentius, Sebastianus und Omnium Sanctorum beinhaltet.
Nach cler Beschreibung des Fragments werden die Texte der erhaltenen
Gesange mit den Quellen des CAO verglichen. Anschlie8end wird nur das
Offizium des Vincentius untersucht, da weitere Untersuchungen def anderen
Offizien diesen Rahmen sprengen wurden.
Als Vergleich cler Texte und Melodien des fragmentarisch erhaltenen
Vincentius-Offiziums dient das Antifonario N, ACSMC (Archivo del Con-
vento Santa Maria di Castello), Genova, Ende des 13./ Anfang des 14. Jahr-
hunderts, und das Antiphonarium, Cod. Katharina Nr.l, OPt Sancta Mafia
1 Massimo Bartoletti, 11 Convento di S.Domenico a Taggia (Genova, 1993), S. 5.

2 Durch das Entgegenkommen der Patres aus Taggia ist diese Untersuchung
moglich.
68 EDlTH BOEWE-KOOB
Magdalena, Freiburg(?), 15. 1ahrhundert. Damit soIlen die Obereinstimmun-

gen und Unterschiede in den Handschriften aufgezeigt werden. Schrift- und
Neumenanalysen velVollst~ndigen diese Untersuchung.
Das Fragment
1. Beschreibung des Fragments
Das Pergament hat eine BlattgroJ1e von ca. 38 cm mal 26,S-27,S cm. Die
Iinke Seite, auf der sich die Gesange des Vincentius bennden, ist urn einiges
breiter als die rechte Seite mit dem Sebastianus-Offlzium.
Die Vincentius Seite ist oben 14 cm und unten 14,5 cm breit, die Hohe be-
tragt ca. 28 cm.
Die Sebastian us Seite ist oben 13 cm und unten 12 cm breit, die Hohe
betragt ca. 28 cm.
Die linke Seite von Omnium Sanctorum ist oben 13 cm und unten 12 cm
breit j die rechte Seite ist oben 15 cm und unten 15,5 cm breit.
Bei beiden Seiten betragt die Hohe ca. 10 cm.
r
Da die linke Seite gerissen wurde, sind bei den Abmessungen kleine DiHe-
renzen.
Der Schriftspiege1 des Vincentius-Offiziums ist 13,5 cm breit und 24 cm
hoch.
Der Schriftspiege1 des Sebastianus-Offizium ist 11,5 cm breit und 24 cm
hoch.
Der Schriftspiege] von Omnium Sanctorum ist recto 14 cm und verso 11,5
cm breit und 10 cm hoch.
Circa 3 Zeilen des Offlziums von Omnium Sanctorum wurden uberklebt.
His zur drittletzten Zeile der Gesange fur Vincentius und Sebastianus I~uft
das Blatt von Omnium Sanctorum unter den Ofnzien der beiden Heiligen
we iter, wobei zusatzlich der untere Rand des Btattes circa zwei Zeilen breit
ist. Es sind also 3 Zeilen, die wegen der Oberklebung nicht mehr lesbar ge-
macht werden konnen, ohne das Fragment zu besch::tdigen.
Die linke Kante des Fragments wurde gerissen, die rechte Seite beschnit-
ten, wie auch die obere und untere Kante.
Auf der linken Seite benndet sich ein Knochenloch, man kann hier noch
3-4 Buchstaben von Omnium Sanctorum erkennen, sowie 12 Wurmlocher,
die allerdings auf der Kopie nur schlecht zu erkennen sind. Das ungefaltete
Blatt wurde durchgehend liniert, was an den in gleicher Hohe stehenden
Texten deutlich wird. Die Faltung des Blattes wurde erst spater ausgefuhrt.
EIN FRAGMENT AUS DEM KONVENT SAN DOMENICO 69
Abbildung des Fragments
Die fragmentarisch uberlieferten Offizien von Vincentius und Sebastianus

stehen auf dem Hauptblatt. Das Offlzium Omnium Sanctorum wurde, urn
180 Grad gedreht, aufgeklebt. Dadurch wurde die fur die Verwendung cler
Makulatur verlangte GroBe fast erreicht. Auf der linken Seite des Blattes
stehen Antiphonen mit Angabe der dazugehorigen Psalmen und Responso-
rien zum Fest des heiligen Vincentius am 22.1. Die rechte Seite beinhaltet
die Gesange zum Sebastianusfest am 20.1 . Diesel nach einer nicht chronolo-
70 EDffH BOEWE-KOOB
gischen Aufzeichnung aussehenden Einteilung, wircl dadurch geklart, daf3 das

Fragment ursprUnglich gefaltet war und das OfRzium von Sebastianus recto
stand und dementsprechend das Offlzium van Vincentius verso. Bei der Ver-
wendung als Makulatur wurde aus der Versoseite die Iinke Seite und die Rec-
toseite zur rechten, so daB auch bei dem OfRzium Omnium Sanctorum, urn
die Gesange in cler richtigen Reihenfolge untersuchen zu konnen, ebenfalIs
die Texte der rechten Seite zuerst gelesen werden mlissen. Selbstverstandlich
handelt es sich hierbei urn verschiedene Recto- und Versoseiten, was ja auch
an der Reihenfolge der Cesange sichtbar wird. Die Ruckseiten wurden durch
die Verwendung als Makulatur beklebt, so daJ1 die Gesange auf diesen Seiten
nicht lesbar gernacht werden konnen.
Es ware moglich, daB in der Ausgangshandschrift bei den Offlzien der
Heiligen auch das Offlziurn von Agnes aufgezeichnet war. Was durch die
Bedeutung des Festes der heiligen Agnes anzunehrnen ware. Dann mullte
allerdings noch ein Doppelblatt zwischen den beiden vorhandenen Offizien
eingerugt gewesen sein.
Die Gesange von Vincentius standen auf cler Versoseite und die Texte und
Neumierungen sind fast ohne Ausnahrne vollstandig erhalten. Es fehlen die
Schlussel var cler eingeritzten linie. Schlussel und linie sind bei Sebastianus
vorhanden. Durch die Verwendung des Fragments als Makulatur sind die
Gesange van Sebastianus, die auf einer Rectoseite standen, nicht irnmer
vollstandig erhalten, da die Aunenkante beschnitten wurde, urn die CroBe fur
den neuen Einbandzu erlangen. Die Texte an den Innenseiten sind meist voll-
standig, an den Au8enkanten jedoch fehlen teilweise 4 -10 Buchstaben.
Man sieht auf cJJr rechten Seite quer zum OfRziumstext aufgeklebte Texte
und Quadratnotat"ionen, die als Unterlage unter das Fragment geklebt wur-
den. Dies ist durch den an der aberen Kante sichtbaren Text erkennbar. Die
Schnittkante der Unterlage besitzt keinen Ansatz, so daB dieses Blatt wahr-
scheinlich als Verstarkung und Befestigung des Fragments diente. Beim Text
cler Unterlage kann es sich urn eine Schrift des 14./15. Jahrhunderts handeln.
Die Gesange van Omnium Sanctorum sind ebenfalls auf zwei Seiten auf-
gezeichnet. Die Rectoseite bringt auf der Innenseite den exakten Text,
wahrend die Auf3enseite fehlende Silben aufweist. Auf def Versoseite ist es
umgekehrt.
Die fragmentarische Wiedergabe tragt zur Obersicht bei. Fehlende Silben
werden nicht erganzt. Die im Fragment groller geschriebenen Initialen wie
auch die Stunden-und Gesangsangaben werden fettgedruckt. Die Texte
wurden in ihrer ursprOnglichen Verwendung chronolagisch, aufgeschrieben.
Unterstrichen wurden besondere Schreibweisen gegenliber dern CAO und
El N FRACMENT AUS DEM KONVENT SA.N DOM[['..;lCO 71
den verglichenen Handschriften 3 Genova und Freiburg,4 denn es sol1 hie!' in

erster linie das fragrnentarische Vincentius-Oftlzium auf die Obereinstirn-
mungen unci Varianten gegenUber den Vergleichshandschrjften untersucht
werden. Zusatzlich werden die Ofllzien der beiden anderen Feste des Taggia-
Fragments aufgezeichnet, urn einen genauen Oberblick zu gewinnen.
3 Fur das Sebastianus-Offizium wurden die Handschriften aus Einsiedeln, Anti-

phonarium pro Ecclesia Einsidlensi 611 (89), 1314 unci das Quecilinburger Antipho-
nar, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preu8ischer Kulturbesitz Mus.ms. 40047 (cd. Hartmut
Maller) zum Vergleich herangezogen. Fur Omnium Sanctorum wie auch fur Vin-
centius unci Sebastianus wurcie das Antiphonar aus lvrea, Chapitre 106, (ed. R. j. Hes-
bert) als Vergleich benutzt.
4 Antifonario N, ACSMC, Pars hiemalis, Ende des 13 .- Anfang des 14. Jh . und
Antiphonarium, Cod. Katharina NI'. I, OP, S. Maria Magdalena, Freiburg(?), 15. Jh.
72 EDffii BOEWE-KOOB
Vollstandige Textwiedergabe des Fragments

Rechte Seite recto (Sebastianus)
fide1is interuentus strenuus In uniuerso R
xor nicostratus dixit beatus sebastianus 5 be
et bencdictus sermo horis tui per hiesum xpi
num nostrum V Benedicti qui in bomnibus
est credant per hiesum R Egregie dei ma
stiane princeps a6 profugator sanctissimor
orum ecce nomen tuum in Iibro uite ceJestis
est et memorialem 7 tuum non derel inquetur
Socius enim factus est 8 supernorum 9 uirtutum que
tuum susceperunt et memoriat IN .Ill. NOC A
beatus sebastianus adlactas dei inmenso certamini
tigari dixit 0 fortissimi milites xpisti nolite per m
Linke Seite = verso (Vincentius)
in perteritus coronam IN NOC A Tanto namque
feiiciores se esse credebant quanto acriora tyranni suppli
cia pia longanimitate certassent euincere P Verba mea A
Leuita uincencius dixit beato ualerioo 11 si iubes pater sanc
te responsis iudicem agrediar P Domine Dominus noster A lam tibi fiB
karissime diuini uerbi curam commiseram nunc quoque pro fide
qua astamus responsa committo P Domi 0 conl1do V Gloria et
R Leuita uincencius dixit beato ualeriano 12 si iubes pater
sancte responsis iudicem adgrediar iam tibi flli karissi
me diuini uerbi curam commiseram nunc quoque que 1
pro fide qua adstamus responsa committo V Tibi
enim gemina sciencia pollenti eelestis olim doe
5 Nicostratus anstclle nico~tratj, beatus sebastianus statt sebastiano.

6 Auch in V a, sonst ac,
7 In alien CAO-Que1len memoria/e.
8 est auch in E, V uncl sonst es.
9 In T aggia und L supernornm anstelle supernarum cler anderen Quellen.
10 certamini auch in V und S.
11 ua/erioo statt ualerio.
12 Bei ualeriano wurde n ausgestrichen und wurcle zu uaJeriao.
J 3 Bei quoque wurde .. .que ausradiert und wieder neu geschrieben.
EIN FRACMENT AUS DEM KONVENTSAN DOMENrCO 73
Rechte Seite = recto (Omnium Sanctorum)

derunt seniores uiginti quattuor et quattuor animalia
uerunt deum 14 dicentes amen alleluia et vox de thron~ exiuit
dicens laudem dicite deo nostro omnes sancti eius et qui ti
tis deum pusilli et magni V Et audiui quasi uocem tube 15 ma
et sicut aquarum multarum et sicud uoces tonithrui magnorum
dicentium et nox. R Uidi angelum de ascendentem 16
Linke Seite = verso (Omnium Sanctorum)
quadraginta quattuor milia signati amictis '7 R
r animalia et uiginti quattuor seniores ceci
ram agno habentes singulis 18 cytharas et fialas au
as hodoramentorum que sunt orationes sanctorum
canticum nouum V Et omnes angeli stabant
throni et seniorum et quatuor animali19 ceciderunt
Die Texte wurden mit den CAO-Quellen und Handschriften aus Einsie-
deln, Quedlinburg, Genova und Freiburg verglichen .
3. Die Fragmentarischen Offizien von Sebastianus, Vincentius und Omni-

um Sanctorum im Vergleich mit CAO-Quellen
Die benutzten Quellen des CAO:
G Antiphonar aus R Antiphonar aus Rheinau,
Nordfrankreich, XI.Jh. XIII.Jh.
B Antiphonar aus Bamberg, Ende D Antiphonar aus Saint-Denis,
XII. Jh. XII. Jh.
E Antiphonar aus Ivrea, Xl. Jh. F Antiphonar aus Saint-Maur-
V Antiphonar aus Verona, XI. Jh. les-Fosses, urn 1 tOO.
H Antiphonar des Hartker aus S Antiphonar aus Silos, XI. Jh.
St. Gallen, urn 1000. L Antiphonar aus Saint Loup
IBenevent, XII. Jh.
14 Nach Deum fehlt sedentem super thronum

15 a quatrwurde mit tube ma<gne> ilberschrieben.
16 de ascendentem nur in T
17 amictis in T aggia .
18 In CAD singuli.
19 In CAD animaJium. Quatuor animali wurde durchgestrichen.
74 EDITH BOEWE-KOOB
a) SEBASTIANUS
> extcrg~nzungen; =n n ia
<11. N.>
R> Erat namque n sermone> E,V, ,R, !F,
<v> dn commissa quoque> Adelis B, E, V, H, R, D, F, S, L Acta VII /24
R <Zoe> uxor icostrat[us]< E, V j R, IF, SI V
V Benedicti qui in rh] omnibus B, E, V, H, R, 0, F,S, L Acta VII,24
R Egregie dei martyr sebastiane BI E,VI R, D, F,SI L
Socius enim factus est B, E,V I R, 0, F,S, L
Ill. N.
A <Ut uidit> beatus sebastianus E, V, H, R, D, F, S, L Acta 111,9
CENTIUS
I. N.
<R> <Agnosce 0 uincenti> D, F Acta 1Il,14
<V> <Esto igitur iam> ... coronam E Acta 1([,14
11. N.
A Tanto namque feliciores E, 0, F Acta 1,3
Uerba mea Psalm 5
A Leuita uincencius dixit E, D, F Acta 1,6
ne dom us noster
l m8
A lam tibi fili karissimi E, 0, F Acta 1,6
I dom con do mt
VS Gloria et <hanore> E
R Leuita uincencillS E, 0, F Acta 1,6
enim gemina sciencia E Acta 1,6
Das ncentius- befindet im CAO nur ro ischen

Quellen.
Als erste Istan aufgezeichnete Antiphon wurdc im in
11. N. Tanto namque angegeben. Die Reihenfolge clef Antiphonen stimmen
E und Taggia uberein. D andcren Quellen besitzen, bedingt dUTch
Cursus Monasticus, eine andere Aufteilung der Antiphonen. In D und F
werclen die drei Antiphonen Tanto namqlle, Levita uincentius undfam tibi RIi
4. . und Antiphon der N. . Dcr Versikel des Taggia-
Fragments Gloria et honore steht ebenfalls in E, wahrend in den anderen
EIN FRAGMENT AUS DEM KONVENTSAN DOMENICO 75
Quel1en keine Versikel angcgeben wurden. ief3end folgt ein Responso·

rium mit Verso Die Aufzeichnung des Verses endet im Fragment mit ... ohm
doe ... , das sind ungefahr zwei Drittel des Verstextes, cler al1erdings auch
innerhalb des laufenden Textes gegenuber den andcren Quellen ein Auslas
sung-en aufweist. In cler I Nocturn ist der Vers Esto igitur jam ... coronam
nur unvollstandig erhalten. Er gehort als zweiter Vers zurn Responsorium
Agnosce 0 uincenti. Respol1sorium wird n Verbllldung m t diesem
Vers neben Taggia nur in E angefiihrt. In D und F erscheint dieser Cesang
mit einem anderen Vers in der Ill. N. Nur im Fragment steht das Responsori-
urn . N. 1-el/ita uincencius an erster
L bringt ein verkurztes OfAzium fUr Vincentius und benutzt eine eigene
Antiphonenreihe. Auch der Gallicanus besitzt noch andere Gesange zu die-
sem Fest.
Bei diesem OfAzium wird die Psalmenreihe der Martyrer variiert einge-
setzt. In cler 11. N. steht nach cler Antiphon Tanto namque cler 5. Psalm, der
sonst an Stelle der I. . des Cursus l\1onastictls steht. In Cursu:; Ro-
manus benndet sich als erster Psalm der 11. N, der 4. Psalm Cum inuocarem
Irn Fragment wurde dieser Psalm nicht angegeben so dan die Martyrer-
J
psalmenreihe nicht genau eingehalten . Wahrend zum Vergleich

herangezogenen Antiphonarien aus Genova und Freiburg fur die Feier des
Vincentius die Psalrnenreihe der Martyrer genau einhalten. Der 10. Psalm
wurde Fragment in die . N Ubernommen, der soma Cursus Rornanlls
in der III N. aufgczeichnet ist.
e = Genova, F = Freiburg/S.M.M.
Psalrnenreihe des Fragments: . 5, 8, to.
Psalmenreihe von G Llnd F: 1,2,3,4,5 8,10,14,20 = Martyrerpsal·
1
menreihe
Da die 1I. N. drei Antiphonel1 und drei Psa/men be5itzt, kann dieses om·
zium eindeutig dcm Cursus Romanus zugeordnet werden.
Die Acta des Heiligen liefern das Material zu den Texten, cler bis auf
einigc Anderungen Ubernommen wurde. Bei direkter Redc, wie z.B. Si iubes,
sancte wurde Vorlagetext wOrtlich wiedergegeben. Jam tibi Ill;
diuini uerbi wird als Reimbindung im Responsorium eingesetzt. Auch wurde
del' Text dieses Gesangs gcteilt und als zwei Antiphoncn verwendet (oder urn·
gekd1rt\ wie in anderen Quellen, so daB die Reimbi dung auch der
zweiten Antiphon vorhanden ist. Die Reihenfolge der Acta wurde bel den
vorhandenen Antiphonen eingel1alten.
76 EDlTH BOEWE-KOOB
Die geringen Textabweichungen in Taggia sind sonst in keiner Quelle zu

flnden.
AlIe Gesange des Vincentius-OFflziums kommen in E vor (teilweise in an-
deren Nocturnen), deshalb werden die entsprechenden Offiziumsausschnitte
gegenObergestell t.
VINCENTlUS
E (lvrea) T(Taggia)
Ill. N. <I. N.>
R Agnosce, 0 Vincenti <R> <Agnosce 0 uincenti>
V Esto igitur ... coronam <V> <Esto igitur>20 ... coronam
11. N. 11. N.
A Tanto namque A Tanto namque
PS Cum invocarem PS Uerba mea
A Levita Vincentius A Leuita uincencius
PS Verba mea PS Domine dominus noster
A Jam tibi flli A lam tibi flli
VS Gloria et honore VS Gloria et <honore>
I. N.
R Levita Vincentius R Leuita uincencius
V Tibi enim gemina scientia V Tibi enim gemina sciencia
E (lvrea) liegt in der Nachbarregion liguriens in Piemont. Vom 10. Jh. bis
Mitte des 12. Jh. geht>rten beide Landesteile zur Lombardei,21
c) OMNIUM SANCTORUM
<R> Ceciderunt seniores uiginti E,M,F, S Apoc. XIX,4/5
V Et audiui quasi uocem E/M/F/ S Apoc. XIX,6
R Uidi angelum ascendentem E, M, V, F, S Apoc. VII,2
V
R <Quatuor> animalia et uiginti E,M,V, F,S Apoc. V,S
V Et omnes angeli stabant E, M, V, F, S Apoc. VH,11
Auch diese Ges:tnge stehen im CAO nur in romanischen Quellen.
20 Der Vers steht in E beim Resp. Agnosce, 0 Vincenti afs 1. Resp. cler Ill. N.
21 Hans- Erich Stier u. a. (Hrsg.), CroBer Atlas zur Wdtgeschichte (Munchen,
1990), S. 58f.
Schrift
Die Texte wurden in einer etwas ungeUbten spatkarolingischen Minuskel
geschrieben, die nicht nur durch die vieIen Radierungen und Verbesserungen
auf dem Fragment ziemlich fliichtig wirkt. Auch wurden die Buchstaben teils
gerade oder nach rechts und auch nach links geneigt ausgeftihrt. Dadurch er-
scheint die Schrift grob und unregelm~llig. Der Text wurde mit einer dicken
Feder, die Neumen mit einer dUnneren geschrieben. In der sechsten Zeile des
Vincentius-Offiziums war all er Wahrscheinlichkeit nach ein anderer Schrei-
ber am Werk. Die Schrift ist enger und gerader. Auch bennden sich in dieser
Zeile mehrere Buchstaben, die teilweise anders ausgefuhrt wurden. Eigenarti-
gerweise wurde die sechste Zeile nicht ganz von der zweiten Hand Ubernom-
men, sondern ab Mitte der Zeile von der ersten Hand fortgefuhrt. Moglicher-
weise war der Eintrag der zweiten Hand eine Korrektur. Auch das Offizium
von Omnium Sanctorum wurde von einer anderen Hand ausgefuhrt. Diese
Schrift ist fJUssiger und kleiner und der Schreiber fo.hrte gelegentlich die
Buchstaben anders aus, wie auch die Federftihrung nicht der ersten Hand ent-
spricht. Er hat oft Teile des Textes weggeIassen.
ligaturen treten gelegentlich bei st und et auf. Initialen wurden teilweise
in drei- bis ftinffacher GroBe geschrieben. Et wurde abgektirzt, allerdings ist
das Zeichen nicht immer gleich. Bei Et omnes angeli stabant beherrscht ein
groller ovaler Bogen die AbkUrzung, an dessem oberen Ende ein Punkt und
ein kleiner Haken angesetzt wurden C'... Bei den anderen et-Abktirzungen
ist der Bogen runder und kleiner ausgefuhrt . Der obere Kreis wurde rund ge-
schrieben und der Haken aJs Querstrich am Ende des auslaufenden Bogens
eingesetzt ~. In der Handschri Ft wurde noch keine klare Worttrennung ange-
wendet, auch bei eng zusammengeschriebenen Wortern ist keinerlei Abgren-
zung zu finden.
Christus wurde stets mit X geschrieben und t im Zusammenhang mit j im-
mer als c ausgefuhrt. Der Querstrich des kJeinen tin Verbindung mit einem
Vokal wurde mit dem oberen Bogen des Vokals verbunden It. Nur bei den
Ligaturen besitzt das t eine geringe Oberlange. AbkUrzungen entsprechen
der Norm. Die Schrift zeigt keine EinAusse von Benevent. Es handelt sich
vielmehr urn eine spatkarolingische Minuskel, die viele Buchstaben der karo-
lingischen Minuskel getreu Ubernommen hat. So wurden a, 0, m und n nur in
karolingischer Minuskel, wie auch das dais rundes und ebenso als gerades
Zeichen ausgeftihrt ~, cl. Die Schrift ist niedrig unci besitzt normale OberlCin-
gen. Die Unterlangen der Buchstaben sind nicht sehr stark ausgepr~gt. Die
Tendenz, die Schafte gerade zu stellen, ist vorhanden. Auch biJden n und u
78 EDITH BOnVE~KOOB
ein Quadrat. Das kleine g tritt mit offenem Bogen ff' wie auch geschlossen auf
8'. Das h wurde gerade, ohne Unterlange und nicht krallenformig ausgefuhrt.
Gelegentlich wurde das r mit leicht verlangertem Abstrich aufgezeichnet.
kleine immer l am eines Wortes, S langes geschrie-
U steht mer flir e-cauda am unteren Haken zwei
Zacken gekennzeichnet ~. Daneben erscheint der Diphtong ae in ad/aetas
und ein einfaches e in ce/is und que.
Das grof1e B bcsitzt am Bogen Spitze, nem ahnlich
. Das fund ein unzial E und in beneventanischer
Form T/ ausgeftihrt. Bei den Initialen wurden bei den Oberlangen spachtelfor-
rnige Abschlusse angebracht. Besonders auffallend ist das I, das uberlang, mit
einem leichten Bogen mit Ober~und Untcrlange ausgefuhrt wurde Im 1-
Fragment zwischen und J ke ntersch In Text Taggia-
ments keine Interpunktion
Orthographische Varianten sind haufig: So steht im Fragment aus Taggia
anstelle eines m ein n, statt a ein ad, fUr agg ein adg und anstelle gg nur g.
Besonders fallen die von ei h im auf.
steht
horis statt oris
homnibus statt omnibus
hodorarnentorum statt odoramentorum
statt tonitrui
Es war zwar ilblich var Vokalen ein h hinzuzufugen, wie bei era=hera oder
ostium=hostium, aber diese Schreibweise konnte auch ein Hinweis auf lokale
Bcsonderheitcn oder Eigenheitcn Schreibcrs indeuten,
Die Neumierung im Fragment

1, Vergleich cler Neumienmg des Vincentius-Offiziums mit G und F
Vergl uncl zusatzl als An cler Neu icrung des Fragments
aus Taggia wurden die Handschriften aus Genova und Freiburg herange-
zogen. Das Antiphonar aus Genova gehort dem Dominikaner~Konvent Santa
Maria di Castello, es wird cler IIScuola genuesct con influssi bolognesi zuge- ll
schrieben 22 somit besonders interessante Vergleichshandschrift,
12 Anna De Floriani, Cora/i miniati di Santa Maria di Castello, Genova (Genova,

),lntroduzjone
N FRAGMENT AUS KONVENT SAN DOMENICO 79
zumal Handschriften aus und Taggia in liguricn ( Repu-

blica di Cenova) beheimatet sind und beide in einem Daminikaner-Klaster
aufbewahrt werden. 23 Die Freiburger Handschrift kannte auf einem Mikra-
film eingesehen werden. Auch sie stammt aus dem ehemaligen Kanvent der
Daminikanerinnen Sancta Maria Magdalena Freiburg(?). Sowohl die Hand-
schrift als auch die wurden in auf-
Oberblick
Vincentius van Archidiakan Bischafs

Valerius, am 22.1. gefeiert okletianischen starb er
unter vielen Martem im Gefangnis van Saragossa im }ahr 304.24 Im Frtihmit-
telalter wurcle Vincentius in Frankreich und Spanien verehrt. Es konnte trotz-
dem van mir kein Antiphonar vor 1000 ausflnclig gemacht werden, das ein
Vincentius-Offlzium beinhaltet. Seine volkstUmliche Verehrung fand erst im
Spatmittelalter als Zunftpatron statt. 25 Er gehort mit Stephanus und Lauren-
tius Erzmartyrern.26 Sein Spanien nach ndung des
urn 812 durch Jacobus major worden.
zu den Antiphonarien Heilige
schon aufgefuhrt. unter anderen Essen;
03 aus Essen; Sangal1. 914, c. 800; Sangall. 878, c. 849-850; Sangall. 450,
c. 850. Auch in den Ubrigen St Caller Kalenclarien,29 wie im Kolner Fest-
kalender30 ist cler Heilige angegeben.
Dr. Crasso sei gedankt. Er gab mir am

Cesange aus T aggia ncentius-Offizium
gleichen.
24 LCI, Band 8 (Freiburg, t 968; Nachdruck ) 994), Sp. 568f.
25 LThK, Band 10 (Freiburg, 1965), Sp. 802f.
26 Erna Melchers, Heilige (Munchen, 1978), S. 54.
27 Hug-o Dausend, Das alteste Sakramentar der Miinsterkirche zu Essen (Mon·
920), S. 66.
Koob, Das An Essener Handschrift f S. 258.
f
(Munster, [Diss.])
29 Munding, Die von St. Gal/en ( Unter-
30 Georg Zilliken, Der KoJner Festka/ender (Bonn, 1910), S. 40.

80 EDITH BOEWE-KOOB
VINCENTIUS
T = Taggiai G = Genova, Antifonario Ni F = Freiburg, S. M. Magdalena
11730. Die Antiphonen stehen in T, G und F in der zweiten N. in gleicher
Reihenfolge.
T ~ - J
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RE-SPON-SA COMMJTIO PS. Domine Dominus noster

84 EDITH BOEWE-KOOB
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86 EDlTH BOEWE-KOOB
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El N FRACMENT AUS DEM KONVENT SAN DOMENICO 87
1
J .
T
CE-LESTIS OLM Doe
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FERVENT! CE-LESTIS OLIM DOCTRINE MlNISTERIUM DELEGAVI
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88 EDTTH BOEWE-KOOB
Oer Vergleich der beiden Handschriften in Quadratnotation mit den

Gesangen des Fragments zeigt deutliche Gemeinsamkeiten im Meloclien-
veri Vere wurden Silben cler Gesange aus aggia ismatischer ailS-
geziert als die Melodien der Vergleichshandschriften. Oberraschend ist die
Obereinstimmung cler Handschriften aus Genova und Freiburg. Beide sind
Dom kaner- aster! Handschrift Genova zeigt durch gebogene
Tonzeichen die Liqueszenzen an, die im Fragment ebenfalls besonders ge-
kennzeichnet wurden. Durch diese Notation konnten die weniger gelaufigen
Zeichen des Fragments bestimmt werden,
Die Reihenfolge der Gesange in der Handschrift aus Genova und Freiburg
sind mit dem Tumus cler Offiziumsgesange aus Jvrea identisch (In Freiburg
wurde der Versikel der ,Nocturn in .NoCtUfl1 eingesetzt). Ver-
gleichsquellen werden deshalb zusatzlich zu E in einer Tabelle aufgelistet.
Ein Vergleich Vincentius-Cesange von mit un

T
HI. N . N.>
R Agnosce, 0 Vincenti R <Agnosce 0 uincenti>
V Esto igitur ' .. coronam V <Esto igituf> coronam
11. N. 11. N.
A Tanto namque A Tanto namque
Ps invocarem Ps Uerha nlea
A Levita Vincentius A Leuita uincencius
Ps Verba mea Ps Domine dominus noster
A tibi lam Ali
VS Cloria et honore in F in I. N. VS Gloria et <honore>
I. N.
R Levita V iIlcentius R Leuita incencius
V Tibi enim gemina scientia V Tibi enim gemina sciencia
Die Gegenubcrstellung cler fHziums-Gcsange al1er aufgcfUhrtcn Hand-

schriften zeigt deutlich eine groBe Obereinstimmung. Damit konnte das An-
tiphon aus (1 Jahrhundert) Cl der Quellen diese spateren
Handschriften sein.
FRAGMENT AUS DEM OMENICO 89
2. Die Neumen im Fragment

Die treppenartige Neumierung, eine Eigenheit der beneventanischen
ft, drang ihrer ichkeit bis mail Handschriften
I So kon auch Vergleichen den en Graduel Cha-
pitre de BeneventJ VI-34 J und dem Codex lat. 5319 aus cler Bib!. Vaticana
festgestellt werden, cla8 es sich bei der im Taggia-Fragment verwendeten
Neumenschrift urn eine van Benevent beeinflul1te Neumenschrift handelt,
obwohl der Federstrich cler beneventanischen t'hndschrift vor-
ist. Neumen Fragment mit nerem Strich nd die
Textschrift in einer spatkarolingischen Minuske1 mit breiter Feder geschrie-
ben. Beim Auf- und Abstrich der Neumen bestand geJegentl ich unterschiedli-
Federdruck/ wobei Abstrich kraftiger geschrieben Auch
die Tonzeichen gemeinen schrager als beneventan No-
tation gestellt. Die Notenschrift ist eckig und verzichtet rnit Ausnahme der
liqueszenzen auf Rundungen. Neben den stufenartigen Neumen sind gele-
gentlich auch Punktneumen varhanden. In cler Handschrift aus Taggia fehlen
kleinen innerhal Tonzelchen, im zu meisten
ienischen dschriften as Fehlen Ringe auf au8er-
italienischen EinAul1 hin. Dafur besitzt das Fragment Tonzeichen J die als U-
queszenzen einzuordnen sind. Diese Zeichen wurden weder in Paleographie
icale XV in den fzeichnu und Tafel bei Solan Corbin
wurden erreichbaren Faksimiles Ant von
(vrea, Chapitre 106, dem Antiphonar aus Monza, Chapitre c.12.75, der Hand-
schrift aus Verona, Chapitre XCVIII, dem Antiphonar Saint-Maur-les-Fosses,
Paris/ Bib!. NaL tat. 12584 und der Handschrift aus Benevent, Chapitre V21,
diese Ton hin untersucht. Zeichcn fUr liqueszenzen in
untersuchten Quellen angetroffen wurden, Beispiele aufge-
zeichnet.
a) liqueszenzen im Taggia-Fragment
\
(Uincencius) tyranni, pater sancte, responsis iudicem, HI i karissime,
~ J
i uerbi, responsa corn In Dom confido, Uincenci
~
iudicem adgrediar.
31 Solange (Koln, 977),3. 142,

90 EDITH BOEWE-KOOB
! ~ i ~
(Sebastianus) sanctissimorum, re1inquetur, adlaetas, inmenso.
~
(Omnium Sanctorum) AlleIuia.
b) Neumenanalyse
Die Virga wurde als sehr kleines, schraggestelltes Zeichen aufgezeichnet,
die nach einem dUnnen, leicht gebogenen Aufstrich einen punktahnlichen
Kopf besitzt ,.. Die leichte Verdickung am oberen Ende des Zeichens
konnte, wie in Benevent, den Tonort anzeigen. 32 Sie wurde se/ten eingesetzt,
so daB das Punctum, beziehungsweise der T ractulus, hauhger als die Virga
verwendet wurde.
Der Pes wird, wie in Benevent, immer mit senkrechtem Strich dargestellt,
oft uber eine gro{3e Distanz, die das lnterval1 anzeigen solI J.
Clivis und Torculus entsprechen in der Ausfuhrung den beneventanischen
Aufzeichnungen, wobei die eine Form der Clivis im Fragment immer mit
einer geschwungenen Querlinie gezeichnet wurde 1. AlIerdings wurde sie
nicht wie in Benevent so konsequent bei Tonwiederholungen oder nach
einem vorhergehenden hoher liegenden Ton eingesetzt, sondern nach hohe-
ren, tieferen und gleichen Tonen. Auch die andere Form der Clivis 4, die in
der beneventanischen Schrift nach einem vorangehenden tieferen Ton
verwendet wurde, ist im Fragment unterschiedlich eingesetzt worden. Die
Untersuchung der Vincentius-Gesange ergab, dan die fur Benevent giiltige
Aufstellung 33 fur Taggia keine Gultigkeit besitzt. Nur die Halfte der im
Vincentius-OfRzium vorkommenden Clivis-Zeichen stehen an den Stellen,
die in Benevent meistens benutzt wurden. Beispiele aus den Vergleichen zeigt
folgende Aufzeichnung:
32 Corbin, 3. 148.
33 Corbin, 3 . 148.
EIN FRAGMENT AUS DEM KONVENTSAN DOMENICO 91
T
J" 0J J ) I' j .
ACRl-O-RA TYRANNI SUPPLI-CIA2 PI-A LONGANIMITATE
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92 EDlTH BOEWE-KOOB
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Torculus: Der abschlief3ende Abstrich am Torculus besitzt im Fragment

oft eine grof3ere Unterlange als in Benevent ~.
Der Porrectus wird hauptsachlich als "V" mit Aufstrich eingesetzt V.
Die Aufzeichnungen des Scandicus in Taggia bestehen aus zwei ubereinan -
dergeschriebenen Pedes ), wobei die Lange des Aufstriches das Intervall be-
stimmt )'34 Dieses Zeichen wurde fur 3-4 aufsteigende Tone verwendet.
Ein nicht gelauflges Tonzeichen wurde im Fragment festgestellt. Durch die
diastematische Aufzeichnung der Gesange kann angenommen werden, da8
es sich hierbei urn einen Oriscus handelt, der in dieser abgewandelten Form
in keiner verglichenen Que11e gefunden wurde 1.
3. Linien und Schltissel
Das auf der Ruckseite stehende Vincentius-Offlzium hat nur vereinzelt ein-
geritzte Linien. Durch die unvollstandig erhaltene Seite sind keine Schlussel
vorhanden. Dagegen besitzt das Sebastianus-Offlzium fast ausschlief31ich ein-
geritzte linien und auch Angaben fur den jeweiligen Schliissel. Es wurde
hauptsachlich die linie mit dem C-Schlusse\ gekennzeichnet und meistens
nur eine Linie eingeritzt. lm Fragment wurde an einigen Stel1en das a, ohne
eingeritzte Unie, angegeben und zweimal cler f. Schltissel. Trotz dieser Anga-
ben wurde auch hier die C- Unie, wenn auch manchmal unscharf, und ohne
Hinweis auf den C- Schlussel, eingezeichnet.
Bei den Gesangen von Omnium Sanctorum wird auf der Rectoseite zwei-
mal das a als Schlussel angezeigt, anschl ief3end zweimal das Fund wieder
zweimal das a. Verso, also die linke Spalte, besitzt, bedingt dUTch das Heraus-
rei8en aus einem Antiphonarium und durch die Verwendung als MakulatuT,
keine Schltissel. Uber cler ersten Antiphon des Vincentius-Offiziums wurde
ein C- Schhissel den Neumen vorangestellt, so daf3 man annehmen mu8, da8
ein anderer Schlusse1 zuvor CUltigkeit hatte . Dasselbe erscheint wahrend der
ersten Antiphon der Ill. N. im Sebastianus-Offlzium, in der zuerst ein F-
SchlUssel und nach wenigen Tonzeichen ein a eingesetzt wurde. Auch bei
dem Vers von Omnium Sanctorum Et audiui quasi wird am Anfang des
Verses anstelle des F- Schlussels aus einem durchgestrichenem a ein C ein-
gesetzt und am Ende dieses Verses flir das folgende Responsorium wieder ein
F-Schlussel aufgezeichnet.
34 Corbin, 3. 148.
EDlTH BOEWE-KOOB
Soweit sichtbar, wurde fast an jedem Zeilenende ein Custos gestellt (Vin-
centius), cler sich durch einen kleinen Querstrich am Anfang des verdickten
Abstrichs dem Custos Benevent unterscheidet ieses wurde
auch bei ffizium ium Sanctorum eingesetzt.
Custos in T aggia: 11 Custos in Benevent: ./
Wieam inal besitzt Fragment farbigen
Zusammenfassung
Rekapitulierend kann festgestellt we rden, daB der EinAuf3 der beneven-
ischen Neumenschri die Zeichengebung Fragments ausgepragt
Trotzdem Anden eigenstandige Tonzeichen, in Verbi mit
den "entlehnten" Zeichen deutlich zeigen, daB hier eine Neumierung benutzt
wurde, die zwar in der Zeichengebung beeinAuBt, aber dennoch ihren eige-
nen Charakter bewahrt hat. So sollte Neumenschrift auch se1bstan-
Schri bestehen blciben. Das Fragment ungeklarte Weise in
Taggia gekommen, dort kann zum Fragrncnt geho-
rende Handschrift nicht geschrieben worden sein, da das Kloster erst im 15.
Jahrhundert gegrUndet wurde. Leider war die Suche nach dem Codex, in dem
das t als befand, Kloster Taggia
heraus, die Ami und Responsorien Frag-
ments grol1e Obereinstimmung mit den Gesangen aus Ivrea besitzen. Abgese-
hen von gelegentlich anderer Reihenfolge, sind alle Offlzien-Gesange von
Taggia bereits in Ivrea vorhanden und somit konnte lvrea eine cler Quellen
Taggia
Die etwas geclrungenc ft in ingischer inuskel , Majus-
keln nur am Beginn eines neuen Textes, die klein geschriebenen Nomina
Sacra und Eigennamen, sowie die fehlende Interpunktion sind palaeographi-
Kritericn r die, neben Neumierung und deren eingeritzte Linie
den Schl , auf eine Handschrilt cler t. Hal des 13. }ahrhunderts
hinweisen.
Einen Hinweis auf die Heiligenverehrung im Valle Argentina bringen die

Statuten der Kommune ittelalterl Dorf Nahe
Taggia. wird Statuten 1440 daB Magi-
strat nur an bestimmten Tagen, die innerhalb cler kirchlichen Ordnung weni-
ger Bedeutung hatten, Anhorungen und Sitzungen durchfuhren konnte. So
wurden im als nte gerichtsfreie Tage sowohl der Gedenktag
El N FRAGMENT AUS DEM KONVENT SAN DOMENICO 95
von Sebastian us als auch von Vincentius angegeben. Damit wird die gro8e
Verehrung der beiden Heiligen in der Kommune Badalucco und somit im
Valle Argentina deutlich, da ihre Gedenktage in der Verfassung verankert
wurden. 35 Als Vergleich werden die gerichtsfreien Tage des Monats lanuar
aus Badalucco aufgefuhrt:
I ianuarii Festum Circumcisionis Domini
VI ianuarii Festum Epiphaniae
XVII ianuarii Festum S. Antonii
XX ianuarii Festum S. Sebastiani
XXII ianuarii Festum S. Vincentii
XXV ianuarii Festum Conversionis S. Pauli
Als wichtige, im Brevier aufgenommene Feste fehlen in Badalucco:
XVI ianuarii S. Marcelli
XVIII ianuarii Cathedra S. Pauli
XVIIII ianuarii SS. Marii, Marthae, Audifacis et Abachum
XXI ianuarii S. Agnetis
Das ware noch ein Hinweis, dan das Fragment aus diesem Landesteil stam-
men konnte. Die Obereinstimmung der Gesange des Vincentius-Offiziums
von Taggia und Ivrea (Provenienz Ivrea) wie auch der anderen hier nicht un-
tersuchten o ffizien , zeigen sowohl die Verehrung Vincentius in Norditalien
als auch die Verbindung der Offiziumstexte zu Ivrea. Interessant ist, daB im
CAO sowohl das Vincentius-OfRzium als auch die speziellen Gesange von
Omnium Sanctorum nur in romanischen Quellen vorhanden sind.
Der Vergleich der beiden Handschriften aus den Dominikaner-Klostern

Genova und Freiburg macht eine grof3e Konformitat der Melodien deutlich.
Demnach konnte das Fragment den me10dischen QueJ/en der Domini-
kaner- Tradition zugeordnet werden, die sich ja nicht nur auf monastische
Offizien beschranken miissen.
Die Offizien des Fragments gehoren dem Curs us Romanus an und mu8ten
frLih in einer OP- Gemeinschaft benutzt worden sein. Da aber die Dominika-
ner am Anfang ihrer Predigertatigkeit die jeweilige Liturgie ihres Aufenthalt-
sortes annahmen, ist diese Zuordnung moglich.
35 Nilo Ca\vini, Cl; antichi statuti comunalj di Rada/ucca (Genava, 1994), S. t 69.
96 EDffH BOEWE-KOOB
Dominicus grundete 1215 in Toulouse eine Gemeinschaft von Predigern,

die 1216 von Papst Honorius Ill. (12 t 6-1227) bestatigt wurde. 36 Auf dem 1.
Generalkapitel in Bologna t 220 und dem 9. Kapitel in Paris 1228 wurde
beschlossen, dal1 sich reisende Dominikaner der Liturgie des jeweiligen Auf-
enthaltsortes anpassen sol1ten. Erst auf dem 25. Ceneralkapitel zu Bologna
1244 und dem 26. Kapite1 in Koln wurde eine Vereinheit!ichung des Offi-
ziums in Melodie und Text vorgeschrieben. Diese Obereinstimmung konnte
aber erst auf dem 34. Generalkapitel 1253 zu Buda durch den Ordensgeneral
Humbertus de Romanis vol1standig durchgeflihrt werden. 37
IITotum offlcium tarn cliurnum quam nocturnum addatur secundum ordi-
nationem et correctionern venerabi}js Patris nostri Humberti Magistri Ordinis
conflrmamus."38
Urn diese Zeit aber war die Hanclschrift, cler das Fragment aus Taggia ent-
stammt, all er Wahrscheinlichkeit nach bereits geschrieben. Die neue Choral-
ausgabe von Humbert wurde das maf3gebliche Werk fUr die Gesangspraxis
cler Dominikaner. Sie wurde von Papst Clemens IV. (1265-1268) bestatigt
und von Papst Pius V. (1566-1572), cler selbst dem Orden der Dominikaner
angeh6rte, im Einklang mit den Beschhissen des Tridentinums, 1569 noch-
mals genehmigt. 39 Bemerkenswert ist, daB das Werk Humberts bis in die heu-
tige Zeit Gtiltigkeit besitzt, abgesehen von unwesentlichen Anderungen.40
Anhand dies er geschichtlichen Tatsachen ist es verstandlich, daB die Ge-
sange in den Handschriften aus Genova und Freiburg fast identisch sind und
mit den Gesangen aus Taggia bis auf Kleinigkeiten ubereinstirnmen. Das frag-
ment entstammt den melodischen Quellen cler Dominikaner-Tradition, zu-
mal die Monche, wie es die Weisung verlangte, in einer Stadt die Liturgie des
jeweiligen Aufenthaltsortes ubernehmen mul1ten. So konnte das Fragment
von Dominikanern, wahrend ihres Aufenthaltes in einer Stadt dieses Landes-
teiles, benutzt worden sein.
36 LThK, Band 3 (Freiburg, 1959), Sp. 483.

37 Gottfried Goller, "Die Gesange der Ordensliturgien", Geschichte der katho-
/ischen Kirchenmusik Band 1, Hrsg. Karl Gustav Fellerer (Kassel-Basel-Tours-
London, 1972), S. 270f.
38 Mon. Ill, p. 78ff.
39 Heinrich Huschen, Dominikaner, MGG Band 3, (Kassel-Basel, 1954; Nach-
druck 1989), Sp. 644-652.
40 A. Mortier OP, La Liturgie Dominicaine I, 7 Bande (Lille-Paris-Brugge, 1921),
S.62ff.
El N FRAGMENT AUS DEM KONVENT SAN DOMENICO 97
Das Offizium aus Genova zeigt an, dar3 die Vincentius-Verehrung fur die-
sen T eil liguriens als gesichert gelten kann. Auch die Obereinstimmung cler
Gesange ven Taggia und lvrea, einer Stadt in Piemont, also der Nachbarre-
gion liguriens (friiher beide zur Lombardei gehorend), macht die Vincentius-
Verehrung in diesen Teilen des Landes deutlich. Bei den Untersuchungen des
Vincentius-Offlziums der Handschrift aus Freiburg wird deutlich, dar3 die do-
minikanische Choralrevision auch in Deutschland ihre Auswirkungen hatte.
Obwohl ein Offlzium flir Sebastianus in den meisten Antiphonarien Ita-
liens, Frankreichs und Deutschlands vorhanden ist, kann es trotzdem durch
Notation und Schreibvarianten, zusammen mit dem Offizium Omnium
Sanctorum, dessen Gesange im CAO nur in romanischen Quellen ausflndig
gemacht werden konnten, zur regionalen Einordnung des Fragments aus
Taggia beitragen.
RHYMED OFFICE RESPONSORY VERSES:

STYLE CHARACTERISTICS AND MUSICAL SIGNIFICANCE
lAMES 1. BOYCE, O. CARM.
The great or prolix responsory figures prominently in the Matins service of

the Divine Offlce as a musical response to each of the nine or twelve read-
ings, depending on whether the cathedral or monastic usage is being ob-
served.1 The responsory consists of a respond begun by a soloist and contin-
ued by the choir, followed by a verse sung by the soloist and concluding
with the latter portion of the respond, known as the repetenda, sung by the
choir. The length of the responsory text as well as the melismatic nature of
its chant make the piece particularly interesting, while the normally close in-
terrelationship between the text of the responsory and of the preceding les-
son fosters a sense of cohesiveness within the Matins service as a whole. This
becomes all the more interesting in the case of a rhymed office where the les-
sons are normally drawn from the historia or life of the saint rather than from
scripture and where the responsory itsel f is usually somewhat more elaborate
than its counterpart in a traditional office format.
Although the stylistic characteristics of the prolix responsory have been
discussed in a number of scholarly artic1es 1 and although research into the
rhymed office tradition continues at a steady pace, little discussion has taken
place about the stylistic characteristics of rhymed office responsory verses.
Typically, Paul Cutter lists the responsory tones used in responsory verses for
each of the eight modes in both the Gregorian and Old Roman traditions in
his article on the responsory in the New Grove Dictionary,3 but says nothing
John Harper discusses the function of the responsory within the context of
the Matins service in The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy from the Tenth to
the Eighteenth CentUlY (Oxford, 1991).
2 Besides being discussed in the standard books on Gregorian chant, aspects of
the prolix responsory have been specifically addressed in Ruth Steiner, "Some Meli~
mas for Office Responsories", JAMS XXVI (1973), pp. 108-131; Thoma~ F. Kelly,
"Melodic Elaboration in Responsory Melismas", JAMS XXVII (1974), pp. 461-474;
H. J. Holman, The Responsoria Pro}ixa of the Codex Worcester F. 160 (dissertation,
Indiana University, 1961).
3 Paul Frederick Cutter (1-4), Davitt Moroney (5), "Responsory", in the New
Crove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 15, pp. 759-765.
100 lAMES J BOYCE
about instances in which the responsory verse might digress from the estab~
lished tone, In his article on the rhymed office in the New Grove Dictionary
Andrew Hughes simply states that the "conventional tones for the verses of
responsories were discarded in favor newly composed tunes" The purpose
of this paper to examine the musical characteristiCS of a select number of
these "newly composed tunes" from the Gregorian tradition, determine their
relationship to the established responsory tone and discuss their significance
in terms of the rhymed office repertoire, Because of enormous scope of
rhymed office responsories we shall restrict our examination to those of the
first mode, with the confidence that what holds true for this sampling applies
equally well to the repertoire as whole.
Example 1. The Responsoty Tone for First Mode

Taken from Paul Cutter and Davitt Moroney, IlResponsory", The New Grove
Dictionary of Music and Mw;icians, vo!. 1 p.762,
" ;:. ----. • • i .::.- iZiI
Example 1 shows the standard responsory tone for first mode, to which ev-
ery responsory verse is expected to adhere. the example illustrates, the
responsory tone consists of two halves, roughly equal in length, each of
which contains an intonation formula, a recitation tone and a cadence. In the
case of the flrst mode responsory tone the melody begins on a with a charac-
teristic g g f intonation forrnula leading a recitation tone on then
moves back up to a characteristic intermediate cadence on a b-flat a aj the
second half begins on g, rises to a recitation tone on a and then descends
again through a characteristic a g f e gag cadential formula to terminate on
f The range of notes for the first mode responsory tone thus extends only
from eta b-flat and the first and last notes are fixed on a and [respectively.
While particularly long texts could occasionally force an expansion of the
verse formula, often repeating the median cadence, the contours of the for-
4 Andrew Hughes, "Rhymed ofAce", The New Grove Dictionary of Music and
Musicians, ,1 p.
RHYMED OFFICE RESPONSORY VERSES 10
mula itself were expected to (o11owed meticulously. The subst of

Sllch a -respected formula by a newly composed one thus merits detailed
investigation
Example 2. The Verse "Dignum erat" from the office St. Ann
Vatican City, Vatican library, Ms, lat. 0775
~ • ;;
..,.
iI
• :• • ;=. •
.5:". ;; <>
iI
Dig- ntDI e - rat e - ni. tale.
I~ • •
- "-
• • it i "" .. 5::;7- • •
-
• •
••
"'" i
ne.
0.
)I 2J
hoc 1'1 r 01' di
With the corpus of rhymed office responsories, some verses continued

to follow the standard responsory tone. Thus, for example, the verse IlDig_
num er at en talem hoc oriri ordine" the of St.Ann, Example 2,
clearly rhythmical text j it follows the melodic contour of the
established verse tone, beginning on a and ending on f The opening intona-
tion formula and median slightly altered, the latter extending to
rather at "talem". The melody is somewhat abbreviated to accom-
modate a short text, wl1ich accounts for the digressions from the established
pattern in the first a1 f of verse. The second half of the verse follows
standard tone, perhaps to offset the digressions made in the nrst The r
verse precainur te benigna / TOga deum prece digna / nobis det ut veni
am" from the office of St. Mary of Salome,5 our Example 3/A, is rhythmical
text which is also rhymed. Here clearly three-part text must be applied to a
two-part melody. In order to accomplish this g a a cadential figure
the hat repeated after the recitation tone the second half, thereby
creating extra musical phrase; the cadential formul from a to f concludes
the verse in the normal manner. Thus while verse adheres to the overal
form of the responsory tone, the tripartide verse text necessitates a corre·
spondi three-part musical form consisting f the half, its slightly aJ-
tered repetition and the second half, yielding an a a' form.
This has been edited in Bayee, liThe Office of St Mary of Salome", Journal of
the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society 11 (1988), pp. 25 47.
102 lAMES I BOyeE
Example 3/A. The verse "Hoc prccamur from the office of lf
St. Mary of Salome

Vatican City, Vatican Library, .10781
IF' •
..,.
•pre- • i )I ; 11
A
Ii r::i • =
Hoc ca - IIIUl' \e be - ni - gna
I~
....
•sa "•
-"-
(; 11 • • • =i •
re - de - UR pre - cs di - 9M
{:-:Se i?")I] . ; • • -. :
no - his det ut ni 4111.
Example 3/R The verse liTe pavcntcm" from office f

St Mary of Salome
Vatican City, Vatican Library, Ms. Vat. lat. 10781
I~ ; Te
• •
pa- lIen- \ea
if -oE It
.... jj
vir
i~
or -
ii • iI
1,a-
#
tur
=2
~ ·';'ii
ti -
;;
oor ab - sit et
• • • ;;
ai- ia
;0 •
tur
=: --==
I~ ! 2·
JaJI Stlf- re-
!"'" if i-"-. ;0; • •
ldt do - - lIIIi
I ,
nus.
]
Example 3/B shows another verse from same office of St. Mary of
Salome, ''Te paventem vir ortatur / timor absit et affatur / iam surrexit domi-
nus". The same accommodation to a three-part text occurs here: the first half
the responsory verse is identical that of "Hoc precamur and the extra lf
cadence formula is inserted at "timor absit et affatur"j although the third

phrase begins on the same note a, the cadence is shorter and is more direct
descent not to the f as the responsory tone would require, but directly down
to d, the final of the mode, so that the traditional cadential formula is not ob-
served. Example 3/C, the verse "Que ab eo non discessit I sed in eius quem
dilexit 1 fide constans exstitit", another tripartide text from the same office,
matches Example 3/8 as far as the final cadential formula to d is concerned,
with a few small variants in the first half of the tone. Actually the opening
formula at "quell is closer to the responsory tone than the other two exam-
ples; the text underlay at Ilab eo non gives added emphasis to gag a, with
ll
one note per syllable as opposed to two notes per syllable in its counterpart l
Example 3/8.
Example 3/C. The verse I'Que ab eo" from the office of

St. Mary of Salorne
Vatican City, Vatican Library, Ms. Vat. lat. 10781
• • • • ...... " • » •
Que ab e- 0 non dis - ces- sit
• • • • i •
• • •
sed in e - ius qu~ di - le - xit
•
li -
•
de
, ..
con-
. M..... i('•
•
11
Clearly the author of the St. Mary of Salorne office was familiar with the
conventional responsory verse formula which he used in one instance l yet al-
so took the liberty of digressing from it in two other cases. Since he di-
gressed from the formula in the same way in both cases he did not feel any
necessity to invent a new formula each time. He was also careful to end on d l
the final of the model Jest the change in cadence provoke any confusion
about the modal identity of the piece.
Examples 4/A and 4/8 illustrate two responsory verses from the office of
St . lames as taken from the Codex Calixtinus.6 Although neither of these
texts is rhymed, the music of both follows the example of rhymed offices in
digressing from the responsOtY tone. The first of these , "At illi relicto ll , fea-
6 The music of the office of St. lames has been edited by Dam Gennan Prado,
OSB. as part of W. M. Whitehill, J. Carro Garcfa and G . Prado, Liber Sancti}acobi:
Codex Calixtinus (Santiago de Compostela, 1944 ) .
104 lAMES 1. BOYCE
tures an unusually long first half, since the intermediate cadential a b a formu-
la of "patre suo" is repeated at "Zebedeo in navi" and again at "cum
mercenariis"; the second half of the verse, IIsecuti sunt eum/' begins on the
recitation tone a but descends to the subAnal c before ending on the final d;
the notes at "sunt eum" match those which end the respond itself. The de-
scending pattern of notes from a to d for the text "At illi" and "secutt in the
verse also corresponds to a pattern of notes in the respond. Here the un-
rhymed text does not conveniently subdivide into rhythmic units, so that the
musical formula seems to undercut the lexical impact of "patre suo Zebedeo",
for example. On the other hand, the brevity of the second half reinforces the
importance of the text "sectIti sunt eum". The signincant words of the text are
that they followed the Lord, "at illi secuti sunt eum", with the remainder of
the text being Virtually a parenthetical remark. The association of at iIli" lI
with "secuti sunt eum" is reinforced musically by the descending pattern of

notes a g fed at the end of "iI1i" and "secutt. Here as elsewhere the longer
text necessitates a repetition of the intermediate cadence, thereby lengthen-
ing the proportion of the first half to the second.
Example 41A. The verse /JAt illi relicto/J from the office of St. James
Codex Calixtinus, edited by Dom German Prado, O. S. B.
At
•
il - li
• • '.
• i ' 11
.
1'8-
.. . , . . . it ;
(i-eta pa-
. • i
.
SU-
.. ;
0
« • • • ,"
in
. na-
•
vi
, • jij
•
CUllt lller- ce- na - ri - is
• • • • • • ; ""~ .;0>. ; . . • • .0>,

se - tu - ti sunt e- lOt.
RHYMED 0 FFI CE RESPONSORY VERSES 105
The considerably shorter verse 'Tristis est anima mea", Example 4/8, has
the same cadential formula at "usque ad mortem", descending to c before end-
ing on as its counterpart, example 4/A verse begins th a of a
fifth, from d to a, rather than simply a, so that the beginning note is d rather
than a and the ending note is d rather than f. The directness and brevity of
both sections force impact f the 'Tristis est mea usque
ad mortem". It is conceivable that here the composer wanted greater symme-
try which he achieved by beginning and ending on the same note, and the
emphasis on d both beginning and of the piece obviously inforc-
es the first mode of the responsOly. The choice of the same ending formula
in both cases suggests that the composer found a pattern he preferred to re-
place traditional formulaic ng of responsory tone,
Examp1e The verse s estma mea"

from the office of St. James
I~ =:- e •
•
Tri
Codex Calixtinus, edited by Dom German Prado, O. S. B.
=
stis
• • •
est
i-· I
a-
-0
• •- I
ni
<>
;;
"Aa
.A
jI i .7.
M-
•
a
I' .CT.
Example 5,
•
que
• • • • • • • .. •
,....
ad
i
JIOr
.....
••
responsory verse "Quod moyses josue / senio gravatus /
• Ii i
ta.
....
•
hoc egit precipue 1 presul memoratus" from the of St. Anianus of Or-
leans features both the descent to c and final on d at "memoratus" as well as
the ing of a from to a at IIquod". intcrn1ediate cadence
formula of a b a is here extended to a be bag a at "iosue" and then reiterated
at "senio gravatus"; here the movement is further extended upward towards d,
so that the of the ha1 the the octave from d
to d, thus covering the entire range of the fIrst mode itself. two sections
of the first half end on a while those of the second half end on d, so that the
music respects textual rhyme.
106 fAMES 1. BOYCE
Example S. The verse "Quod moyses iosue" from the

office of St. Anianus
Vatican City, Vatican Libraty, Ms. Reg. lat. 623
I~ ....
• • •• • • ; • I
••• • • I • I
• I
•
Quod JIKJ- \J - ses io - su- B se - ni - 0
I~ I
gra - va -
• • • •
tus
I~ IC;:; ; ....
0- oC?o
"'" il • • • i iI ••
e"-• git "• •
I
•
hoc pre - ci - pu - c prc - suI
• .. •
• •
gj
M-lIKI-
•
l'a - tus.
"
Example 6. The verse "Domine legis" from the office of

St. Charlemagne
Paris, Bibl iotheque Nationale, Fonds latin, Ms . 14511
• I • • •
I
• • r·
Do - Ri - ne le - giB aM - plsc - tens iu - Bti - ti - a
..... jj e.
iii
•
1i -
•
ta - vit se
•
de -
•
0
pia -
.....
( ....r
stl -
.
a~.
Example 6, "Domine legis" from the office of St. Charlemagne, illustrates

how one can express considerable individuality within a relatively traditional
formula: here the verse begins on the traditional a and cadences on a at both
"iustitiam" and "deo" in the first half; nonetheless within the nrst part of the
verse considerable melodic freedom prevails, and the range is expanded to a
low d on "Iegis", then up to cat "iustitiam" and even d at "1 itavit", so that the
RHYMED OFFICE RESPONSORY V ERSES 107
full range of the mode is expressed within the first half of the verse and the d
Anal serves to reinforce the mode. [n this instance the musical and textual
lines do not agree: the intermediate cadence is reiterated at "deo" which is in
the middle of the second textual line.
Example 7. The verse "Beatus vir" from the office of St. Gregory
Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds latin, Ms. 1266, vol. t.
I'
,,--....,
.... ji 0
i i
ft
» • ••
;; • • 11
tJ
•• • •
Be- il -
ij
ws
• •
vir qui ti - JllCt
• • • "• , , • ;-.. •» •
I' do -
ji
• •
lIIi - ntJIII in
i
Nn- da - " tis
Ip e -
•••
ius
it
cu-
.0.
.. ...
"pit
i ,
ni -
; • i
"is.
0-
• 11
The responsory verse "Beatus vir" from the office of St. Gregoty, Exam-
ple 7, is an unrhymed verse which follows a rhymed respond and illustrates
the extensive range that could prevail in responsory verses. Thus the melody
of the first half extends upward to the d and then to the eat II timet" before de-
scending to an intermediate cadence on a at "mandatis" and eventually termi-
nating on the d Anal ae'nimis". The highly elaborate melody functions almost
independently of the text, however. Even though the text is not rhymed the
words "in mandatis eius" clearly function as a unit, while the end of the first
phrase happens at "mandatis" and the second phrase begins at "eius". There is
considerable correspondence between patterns of notes in the· verse and in
the respond.
The responsory verse "Dukes clavi" from the office of the Holy Lance and
Nails of Our Lord used in the diocese of Mainz, Example 8, serves as a flne
i1lustration of length and balance within a responsory verse, since each half
consists of two parts. An unusually full incipit, d f gab a leads to a tra-
ditional a b a a cadence at "pungite"j the melody then rises to d and returns
to a second a b a median cadence at "vectite"i the second half begins and
ends on the lower d, with a cadence on d at "iungite", followed by a fourth
phrase which also ends on final d. Here too the closing pattern of notes for
the verse corresponds to that of the respond. Although one could expect the
108 lAMES 1. BOYCE
German choral dialect to influence the melodic shape of this verse and per-
haps change the a b a cadential figure to a c a, no such influence obtains in
this piece. The mel isma on "dulces" at the outset makes the Arst phrase longer
than the others, but otherwise this responsOty verse is a model of stylistic bal-
ance among its four phrases, which correspond precisely to the four textual
rhymed units.
Example 8. The verse "Du Ices clavi" from the office of the Holy
Lance and Nails
Aschaffenburg, Stiftsbibliothek, Ms . Perg. 1.
I~ ,•
-c
Dul -
;; • i • • • ;
•• . A. i •
res
i
cIa -
• ii ;
vi
<>
ii •
iA. ;
pun - Si
•
-
ii •
te
I' ; •
cor -
i
••
da
• i
no
•
-
jii ;;
stra
c-
l
• " -• • •
-0
1I
II8C - ti te
I' ; 0-
Chr! - sw
I .
•••• sed
i
dis
•
- • •c- I
iun - .. - •
,.....
gi
I
te
I' ;; ;.0.
. ; ,
•
<"
a
;
pra
...
c- t
-
•
vc - ..u.
0-
...
ra -
ii
pi
•- • • • i
~.
0-
:;
Example 9. The verse "Quia rectum" from the Qffice of St. Kilian
Aschaffenburg, Stiftsbibliothek, Ms. Perg. 1.
-•
,..
;; ;; •
-0-
• ; • •
;-- I
i
0.
AI • ii •
ti
-
.
Qui - a l'eC - tu. est vel' 00. do - .i - ni
"
Ifs· · ".' ·
et OR - nl - a
ii •
o-
• •
pe - l'a e - lus In
, ..
1I - de.
The responsory verse "Quia rectum est verbum domini", from the office of
St. Kilian, our Example 9, although not rhymed, nevertheless features newly-
composed music. Beginning with a leap of a fifth incipit from d to a, the mel·
RHYMED 0 RESPONSORY VERSES 109
ody ascends up to c and then returns to an unconventional median cadence

at f; the second half of the verse is similar to the flrst but descends to cadence
on d, the final of the mode. The two musical phrases of the verse correspond
to the two textual phrases.
Example 10. The verse pro ipsis suppl

from St. An-a
Aschaffenburg, iothek, Ms. Perg.
- , • • • • • . • it..
I' • • • it
Do - .i - no pro
]I • •
ip - sis sup -
....
pli - cans
]I
I' • i- • • • •
0-
• •
.."
11 ]I • •• »• • • i • • • •
et \/er -
•huJ yi - te e - is aft - NUl - ~i IM.
11
the Roman martyr featured prominently litur-

gy the relatively responsory verse ipsis
suppl , Example 10, begins on a moves down to f up to c en
route to a median cadence on a at "supplicans"i the second half extends the
range upward to d before descending to a cadence on the final d. While one
notices several leaps of a fourth from g up to c at "supplicans", from c down
to gat "eis" and from a up to d at "annuncians", the contours of the verse di-
gress responsory tone ar fashion to other verses have
Although text underlay in this verse, of the
corresponds to the textual phrases.
responsory verse sorores" in the Carmelite
vers! office of the Three ows the responsory that in
the Florence Carmelite office digresses from it considerably? This illustrates
that there is no particular correspondence between a given text and its likeli-
hood to follow a standard tone or not. Thus, as Example 1 t demonstrates,
the Florentine version exhibits considerable freedom in its opening formula
which begins on a, rises to c and then descends to d before proceeding to
the cadence on a j when this is
7 IS edited in Boyee, of the Three Cannel-

ite of the Plainsong Mediaeval Music ( 989),
pp. 1-38.
110 lAMES 1. BOYCE
reiterated at "chorus gaudet" the melody ascends to d, thus establishing the

full octave range within the first half of the responsory verse; the second half
begins on a and then rises to c before descending to the final d, all on the
word "supernorum", The rhyme scheme clearly shows this to be a two-phrase
text while the musical shape is clearly in three parts, The composer chose to
repeat the median cadence of "sororum" at "gaudet", perhaps to indulge the
extension of range to the d at "chorus", He did so at the expense of the text,
however, since the second phrase is clearly divided as a result and the second
musical phrase of the verse is applied to the single word "supernorum", Either
the music was adapted from another text to th is one or the author was inter-
ested in musical style rather than textual integrity, At any rate he chose a
three-part musical format for a two-part text.
Example 11. The verse "Felicium par sorores" from the office of the
Three Marys
Florence, Carmine, Ms, 0
.... ....
; • • • • Ii """ ji • • Ii jl ; jl ; • jj
•
ie - li - ci - • • •
IDt pal' 10- l'O - ~
"
; • i • • • ; "'" jj ii •; •
cho - rus gau - det
"
,
I' SI! -
i
•• • • ;;
• • • ;:7;
per - •no- ru.•...
The responsory verse "Ad earum igitur", Example 12, also from the Flor-
I
ence Carmelite Three Marys ofHce, contains an opening formula of d f a,

thus filling in the leap of a fifth from d to a which other verses used, This ef-
fect of successive thirds is reinforced at iligitur", I n this example the textual
rhyme of "percurramus" and "valeamus" is not supported by the melody, since
the normal intermediate cadence on a does not occur at the end of the word
IIpercurramuslli this suggests that the text may be a contrafact applied to a
melody that was originally designed for a different text. The musical form of
lit t''' h
11 'ddl of
the verse is ambiguous, tending to the a at "igitur, 0 IS , t e ml e
aleamus" H
jj 0 the
"percurramus" and IIconsortes" and to the d final at v . ere to
last phrase of the verse at ''[ip- ]sarum consortes effici valearnus" closely re-
RHYMED OFFICE RESPONSORY VERSES 11 1
sembles the termination formula used in the respond itself. The highly inde-
pendent melody of this responsory verse is bound neither by the traditional
verse structure nor by concern for the text. It emphasizes the a intermediate
cadence points as well as the d final rather than using the full range of d to d
to reinforce its first mode nature .
Example 12. The verse /lAd earum igitur" from the office of the
Three Marys
Florence, Carmine, Ms. 0
;-; : M-"-•
.0. .0.
• » •
it =
• • i
• • • ii ; •
-=
• ii i •
Ad e- a- ruJI i - Si - tur ri - all to- lis
"
I' i -•
lIi -
• -• • • •
ri bus per- cur - ra - •- • • .. • •
i
MS ut ip - sa - l'tIJI con -
•
SOl'
•
- tes
I' . . . . ...
eJ - li - ci
•
lIal - le -
i-. c·; •
a- NUS.
Example 13. The verse "Ordo sex lIS" from the office of St. Thomas of
Canterbury
Mainz, Dom- und Diozesanmuseum, Codex A
-• • • • •- • i
.0.
ij i • i
•- • •
"
(bo- do se - xus
;
e - tas con - di ti - 0
"
I' • • ;;
r.11 - 10
••• • •.
0
, ;
sau - det
•
hie •pri - ij--':-'
The office of St. Thomas of Canterbury was written by Benedict of Peter-
lIi - le •
i
-
• • •9i - •o.
borough, and enjoyed both monastic and secular observance. Whether is was
the dramatic nature of Thomas Becket's murder on Dee. 29, 1170 in his own
cathedral church of Canterbury or his embodiment of the sacred versus secu-
lar conflict in his ongOing dispute with Henry 11, his cult spread with incredi-
ble speed in the years following his canonization by Pope Alexander 1II on
]11 JAMES 1. BOYCE
Feb. 21, 1 173. 8 The responsory verse "Ordo sexus", our Example 13, main-
tains two halves which bear little resemblance to the established responsory
tone, although they do correspond to the two rhymed textual phrases. The
first begins and ends on a, with the intermediate cadence point being ap-
proached from below, g f g a at "conditio", rather than from the b above, as
the responsory tone would require. The second half of the verse exploits the
lower range of the flrst mode, descending as low as the subfinal c before final-
ly terminating on d. like other such cases, the range of mode, in this case
from c to c, is exploited, while the verse ends on d, the final of the mode.
The verse is thus clearly rooted in first mode while still being highly indepen-
dent of the established responsory tone. This is a particularly important
instance of creativity in rhymed office composition, given the use of the
St. Thomas Becket office for other offices such as that of St. David, as Owain
Edwards has established. 9
The office of St. Augustine, beginning with the antiphon "Letare mater
ecclesia" for the first antiphon of first Vespers, figured prominently in the lit-
urgy of the Augustinian Order, in the diocese of Paris, and by extension in
the rite of the Holy Sepulchre and other areas staffed by Augustinians j it also
enjoyed a prominent place in the liturgies of many dioceses and religious
orders, presumably because of the prominence of the saint himself and the im-
portance of his rule for secular canons and the mendicant Orders. Exam-
8 Among the numerous studies on St. Thomas Becket and the spread of his cult
the follOWing are most helpful: Denis Stevens, "Music in Honor of St. Thomas of
CanterbUty", The Musical Quarterly, LVI (1970), pp. 311-48; Raymonde Foreville,
"Le culte de Saint Thomas Becket en Normandie, Enquete sur les sanctuaires anci-
ennement places sous le vocable du martyr de Canterbury", in Thomas Becket, Actes
du colloque international de Sedicres, 19-24 aout 1973 (Paris, 1975), pp. 135-52;
Medard Barth, "Zum Kult des hI. Thomas Becket im deutschen Sprachgebiet, in
Skandinavien und Italien", Freiburger Diozesan-Archiv, LXXX (1960), pp. 97-166;
and Andrew Hughes, "Chants in the Rhymed Offlce of St. Thomas of Canterbury,"
Early Music, XVI (1988), pp. 185-201. Owain Edwards offers a detailed bibliography
of materials on the cult of St. Thomas Becket in his study of the office of St. David,
cited below .
9 Owain Tudor Edwards, Matins, Lauds and Vespers for St. David's Day, The
Medieval Office of the Welsh Patron Saint in National Library of wales, MS 20541E
(Cambridge, 1990). Cf. his article, "Chant Transference in Rhymed Oftlces", Cantus
Planus, Papers Read at the Fourth Meeting (Budapest, 1992), pp. 503-19 and "The
Medieval Liturgy of St. David's in South Wales", Cantus Planus, Papers Read at the
Third Meeting (Budapest, 1990), pp. 157-164.
RHYMED OFFICE VERSES 113
ple 14 illustrates the responsory verse "Nee tu me mutabis" from the flrst
Matins responsory "Inven augustinus". In section, "Nec tu
mutabis in te", the melody ins on a, rises to returns to
second "sicut cibum carn tue", begins on a and uses the intermedi-
ate formula to terminate a at "tue"; the second half of the verse,
"sed tu mutaberi in me", begins on d to a before to con-
clude on the d. The ending of responsOty verse is completely
different from the standard termination procedure. This radical departure
from the responsory tone is carefully offset exploiting the full range of
Ilrst mode, from d and by having the median cadence point of a and the
final of d figure prominently the verse. The structure corresponds
to the first ha! f of the reads, "while you do not change me into
you to the food of your flesh" and the second is "but you will be
changed me". The musical structure thus promotes a very careful appre-
ciation text.
Example verse "Nee tu me mutabis" from the office of

St. Augustine
Florence, Museo di Marco, Ms. 576 (E)
• JIU -
•
ta his
•
in
•
te
•
si
• •
cut ci - bu"
;..... ..=., ;.)1 •

car - nis tu -
I~ •sed •t.u •
11111 -
•
~ -
•
be - ris in
•
Re.
While the traditional Benedictine vow of stability presumably

precluded a lot of interact between monasteries, individual monks
may have led and brought I books from to
another. The mendicant orders in irteenth century allowed
the occasional Auence of a given from one area but
legis! ated un i 1iturgical observance all their houses, 0f
geographical I I thereby automatical guaranteeing the widespread
114 lAMES J BOYCE
expansion of an office once it was accepted into their rite. 1Q Thus the
mendicant orders played an important role in propagating rhymed offices,
especially for their own members who achieved sainthood. Perhaps the most
famous of these offices is that of St. Francis of ASSiSi, composed by julian of
Speyer between 1230 and 1232, which subsequently served as a model for
the office of St. Clare, St. Elizabeth, St. Louis of Anjou and the Trinity
within the Franciscan tradition. 11
Example lS/A. The verse "Oeum quid agat" from the office of
St. Francis of Assisi
Codex Ludwig Rosenthal, edition of Fr. Hilarinus Felder, O. F. M. Cap.
Ii ---;:.
"- .. a-
c-
• • • • ;
~
•
quid a- sat u nl cun
• ;; • • • • • •
• li
ii • •
• •
.."
i
con - suI - tans au - dit ce - Ii - cun
•
• • • • •da - •re.
in - si - glle si - bi
Example 15/A shows the responsory verse "Oeum quid agat" from the
office of St. Francis. The parallel descent from a to d at "consul tans" and "in-
signe sibi dare" can lead onc to conclude that the musical form of the verse is
10 For a disclIssion of this ulliformity of text and mllsic in the Dominican tradi-
tion, cf. William R. Bonniwell, O. P, A History of the Dominican Liturgy, 1215-
1945 (New York, 1945); I discuss the Carmclite approach to this uniformity in 'The
Medieval Carmelite Office Tradition", Acta Music%gica 62 (1990), pp. 119-151.
11 Cf. Fr. Hilarinus Felder, Die liturgischen Reimof/izien alIf dem hI. Franciscus
lInd Antonius, gcdichtet und componiert von Fr. jlIlian von Speier (Freiburg, 190 I);
S.). P. Van Dijk and). Hazelden Walker, The Origins of the Modern Roman Litur-
gy. The Liturgy of the Papal Court and the Franciscan Order in the Thirteenth Cen-
twy(Westminster, Md., 1960); L.). Wagner, "Julian of Speyer", New Catholic Ency-
clopedia 8:49; Jason M. Miskuly, 0 F. M, "Julian of Speyer: Life of SI. Francis (Vita
Sancti Francisci)", Franciscan Studies 49 ( 1989), pp. 93·174.
in two parts, each with a similar ending. This creates a situation in which a
two-part musical ~tructure accompanies a three-part textual one. Another
way of viewing the verse is that the descending pattern at "consultans" serves
as a springboard for the ascending phrase, "audit celicum"; in this perspective
the three parts of the musical phrase divide according to the three parts of
the text. Thus the first phrase, "Deum quid agat", begim on a and oscillates
around the notc to conclude on the same a at "unicum"; the second phrase
descends to d at "consul t:lflS" , proceeds up to d and then down to g at "audit
ceHeum"; the third phrase consist~ of a descent from a to final d at "insignc
sibi dare". This tripartide verse form parallels the tripartide form of the re-
spond itself. Both the full range of first mode, d to d and the use of d final en-
sure the identity of this responsory verse.
Example 15/8 shows the verse "Virgo sub sacra regula" from the office of
St. Clare, which is clearly patterned on that of "Deum quid agat uniCllm"j
Example 1S/B. The verse ''Virgo sub sacra regula" from the offlcc of
St. Clare
Craz, Austria. Codex Fratrum Minorum Craciensis
,
; • ~
•gu ..-
n
• • •
~
~
ii ii
., •
•
Vir- go
• •
suh sa
• -
era re
•
-
•
la
"
• '> .... i • • • • •
11' • • •
I
•
JllUI
"•
- ta -
"
run ian pre - alii - hu - la
....
1£.., • • •
se
ii
de -
• • • • ..0
•
con -
;; •
ser - • •
Vii -
•
bit.
Example 15/C shows the verse "Ut audivit elizabeth" from the oflice of the
Visitation in Aschaffenbllrg, Stiftshibliothek, Ms. Perg. 1 which also derives
from that of Francis. The work of Julian of Speyer was held in such esteem
within the Franciscan Order that the text of the offices of St. Clare and the
Visitation consciously employed the same rhythmical pattern and rhyme
scheme as that of St. Francis, so that the music could be adapted intact to
these new office texts.
116 lAMES 1. BOYCE
Example 1S/C. The verse "Ut audivit elizabeth" from the office ofthe
Visitation
Aschaffenburg, Stiftsbibl iothek, Ms. Perg. 1
• ;; -0
ji
• • • i r-. •• i
.n.
. ;; » •
.n.
Ui au - di - vit "
e- li - za- beth
"
... )I • • • • • •
• ••• • •
"
•
sa- lu - t.es 1II0X de na- za - reth
,~ • ;; • • • : • .. ..
de - cIa - ut Ri - ra -
•
•• ti - ne.
•
Example 16/A. The verse "Ad hoc convivium" from the office of
St. Dominic
Vatican City, Vatican Library, Ms. Vat. lat. t 0770
....
"•
;"'" •
-0
• • • :; ;;
0-
M • ;; M •
• i
Ad hoc con - VI - vi - UJI
" r-
- e . . ;•• .,
• • • •
"
•
ta- per
" ;; )I
• f ii •
N.g - ni - Ji -
•
CID'
i
e-
.....
il
"-
le
• • )I
git nun - ti - UJII
• . •
san - ctuJI
•• • i
Do -
.-..
;
•"'";
.i -
• • .. ,.-.. ;
ni - •
CU,I.
d
"
Example 16/A shows the responsory verse "Ad hoc convivium" from the
office of St. Dominic, where the textual and musical sections are in close
agreement. Textually the verse consists of two phrases of twelve syllables or
four of six syllables each, all of which are in rhyme. The first half of the mel-
ody moves from d up to a, back down to d and back up to a median cadential
formula ending on a at "magnificum"j the second phrase begins on g and rises
to d before descending again to a and then descending to the Rnal on d. The
verse "Per hoc ludibrium" from the offlce of the Crown of Thorns follows the
identical pattern, as Example t 6/8 illustrates. In both cases the full range of
RHYMED OFFICE VERSES 117
the mode and the final of feature prominently. Epstein has discussed
musical and textual borrowing in Dominican offices particularly between I
ofAce f the Crown of Thorns and St. Louis. 12 0 single office within the
Domin tradition ever influenced another to the extent that the office of
St. Francis predominated in the Franciscan tradition, however.
Example t6IB. verse "Per hoc ludibrium" from the office of the
Crown of Thorns
Vatican Vatican libraty, Ms, Vat. lat. 10770
;"'" • l\ • """ ji
• ;; "'" iI •
~
• • • i
.c>
; •
Pel' hoc di - hl'i - u.
"
,~ -. ;; ... 11 • •- .... ; • i
• 11
ha - stis de - lu - di
• ; •
tul'
i
.....
lIKIl' -
; r?·
tis
Ij
do - • .i -
• • • ;; "'"»
ni - u.
• .. ..
• • .A; . ;';;;:;
tol - Ii - •two. 11
Philippe de Mezieres is with writing of the Presentation

of the Virgin which he introduced to western on Nov. 21,
in the Franciscan church in Avignon in the presence of the papal court. 3
12 Marcy J Epstein, 11 Ludovicus Decus Regnantium: Perspectives on Rhymed

Office", Speculum, Lll( (1 .283-334,
3 Cf. William E. Coleman , Phi/ippe de Mezieres' for the Feast
MalY's Presentation (Toronto, 981) for a detailed of this feast
transcription of the texts for liturgical celebrations, from the manuscripts
Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, . latin 17330 and discuss the musical
ferences between these two versions in OfHzium der Darstellung van
Philippe de Mezieres, Die Handschrifte der Oberlieferungsprozefl" Kirchen-
musikalisches Jahrbucn 77 (1993), pp. a discussion of in the
Carmelite tradition, cf. "The Office of Presentation of Mary Carmelite
Liturgy", The Land Carmel, Essays in Honor of Joachim Smet, 0. Carm. (Rome,
1991), pp. 231-247,
118 JAMES 1. BOYCE
Example 17 show<; the responsory verse "Virgo sancta" from that office. The
opening d e f g a figure is striking, since it fills in the leap of a fifth which
characterizes so many first mode verses. The first half of the verse divides in-
to three sections: the first, ''Virgo sancta templo data", ends with a median
cadential figure a b a aj the second, "post facta est dei templum", includes an
ascending figure to the high d and ends with the same cadential a b a a
figure,. the third, "templum est plebs deo grata," also concludes with the same
figure. The second half of the verse, "Marie sequens exemplum," descends
from a through the subfinal c to end on the final d. This is by far the longest
responsory verse we have examined, one which reiterates the median
cadential figure, exploits the full range of first mode and concludes on the d
nnal of first mode. The threefold use of the a b a a median cadential formula
clearly extends the first half of the responsory tone and correspondingly ab-
breviates its second half, in marked contrast to the regular rhythmical pattern
establ ished by the poetry itself. Even though the overall shape of the verse is
textually and mUSically different, the individual lengths of the musical sec-
tions do at least correspond to the textual meter.
Example 17. The verse "Virgo sancta" from the office of the Presentation of
the Virgin
Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds latin, Ms. 17330
I~ ;• • i • • • • .. ... iI -; •
-.. ii • ill •
Vir - go sane -
i
ta ~- "
plo da - ta
. .... ; • i , -n
,• .
I' •
post lac - ta
• est
•
•"'" ii
de-
•
tell -
•
pIu
I~
.,.
; Ji I • I
•- • • . •
,...
• "'"
•; ... •
-0
i
•plebs
\
tal pluJI est de - 0 gra - ia
I~ • • ;
• •; i • ,- • • • ; ...- •
Md - ri - e se- • •
quens e -
i ;
XCI' - pIu..
11
order to put the above material in wc need to consider the

role of the responsory tone in the nrst place. The formula established the
verse in its relationship to the responsory and defined its mode. The enor-
mous number of responsories ich faitl1fully adhered to standard respon·
soty tone for the verse established a pattern from which one would digress
only with great hesitation. In a time before chant notation the singing of the
verse was entrusted to the cantor who was speciflcally trained to accornmo·
date the melody correctly to the text i in the time of heightened neumes
specialists also rendered the symbols into a musical format. The ability to Ilt
a tonal formula a given text identiAed the cantor scribe a of
learning who understood and appreciated a well-established tradition.
The composition of new music to replace such an established tradition
surely must have been a daring venture its nception although perhaps no
l
more daring than versifying the text of the historia itself. The composers of
this new music enjoyed a reputation for musical sklll which they acqulred ei
ther before after entrance to igious li or the clerical state. Jul of
Speyer received his musical training at Paris,14 for instance, and enjoyed a
lifelong reputation as a skilled rnusician within the Franciscan Order. In virtu·
ally all the cases we have examined the newly-composed responsory verses
take great care to remain within the confines of the established first mode, if
not of conventional tone. The degrees in ich these new verses di
gressed from the tone vary considerably, perhaps according to the conH
dence of the composer in his own musical abilities.
Sty] istically these newly-cornposed rhymed office verses stretch the hi
partide form of the verse to its limit, with considerable variation on the
median cadential formula. They greatly expand the established range, usually
encompassing the entire gamut of notes lable the mode ilsel In-
variably they end on the d final to conHrm their legitimacy within the first
mode. In terms of the opening note they may be faithful to the traditional a,
approach it either from the fifth below or in a pattern thirds, d f a or, we
saw in the example of Philippe de Mezieres' Presentation office, with every
note d e f g a. While much variety prevailed in these new verses, the para-
meters were also clearly ineated, so that one coul not vary the opening
formula much beyond the boundaries outlined above.
For Julian's musica training and other biographical nformation, d. Jason M.

Miskuly, O. F. M., "Julian of Speyer: Life of St. Francis (Vita Sancti Francisci)", Fran-
ciscan Studies 49 ( 989), pp. 3- 74.
120 lAMES 1. BOyeE
While composers digressed in very structured and careful ways from the
responsory tone, musical considerations often prevailed over textual ones in
setting rhymed office texts to music. While in some cases the music may de-
liberately enhance the meaning of the text, it is just as likely to function inde-
pendently of the text's rhythmic pattern or rhyme scheme.
though the examples we have used reflect several national traditions-
the office of St Thomas Becket is English, that of St. Mary of Salome is Ital-
ian, St. Anianus is French, Sts. Afra, Kilian and the Holy Lance are German -
as well as the rites of the Carmelite, Dominican, Franciscan and Augustinian
Orders, no cornmon stylistic bonds differentiate these verses from other
counterparts. In other there is no particular Italian, French or l£rman
manner of composing these new offkes. What emerge instead are the various
approaches to a rhymed office verse taken by individual composers, indepen-
dently of their nationality, reminding us that each of the examples was pre-
sumably composed by n individual{ most of whom now rema anonymous.
The compositions of Benedict of Peterborough Jul!an of Speycr, Philippe
t
de Mezieres and the composer of the office of St. Dominic tend to be some-
what more original and independent of the responsory verse formula than
lesser known counterparts. One is less likely to find in these later examples a
reliance on the traditional verse formul for stmcture in the piece. The offices
of Thomas Becket, Francis of Assisi and Dominic were imitated in other
offices, thereby indicating a great respect for the compositionaI abilities of
the authors in the first place.
A study the rhymed ffiee responsory verses can yield great results n
understanding the compositionaJ process the rhymed office itself, since
the manner in which it digresses from a traditional formula is rather more
measurable than other parts of the repertory. A study of verse formulas
among different offices helps to determine Auence of one office upon
another, since the formula itself short enough to be manageable for
purposes of comparison. Where two verses are in agreement, the chances are
very 1ikely that the entire responsory will be the same as well. Since the
Council of Trent essentially banned compositional devices which deviated
from establ norms,I5 a responsory verse which digresses from the
established tone is almost invariably pre-Tridentine. For nstance, the re-
15 The impact of the Council of Trent upon liturgical music has been discussed
by Robert F. Hayburn, Papal Legislation on Sacred Music, 95 A.D. to 1977 A.D.
(Collegeville, Minnesota, 1979) and Raphael Molitor, O. S. B., Die Nach- Tridenti-
ni,>che Choral-Reform zu Rom, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1901).
RHYMED 0 VERSES 121
sponsory verses for the office of St. William of Bourges digress fTom the
responsory tone in the pre-Tridentine manuscript Paris, Bibliotheque Na-
tionale, Ms. latin 1266, Volume I, and follow the establ ished tone in a later
source from Bourges, Bibliotheque Municipale, Ms. 47. The rhymed office of
St. Sicily survives 0 -Tridentine Carme1 16 all
of verses fall ished tone.
responsory verses insights into the pro-
creating a rhymed abies us to from
one another, and helps ish with accuracy
whether a given piece dates from before or after the Council of Trent. Its
most valuable product however is enabling us to appreciate the creative pro-
cess of a select number of gifted liturgical composers from the medieval peri-
od whose dedication to specific saints and to the medieval chant tradition
itself have left us with a precious legacy of chant pieces.
I St. Albert of n the following

Collegio Maria in T rasponti
Rome, no ai Monti, Carmine, Ms.
Ms. Dj Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesbibliothek, ms. fo1. 62.
CANTUS REGINE:
THE LITURGICAL MANUSCRIPTS OF QUEEN ALZBETA RE]CKA
CHARLES E. BREWER
The study of medieval chant traditions is often impeded by the lack of denni-
tive connections between sources. The multiple problems of provenance, me-
lodic and liturgical traditions, notational families, and regional variations
often inhibits our more modem attempts to elucidate what may have been
the specific traditions in any particular time and place. It is fortunate, there-
fore, that an unusually complete group of liturgical manuscripts can be defini-
tively associated in time, provenance, and patron, with the dowager Queen
of Bohemia, Alzbeta Rejcka. The focus of this study will be the graduale
from this collection, but this is in every respect typical of the collection as a
whole.
Alzbeta Rejcka (1286 -lS.X. t 336) was twice married. I Her first husband
was Vaclav 11 (27.IX.1271-21VI.1305), king of Bohemia and Poland. He had
been crowned king of Bohemia on 2.VI.1297, and king of Poland in 1300,
but his claim to the Polish throne was solidified following his marriage on
26.V. t 303 to Alzbeta, a member of the Polish noble family of the Piasts.
Following Vaclav Il's death, Bohemia was ruled for one year by his brother,
Vaclav III (6.X. t 289-4.VIII. t 306). Alzbeta married her second husband,
Rudolph I [Hapsburg], on t 6.X.1306, and he was crowned king of Bohemia
on the same day, but he died within a year on 3.VII.1307. Following a brief
1 Jan Kvet, lluminovane rukopisy kTil!ovny Rejcky: Prfspevek k dejinam ceske

kniin{ve sto/et{ XIV [The Illuminated Manuscripts of Queen RejCka: A Contribution
to the History of Czech Books in the 14th Century] (Praha, 1931), p. 19. The given
name also appears as Elizabeth and the surname also occurs in Polish as Rejczka. For
convenience, throughout this paper the Czech form of her name will be used. Also,
throughout this study, when illustrations of specinc manuscripts are available in pub.
lished works, these have been referenced rather than providing further illustrations.
The two illustrations from Rejcka's graduaJe are reproduced by pennission of the
Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek: Handschriften-, Autographen-, und Nachlass·
Sammlung.
124 CHARLES E. BREWER
period of itical turmoi the Bohemian crown was given i 13 0 to Jean of

Luxemburg (1 O.VIII 1296-26.VlII 1346).2.
After being twice widowed/ AIZbeta first retired to the queeds hereditaty
city in northern Bohemia/ Hradec Kralove Queen's Castle)j and there
helped build the Svata Ducha (Holy Chost) Church, which still stands in the
town's center. But as was typical for many dowager queens and nobility in
the M ddle Ages, especially East Central Europel Alzbeta founded a con-
vent and retired from public life. Other examples of women from among the
Bohemian nobility founding and retiring into cloisters include Anezka, sister
of Vac1 I, who founded the Cloister Se Francis [Sv. Franti~ka] in the Sta-
re mesto (Old Town) of Praha in 1234; and Konstancie, widow of Pfemys! I,
who built with her son, also named PremysJ (margrave of Moravia) a Cister-
cian cloister in Ti~nov i 12 3.3 Though some scholars have intimated that
Alzbeta was initially indecisive about which order to patronize, the actual
documents demonstrate her consistent wish to found a Cistercian c1oister. 4
The Aula Sancte Marie, was established in Brn (Alt-Brlinn 01 Brno)
in 1.322/3. 5
Among Alzbeta's first tasks was to provide her convent with the necessaty
liturgical books; as set down in the Cistercian regulations. It was fairly
common for European nobility to donate such liturgical manuscripts, either
for their own direct use within a cloister, or at least as significant denota-
tion . Simi examples from this period elaborate liturgical manuscripts
donated by women include the following: Queen Ingeborg, wife of Philip
Augustus/ commissioned a psalter (Chantilly/ Musee Conde); lsabel1a, sister
of Louis/ donated a psalter (Hcnty Yates Thompson Collection, ms.
Queen Jeanne d'Fvreux/ wife of Charles IV of France, commisSioned a brevia-
ry, (Chantilly, Musee Conde); Isabella, wife of Edward IJ/ commissioned a
For a summary of this period in Bohemian history, sce Ceskoslovenske dCjiny v

datech [Czechoslovakian History in Dates] (Praha, 1986), pp. 80-97. See also the
more detailed discussions in Zdenek Fiala, Piedhusitske {echy 1310-14/9 [Pre-
I-{us'iite Bohemia] (Praha, 1978), pp. -49, and Francis Dvornik, The Slays Euro-
pean History and Civilization (New BrunSWick, 1962), pp. 21-60. Fiala/s study also
contains a uscfullist of Czech and Mm"avian monasteries with their dates of founda-
tion on 397-403.
3 Kvet, p.12.
4 This is implied in Kvet, p. 24, however, character of these maml-
scripts is clearly Cistercian, as described below,
5 Kvet/ p. 26. The foundation letter of the Aula Sancte Marie is dated t.VI.
32
125
psalter (MUnchen, Bayerische iothek, 16) i

and PhiJippa of Hainault, wife of King Edward 1l1, had a psalter copied
(London, British Library, Harley ms 2899).6
Though now disbursed among three different collections, it is possible to
reestablish the set of liturgical books that Alzbeta had prepared (see Ap-
pendix 1).7 Based on the dates included in some of the sources} the manu-
scripts have been copied about 1315 and main
liturg graduale, the lectionaries of a
simil approximately mm. The are
slightly I approximately nternal
aspects - especially the liturgical calendar and musical contents - these are
definitely Cistercian in character. This is especially indicated in the graduaJe,
which was originally in two volumes (de tempore and de sanctis), by the
presence of specifically Cistercian offices, such as Bishop Wilhelm (f. 5v
[130v]), Abbot Robert (f. 27r [152r]), and Abbot Bernard of Clairvaux (f. 63r
[188r]) 8 to the specific detailed exami gra-
duaJe the melodies other similar
scripts period and two typical
6 Kvet, pp.16-17.
7 In addition to the art-historical study by Kvet, these manuscripts were also the
focus of a slightly earlier, less detailed study by Antonfn Fried" Malffi kraJovny Alz-
bety: Studie 0 vzniku ceskt Sko/y ma/mkt XIV stoJet( [The Painters of Queen Alz-
beta: A Study Concerning the Origin of the Czech School of Painters of the 14th
CentUlY] 1930). The and Regula Sancti (Wien,
Nationalbibliothek, not discussed in stud-
'Martyrologium . Benedicti z kl;i~tera Ma-
riae na e", Sbornfk pracf fakulte Brneske I F. 8
(1964, Kutal), pp. 35-4 .
8 Throughout this study, the foliation of the de sanctis section of the gradua/e
will give first the earlier, separate foliation followed by the modern continuous folia·
tion in brackets.
9 Comparison was made with the examples and discussions in the following
three studies: Dominique Delalande, Vers la version authentique du Gradual gre-
gonen: [e Craduel des Precheurs, Bihliotheque d'histoire Dominicaine :2 (Paris,
1949)j in der der
Abte; Zis!erzienserchora/s,
schen Solutor Rodophe
Origins cistercien: Recherches rcfonnes du cistercien au
Xlle sicclc, Sacri ordinis (Rome, 1952).
126 CfJARLES E. BREWER
graduale includes the Alleluia: Veni Domine et noli tardare Cf. 9r) with the
short rnelisma typical Cistercian sources and Cistercian version of the
Alleluia: KarilJle vulnera for St. Bernard 63r [188v ]).10
Not unexpectedly, the patronal saints of Bohemia are part of the church
calen including the graduale, (f. [161 George (f.
[1 ), Adal (f. [t49v], and Wcnceslaus (f. 75r l201rJ). Also added
as an appendix at the conclusion of the graduale (but still by the primary
scribe) is the for t )adwiga of lesia (f. [23
However, rubrics of Alzbeta's manuscripts all indicate a distinctly male
performance context, which at least hints that the exemplars were originally
not designed a clo For nstance, following from
the rubrics the Improperia dualc, 67r) clearly indicates an alterna-
tion of brethern: "Duo presbiteri can tent: Quia ego eduxi te, Cantent duo
fratres: Agyos, Charm ntet: Sanctus, presbiteri cantcnt: Quid ultra de~
bui tibt
Equally fascinating, and seemingly un-Cistercian, are the elaborate ilium i-
nat which include number of ngures in prominent positions,
and unusual musical notation found n all liturg ical The
manuscripts are all copied in gothic miniscule of a very similar pattern
and diu inations also have consistent ic style throughout the
whole set. J many respects, liturg books prepared for are
among the most important examples of Bohemian art in the early fourteenth
century,11
In zbeta's antiphonal and psalter ( Statn vedecka Knihovna, rkp.
Rajhrad 355) on folio 188r, on the right-hand border, there is an inscription,
which is, unfortunately, quite indistinct most reproductions of this folio:
"0 irgo pro me ima t Ut merear c1audere flne
bono * Sancta Maria succurre mihi Pe tro" (Offer, 0 virgin born most pure,
prayers for me so that f would merit a life that closes with a good end. Holy
l
10 Compare with Hammer, p. 1

11 For a general overview of Bohemian art in the fourteenth century, see the fol-
lowing works: Pavel Spunar, Kultura ceskeho stfcdoveku [Czech Medieval Culture]
(Praha, 985), especially ,166- Cotik Bonmen: Cescnichte, CeseJJschaFts-
geschichte, Architektur, Plastik und Ma/ere!, ed. Karl M. Swoboda (Munchen,
1969); and Albert KutaJ, {eske Cotickt~ Umenf[Czech Gothic Art] (Praha, t 972).
Each these also discusses briefly the manuscripts prepared for A see
the references cited in the indices.
CANTUS RECINf 127
Mary, help me, Peter).12 It is believed by most scholars that this "Petrus" was
the copyist/illuminator of these manuscripts, and there is some circumstantial
evidence to associate him with a "Pesco moler/l, Pe~ek a Oldfich (or OIdnch
a Pa~ek), who is documented as receiving payments from AlzbNa as a copy-
ist. 13 In any case, the art-historian Jan Kvet has posited a single atelier with
many members, perhaps in Opatovice or Hradec Kralove, though there is at
least one other possibility for the location of this atelier.t4
In a number of respects) the manuscripts prepared for Alzbeta Rejcka
reflect the sometimes flexible attitude of the Cistercians towards questions of
uniformity.15 Certainly, many earlier Cistercian sources are very sparsely illu-
minated in accordance with the reforming restrictions of St. Bernard. This
earl ier Cistercian attitude to illumination was codified in the twelfth-century
Instituta, where it was stated in article 82: "Letters should be made of one col-
or and without illustration [non depictae]. Windows should be made of white
[clear] glass, and without cross or other pictures./l 16 However, by the thir-
teenth and fourteenth centuries, the Cistercians were frequently receiving by
donation very elaborate illuminated manuscripts, and were even producing
codices using multiple coloTS and even gold. I?
One example of such a decorated source, an antiphonale from the early
thirteenth century (Praha, Statnf Knihovna, rkp. XIII A 6), was owned by the
Cistercian monastery of Sedlec, which was the parent cloister for Alzbeta's
11 A black and white facsimile of this folio appean in Kvet, plate 44, at the end
of the volume, and is described in detail on p. 116. A clearer black and white facsimi-
le is published in Emma Urbankova-Karel Stejskal, PasionaJ Pfemys]ovny Kunhuty /
PassionaJe Abbatissae Cunegundis (Praha, 1975), p. 94. In the above translation, I
have read "nata" for the manuscript reading of "nato".
13 Karel Stejskal. "PeSek a Oldrich, maim kralovny Rejcky" [Pdek a Oldrich:
Painter for the Queen Rejckal Dejinya soueasnost IX (Praha, 1967), pp. 34-37.
14 Kvet, pp. 138-143, discusses the complex issues of localizing the production of
the manuscripts prepared for Rejckaj see also the French resume, p. 251.
15 For a recent summary of Cistercian attitudes towards art, see Conrad Rudolph,
The "Things of Creater Importance"; Bemard of C/airvaux's Apologia and the Medi-
eval Attitude Toward Art (Philadelphia, 1990).
16 Quoted in Waiter Cahn, liThe Rule and the Book: Cistercian Book Illumination
in Burgundy and Champagne", Monasticism and the Arts, ed. Timothy Gregory
Verdon-John Dally (Syracuse, t 984), pp. t 40-141.
17 This is the main subject of the article by Cahn, liThe Rule and the Book",
pp. 139- 172.
Aula Sancte Marie. 18 The illuminations of this manuscript reflect a much

more Byzantine or Italian style than those in the liturgical books prepared for
Alzb~ta. As is typical of most Central and East Central European Cisterician
sources, this antiphonaleuses the traditional French-derived neumes. 19 How-
,e ver! the illumination in this manuscript is certainly not of /lone color and
without illustration/!.
Though perhaps not as sumptuous as the Sedlec antiphonale, each of the
liturgical codices prepared for Alzbeta Rejcka includes elaborate illuminated
initials in a much more modern style than the Sedlec antiphonale. At the be-
ginning of the manuscript, forthe first Sunday of Advent, there is a multicol-
ored initial (see Illustration t).20 Underneath the figure of God in the upper
18 A color facsimile of a selected folio (p. 173) is included in Tomislav Volek and
Stanislav Jard, Dejiny Ceske Hudby v Obrazech od najstars(ch pamatek do vybudo-
vanf Narodm1w divadla [The History of Czech Music in Pictures from the Earliest
Examples to the Building of the National Theater] (Praha, 1977), plate 7. A black
and white facsimile of thi~ same folio is included in Vaclav Plocek, Catalogus cod;-
cum notis mus;cis instroctorom qui in Biblioteca publica rei publicae Bohemicae
socialisticae - in Bibliotheca universitatis Pragensis servantur, (Praha, 1973), 2. vol.,
p. 828; the manuscript is described in vol. 2., pp . 519-145. This source is also dis-
cussed in Josef Hutter, Ceska notace: Nota Chora}is, Facultas Philosophica Universi-
tatis Carolince Sb(rka POjedminf a Rozprav XVII (Praha, 1930), pp. 54-60; a black
and white facsimile from p. 482 is included as number I in the separate illustrations.
A detail from p. 44 is included in Urbankova-StejskaI, Pasional ... , p. 1 11. Further
color facsimiles of details from this source are included in Spunar, Ku/tura ... ,
pp. 132-137 (including pp. 40, 44, 62, 173, 231, 240, 273, and 345 from the manu-
script), Aneika Merhautova-Dubn Trdtfk, Romansk6 umen{ v Cechach a na Mora-
ve [Romanesque Art in the Czech Lands and Moravia] (Praha, 1984), pp. 291-297
and 340 (including pp. 44, 173, 150,231, and 405 from the manuscript), and Hanns
Swarzenski-Jan Kvet, Czechoslovakia: Romanesque and Gothic /l/uminated Manu-
scripts (Paris, 1959), pI. XV (p. 44) and pI. XVI (p. 173).
19 Concerning the typology of Cistercian notation in Central and East Central
Europe, see Janka Szendrei, "Beobachtungen an der Notation des Zisterzienser-Anti-
phonars Cod. 1799** in der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek", 5tudia MusicoJo-
gica 27 (1985), pp. 273-290.
20 Unfortunately, this illumination has never been reproduced in color. A single
color facsimile from the Antiphonarium de Tempore (Bmo, Statnivedecka Knihov-
na, rkp. Rajhrad 600, f. 28v) has been printed in Spunar, Kultura .. . , p. 251.
CANTUS RECINE 129
Illustration 1. Wien, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, ms. 1774, f. 2v .
- - ' - '--I...-+- •
•
o CHARLES BREWER
left-hand corner is a young, male, crowned figure, possibly depicting one of

Alzbeta's husbands or some royal patron (probabIY}indfich z lipe, the royal
marshal tman 0 ["Capitaneus Moraviac"J from and to
left, in margin, of a woman, likely representing
the donatrix, Alzbeta. 21
The same basic page layout, however, without the marginal image, is
found in more famous graduaJe for Archbishop Arnestus Praha
1363, the first Sunday of (Praha, hradu
[Kapituln knihovna], rkp. 7, f. lv). this source, there is a praying male
figure under the illustration of God, and in layout and size this manuscript is
quite similar to Alzbeta's graduaJe. What is quite different is the musical nota-
, which this period the Bohem Chant most associated
non- sources this
A similar layout to Archbishop Arnestus! manuscript is also found for the
first Sunday of Advent in a later Dominican graduale, commissioned by Ma-
gister Wenceslaus Sech, a Dominican professor of theology at the lJniversity
Praha, i late century,23 this illumination, Wen-
ceslaus is presented before Christ St. Dom The of the
copyist at his desk, "Frater Jacobus Pragensis", is included in the left-hand
margin. This source, however, uses the Quadratic notation required in manu-
scripts for Dominican
21 See Dvomik, The Slavs ... , p. 40 j and Fiala, Predhusitske... , pp. 18 and 102
83), where implies closer relationship between Alzbeta Jindnch z
See pp. 20-26.
22 A col facsimile of v appears Karel Neubert-Karel Stejskal, Kar/IV.
und die Kultur und Kunst seiner Zeit, 2nd ed. (HanaulM, 1978), p. 66. Black and
white facsimiles of this folio have been published in the following works: Frantisek
Muzfk, "Ceska hudebni' doby , Karolus Quartus: Piae Alemoriae
Fundatoris D.D. (Praha, 1984), 36 j and Volck-Jard,
De) iny. .. , as the kancelare prezidenta
republiky.
23 For a study of this source, with a number of color facsimiles of the illumina-
ons, see Svatos, Magistri Wences/ai / Mistra (Pra-
of folio (f. a detail illuminated of Ad
2 and 3
24 Michel Huglo, "Reglement du XIlfc siecle pour la transcription des livres
notes", Festschrift Bruno Stab/ein zum 70. Ceburtstag, ed. Martin Ruhnke (Kassel,
pp. I
CANTUS RECINE 13 t
As seen in Illustration 1, from the perspective of notational practice, the

use of the quadratic note shapes (note romane) is very atypical of Cistercian
sources. 25 More typical of a source from this region, is the late thirteenth-
/early fourteenth-century graduale (Praha, Statn( Knihovna, rkp. VI 0 18)
from the Cistercian monastery of Zlata Koruna (Sancta Corona) in Southern
Bohemia, founded by Premysl 11 in 1263,26
Unfortunately, except for the rather extraordinary illuminated antiphonale
from Sedlec, mentioned above, which does use the French-derived style
neumes most typical of this order's manuscripts, the only remaining liturgical
sources from the Sedlec parent cloister to the Aula Sancte Marieare from the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; but even these sources still use a late
Gothic style and not a quadratic form of notation.2 7
However, the Cistercians did occasionally use quadratic notation, and it is
certainly found in some northern Italian sources from Morimund, but it is
rare in East Central Europe. There is a rather exceptional Bohemian example
in another manuscript from Zlata Koruna (Praha, Statnf Knihovna, rkp. XII
C 11), where the office of the Holy Crown has been inserted on a few folios
into the midst of an otherwise normal Cistercian antipnonaJe in a very rough
and inelegant quadratic notation.2 8 Another similar Cistercian graduaJe, the
50-called "Wonnentaler Graduale" (Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek,
Cod. U.H. t), that also uses quadratic notation, was copied in Breisgau
25 The state of current research into Cistercian sources in Central and East-
Central Europe, such as that by Szendrei, op. cit, does not support the follOWing
general statement made in Bernhard Bishoff, Latin Palaeography: Antiquity & the
Middle Ages, translated by Daibhf 6 Cr6infn and David Ganz (Cambridge, 1990),
p. 175: "It [the square music script] extended to Germany above all through the litur-
gical books of the Cistercians, Dominicans, and Franciscans." Though there are ex-
ceptions, quadratic notation is very unusual in Cistercian sources from this region.
26 Concerning the foundation, see Kvet, p. 13. Concerning the graduale, see the
description in Plocek, Catalogus ... , vol. 1., pp. 188- 194; a black and white facsimile
of f. 77v from this source appears in vo!. 2., p. 818.
27 See the index in Plocek, Catalogus ... , vol. 2., p. 730, for a listing of the 57
manuscripts he catalogues from Sedlec now in the Statnj' Knihovna.
28 For a description of this source, see Plocek, CataJogus ... , vol. 2., pp. 453-458;
the inserted folios are now numbered H. 174r-182v. This section of the manuscript is
also discussed in Hutter, Ceska notace ... , pp. 115-118; a black and white facsimile of
f. 179r is included as number XXI in the separate illustrations.
Illustration 2. Wien, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, ms. 1774, f. 36r.

CANTUS RECINE 133
between about 1318-1325, and was probably prepared during the period that
Abbess Agnes served the Wonnental Convent (1311-1326).2~
The most unusual feature of the quadratic notation in the liturgical manu-
scripts copied for Alzb(:ta is the rather manneristic way the notes are spaced
on the page (see l1lustration 2). Most manuscripts from this region of qua-
dratic notation have a much more "regular" layout of the notation on the fo-
Iio. For example, in the graduale of Magister Wenceslaus copied for the Do-
minicans in Praha, each of the note-shapes is relatively equal in size and
evenly spaced across each line of notation. This regularity is also found in
other liturgical sources in different notational styles copied in Prahaj for ex-
ample, the Pontifical copied in t 376 for Albrecht von Sternberg of Moravia,
who was Bishop of Schwerin, Litomy~l, and Magdeburg, and the Papal le-
gate, which uses the Bohemian chant notation (Praha, Pamatnik Narodniho
PisemnictvI na Strahove, rkp. Dg X 19).30
The regularity of most Bohemian chant sources contrasts with the irregu-
larity of the notation in the manuscripts prepared for Alzbeta. Perhaps the
most distinctive feature is the unusually elongated quadratic forms, that be-
gin to look like the duplex longa of mensural notation (see Illustration 2,
line 4). Some manuscripts from the fourteenth century show this extended
note shape at the end of a phrase to fill out a line, but this idiosyncracy is ex-
tremely rare in Bohemian sources) 1 Another idiosyncracy is the frequent use
of rhomboid shapes to indicate strophic neumes.
These same notational peculiarities have also been found in another Bohe-
mian manuscript, a graduaJe copied in 1375 for the Augustinian Hermits at
Dolnf Rocov. 32 The monastery at Dolnf Roeov was founded in t 373 as a
daughter house of the monastery of St. Thomas in Praha. This manuscript
also shows some of the same idiosyncracies: the elongated quadratic figures
and the more extensive use of rhomboid shapes. In the available faCSimile,
29 For a brief description, further bibliography, and two partial facsimiles from
two folios, see Elmar Mittler and Wilfried Werner, Codex Manesse: Katalog zur Aus-
stelJung vom 12. }uni bis 4. September 1988, Universitatsbibliothek Heidelberg
(Heidelberg, [1988]), pp. 346- 347, facsimiles on pp. 640-641.
30 A caloT facsimile of f. 169r is published in Neubert-Stejskal, KarlIV ... , p. 77.
31 See, for example, the Dominican graduale described in Bettina Jessberger, Ein
dominikanisches CraduaJe, Beitrage zur rheinischen Musikgeschichte 139 (Berlin-

Kassel, 1986); see especially the illustrations on pp. 321, 325, and 32b.
n Concerning this source, see Muzfk, "Ceska hudebnf kultura ... ": p. 337; a fac-
simile of an unidentified folio from this source is on p. 338.
the rhomboid notation is used to indicate rhythm in the AJleluia trope "0
Maria celi vial/. It is likely that this source was prepared in Praha for the new-
establ Augustinian
The question remains: Who would write such an erratic quadratic notation
in fourteenth-century Bohemia? By this period, certainly, the mendicant Of-
ders in Bohemia were mporting or copying rnanuscripts the note romane,
but based on the later evidence of the gradua/e of Magister Wenceslaus, men-
tioned above, at least by the late fourteenth century the Dominicans! had
their own atelier Praha, and their notational style was much more regular
than in either the manuscripts of Alzbeta or the later Augustinian gradual.
Whoever did prepare these sources for Al,Zbeta and the Augustinians was
most likely not associated with either the Franciscans Dominicans! or with
traditional Cistercian scriptoria.
Though the Dominican graduale mentioned above was an internal produc-
tion, the court painters of Praha were very active duri the early part of the
fourteenth century. A manuscript such as the PassionaJ of the Abbess Kun-
huta, indicates the quality of the court painters) Kunhuta (1265-1321), the
ister of Alzbeta's first husband J Vaclav Il, had first entered the Clarist con
vent in the Old Town of Praha in 1276, but later entered the royal Bene-
dictine Convent of St. George Praha in 1302, where she was soon elected
,34 Her Passional! one of the most sumptuous manuscripts of the early
fourteenth century, was copied about 1320 by a canon of the convent, Benes,
but it was left incomplete on the abbess' death. Though this manuscript con-
ns no rnusical notation, illuminations include at least one (f. 1 which
shows a number of "angelic" instruments, including the unique ala bohemica
(Bohemian Wing) psaltery Clearly, there were artists in Praha capable 0 f
preparing Alzbeta's manuscripts. However, even the musical manuscripts
of St. George use a modified type of Messine notation. 36
33 For complete study and facsimile of this manuscript, see Urbankova~Stej

skal, Pasiona/ ...
34 The basic history of the manuscript and its donatrix is covered in the historical
introduction in Urbankova-Stejskal, Pasiona/ .. , pp. 11-20. See Kvet, 18
35 A color facsimile is included in Urbankova-Stejskal, Pasional.,. A black and
white facsimile of the same folio is included Volek-Jares, Dejiny.. , plate 22j this
work includes another color illustration of a fourteenth-century drawing from the
Velislav Bible (Praha, Statnf Knihovna, rkp. XXI!! C 124, f. 72r) shOWing Bohemian
instruments as plate 29.
36 For sample facsimiles from the St. George Convent manuscripts, see Plocek,
Catalogus. '" vol. 2., pp. \, and Volek-·Jares, Dejiny ... , plates and o.
CANTUS RECINF 35
If the Benedictines, the Franciscans and Dominicans, and the court/cathe-

dral ists arc excluded from ideration, only the seClil copy of
the town remain as viable possibilities. Certainly, as can be seen in the three
similar illuminations from the first Sunday of Advent, there were establ ished
I umination formulas that were relatively mon Praha) these could
be imitated by a profeSSional as well as a religious scribe. Though it may have
existed informally earlier in the fourteenth century) by 1348 the painters, gla-
ziers, woodcarvers/ gold-gilders, related crafts Praha formed the
Brotherhood of Luke, part of an international group of artistic associa-
tions which were created during this period. 37 There is also strong evidence
that by fourteenth m religious orders probabl had so of
their manuscripts prepared by profeSSional, lay scribes. For example, a Pari-
38
sian moralized Bible copied about 1220 (New York, Pierpont Morgan li·
brary, ,240, r) shows in the lower a ng to lay
scribe. ']'here is also strong evidence of secular scribes by fourteenth
century advertising their abilities to notate liturgical manuscripts, as is found
a sample sheet copied Oxford someti before 40 ( ford, Bodl ian
Library, e.Mus 198*/ ).40
Unfortunately, we do not have similar sources from Bohemia, but given
the strength of Praha school r ilium need 0 n expanding
ngdom, and capitalistic market that could patron sllch secular
scribes, it seems most probable that Queen Alzbeta Rejcka turned to the pro-
fessionals of Praha to supply her convent. Even r they were not prac-
ticed quadrat notation as the mendicants which seems
j be indicated
by their erratic organization of the notation, it is probably the script they
knew , A Cistercian exemplar could been obtained any f the
royal foundations near as Zl Konm or f Brad/ and
the secular scribes "translated", as best they could, the French-derived nota-
tion in quadratic form and added the typical illuminations found such
dedication manuscripts.
37 the di scussion urther references in Neubcrt-Stejskal, Karl ... ,

p.51.
38 See BischofL Latin Palaeography .. , p. 224. See also Jessberger, fin domini-
kanisches CraduaJe, 56.
39 Christopher de Hamel, A History of llluminated Manuscripts (Boston, 1986),
r
pI. 110 p. 115].
40 Christopher HarneL Medieval Craftsmen: Scrihe, nd JJJuminators (Toron-
to, 1992), p. 39; the facsimile appears on p. 40.
these n manuscripts quite un ·Cistercian in their al

and pictorial character, their unique qualities help lead us into a world of
spiritual and patronage, where a queen might as lasting an influence
as a king, Though it is beyond the scope of this paper, it is possible that the
modern, French-like style of the illuminations in these sources may have
been related to the deCidedly pro-French stance by the Bohemian Cistercians
that helped elect Jean of Luxemburg as King of Bohemia in 1310. 41 By the
time of death on October 1 5, Queen Rejcka assured place
in the history of Bohemian art and music of the early fourteenth century.42
Appendix 1. liturgical manuscripts associated with

Queen Alzbeta Rej<::ka
Bmo, Statni vedecka Knihovna
(State Academic library) [University I jbrary]
rkp. Rajhrad 355 antiphonal and psalter, H. 224 (227x 303 mm)
some notatio cues to antiphons
rkp. Rajhrad 600 Antiphonarium de Tempore, H. 223 (325x445 mm)
dated i 317; complete de tempore for whole year
Bma, Statni archiv

rkp. FM7 Antiphonarium de Sanctis et Hymnarium, H. 228
(32 t x 451 mm)
complete de sanctis for whole year, from St. Stephen to
St Andrew plus hymnarium. Illuminated initial for Feast
of St. Bernard.
Wien, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek

mS.417 Martyrology and ReguJa Sancti Benedicti, H. 218
(flOx 0 mm)
ms. t 772 lectionary, summer lessons, ff. 302 (327x 457 mm)
dated 16; lectionary tempore fTorn Easter to Advent,
and de sanctis from Feast of St. Mark to Feast of Pope
Clement. Includes Feasts of Robert, abbot of Molesrne,
and Se Bernard.
41 Dvornik, The Slavs . . , p. 5.

42 Kvet, p. 31.
CANTU5 137
ms. 1773 lectionary, winter lessons, H. 202 (320 x 450 mm)

dated 1315; lectionary de tempore from advent to Easter)
and de sanctis from feast of St. Andrew to Annunciation.
Feast Wilhel bishop of dy) Feast
St. Bishop,anterbury
ms. t 774 gradualc, H. 236 (323 x447 mm)
dated 13 17 -1 320 i see above
, 1813 noted H. :2 25 x 305
officia whole year; endar.
ms. 1835 Capitulare et Orationarium) H. 162 (192 x 245 mm)
ofRcia de tempore and de sanctis for whole year.
NEUE FRAGMENTE LITURGISCHER MUSIKHANDSCHRIFTEN AUS

DEM FRQHMITIELALTERLlCHEN REGENSBURG
RAFFAELLA CAMILOT-OSWALD
Fur das ftiihe Mittelalter gewinnen besonders zwei kirchliche Einrichtungen

in Regensburg an Bedeutung: der Dom St. Peter und das Benediktinerkloster
St. Emmeram.
Spatestens seit dem Ende des 7. Jh. existierte aul1erhalb der Mauern von
Regensburg eine Klerikergemeinschaft unter dem Patrozinium des hI. Georg.
Zwischen 727 und 737 wird der hI. Emmeram erstmals zusammen mit dem
hI. Georg als Patron dieser Kirche genannt.
ImJahr 739 erlangte der Regensburger Bischofssitz durch die Bistumsorga-
nisation des h1. Bonifaz offlzielle Anerkennung und Bestatigung. Wie in Salz-
burg und Freising wurde auch in Regensburg der Bischofssitz mit einem KIo-
ster benediktinischer Observanz - naml ich St. Emmeram -, verbunden. Der
Bischof wurde abwechse1nd aus den Reihen der Kanoniker oder der Monche
gewahlt. Dadurch, daB der Regensburger Bischof zugleich Abt von St. Emme-
ram war, war die Domkirche mit dem Benediktinerkloster engverknupft.
Demzufolge mul1 angenommen werden, daf3 wenigstens seit der bonifazi-
anischen Kirchenorganisation zwei liturgische Buchersammlungen nebenein-
ander entstanden - die der Domkirche und die des Klosters. Wenngleich die
Domkirche eine eigene Sammlung liturgischer Handschriften gehabt haben
muD, sind aus dem Dom keine Handschriften der Fruhzeit Uberliefert, die un-
bezweifelbar als Eigentum des Domes angesehen werden konnten. Bis ins
10. Jh. sind nur Handschriftenbestande aus St. Emmeram erhalten.
Das Verhaltnis zwischen den beiden Bibliotheken bleibt bis in die Zeit des
Bischofs Wo]fgang (972-994) undurchsichtig. Als dieser 975 im Sinne einer
Klosterreform die Leitung von Kloster und Bischofssitz trennte, wird wohl
auch eine entsprechende Teilung des Bucherbesitzes vorgenommen worden
sein . Selbst nach dieser Trennung ist aber eine Bibliothek des Domkapite1s
nicht nachweisbar.l
I Diese historische Einfuhrung ist dem Katalog von E. Ineichen-Eder, Mittel-

alter/iche Bibliothekskata/oge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, IV/1: Bistiimer Passau
und Regensburg, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, Hrsg. B. Bischoff, Bd. 4 (MCm-
chen, 1977), S. 91- 96 und 99- 142 entnommen.
140 RAFFAELLA CAMlLOT-OSWMD
Die Tatsache/ daB cler Handschriftenbestand clef Regensburger Dombiblio-

thek solcher verloren gegangen ist, te uns davon abhalten in Re-
gensburg eines cler wichtigsten Zentren cler Handschriften-Produktion im
bayerischen Raum zu sehen. Die Restande des Klosters St. Emmeram/ die heu-
te Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek lV1iinchen liegen stelIen
l An-
schein nach nur einen Teil clef in Regensburg insgesamt produzierten bzw.
aufbewahrten Codices dar. 2
Fragmente, die ier vorgestellt werden, Beitrag leisten
zur ErschlieBung der Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Musik in Regensburg.
Diese Fragmente gehen z. T. auf das 10. Jh. zuruck Es laBt sich nicht genau
sagen ob sie St. Emrneram
j im def bisch6A Schrci ent·
standen sind.3
I. Sequenuarfragment (10. ]h.): Mnnchen, Bayerisclle

Staatsbibliothek, am 29308(1
Folgencle Quellen fUr Sequenzen sind aus Regensburg Uberlie-
fert: Bamberg lit. 6 (2. Halfte 10. Jh.), MUnchen elm 14083 (1031-1037),
Munchen Clm 14322 (urn 1040), Miinchen elm 14845 (12. Jh.), Regens-
burg Staatl.
l ./ Lit. (An 14. Munchen elm 4013 ( . Jh ..
Weitere zwei sind fur bzw. in Priifening (Kloster St. Georg) entstanden: Mun-
chen Om 13125 (urn 1115- t 125) und MUnchen Om 23270 (urn 1175). Hin-
zu men zwei Sequentiarfragrnente: Munchen Clm 08( O. Jh.
und Mtinchen Clm 29308(2 (urn tOOO).
2 ne Obersicht der Regensburger Mmikhanclschriften, mir Hiley

gra{3ziigigerweise var cler Publikatian zur Verfugung stellte, ist vcr kurzer Zeit er-
schienen (D. Hiley, ,,Musik im mittelalterlichen Regenshurg", Regensburg im Mitte/·
alter, J: zur Stadtgeschichte vam frohen Mittelalter zum der
Neuzeit, Hrsg. M. Angerer und H. Wanderwitz unter Mitarbeit von E. Trapp [Re.
gensburg, 1995], S, 311-322).
3 Rahmen eines 1993 F.rlanger Institut Musikwissenschaft laufen-
den, van cler Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft getragenen Projekts (Liturg;sche
Musikhandschriften aus dem siidostdeutschen Raum: Regensburger Handschriften)
wurden diese Fragmente inventarisieIt und beschriehen.
Die lnventarisierung slUtzt sich Mikrofllme mittelalterlicher Handschriften
aus den Bestanden des Bruno-Stablein-Archivs. Die ErschlieI3ung dieses Repertoires
umfaBt 20 Handschriften (vam 11. zum 16. Jh.) und 42 Fragmente (vom 10. bis
zum Jh.). Publikation der Handschrlftenbeschreibungen den Subsidia zu
den Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi ist in Vorbereitung.
NEUE FRACMENTE Lll1JRCISCHERMusrKHANDscHRrFfEN 141
Abb. I. Munchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 29308( 1, fo!' 7v

"
n l rHltM,!~fl.'l,""fo('"' ,Ictlrr mll!'."'., ,
' . . '1,. 'C.,
"an.f~~~f~lun.. vtrf,~
" -A1u~tn"H·f14.
_- - .
.......
-
.. - -
" r: . . !
' /-' _ '..01::)
~~
'-0Jtf.
- -;-
. ... {
Das Fragment Clm 29308( t der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek zu Mtinchen

hat Hartmut Hoffrnann kurz beschrieben .4 Die 3 Doppelblatter sind Hoff-
mann zufolge "in einer zierlichen, leicht schragen Schrift unter sanktgal-
Iischem EinRun im to. lahrhundert geschrieben worden" (S. 295). Das Frag-
ment ist eines der fruhesten Zeugnisse der Rezeption des St. Gal1ener Reper-
4 H. Hoffmann, Buchkunst und Konigtum im ottonischen und friihsalischen

Reich, Schriften der Monumenta Gennaniae Historica, Bd. 30/1-11, Textband (Stutt-
gart, 1986), S. 295-296.
1 RAFFAEUA CAlvllLOT-OSWALD
toires in Regensburg. Im falgenden werden eine kurze auf1erliche Beschrei-

bung und das Inventar des Fragments geboten. 5
Es besteht aus 3 Pergament-Doppelblattern (13 x 29 cm), die stark be-
schnitten wurden und in 21 Streifen (1,5 x 29 cm) zerteilt sind: die Streifen
dienten ale; Verc;tarkung der Falze van Munchen elm 7449 (lndersdarf). Die
Schri karolingische Zeilen). Bei handelt
es ienlose deutsche zahlreichen signihcativae
(a, 0, p, s, st und Doppelblatter zusammen ei-
ner I), deren drittes att fehlt. Die Sequen-
zen fUr das Proprium de tempore und de sanctis, beginnend mit >(In octava
nativitatis domini]< und schl ieJ1end mit > Feria quarta [post Pascha]<: 6
1r-2v
>[In actava nativitatis dominiJ< Gaude Maria virgo (AH 53 Nr. 27; ab
Dei genetrix... )j >Epiphania< Festa Christ; (AH 53 Nr. 29; nur bis . .. in
placatus van Str,
fehlt: es enthielt nlich die Sequenz cdebris

53 Nr. 3 t) EpiphaniaeJ
4r-5v
>[Agnetis]< Virginis venerandae (AH 53 Nr. 246; ab dextera strave-
rat ... von Str. 7); >[In Purificatione sanctae Mariae]< Concentu pari!;
(AH 53 Nr. 99); > Die dominica Paschae< Laudes salvatori (AH 53
3 bis ' .. Putres mortuos van Str. 10)
ielt es auf den Ende der

Sequenz Zeilen die I/Zwischen-
Notkers Pars Uutwardc
5Bei der Rekonstruktion des Inhalts hat mich Dr. Susan Rankin (Emmanuel Col·
lege, Cambridge) beraten, bei der ich mich auch an dieser Stelle bedanken mochte.
nach: AnaJecta !viedii Aevi (AH), . Dreves,
C M. Bannister, LeIpzig, 1886·1922 j Frank·
7 den Steinen, Dichter und seine (Bern,

21978 Editionsband S. 1
8 Ebd., S. 26.
NEUE FRAGMENTE LlruRGISCHER MUSIKHANDSCHRIFfEN 143
7r-8v
>[Dominica Paschae]< Pangamus creatoris (AH 53 Nr. 46; ab Callidi
serpentis ... von Str. 3); (7v, s. Abb. 1) >Feria secunda< !squi prius habi-
tum (AH 53 Nr. 47); >Feria tertia< Christe Domine laetifica (AH 53
Nr. 48); >Feria quarta< Agn; paschal; esu (AH 53 Nr. 50; nur bis
... victor rediit von Str. 10).
Die Sequenz Is qui prius habitum ist in alien St. Galler Handschriften fUr
Ostermontag nachgewiesen.9 Ihre Oberl ieferung hart in Suddeutschland
schon frilh auf, so da~ ihre Prasenz in diesem Fragment auf eine frilhe
Schicht der Oberlieferung verweist. In Regensburg findet sie sich nur in Mun-
chen elm 14083, allerdings fUr den Freitag nach Ostern.
11. Ein Cradualfragment (Ende 10. ]h.): Regensburg,

BischoRiche Zentra1bibliothek, Cim. 6
Das alteste Graduale aus Regensburg ist die Handschrift Bamberg Lit. 6
(2. HaHte 10. Jh.). Von der Handschrift Kassel 4°Ms.theol. 15 ist nur der Gra-
dualteil urn 1020 in Regensburg entstanden, wahrend das nachtraglich ein-
gebundene Tropar-Sequentiar im t 2. Jh. wohl in Kaufungen geschrieben
wurde. Regensburg, Staatl. Bib!. Lit. t 9 (Anfang 14. Jh.) durfte aus cler Pfarr-
kirche St. Peter und Paul stammen (dem Damenstift Niedermunster unterge-
ordnet). Mtinchen elm 13125 (urn t 115-1 125) und elm 23270 (urn 1175)
starnmen aus Prtifening. Zwei Gradualfragmente aus Regensburg werden in
der BischaAichen Zentralbibliothek zu Regensburg aufbewahrt: Fragm. to
(12. Jh.) und Cim. 6 (10. Jh.).
Cim. 6 der BischaAichen Zentralbibliothek zu Regensburg 10 besteht aus
einem Pergament-Doppelblatt mit beschnittenen Ecken (27 x 41 cm). Die
Schrift ist eine karolingische Minuskel (19 Zeilen) mit linienlosen deutschen
Neumen. Das Fragment enthalt:
9 Ebd., S. 218.
10 Das Fragment ist beschrieben in: Liturgie im Bistum Regensburg von den An-
fangen bis zur Gegenwart. Ausstellung anlaBlich des Bistumsjubilaums 739-1989 in
der Bischoflichen Zentralbibliothek Regensburg, 30. Juni-29. September 1989 [Aus-
stellungskatalog], Bischofliches Zentralarchiv und Bischofliche Zentralbibliothek Re-
gensburg, Kataloge und Schriften, Bd. 3 (Munchen usf., 1989), Nr. 50 und Abb. 97.
144 RAFFAEUA CAlvULOT-OSWALD
1rv
Sonntage nach Pfingsten von >[Dominica III bis zum Offerto-
rium cler >DominicaXXI< (meist nur lncipits)j das Offertorium Sanctif1-
cavit Moyses mit den zugehorigen Versen vollsUindig aufgezeichnet.
unvollst~nclige AlleJuia-Reihe der Sonntage nach Pfingsten (von AlIe-

luia. Venite exsultemus Domino Alleluia. Qui posuit fines tuos);
Commune sanctomm: > De Uno Confessore< AJJe!uia. lnveni David
und Alleluia. Iustus ut palma (bricht ab).
Orei leluia-Gesange cler Rcihe nach Pfingsten vb] ig ausradiert
und von spaterer Hand mit dem Vermerk Protocollum Capituli Cathedralis
EccJesie }:(atisbonensis Pcr me Gui!iclmw;: Weilbamer Decanus memoriae cau-
sa conscripta ." De Annis 1609 Et 1610 Uberschrieben. Leider ist nUT die 2.
H:1lfte der Reihe erhaJten, wobei die Rasur gerade eine Stelle betrifft, die
auch zwischen den verschiedcnen Regensburger Handschriften die meisten
Varianten aufweist. Lasz16 Dobszay hat mich darauf aufmerksam gemacht,
daB nicht allein die Alleluia-Reihe n Pnngsten filr die
stimmung cler Herkunft ausschlaggebend sein kann. Auch Kirchen, die weit
voneinander riegen, konnen die gleiche Alleluia-Rei au{weisen, und umge-
kehrt finden sich ganz unterschiedliche Reihen in Kirchen einer und der-
selben Stadt. ngs man besonders bei Erforschung von Fragmcn-
ten darauf angewiesen, jedem moglichen Hinweis nachzugehen. Da die
unvollstandige Alleluia-Reihe des Fragments weitgehend mlt derjenigen in
Munchen Clm 1408~ und Clm 14~22 ilbereinstimmt/ 11 konnte dieses Gra-
dual fragment in St. Emmeram entstanden sein, was aber von weiteren palao-
graphischen Untersuchungen bestatigt werden mUBte. folgenden Ver-
gJeich der Alleluia-Reihen sind ausradierte C£sange in Klammern angegeben:
1 Eine Untersuchullg Emmeramer Reihe Ilndet sich bei: . Husmann,

"Studien zur geschichtlichen Stellung der liturgie Kopenhagens (unter Zugrundele-
gung des van 10)", Dansk aarbog musikforskning 962), S. 3-58,
S.56-58.
NEUE FRAGMENTE LTruRGISCHERMuSIKHANDSCHRIFTEN t 45
am 14083 eim.6 elm 143'1'1

Venite exsultemus / Venite exsultemus Venite exsultemus
Praeocc.
Quoniam Deus magnus (Quoniam Deus magnus) Quoniam Deus magnus
- (Domine exaucli) Domine exaucli1 2
Confitemini Domino (Confitemini Domino) Confitemini Domino
Para turn cor meum Paratum cor meum Paratum cor meum
In exitu Israel / Facta est In exitu Israel / Facta est In exitu Israel / Facta est
Qui timent Dominum QUi timent Dominum QUi timent Dominum
Dilexi quoniam exaudivit Dilexi quoniam exaudivit Dilexi quoniam exaudivit
Laudate Dominum omnes Laudate Dominum omnes Laudate Dominum omnes
gentes gentes gentes
- - Dextera Dei
Qui confidunt in Domino Qui confidunt in Domino QUi confidunt in Domino
De profundis De profundis De profundis
- QUi posuit flnes -
im Anhang u.a.:
Dextera Dei
QUi posuit fines
111. Ein Brevierfragment (Anfang 11. Jh.): Berlin,

Staatsbibliothek, Fragrn. 63
Die Regensburger Qberlieferung von Offizien weist gravierende Liicken
auf. Wir kennen die Gesdnge des Stundengebets nur aus einer spateren Quel-
le: aus dem Emmeramer Antiphonar Munchen elm 14084 vom Jahre 1595.
Diese Handschrift enthalt al1erdings nur Offizien in gekUrzter Form: oft nur
die Antiphonen, jeweils nur eine einzige pro Nokturn (manchmal auch nur
ein Responsorium) und eine fur die Laudes. Das alteste bekannte Brevier,
Milnchen Om 23037, wurde in Prtifening urn 1140 geschrieben: das Reperto-
ire dieser Handschrift deckt sich aber weitgehend mit dem Repertoire ande-
rer von Hirsau aus reformierter Kloster und kann daher nicht als Vertreter der
Diozesanliturgie verstanden werden.
12 Ohne Notation
146 RAFFAElLA CAMILOT-OSWALD
Ansonsten sind uns nur wenige Fragrnentc erhalten, darunter die Anti-
phonarfragmente Mtinchen Clm 29316(5 (St. Emmeram; 10. Jh.), Munchen
Clm 3002 (Prufening; urn 1160 11 ), Munchen Clm 13037 (Priifening; urn
1160-1165) undMtinchen elm 12027 (Prtifeningi spates 12 Jh')i die Brevi er-
fragmente Wolfenbuttel 9.7 Aug.4° (1. Vierte1 11. ]h.), Berlin Fragm. 63 (An-
fang 1. Jh.), Regensburg, BischoAiche Zentralbibl., Fragm. 7 (11. 2. .),
Fragm. 27 (12. ]h.), Fragm. 28 (Ende 12. Jh.) und Fragm 13 (urn 1200).
Das Fragm. 63 cler Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin ist in den Untersuchungen
von H. Hoffrnann kurz beschrleben. 3 Die 8 Blatter wurden Hoffmann zu-
folge von einer Regensburger I "land in einer Yariante cler Schrift des Ana-
motcodex, Munchen Hauptstaatsarchiv, Regensburg St. Emmeram lit. 51/3
[geschriebenJ ... Verwandt sind auch die Hande ,B und 0 von Stuttgart
[L.andesbibl iothek] bib! 4° 11/1 (S. 283). Wenn die van Hoffmann vorgeschla-
gene Datierung (2. Drittel des 10. lh.) richtig ist, konnte das Fragment einen
testen Belege fur Rucher diesen Typs darstellen. Ooch Vcrglcich
mit dem Stuttgarter Codex (urn 1000),15 sowie palaographische Merkmale
wie das konsequente Fehlen der st-Ugatur (typisch fur die St. Emmeramer
Kall ie 1. H~I 1 .lh. 6 sprechcn eher eine Datierung ge-
gen Ende des 10. oder Anfang des t 1 Jh, 17 Im folgenden werden eine kurze
au8erliche Beschreibung, eine Analyse der Notation sowie ein Kommentar
llber den Inhal des Fragments geboten.
Es besteht aus 4 Pergament-Doppelblatter (28 5 x 22 cm): nur die ersten
1
vier Blatter gehoren in einer Lage (11) ohne Textverlust zusammen: zwischen
. 7 und t innere Doppelblatt Lage, die restlichen Lockcn ncl
umfangreicher. Das Fragment ist in karalingischer Minuskel geschriehen (28
Zeilen), mit Marginalien van splUerer Hand. Bei cler Notation handelt es sich
urn I ienlose deutsche Neumen auch den Text verwendeten brau-
nen Tinte. Am Rand finden sich Psalmtondifferenzen rnit Tonarbuchstaben,18
13 H. Hoffmann (wie Anm. 4), S. 283 i hi er irrtumlich als "Missale (Fragment)" be·
zeichnet.
14 VgJ. K. Gamher, Codices Jiturgici latini antiquiores, Secunda editio aucta,
Bd. I, Pars 1-2 (Freiburg [Schweiz], 1968), S. 606-610.
15 Vg!. Hoffmann (wie Anm. 4), 299 mit Abb. 130.
16 Vg!. Hoffmann (wie Anm. 4), S. 277.
17 FOr hilfreiche Hinweise hinsichtlich dcr Datierung der Schrift bin ich Peter
Orth ErJangen) zu Dank verpflichtet.
18 Diese entsprechen den Tonarbuchstaben im Hartker Codexi vgl. Pa/eographie
mtlsica/c III (Bern 1970), 45*
NEUE FRACMENTE L1TURclscHERMuSIKHANDSCHRIFTEN 147
Samtliche Zeichenformen cler St. Gallener Neumenschrjft sind in Fragm.

63 vertreten. Die Clivis hat meist die Ubliche Form eines schmalen Bogens;
daneben kommt eine andere gewinkelte Form vor: ein waagrechter Strich,
der mit einem langeren senkrechten Strich verbunden ist. 19 Diese Form tritt
u. a. im Formular De sancta trinitate (fol. 5ri s. Abb. 2) tiber den Silben [spi]-
ri-[ turn] des Responsoriums Te deum patrem, ti-[bi] def Antiphon Gloria tibi
trinitas und Glo-[ria] der Antiphon Cloria laudis resonet auf. Direkt im An-
schluB an einen Torculus wird diese besondere Form der Clivis im Formular
Bonifaeii martyris (fol. 5Vi s. Abb. 3) Uber der Silbe [presbiteri]-i benutzt.
Das Fragment enthalt insgesamt 16 Formulare: 20
1 r-4v
Proprium de tempore: van cler Dominica in Palmis, unvollstanclig begin-
nend mit der letzten Lesung der dritten Nokturn ( ... debet esse. Tte et
invenietis as;nam alligatam), bis zur >[Feria V] In Caena Domini<, ab-
brechend mit der zweiten Lesung der zweiten Nokturn 0 vos omnes
qui transitis per viam attendite ... sicut dolor meus. Quoniam (lerem.,
Lamentatio I, 12).
Im Formular cler Feria V sind das zweite und dritte Responsorium -
feee vidimus eum [CAO 6618] bzw. Tristis est anima mea [CAO 7780]
- mit den entsprechenden Lesungen - Peeeatum peecavit Ierusalem
[Ierem., Lamentatio I, 8-9] bzw. Migravit luda propter afflictionem [le-
rem., Lamentatio I, 3-4] - vertauscht. Das kann man feststellen, wenn
man die Reihenfolge der Lamentationen berUcksichtigt: der Lamentatio
I, 8-9 folgt im Fragment die Lamentatio I, 3-4 (die umgekehrte Reihen-
folge wird van alIen Quellen in CAO bestatigt).
19 Vg!. E. Jammers, "Rhythmen und Hymnen in einer St. Caller Handschrift des
9. Jahrhunderts", Festschr;{t Bruno StabJein zum 70. Geburtstag, Hrsg. M. Ruhnke
(Kassel usL, 1967), S. 134-142; Jammers weist diese Form der Clivis in der St. Cal-
lener Miszellanhandschrift Neapel Bib\. Naz. IV G 68 (9. Jh .) auf.
20 Nachweise nach: Corpus Antiphonalium Officii (CAO), Hrsg. R.-). Hesbert,
6 Bde., Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta, Series Maior, Fontes VII-XII (Rom,
1963-1979);]. Deshusses-B. Darragon (DD), Concordances et tableaux pour I'etude
des Brands sacramentaires, Bde. 1-11, 111/1-4, Spicilegium Friburgense Subsidia,
Bde. 9-14 (Frihourg, 1982-1983) .
148 R.AFFAEUA CAMILOT-OSWAID
Abb. 2. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Fragm. 63, fol. Sr

NEUE FRAGMENTE LITURGISCHER MUSIKHANDSCHRIFTEN 149
Abb. 3. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Fragm. 63, Eol. 5v

150 RAFFAEUA CAMlLOT-OSWALD
5rv
Propriull1 de tempore: >[De sancta Trinitate]<, unvollstandig begin
nend mit der letzten Lesung der dritten Nokturn (. carnis mortem
accepit Tercia quoque die virtute ... resurrecturos nos credimus); (51')
Exaudi dominc preccs nostras ut sicut proFanas .. .proFession is expugna
(DD 1463); Proprium de sanctis: > In nataJe Marcellini et Petri< nur Le-
sun und Oratia (5v) Laetetur tua deus beatonLm martyl11m ...
secura consistat (DD 1985), ohne Gesangstilcke; >In nata!e sancti Boni-
faeii martyris< Divino flagrans sanctus Bonifacius igne (Off1zium ander·
weitig nicht nachgewiesen) abbrechend mit der zweiten Lesung der
ersten Nokturn (Quo pater comperto obstupefactus magna eum increpa
tione ... Verum mens eius iam soJidata et in Christo fundata a pro),
6rv
Proprium de >[lohann baptistae]<, unvollstandig beginnend
mit der zweiten Lesung der dritten Nokturn ( .. , Dicebat enim ut nave
gratie preeo novo .. non autem carnalis cogitaUo), (6r) Dcus pre-
sentem diem honorabilem .. , salutis aeternae (DD 1174), Concede
qllaesumus omnipotens ut qui beati. intercessioniblls muniamllr
(DD 485), (6v) Deus qui conspicis quia nos undique mala ... corda no-
stra Jaetifica (DD 0), ti nos domine baptistae lohannis '"
et mereri (DD 280) und Deus qui nos annua beat; lohannis baptistae .,.
securitatis augmentum (DD 1099); >In natale sanctorum Iohannis et
Pau]; < abbrechend mit der zweiten Lesung der ersten Nokturn (111i vera
inter alia responderunt).
Proprium de sanctis: >[ Omnium sanctorumJ<, unvollstandig beginnend

mit dem etztcn Responsorium dritten Nokturn [Beati paupercs spiri-
tu] ... quoniam v. Beati (CAO 6 t 81)J (7r) Erudi quaesumus domine po-
puJum tuum ... defensione securum (DD 1415), Da quaesumus domine
fidelibw; popu!is .,. suppJicatione mllniri (DD 642) und Adcsto domine
supplicationibus nostris et ... benignus impende (DD 100); > In natale
Illl Coronatomm< und In nataie Theodori martyris< jeweils nur drei
Lesungen, ohne GesangstUcke; >In nata/e sancti Martini episcopi< nUT
ei Lesung und die Antiphon 0 beatum virum (CAO 4005) der ersten
Vesper.
NEUE FRACMrNTE L1TURCISCHER MUSIKHANDSCH ITEN 151
Proprium de sanctis: Fortsetzung des Formulars fur den hI. Martin mit
den Antiphonen [ad Cllrsum Martinus episcopus migravit (CAO
3713) etc. j (Br) Omnipotens sempiterne deus so!/emnitatem diei ...
vota perncias (DD 2472)/ Praesta quaesumus omnipotens dew; ut sicut
divina '" precibus assequamur 2794) unci Beat; 1v1artini confessoriS
tui atque ponti!1cis ... !1ant aeternarum patrocinia gratiarum (vg\.
DD 284); natale sancti Briccii mi den A phonen > matutinis
laudibus< Post discessum beatissimi (CAO 4327) etc.j > In nataJe sancti
Otmari< unvollstandig schliel1end mit der ersten Lesung (lgitur Otma-
rus gcnere aJamannorum oriundus ... retentus, cuidam titulo)j (Bv)
Sancti Otmari confessoris tui domine quaesumus ... praestet nobis aug-
mentum (vg! DD 205).
Das Repertoire entspricht, soweit erkennbar, dem curs[JS romanus und ist
insbesondere mit Quelle B CAO (Bamberg ,23: Antiphonar,
t 2. Jh.) verwandt. So Anden wir in Fragm. 63 das OfAzium fUr den hI. Oth-
mar (fol. woflir als nzige Quelle in CAO cursus romanwi (.t 1 B
steht. 21 DarUberhinaus sind, was das Trinit:itsoffiziunl betrifft, die Antipho-
nen der Laudes (fa1. 5r) nUT in den Handschriften B (97b) und V (f 39b) aus
CA fUr Gebetszeit gebrallcht; allen nderen Quellen werden sie
die I. Vesperveywendet,
einzige Formular ieses Fragments, anderweit nich nachgc-
wiesen werden konnte, ist das Offizium fUr den hI. Bonifaz (fa!. 5v). Dieser
(gest. 754) wurde von Papst Gregor 11. mit der kirchlichen Organi<;atian van
Hessen-ThOringen beauftragt/ die Grundung van drei neuen istUmern
(Buraburg/ WUrzburg und Erfurt) zur Falge hatte. 744 grundete er das Klo-
ster da. \'(Iahrend seiner kirchenorganisatorischen Tatigke in
er die BistOmer Passau/ Regensburg, Salzburg, Freising und Eichstatt gegrUn-
det neu geordnet.
Er wurde, wie auch del' ersten Lesung irn Fragment zu entnehmen 1St
(fol. 5v), imJahr 747 Bischofvon Mainz (~;edisMogontie). Sein Grab wird in
der K'YPta Domes zu Fulda verehrt Man k()nnte ge annehmen ,
daf3 das Brevier/ van dem uns nur diese 8 Blatter erhalten sind, in Regensburg
fur Dam in geschrieben (aber icht iefert) wurde.
2! Dassel Fonnular ist auch Bamberg Ut. 25 ntiphonar, 1 )h.)

fol. 101 v llnd in den zwei Quellen H und R des cursus monasticus in CAO nachge-
WieSCll.
152 RAFFAEUA CAMILOT-OSWALD
Kontakte zwischen Regensburg uncl Fulda waren schon zur Zeit des Bi-
schofs Daturich (817-847) entstanden, als dieser vorubergehend in Fulda ge-
weilt hatte. 21 Am Ende des 10. Jh. wurde das sog. Rocca-Sakramentar (Citta
del Vaticano, Biblioteca Aposto!ica Vaticana, Codex Vat. lat. 3806)23 in Re-
gensburg fUr FuJda geschrieben Dies hat man zurecht aus fur Fulda typischen
Eintragungen im Kalendar, u. a. aus der Nennung der Weihe der Kirche des
hI. Bani am 1. November, gcschlossen. Nach Hoffmann 24 uan dem re-
gensburgischen Charakter der 5chrift und des Buchschmucks nicht zu zwei-
fel (5. 00) m t 3, nach cler Erhebung bayerischen Herzogs
zum Konig Heinrich 11. (1002), wurde cler Emmeramer Monch Poppo Leiter
cler Abtei in Fulda.
Vorliegende Ausfuhrungen stellen keine endgUltigen Ergebnisse dar, son-

dern sind vorlauf1g und erganzungsbedurftig. Trotzdem zeigen die drei vorge-
stellten Fragmente einmal mehr, wie wichtig die Erfassung und Auswertung
von Fragmenten ist, da diese durch vollstandig erhaltene Codices verm
telte Bild Iiturgischer Musiktraditionen erweitern und prazisieren konnen -
gerade cler Fruhzeit, deren Erkenntnis in vielen Fallen durch den Verlust
van Quetlen besonders stark beeintrachtigt ist.
in Fulda, dem karolingischer

politik, studiert. Dort hatte er Hrahanus Maurus kennengelert. Die Freundschaft
zwischen Bischof und seinem Lehrer spiegelt in Bucherbestand von
Emmerami vg!. E. Ineichen-Eder (wie Anm. I), S. 102.
23 V gl. K. Benz, IIRegensburger liturgische Handschriften am cler Zeit
hI. Wolfgang", Liturgie zur Zeit des hI. Wolfgang. Der hI. Wolfgang in der Klein-
kunst, Ausstellung anlaBlich des 000. T odestages Bistumspatrons St. Wolfgang
in der Bischbflichen Zentralbibliothek Regensburg, 17. Juni-16. September 1994
lAmstellungskatalogl Bischofliches ZentraJarchiv und iche Zentralbibl
thek Regensburg, Kataloge und Schriften, Bd. la (Regensburg, 1994), S. 23-34, bes.
S.2 ·29 Nr. I.
24 H. Hoffmann (wie Anm. 4), S. 299·300.
ORDONNANCE ALTERNATIVE DE TROPES DE

GlORlAS DANS LE MANUSCRIT PARIS, BNF./ LAT.1119.
PROBLEMATIQUE MUSICOLOGIQUE
MARIE-NOfL (OLEITE
Cexistence de tropes alternatifs que re1eve Gunilla Iversen t clans le manuscrit

l
Paris BNF 1 Lat. t t t 9 1 projette une \umiere nouvelIe sur les processus de com-
l
position et de transmission des Glorias et de leurs tropes. Ayant constate ~ la l
suite de R<>nnaull'association de tropes identiques ~ des Glorias distincts, j'ai

attribue cette possibilite a l'existence d'un tronc musical commun aux Glorias
concernes. 3 On y decele en effet des parentes de structure quoique, par des
processus de composition divergents, des melodies aient ete numerotees dif-
feremment selon la claSSification des tons ecclesiastiques.
Le rapport trope-Gloria traduit souvent des particularites regionales. Nous
avons con state la situation privilegiee du Gloria A4. dans cette Aquitaine, qui
n'hesite pas a le qualifier de maior, le Gloria VI etant secunda, et le Gloria XI
minor. S
1 Voir sa communication. ci-dessus. Je la remercie d'avoir attire mon attention

sur ce corpus.
1 K. Ronnau, Die Tropen zum « Gloria in excelsis Deo ll. Unter besonderer Be-
riicksichtigung des Repertoires der St-Martial-Handschrihen (Wiesbaden, 1967).
3 cc Jubilus et trope dans le G/oria in exce1sis Deo )). Recherches nouvelles sur /es
tropes liturgiques. Recueil d'etudes reunies par W ArJt et G. Bjorkval1, Acta Universi-
tatis Stockho)miensis, Studia latina Stockholmiensia XXXVI (Stockholm, 1993),
pp. 175-191; « 0 G/oria sanctorum, Quel choix de formules melodiques(' ». Cantus
Planus. Papers Read at the 6th Meeting, Eger, Hungary, 1993 (Budapest, 1995),
pp. 745-762.
4 D. Bosse, Untersuchung einstimmiger mi ttelalterlich er Melodien zum ( C/or;a
in excelsis Deo » (Regensburg, 1955), n 0 39. Voir aussi I'analyse de ce Gloria par
K. Falconer, « Early versions of the Gloria trope, Pax sempiterna Deus ») dans Jour-
nal of the Plainsong Bc Mediaeval Music Society 7 (1984), pp. 18-27.
5 Paris, BNF, Lat.1119, f. 108, 124: De secunda Cloria: Gloria VIi f. 110: De mi-
nore Cloria: Gloria XI.-Paris, BNF., Nal. 1871, f. 67: Alia Maiore Clor;a: Gloria A.
154 MAR lE-NOEL COLETTE
Pour un meme Gloria, A par exemple, G. Iversen a montn~ aussi que des
memes elements n'etaient pas necessairement assocics aux memes reprises des
textes Iiturgiques, dans des manuscrits d'origines distinctes 6
Avec les tropes alternatifs de Pa 1119, qui offrem une confirmation de ces
constatations pour meme manuscrit, nous avons fin preuve de la prise
de conscience, a l'epoque medievale, de cette Iiberte. Un chantre, « musico-
logue », quel et a un moment donnc, a compris que ces
etaient possibles, et a ordonne Jes elements de tropes de Glorias de maniere a
ce qu'ils t etre util quale
Cette ordonnance, que G. Iversen peut expliquer pour des raisons d'ordre
litteraire, doit auss son existence l'organisation musicale speciAque
tropes de Glorias:
Un jeu de cadences qui, cl/une maniere ou cl'une autre, appel\ent line re-
prise harmonieuse au chant liturgique.
- Des transpositions d1un meme matefiel sur des degres divers.
Trois cellules musicales sirnpJes qui compenetrent mais souvent
epuisent nnformation musicale d'un element de trope. Deux cellules, asso-
ciees a la structure Gloria (1 ct son trope (2), s'adaptent aisement
a un grand nombre de Glorias, mettant ainsi en evidence leurs parentes mo-
dales,
1. Cellule ascendante: acd[eJ (ecrite auss sur: EGa[bl bde[f])
2. Cellule tournant autour du noyau central· [abaG]aGFGa ecrite aussi

[EFED]EDCDE
3. La troisieme lule, qui etre den ie comme simple transposi-
tion de la precedente, puisque EGa ou DFG est le miroir de la formule
ascendantc acd. Cepcndant, sa position au grave, jointe s un meme
element aux autres formules, accroft I'ambitus du trope, et introduit par
la un procede de composition qui le distingue des autres. D. Hiley9
6 «0 Cloria sanctorurn, A complete Composition or an Process? ,

Cantus Planus. Papers Read at the 6th Meeting, Eger, Hungary, 1993 (Budapest,
99.5 ), pp, I I ·743 .
7 Les manuscrits de PariS, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, seront desormais
cites par numcro de
8 Cf. la fonnule d'anaphore analysee par K. Levy, « Byzantinische Sanctus », An-
naJes musico!ogiques 1958·63), 32.
9 Western Plainchant. A Handbook (Oxford, 1993), pp. 223-230.
ORDONNANCE TROPES DE CLORlAS 155
ecrit tres justement qu'il s'agit d'une formule d'intonation de 3 erne mode
notee au ton inferieur. C'est en effet une formule qui, selon qu'e11e part
de E ou de 0, avec dominante b(c) ou a (b), signe la singularite modale
du trope, et du meme coup limite ses possibilites de rencontres avec les
,10 La correspondance formules (sur D exacte
restent pentaton L'ecriture sur D le
qui about it a CDEFG, h'equente gregorien
Icment resolument repertoire naus la
gallicane.
L'ordonnance alternative proposee par Pa 1 119 ne pose pas de probleme a
Saint.Martial, puisque tous les emprunts sont faits a des tropes associes au
Gloria A dans ce manuscrit 11 et en Aquitaine. 12 La serie alternative de
Pa 11 t 9 figure juste apres la serie des Gloria A et est elle-meme suivie, f. 120,
d'une reprise de Glorias sur des melodies differentes.
du Gloria A gagne a elements
de ceue dans des man presentent les sur
d'autrcs de Glorias.
nous allons pour constater:
1. que les elements choisis pour ces alternatives s'adaptent sans difficultes
aux Glorias cites.
2. que, concernant Omnipotens pie, Nonantola, ayant choisi une autre
melodie, s'ecarte de la tradition, non par le choix de ses formules, mais
sur leque1 ces posent, et la elles
3. Glorias cites correspondances
10 Cette clescente est incluse dans la melodie clu Gloria A, telle qu'elle est formu·
lee a
n'est pas indique ( Laus Ubi dornine, pmdenti-
urn), e du fait de la le aquitaine ( ou de
manuscrit.
1 sont notes clans I de St·Martial: 11 , 909
(lacune pour Omnipotens altissime). lIs ne sont pas to us dans Pa 1140.
156 MARIE-NOfL COLEITE
El~ments emprun~s ~ des tropes qui sont aS5oci5

dans d'autres manuscrits ~ d'autres Glorias: 13
Clorias
Angelico affa tu Aquitain A
Cnriste sa/us Quest A
Laudat in excelsis Universe! 1240 A IVXI
Laus tibi domine Quest 1240 A
Laus tibi summe Quest A
Laus tua deus Universel 1240 SG A
o laudabilis Quest,ltalie 1240 A IV [J lib.
Omnipotens altissime Quest
Omnipotens pie Quest,ltalie
A
A ,
Prudentia Quest,ltalie 1240 A IV
QUi indiges Aquitain 1240 A
cf. Ut possimus Quest, Est se IVXV MillV
Rector ab arce Quest A
Rerum creator Aquitain A
Rex tibi Jaus Quest 1240 A
D'apres K. Ronnau, 14 d'autres traditions chantent cinq de ces tropes avec

des melodies de Glorias autres que A. 11 importe donc d'etudier I'impact de
ces melodies sur le choix d'elements de tropes. Pour chacun de ces Glorias, il
faut d'abord verifier si les elements alternatifs de St-Martial furent reellement
utilises pour d'autres melodies de Glorias, c'est ce que resume le tableau sui-
vant, que nous commenterons en suite.
LAUDAT IN EXCELSIS15
Elements: 7 1222 34
Gloria IV: St-Magloire, Winchester, PrOm, Echternach: 7 t 2
13 Le tableau ci-dessom pnSsente schematiquement, a partir des releves de K. Ron-

nau, I'ere geographique des tropes contenant des elements alternatjfs, avec les choix
des Glorias divers. La mention du manuscrit Pa 1240 et de Saint-Gall (SG) montre in-
cidemment que cc choix s'est porte sur un nombre relativement important de tTopes
anciennement attestes.
14 Op.cit., en particulier ses listes de tropes, pp. 154, 116, 159, 162, 138.
15 Ces numeros renvoient aux tableaux des elements etablis par G. Iversen, dans
ce volume: Ye benedicit 7, Te veneranter 12, QUi super astra 22, Cuius est regnum 34.
ORDONNANCE ALTERNATIVE TROPES DE CLORlAS 157
Gloria XI: NonantoIa: 7 12 22

11 Benevento, Cassino: 7 t 2
o LAUDABIUS REX
Elernents: t8 2 29
Gloria IV. St-Magloire: 2 5 1823 26
Cloria XI· Nonantola f: 2518
PRUDENTIA PRUDENTIUM
Elements: 3864
Gloria IV. Non aquitains: 17
INDICES
Elements: 3 6 11 142027 31 44
er. Ut pos.sirnus. Glorias IV, IV Jib ou XV: 3 6 11 14
OMNIPOTENS PIE
Elements: 2428 4052 32
Gloria J. Nonantola: Quando regis: 24 2865 40 32 5255
Glorias utilises sont I, IV, XI, 11 MIL Nous avons vu que

les deux premieres melodies de tropes: ascendante et centrale permettaient de
nombreuses adaptations} en particulier avec les Glorias IV et MlL IV. Que se
passe-t-il si elements qui utili sent expriment la troisieme formule
grave, Par ailleurs comment se fait I'adaptation elements alternatifs aux
Glorias XI et I? Cette question revient aussi a poser eelle de la presence de la
eel au grave.
I.AUDAT IN EXCELSIS16
Elements 2, 22/
Toutes les phrases sont sur le m~me schema:
acd (dedcd) ahlGaGFGaa (transpose: EGa EFFDFDCDFE)
16 Cf. transcription du trape par Ronnau, op,cit., pp. 151,232.

158 MARIE-NOEL COLETTE
sauf 12 qui commence sur FGFGb17 ... (Pa 1871: a) pour terminer comme
les autres. Aucune phrase ne descend au grave. 11 n'y a pas de problemes pour
les Glorias IVIS et XI, si ce n'est, a cause du decal age de ton, pour la phrase
qui monte le plus haut, QUi super astra: I'ambiguile aI'aigu entre ton et demi-
ton: d-e DU e-f (faut-il chanter f# ?).
Exemple 1. Laudat in excelsis19
•
., ' ! «
• , f
I ,'1 • ,
Pall19,
97
,
E
, •
"
I • I,
«
I' .. , I
, I
Ben34,
287v Te benedicit o-vans an-qelorulIl celsa po-testas
17 Le best l'eievation au demi-ton superieur, comme le montre Paris, BNF., Nal.

1871, f. 65 qui note FGFGa.
18 Ces tropes utilisent les elements 7 et 12 (Nous ne considerons dans cette etude
que les elements qui ant servi aux tropes alternatifs et renvoyons toujours aux nume-
ros de G. Iversen).
19 Les manuscrits cites pour le Gloria IV n'etant pas notes sur Jignes, nous don-
nons un exemple de reprise de ce Gloria a partir de Pa 1871, tout en precisant qu'il
n'est pas utilise dans ce manuscrit pour les tropes dont il est ici question.
ORDONNANCE ALTERNATIVE DE TROPES DE GLORIAS 159
et mor-ta-1is ho-ao te benedicit o-vans
A • .....
Pa 1119,
90
IV I
•
-, 4 .4 ,
, I , ~
Pa 1B71,
71v
XI • •
Ro 174~,
14v
BE-NE-DI-CI-HUS TE
160 MARIE-NOEL COLEITE
Nonantola chante Ies elements 7 12 22 et resout comme ason habitude le

probleme du Gloria XI en le transposant d'une quinte par rapport a sa pre-
miere transcription: f. 14, sur 0, et f. 29' avec le trope, sur a. La melodie des
elements suit a peu pres celle de Pa t 1 t 9.
Quant aux manuscrits d'ltalie du Sud,20 ils n'utilisent de notre corpus que
Ies phrases 7 et 12 qui, notees acd ... Gaa s'adaptent bien aux reprises du
Gloria 11 ad libitum GFabaGaG.
o LAUDABIUS REX
Elements 25 t 8 13 26 29 35 21
Tous Ies premiers elements sont autour de la teneur a, et montent
accessoirement a C. 22 Seul Audi clemens, (35) commence au grave:
DCDEFG ... FCa... et meIisme sur in aeternum . 23 La montee
Gddcbc . .. GFGaa est preparee par la melodie de l'element precedent: Cae/;
terreque: redemptor.. . aGaGFGaa... GddcbcbaGa... Gaa. 11 s'agit du
melisme habituel des prosules de Regnum.
Saint-Magloire propose le Gloria IV, mais ne comprend pas la phrase 35.24
Le manuscrit de Nonantola cite par K. Ronnau ne note pas le Gloria. 25
Mais le tropaire qui le precede a No~antola26 note le Gloria Xl, et n'a en com-
mun avec Ies elements alternatifs de Pa 1119 que les elements 2, 5 et 18, qui
ne presentent pas la formule grave.
20 Ben.34, f. 287v. et Urb.602, f. 47 (ed. J. Boe, Beneventanum Troporum Corpus

11 (Madison, 21990), p. 72 sq., qui cite aussi un autre incipit de ce trope: Rex hodie
christus).
21 0 laudabi/is rex domine 2, 0 Adona; 5, Pax saJus et 18, Sanctam maiestatem
23, Da pacem famulis 26, Caeli terraeque creator 29, Audi c1emens 35. 11 s'agit du
groupe c1asse B par E. Planchart, The Repertory of tropes at Winchester (Princeton,
1977), t./I, 286), cone erne par les Aquitains a I'exception du manuscrit Pa 1240 qui,
au debut, correspond aux Aquitains et s' en ecarte avec des elements tels que 0 decus
omnium, Pro/is 0 rutiJis, Eros poJi .. . qui sont par BNF., Lat. 1119 attribues 11 Laus
tibi domine, ou Omnipotens altissime.
22 Pa.l t 19, f. 94 et t 15'. La diastematie de Pa 1871, f. 64 est plus c1aire, et neces·
saire, en particulier a la lecture de Cell terreque.
13 Element transcrit clans mon article cite ci-dessus (~995), p. 758, d'apres Pa 909,
f.86v.
14 Pa 13252, f. 30.
25 Rome, Biblioteca Casanata 174 t, f. 28 (ed. G. Vecchi, Troparium sequentiari-
urn NonantuJanurn [Modena, 1955]) .
16 Rome, Biblioteca nazionale, 1343, f. 11 (Nonantola I).
ORDONNANCE ALTERNATIVE DE TROPES DE GLORlAS 161
PRUDENTIA PRUDENTIUM 107

El~ments
17 38 6470 27
Tous Ies manuscrits ont en commun les cinq premieres phrases. Les non
aquitains chantent sur le Gloria IV,
Le verset 17, commun a toutes les traditions, s'adapte bien au Gloria IV.
Les elements 38 et 64 comportent la descente au grave, mais ils n'affectent
que les manuscrits aquitains, qui associent ce trope au Gloria A
QUIINDIC..ES
Elements 3 6 1 t 20 27 3 44 18
Les quatre premiere; elements 50nt communs a ceux du trope de YEst, Ut
possimus consequi qui est ch ante sur les Glorias IV, XV, Milan IV,29 La m~lo
die, universelle, de ces elements ne pose aucun probleme cl/adaptation aces
Glorias.
OMNIPOTENS PIE t 03'

EI~ments 4 24 28 65 40 5255 32:3 0
Les 3 premieres phrases au moins sont autour de la teneur ou au·dessus.
Les versets 65 32 52 55 comportent clans les manu5crits aquitains la formule
au D
Nonantola 31 titre: Quando regis sur la melodie du Gloria I et presente 1es
elements suivants: 24 2865 4032 5255. Mais HIes note sur une teneur b (car-
re), qui s'adapte ~ la melodic du G10ria comme Ies melodies de 0 Gloria san-
ctorum, sur b carre aussi s'adaptaient ~ la melodic Gloria XIV. (Ex. 2),
27 Melodies d'apres Pa 11 9, f. 107',

Reminiscentes 17 acded .. cbGaa, QUi ealcata 38 aGFGFDDC. '" Lumen aetemum
64 DDCDEFCFEDEDCDD FGa.", Da tuis paeem 70 Facdd ...
28 QUi indigcs 3, Quem benedicit 6, Quem adorant 1 Ut possimus
I Qui
po/urn 20, Cui omn;$ creatura 27, Tu quem venturnm 31, 0 redemptor 44
29 Cf. aussi ). Boe, op.eit., p, 188 sq.
30 Omnipotens pie 4, Cae10rum sistis Es tu pn"ncipium 28, Tu rector mitis
Quem cecinit 40, Protege sepvorum 52: DFDDC FGa .. GbGaa Cuneta regis 55:
... OF Gbb aoc a." Poscimus ecce 32 DCDDECDD DabaGFCb ... GFGaa
3 (Rome, Casanata 1741), f. 30'-31 f.
162 MAR lE-NOEL COLETTE
Exemple 2. Omnipotens pie rex

.., .
Pall19.
lo3v
R0174r~.~~.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
31 Ce-lo-ru. aia-tia fae-tor tal-lu-ria at aue-tor
Pal1l9 Za tu
&~~~~~~~~~~~
Rol74l Ba-to princi-pi- u. cune-ta-ru. eon-qru-a ra-ru.
Palll9
~.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Ro1741 TU rae- tor .i - tia par ae - eu-la eune-ta .a- na -bia
ORDONNANCE ALTERNATIVE DE TROPES DE CLORlAS 163
Exemple 3.
Glori. A
Pa1119,
90
Glori. I '"
Rol74l,
l8v 010- ri-a ln ex-cel -ala De- 0
, I ,. , «« ., • , . , I
...
Pa
Kt ln terra pax ho-aini- bua bo-ne vo-lun-ta-tia
• " , # " I'

.. .,
Pa
,. ,
Ro
prop-tar aa-qnaa qlo -ri-aa tu -aa
., . ,, ,,
Pa te
,-
MARIE-NOIJL COLEITE
Les elements de tropes de Nonantola/ associes au Gloria ], ne sont pas tres

diHerents autres, ecrits le A: formule tourne autour
b: 65 55 32; l'autre monte: de b a de, pendant de acd (phrase 40). Nonan-
32
tola qui au debut de sa Jiste avait note le Gloria sans trape sur E, a transcrit
(f, sur teneur du Gloria trope, qui ite I'ecriture de formule
au grave: EDGacc. Bizarrement cette formule est chantee par Nonantola sur
les phrases 24 et 28 Entre les aquitains et Nonantola, les formules musicales
sont tres proches, des textes identiqtres, textes melodies ne COT-
respondent pas.
Avec I'ecriture sur a et non b comme Nonantola, les aquitains ont mis en
une ite mode en particulier le issage caracte·
ristique de la formuJe grave, typiquement gallicane, tres frequente clans tout
le repertoire en mode de D, et toujours evitee ~ Rome: DCDEFGaG ... C'est
que Aquitains, avec tropes Gloria A, on signe, et acculture
une melodie de Gloria qui, sans certains elements, pouvait venir d'ailleurs.
La phrase 65, Tu rector mitiS, est signincative ~ cet egard, c'est du reste un
des rares elements ne tennine pas sur une des cadences autour de
puisqu'e1le emprunte la formule habituel1e de melisme sur: manebis. A Nonan-
tola, la melodie tourne autourde b becarre, puis a-e-f, montee qui correspond
ala rnelodie prosulaire pourrait J'expl
Ennn ces correspondances mettent en evidence la parente qui n'etait pas
immediatement perceptible entre les Glorias A et L (Exemple 3)
ous vu la aNonantola le Gl XIV. Nonan·
tola aime chanter autour de b carre. En temoigne son choix et son ecriture
des Glorias XIV ou 1.34 ee manuscrit ne prevoit que trois fois le Gloria A.
itaine contraire prefere Gloria et, chantant sur a, vers
la quinte inferieure pour rappeler I'etendue du mode de D, meme sill remonte
ses cadences sur F,G,a.
constatation telles correspondances ne peut manquer poser
question de I'origine. Le pole extreme de cette melodie est-i1 origineJ]ement E
32 a pour le Gloria A, E pour le Gloria IV, et meme Nonantola ecrit le Gloria I

sans trope sur
Le Gloria XIV n'apparaft pas dans les tropaires aquitains 20, 1 ,909,
figure seulement a la fin de la serie dans des manuscrits Pa 1119, 1871 .. . Qui deus et
rector, St· Yrieix (Pa 903) chante plus sur cette melodie: Omnipotens rex sabaoth
merne que les Sanctus transcrits par K, Levya du manu·
scrit, op.cit, p. 20.
ORDONNANCE ALTERNAT1VE TROPES DE LORIAS 165
(Est) ou D (Quest)? Force est de constater d'une part que cette question n'a
pas de sens si la tierce vide n'est pas remplie, d'autre part que le noyau
central, au· de la vide, est universel,
Un seul aquitain, Pa 778 cite le I, sans et en
fait un 5 eme mode. En effet, c'est ce que demandent nombre de finales de
phrases de ce Gloria, sur C ou G suivant I'ecriture. Mais il n'est pas difflcile de
retrouver Gloria formules correspondant d'autres IV,
avec attirance (ou E), chute a tierce grave les
flnales. La me me chose s'est passee pour le Gloria A, teneur a avec cadences
intermediaires sur a, Ds et cadence finale sur Ft qui en fait un 6eme mode. En-
core une fois l ce sont les tropes qui mettent en evidence le noyau commun h
melodies; CD Cabb. Et developpement des tropes les
melodies au le veut domi rappelant fois de
munaute d'origine entre le 1er: DCFGa et le 3erne mode: EDGab.
***
De telles cO!Tespondances etant mises evidence tropes alternatifs
de Pa 1119, il nous reste a evoquer brievement quelques traits de la personna-
lite de notre musicologue martialien, qui, sans doute avec raide de plusieurs
mains,36 s'est montre ala capiste, correcteur et
'ordon des f.tt . qui cont les alternatifs fruit
d/une rationalisation, plusieurs raisons incitent a le croire:
sa situation clans le manuscrit, a la suite des autres tropes
le fait que tous les elements sont empnmtes aux tropes du meme manu-
et que manuscrit seul a cette ordonnance
I'epoquc, tiers erne siecl composition manuscrit.
Nous pouvons accepter I'assertion de K. Ronnau,37 selon lequel ce conglo-
merat aurait servi ades fetes qui n'ont pas de tropes propres pour le Gloria.
semble que ccs elements fs aient copies a des
autres tropes meme chose la disposition des ne
rend pas impossible, meme en ce qui concerne le premier cahier, 108-115',
35 On remarque que ce aussi les cadentiellcs intermediaires Gloria

(Cf.). op,cit, p.
36 Des formes speciales de neumes (liquescences) ne figurent que sur certaines
pages.
37 Op.cit,
qui contient lui-meme des elements empruntes. 38 Tous les autres emprunts
sont faits des cahiers distincts.
Ce presen assez relation pointe seche; avec gui-
don, que! lettres sign ficatives (iD, surtout au de la formule grave).
Les formes des neumes ne sont pas toujours identiques entre les copies de
tropes et d/elements alternatifs. "y a probablement plusieurs mains. Mais le
ehoix des rlcurnes: points traits, correspond generalement. remarque
quelques mml: oriscus, Iiquescences en ou en m
Notre copiste est aussi un correcteur. Copiant deux fois les memes textes il
est amene a faire des amenagements, et meme des corrections sur la premiere
eopie, tant textuelles 39 que musicales. La seconde eopie apparaft alors juste,
ns correct
f.97: vencranter lnence trap En marge: sopra?)
f.114': Te venerantercommence sur le ban degre.
Le correcteur a remplace, dans la premiere copie, des points par des traits,
rendant plus con a ses m Mais note elements
ternatifs, . ces traits de iere venue.
On remarque aussi quelques variantes neumatiques entre les deux copies,
affectant des cadences 41 ou des neumes speciaux, par exemple un pes stratus
remplac;ant pes plus oriscu5, et vice versa.42 Cet echange n/est pas sans interet
\'interpretation de neumes. aussi echanges iques-
38 Les 1 11 et 1 Agmina quem metuunt), 1 14' eniteat)

t separes, comme le montrc I'analyse [ 108 poil, 108; . chair];
lI09-114': chaIr, 109'-114: poil]; [110-113', poil; 110'-113: chair]; [111-112': chair,
111'-112: poil].
39 f. 98v: Qui super astra: Rex ajoute.
105: po/us: te devant
40 f. 106: factor; point en trait, trait.
f. 105: Quem po/us: point cOlTige en trait, 114: trait
f. 97: Te veneranter: point corrige en trait, 114': trait.
41 f. 93': 0 laudabilis .. . de-us G*a a (Pa 1120/84, Pa 909/86, Pa 1121/43')
113'; G*aabGa( 871/64 bCa)
95'; QUi .. domine bG 1120/85, 909/87', 21144,
Pa 1871161').
f. 1 13': be a
42 f. 94: Pax sa/us: pes stratus / f. 115, pes oriscus.
I 19; Tu tor mitis: tus If. 1 oriscus
ORDONNANCE ALTERNATIVE DE TROPES DE GLORlAS 167
cences et oriscus,43 entre point et liquescence,44 ennn, chose assez courante

au X]erne siec1e en Aquitaine, entre oriscus et pOint. 45 Cette variante enseigne
que, s'il y a tremblement, il affecte la relation entre tes deux points et non
I'oriscus lui-meme, au mains acette epoque et en cette region.
S'it se corrige lui-meme, Pa 1119 corrige aussi la copie par rapport a celle
de ses autres modeles. On sait que Pa 11 t 9 a copie d'autres manuscrits marti-
aliens, en particulier Pa 909, comme I'a montre J Grier.46 En ce qui concerne
les tropes de Glorias, Pa 1 t 19 suit a peu pres I'ordre des tropes dans les manu-
scrits aquitains,47 surtout Pa t 120. 11 presente un choix de neumes tres com-
parable acelui de Pa 909, et lorsqu'il s'en ecarte, c'est pour en preciser le sens.
a
F. 60, Pa t t 19 copie la prosule Saint Martial Rex apostoJorum partir de a
Pa 909, f.45'.48 11 s'agit d'une autre partie du manuscrit, mais signincative. On
remarque dans la copie de Pa t 119 un souci de correction, et de simplifka-
tion de la notation. Pa 909 copie pour les prosules les neumes des melismes,
laissant ainsi des virgas iso\ees sur quelques syllabes. Sur les textes sylla-
biques, Pa 1119 remplace ces virgas par des points. Lorsque Pa 909 n'a pas
note .Ies virgas sur des syllabes isolees, la copie de 11 t 91ui est fldele, pUisqu'il
43 f. 11 I et I 14: quem (Agm;na).

44 Te veneranter: cuncta(e} f. 97 point, f. 114', liquescence avec valeur de cor-
rection.
45 Agmina: vultibus, f. 1 1 I oriscus, f. 114 point
lneffabilis: trinitas, f. 106 oriscus, f. I 15, point.
46 (( Ademar de Chabannes and the Tropes for the Feast of Saint Martial», Be-
yond the moon: Festchr;{t Luther Dittmer, ed. by B. Gillingham and P. Merkley
(Ottawa, 1990), p. 37.
47 L'ordonnance des tropes dans Pa 1119 est plus proche de celle de Pa 1120 que
des deux autres. Des differences se manifestent a partir de Angelico affatu. A noter
que Rerum creator, pour Paques, n'est donne par Pa 1 120 qu'a la fin de la serie des
tropes de Glorias. Dans Pa 1121 et Pa 909 il est donne a sa place, Paques. 1I ne figure
pas dans Pa 1084, Na t871. Mais it est donne par Pa 1119, deux fois: a sa place, et a
la fin du manuscrit avec d'autres tropes de Sanctus et Agnus. Pa I 120 se distingue
nettement des autres en ce qui concerne les neumes.
48 J. Grier attribue cette prosule a Ademar. Si celui-ci I'a composee, c'est en tant
qu'adaptation d'un nouveau texte a une melodie au demeurant bien connue, une
melodie commune de prosule, importante pour la structure gallicane des tropes du
Gloria A puisqu'elle en reprend la fonnule au grave. Exactement la melodie, sur une
organisation doublee en repetition, de la prosule qui figure clans le ms. 1 119 f. 137:
Seeptrum gloria sanetomm ... Deus ctcrnc (Pa 909, f. 95v).
n'a pas besoin de corriger (Splendor de Sceptrum g!orie). Pa 1119 distingue

en outre points et traits pour ndiquer le rythme, n'util liquescences
que la OU elles sont indispensables , et continue a copier les oriscus.
ExempJe 4. Prosule Rex apostolorum 49
Pa909,45v
Pall19,60
Qui regnas tua virtute ineffabiliter
L.es variantes relevees ici ne sont pas aleatoires. Ce manuscrit ete copie
selon des intentions precises. 11 comporte la mention de !'apostolicite, avec
\'introi't Prabavit note de premiere main, les versus De Sancta Martiale, la
suite des tropes composes par Ademar pour la fete de Saint Martial, dont
Ja prosule Regnwn, Rex apastolorum, placee au jour de I fete, non dans
la suite des prosules de Clorias Le prosaire est associe au sequentiaire par in-
tercalation des melismes. EnHn ce manuscrit est particulihement riche en
tropes de Glorias, surtout A.
Comme d'autres choix, celui des versets alternatifs est le fruit cl'une
refiexioll qui n'est e!oignee des intentions didactiques et locales qui furent
queJques decades plus tot cdles cl'Ademar de Chabannes. Elles furent rendues
possibJes par la structure tres specifique des tropes du Gloria, dont en retour
cl1es revelent les particularites regionales. L'Aquitaine manifestc clairement sa
preference pour le Cloria qui lui perrnet d/uti! aisement tout J/ambitus
des tropes et de les signer d'une formule gallicane. G. Iversen a bien rnis en
evidence la difference litteraire de traitement entre les tropes de l'Ouest et de
rEst. Du point de vue musicaJ le choix des elements alternatifs nous a permis
1
preciser davantage, dans e repertoire de ces tropes) et meme Glorias,

/
des traces d universalitc, et des particularites regionales, qui distinguent no-
l
tamment , les temoignages de Nonantola par rapport a ceux de 1/Ouest. 11

reste a etudier si ces constatations peuvent aider a comprendre l'histoire de
compos itions, qui tout en etant differentes ne sont pas completement
etrangeres !cs unes aux autres, commc le prouve l'insertion d/elements de
tropes aIternatifs.
49 Pa 11 copie sur f. 45',

DAS BREVIARIUM NOTATUM CO 3 DER EHEMALlGEN

OLMOTZER KAPITELBIBLlOTHEK
ZSUZSA CZAGANY
I.
Die Erforschung mittelalterlicher Diozesanriten, regionaler Besonderhei-
ten der einzelnen Offiziumstraditionen, vergleichende Untersuchung und
Bestimmung von ortlichen Consuetudines gehort seit ihrem Beginn zu den
Hauptgebieten der Charalforschung. T rotz der reichen Farschungstradition
zeigt sich in cler Kenntnis liturgischer Vergangenheit cler einzelnen Regionen
eine starke Diskrepanz. Wissenschaftler haben sich bis zu den letzten Jahren
hauptsachlich auf die ErschlieBung van westeuropaischen, bzw. westfran-
kischen Diozesen konzentriert, die liturgische Uberlieferung der ostmittel-
europaischen Region blieb im gro8en und ganzen vernachlassigt. Dieser
Vernachlassigung mochte das 1988 im Budapester Institut fur Musikwissen-
schaft von L. Dobszay iniziiertes Forschungsprojekt Corpus Antiphonalium
Officii Ecclesiarum Centralis Europae mit einer eingehenden Untersuchung
und Veroffentlichung des liturgischen Repertoires samtlicher mitteleuro-
paischer Diozesen entgegentreten. 1 Im Rahmen dieses Projektes stellte sich
nun die Moglichkeit und Aufgabe, den Ritus def mitte1alterlichen m~hrischen
Diozese von Olmtitz (heute Olomouc in def Tschechischen Republik) zu
erforschen und zur Edition in einem selbstandigen Band der Serie CAO-ECE
vorzubereiten.
Bei Verwirklichung dieses Plans muBte und muB sich der Forscher mit
mehreren Schwierigkeiten auseinandersetzen: die erste Aufgabe war und ist
noch immer die Entdeckung, Identiflzierung und Systematisierung der liturgi-
schen Quellen, die in den letzten 40 Jahren der bffentlichkeit wie auch der
Wissenschaft beinahe unzuganglich waren. Aus diesem Grund blieb das
reiche Quel1enmaterial der Olmtitzer Kapitelbibliothek der auslandischen
1 Beschreibung des Projektes siehe in: Laszlo Dobszay - Cabor Proszeky, Cor-
pus Antiphonalium Officii - Ecclesiarum Centralis Europae. A Preliminary Report
(Budapest, 1988). Bisher wurde das liturgische Repertoire der Diozesen Salzburg und
Bamberg herausgegeben, in Vorbereitung sind die Bande Prag, Esztergom und
Passau.
170 ZSUZSA CZAGANY
Forschung unbekannt und abgesehen von wenigen - meistens in heimischen

Zcitschriften verbHentllchten - Artikeln2 konnte kcine Nachricht uber diese
Codizes in das internationale Forschungsbewul1tsein gelangen. Die zweite
Schwierigkeit hangt mit unserer rnangelnclen Kenntnis der mittelalterlichen
mahrischen Kirchenorganisation sowie cler I iturgischen Verhaltnissen dieser
Region zusammen. Dies mag der Grund daflir sein, weshalb die mahrische
Liturgic Uberwiegend dem Ritlls cler bohrnischen Kirche gleichgesetzt,
oder - was noch schlimmer ist - bestempelt mit dem Adjektiv"ostlandisch"
zusammen m den anderen ostmitteleuropaischen D unter einen
Dach geschoben wurde. Zwar wurden die mittelalterlichen mahrischen Uin-
der in erstcn he . Jahrhundcrts Prager Bistum cingegliedcrt,
irn Jahre 1063 entstand aber bereits eine selbstandige mahrische Diozese als
direkter Suffragan von Mainz. Die Unabhangigkeit von Prag dauertc bis zur
Erhebung des bohmischen Bistums zur Erzdibzese im Jahre 1344 - mit
diesern Akt wurde OlmOtz wiederholt unter Prag gestellt. In cler Kenntnis
dieses historischen I-lintergruncles dUrften wir also zwischen 1063 und 1344
mit cler Herausbildung einer relativ selbstandigen mahrischen Liturgie
rechnell, die selbst nach der itischen Vereinigung cler heiden Lander nicht
unbedingt ins Vergessenheit geraten diirfte. Die Aufgabe ist also: aus den
erhalten gebl Handschriften den ursprlinglichen Usus mahrischen
Kirche zu rekonstruieren, und den Grad des nach 1344 eingesetzten Einflus-
ses des bohmischen Ritus zu bestimmen. Als erster in dieser Richtung
5011 hier aus dem reichen Quellenmaterial der ehemaligen Olmiitzer Kapitel-
bibliothek 3 (heute im Stadtischen Archiv von Olmiltz) die Handschrift CO 3
vorgestcllt werden
Es handelt sich urn ein voir durchnotiertes Brevier mit Liniennotation aus
dem beginnenden 3. Jahrhundert. Das TemporaJe der Handschrift
steht in einem separaten Heft bzw. Computer-Diskette zur VerlUgungj4 es
seien hier nur die wichtigsten Stellen herausgehoben.
Franti~ek Pokorny, "Mahrem Musik im Mittclalter", Hudchnf vcda 11

Nr. I. (Praha, 1980), S. 36-52; Miroslav Flodr, ,.5kriptorium olomoucke", Spisy Uni-
versity v Brnc, Filosoficka fakulta Nr. (Praha, 960); Anton Kubfcek, .Dva
breviiffe olomoucke", Sborm"k nistorick6Jw krouzku 1I Nr. 4. (Bmo, 190 I).
Ober Handschriften cler Olmutzer Kapitelbibliothek siehe Pokomy
Anm.2).
Erhaltlich im nstitut fur Musikwissenschaft cler Ungarischen Akademie
Wissenschaften.
DAS BREVfAR1UM NOTATUM CO 3 171
11.
Die eingehende Untersuchung des Ternporale hat ein interessantes Bild
ergeben: das Brevier wurde zwar in Olrnlitz benutzt, das als Vorlage zur Ab-
schrift dienende Musterexernplar - oder zurnindest eins von diesen - dlirfte
aber ich keineswegs flir die 01 Kathedrale
worden sein. Dies zahlreichen
gen Zufogun Namen heimischcr
im Kalendarium Sanctorale,5 die als des
Hauptmaterials, bzw. als Anpassung ursprilnglichen liturgischen icht
der Handschrift an die Olmlitzer Consuetudo verstanden werden konnen.
Woher kommt nun diese Handschrift? Nach einer Vergleichung des Tempo-
rale mit einigen ostmitteleuropaischen - polnischen, bohmischen, suddeu-
tschen und ungarischen - Diozesanriten sind wir zum SchluJ1 gekommen,
daB die Handschrift, welche als Musterexemplar dem Brevier CO 3 gedient
hat, ich der oder einem Bamberger
Ritus liturgischen entstammte. Bamberger
o sich an Hand phonaren des 12 underts
bzw. des spaten rekonstru repra-
sentiert eine fest umrissene liturgische Ordnung eigentlich ohne herausra-
genden ortlichen Besonderheiten. Trotzdem konnte die detail1ierte Unter-
suchung der genannten 6 Codizes einige charakteristischen Merkmale des
Bamberger Ritus hervorbringen, von denen die wichtigsten zusammengestellt
und mit den entsprechenden Stellen des OlmUtzer Breviers verglichen
wurden diesen sind die Stellen in der dar-
gestcl
1. umne) Die meisten itteleuropaischen diozesanen fflziums-
scheinen Adventszeit kein in
der zweiterl Vesper vorzuschreiben (Prag, Wroclaw, Gniezno, Krakau).
Das Responsorium breve Tu exsurgens Domine mit dem Versus Quia
tempus miserendi kommt abgesehen von Passau - wo es bloB fur die
ersten zwei Adventswochen notiert ist - nur in den Bamberger Hand-
schriften und im Olmutzer Brevier CO 3 vor.
5 Wenzeslaus, Cyri Methodius, Ludmilla

6 Offizium selbstandigen CAO-
ECE Zsuzsa Czagany, Antiphona/ium
Centralis Europae iliA: Bamberg, Pars TemporaJis (Budapest, 1994).
72 ZSUZSA CZAGANY
2. (zweite Kolumne) D Wahl phon zur Prim am ersten Advent-

sonntag scheint ein variabler Punkt cler Diozesanliturgien zu sein - urn
so starker tritt die Ubereinstimmung von Bamberg und cler m~hrischen
Handschrift hervor: beide notieren Antiphon Dicite fi/jae
3 (dritte Kolumne) Eigenartig ist die Anordnung cler lnvitatorien des
ersten Adventsonntag~ und ersten Adventwochc in Bamberg: Indem
samtliche mitteleuropaische Offiziumstraditionen die Antiphon Ecce
Rcx an Beginn Matlltin des ersten Adventsonntags stellen
das lnvitatorium Regem venturum fur die Ferialtage vorschreiben, begin-
nell die Bamberger Codizes, auch die Handschrift CO 3 mit Domi-
num qui venturus est.
(vierte urn ne) Die Antiphonenreihen sgn "Impositionslaudes"

fur die einzelnen Ferialtage der letzten Adventwoche haben in der gan-
zen abendlandischen Oberlieferung eine fcste Ordnung. Ausnahme bi!
den nur die Antiphonen cler letzten Serie Samstag wo die einzelnen
j
Diozesen im Gegensatz zu den 5 vorangehenden eine extreme Variabili-

tat aufweisen. in dieser Buntheit uberrascht seltsame wieder
mit unserem Brevier Ubereinstimmende Lasung cler Bamberger Hand-
schriften , die der Funktion der Samstagslaudes der vierten Advent-
woche die Laudesantiphonen des Annuntiationsfestes auftreten lassen.
An diesen ichen und vermutl alteren Grundbestand Bre-
viers CO 3 schlief3t sich aber (ebenfalls im Hauptcorpus der Handschrift)
weitere Schicht in welcher wir - unserer Vermutung
f - vielleicht
die Charakteristika des mahrischen Ritus erbJiekcn do.rfen. Anden sich
namlich in samtlichen untersllchten spateren Olmtitzer Codizes des 14. und
.1ahrhunderts, Ein von diesen Stellen wurden in Bel age 2 zu-
sammengefasst:
1. Die eigenartige Redaktionsweise von CO an den Wochentagen nach
dem Epiphaniefest (in der Tabelle unter Nr. 1 als "die2 ... die5" aufge-
fuhrt: das Matutinum dieser Tage, jeweils m einer Nokturn ge·
feiert wurde, wiederholt nicht wie ublich die Responsorien des Festes l
sondern je Responsorie "de fcstd kommt an dritter Stel1e stets

l
ein neues StUck.

2, 0 auf3ergewohnliche Stell des OfAziums Aschermittwoch:
w<ihrend in cler Ublichen Praxis keine neuen Responsorien ftir das dies
Cine111m sondern .3 Stlicke aus cler Mette des Sonntags Quin
I
DAS BREVIAR1UM NOTATUM CO 3 173
quagesimae wiederholt werden, bringt die Handschrift CO 3 drei eige-

ne Responsorien fur dieses mit nur fur diesen vorgeschrie-
benen Jnvitatorium Ploremus coram Domino und mit der antiphona
popu/um Convertimini d me Laudcs.
3. Wahrend die Vorvesper zum Fest Ascensio Domini in cler Uberwiegen-
Zahl der mitte1europaischen Riten mit einer sola gefeiert
wurde, bringt das Brevier CO 3, wie auch die spateren mahrischen
Handschriften 5 Antiphonen zusammengestellt aus den Antiphonen
evange!io des vorangehenden Sonntags (U:;;que modo, Petite et accipie-
tis etc.).
4. Die 5 Antiphonen der Laudes des Trinit~tsfestes beginnend mit 0 beata

et benedicta, zu denen jeweils ein Versus zugefugt wird, kommen in den
mitteleuropaischen iozesanriten verhal ismaBig D
Ubliche Lasung an clieser Stelle ist die Wiederholung der Antiphonen-
der Vorvesper Gloria Trinitas. Seric 0 bea et benedicta
ist abgesehen von einigen Benediktinerhanclschriften typisch nicht
allein fUr die mahrischen Codizes, sondern seltsamerweise ebenfalls fur
die ungarischen Riten.
5. Schluf3 sei noch Hyrnnus dem leider zu knappen - und
in dieser Knappheit wiederum an die silddeutsche Diazesanhand-
schriften erinnernden - Hymnenbestand der Handschrift CO 3
crw:ihnL n cler Vorvesper zur Septuagesimae notierte Skri-
ptor das lnzipit des Hymnus Alle/uia/Du/ce carmen vox perennis gaudii.
Dieses StUck, verzeichnet in bei "Hymni iquissimi"
zwar in mehreren italienischen, englischen, sOddeutschen, spanischen
bahmischen Codizes dokumentiert, Bamberger Handschriften
ist es aber fremdgeblieben. T rotzdem 1St clieses Hyrnnus - wahr-
scheinlich unter bohmischem Einfluf3 - zum festen Bestand der spateren
mahrisc 0 iumshandschriften geworden.
Ill.
Die Handschrift CO 3 It also ein vic1schichtiges, auf ersten BI
ziemlich verwirrendes Cesamtbild dar. Vielleicht clorfte aber geradc diese
Mehrschichtigkeit, Unausgewogenheit und Zerstreuung fur die mahrische
Liturgie n ihrcm Anfangsstadiurn kennzeichnend gewesen te
hier besprochene Brevier das Dokument des ersten Versuches einer schrift-
174 ZSUZSA CZAGANY
lichen Niederlegung des Olmiitzer OfAziums reprasentieren? Sollten bei der

Niederschrift der Handschrift neben des vermuteten Bamberger Breviers viel-
leicht weitere Musterexemplare vorhanden gewesen sein? Oder handelt es
sich bloB urn ein einfaches Fremdimport, das unter neuen Umstanden revi-
diert und erganzt wurde7 Dies sind alles Fragen, die vorerst nach offen
bleiben mtissen. Weitere Impulse und eventuelle Losungsversuche erhaffe ich
von der Untersuchung der Notation und des Melodiematerials wie auch von
cler Einbeziehung weiterer Handschriften der Olmtitzer Kapitelbibliothek so-
wie van weiterer Ausdehnung des liturgischen und musikalischen Vergleichs-
materials.
Beilage Nr. 1
Abkiirzungen:
Adv Tempus Adventus aa antiphonae
10 dominica prima V'1. in secundis vesperis
1ff in feriis hebdomadae primae I in prima hora
4Sabb sabbato in hebdomada quarta
Adv 10 Adv 10 Adv 1011 ff Adv 4Sabb

V'2 Resp. I antiph. invitatorium Laudes aa
OLO-3 Tu ex- Dicite filiae Daminum qui Missus est

surgens Sion venturus est Ave Maria
v. Quia Ecce venit Spiritus Sanctus
tempus Rex Exspectetur
Ecce ancilla
PRAHA - Salvatarem Ecce venit Roratecaeli
exspectamus Rex Ecce veniet
Regem Egredietur Dns
venturum Exspectetur
Omnis vallis
BAMBERC Tu ex- D icite AI iae Dominum qui Missus est
surgens Sion venturus est Ave Maria
v. Quia Regem Spiritus Sanctus
tempus venturum Exspectetur
Ecce ancilla
DASBREVIARlUM NOTATUM CO 3 175
Adv to Adv to Adv 1D/l ff Adv 4Sabb

V2 Resp. I antiph. invitatorium Laudes aa
SALZBURG Festina ne Betlehem Ecce venit Ponam in Sion
tardaveris non es Rex Ponent
Regem
venturum
PASSAU Tu ex- Yen] Domine Ecce venit Ponam in Sion

surgens Rex Ponent
v. Quia Regem Domino
tempus venturum Consolamini
Exspectetur
de venit
Rex
Regem iet
ventururn
Exspectabo
Dominum
GNIEZNO Salvatorem Ecce venit A Hnibus
exspectamus Rex Paratus esto
Regem Intuemini
venturum
Salvatorem venit
exspectamus Rex Intuemini
Regem Levate capita
venturum Exspectetur
Ponent Domino
ESZTER- >N3 R3 Betlehem Ecce venit Dicite pusillan.
GOM non Rex
Regem
venturum
noster
176 ZSUlSA CZAGANY
Beilage
Abktirzungen:
Epi Tempus Epiphaniae L in laudibus
D70 dominica in Septuagesima R responsorium prol ixum
Pasc Tempus Paschalis V versus responsorii prolixi
Ann Tempus Annum f4Cin feria quarta die cinerum
Ase Ascensio Domini Inv invitatorium
Trin festum S. Trinitatis a antiphona
die2 in die secundo infra octavam Ap antiphona 'pro populo'
VI in primis vesperis H hymn us
N in matutinis ve] in unico v versus antiphonarurn
nocturno
1. Die Responsorien an Wochentagen nach dem Epiphaniefest
Epi die2 N RI Omnes de Saba

Epi die2 N VI Reges Tharsis
Epi die2 N R2 Stella quam viderant
Epi die2 N V2 Et intrantes domum
Epi die2 N R3 Magi veniunt ab oriente
Epi die2 N V3 Vidimus stellam
~-
-
Epi die3 N RI Interrogabat magos
Epi die3 N Vt Magi veniunt ab oriente
Epi dic3 N R2 Illuminare illuminare
Epi die3 N V2 Et ambulabunt gentes
Epi die3 N R3 Videntes stellam magi
Epi dic3 N V3 Reges Tharsis
Epi die4 N RR (de et die -4)
EpJ die4 N R3 Pastores praecl
Epi die4 N V3 Annuntio vobis
Epi die5 N R3 Dies sancti(lcatus
Ep! die5 N V3 Venite adoremus
DASBREVIARlUM NOTATUM CO 3 177
2. Das Offizium 'in die cinerum'
Epi f4Cin Inv a Ploremus coram Domino

Epi f4Cin N Rl Afflicti pro peccatis
Epi f4Cin N Domine
Epi f4Cin N Peccata
Epi f4Cin N Quoniam
Epi f4Cin N Abscondi aurum
Epi f4Cin N V3 Miserere mei Deus
Epi f4Cin L Ap Convertimini ad me
3. Die Antiphonen der Vorvesper zum Fest Ascensio Domini
Pase Ase Vt Usque petistis

Pase Ase Vt Petite et
Pase Ase VI Exivi a
Pase Asc Vt Exivi a
Pase Asc Vt as Ecce nunc palam
4. Die Antiphonen der Laudes des Trinitatsfestes
Ann Trin L a1 o beata et benedicta (1)

Ann Trin L Tibi laus
Ann Trin L o beata
Ann Trin L Miserere
Ann Trin L o vera
Ann Trin L v3 Tibi taus tibi gloria
Ann Trin L a4 o vera summa (4)
Ann Trin L v4 Miserere miserere
Ann Trin L as Te jure laudant
Ann Trin L Tibi laus
070 Vl H Alleluja. Du1ce carmen

SOME REMARKS ON JEAN CLAIRES OCTOECHOS
USZLO DOBSZAY
Dom Jean Claire's Octoechos theory! has frequently been mentioned but, in
fact, hardly integrated into chant scholarship. After a fruitful new theory ap-
pears research usually compares its conclusions with present knowledge,
weighs the pros and cons of its argumentation, and then either modifies the
existing view or rejecting the new (or, at least, some parts of it) as incompati-
ble with a previous well-based system of learning. That means, science tries
to incorporate new theories into the wholeness of our knowledge, but at the
same time subjects it to criticism. As I see it, we often mention, cite, adapt,
and popularize the work of Darn Clairei but all this does not replace a real
reading (perusal), and serious scientific discussion of it. The limited space of
this paper does not permit more than a look on the contact points of this the-
ory with other fields of chant scholarship, and to point brieAy both to the
positive and the problematic features of the work. Finally we will examine of
its practical adaptation.
I.
t. In my opinion the greatest merit of C1aire's theory is the introduction
of a new and flexible approach which reflects in a more appropriate way the
styl istic peculiarities of the chant and the consequences of its genuine oral
way of life. In respect to music analysis, and especially to modal analysis,
Claire abandons the undisguised or hidden grapholatria of the fonner
research. He declares that the process described by him precedes the period
of notation. 2 The tunes, in his view, live as entities existing purely in the ears.
The theory of modality must be built on the tunes themselves instead of
Greek or other theories. 3 He finds the origin of historical changes not in
theoretical or notational considerations, but in the musical activity of the
singers.
! Jean Claire, "Les Repertoires liturgiques latins avant l'octoechos. I. L'office feri-
al romano-franc", Etudes gregoriennes 15 (1975), pp. 5-192.
2 Page 53, footnote.
3 Citation from Descroquettes, p. 79.
180 LASZLO DOBSZAY
The antiphon modes were originally melodic ideas, motives ("timbres")

defined theoretically only afterwards. Therefore, the tonal assignment is not
a stable, unalterable quality of the tunes,. on the contrary, the modes can fade
into one another. A given mode can be reached from various directions,
through different courses of development" <I The two main methods tonal
metamorphosis are: that of addition (e.g. an eighth-mode melody may fade
in ird mode completed with two more notes) and that of reorganization
of the interval structure (see e.g. the third-mode variants of first-mode melo-
dies upon the same tonus is) This kind of transformation id
changed the essence of the tune for the one-time singer, and the categories
became segregated only during the theoretical class! of melodies.
More than a half-century ago Bence Szabolcsi explained - concerning to the
music of late Antiquity in general -" that the tonality was determined by
basic idea of the tunes (he called this: maquam) - as we may see it stil1 in con-
temporary practice of the Eastern Churches - and the principle "cantus a fine
dijudicatur" is definitely than the melodies themselves. 5
The Aexibility of tonal analysis is ready to forget all of the associations of
the script, the visual elements notation, or the system of absolute pitches. 6
To be able, e.g. to compare two forms of a melody, one in the sixth mode
and the other the eighth mode, mllst in mind that the
singer heard these melodies, as it were, transposed onto the same tonic. All
this brought aire nearer to methodology and attitude the cthno-
musicology, which, Similarly, can build only on the relationships perceived in
living and sounding me/os, without the associations of written music.
2 By using 12th- to 15th-century sources for reconstructing historical pro-
cesses, Claire implicitly takes a stand in one of the hottest questions of the
chant research today: i.e. can relatively late sources be util argu-
mentation concerning the histoty of a period before the notation of chant!
can we learn something from late sources for the early centuries of chant?
or otherwise formulated: could the melodies of the early period survive - in
altered or unaltered form until the of notation?
4 80, footnote.
5 Szabolcsi, Bence, "A regi nagykuitl1rak dallamossaga [Melody in the grand
cultures of the Antiquity]", LVI.I 946), pp. 13; idem, "Makiim-elv
nepi es muveszi zeneben [The 'maquam' principle in folk music and art music]",
Ethnograpnia LX t 949), pp" t -87.
6 p" 81, footnote.
SOME REMARKS RES OcrOECHOS 181
3, As I see it, Claire finds himself in opposition to the basic principles of

the iological school, in spite their tactical league. iology treats
chant melodies as entities composed and fixed to the smallest detail for mak-
ing a perfect rendering of the text, This being so, our task is to find out the
only authentic melodical rhythm form a given composition by
means of earliest written sources. On the contrary, for Dom Claire, the
whole material is in a continuous motion: variants come into world and take
new shapes, essential components the ody in variants
before our sight. Though we can detect old Roman prototypes - existing
long time before the use of notation - they can be seen only as having bro-
ken the wide spectrum of Gregorian recordings. The frequently
alluded "archetype" is not an auctorial manuscript for Claire, but rather consti-
tutes forms fixed again and again as sources for further transmission.
4, Analysis widely izes the synoptical comparison of Roman, Gre-
gorian and Ambrosian sources, C1aire works to differentiate the Roman reper-
tory from another one (called Gallican)j his explanation, however, eventuates
in a istic of The relationsh between respomorial psalmody
and antiphony, the meaning of the liturgical-musical genres, the technics in
coordinating music with text, the treatment of tonality are described as paral-
lel phenomena the other repertories. The differences between
the chant families are manifested rather in tonal preferences, and not in the
essence of the styles. Consequently, if Claire is speaking of a "fusion number
one Roman and Gall chan in the eighth century, we must answer to
the question what might be the cause of the similarities of these repertories
born much earlier - or we are obliged to suppose, as it were, a fusion number
zero, too. I thi the prehistory the Gregorian cannot be written in
the future without giving an explanation for the stylistic unity of the Latin
Iiturgies, a unity compatible with the variance in repertories. If we accept the
out1 of Claire, the conclusions must in analyses, in
essential parts of our view of history.
11.
The importance of Claire's work is also taken seriously as we discuss
problematic ts, or, least, features incompatible with our present knowl-
edge.
1. Claire's theory is based on the concept of evolution. He traces the
ancient set of iphons two Roman one iean core melodies (DO
2 LASZLO
and MI, respectively RE tunes) and regards all the other tunes as belonging
to a secondary form developed from these, or simply as late additions.
1.1. The flFties and of our century were greatly influenced by
evolutionary theories wh concluded historical processes morpho-
ogical observations. Characteristically, title Waiter Wiora's famous
article presenting biton, triton, tetraton melodies contains: "Alter als die Pen-
tatonik" - i.e., not simpler, but older than Pentatony. In the seventies a hot
-evolutionary criticism ensued. refused supposition that the
of h leads necessarily from melodies with small range 1imited
set of tones toward those with extended range; from simple rhythmic and
mensural patterns toward composite ones; from primary shapes toward the
augmented from syllabic tunes to me! ismatic ging, etc. evolu-
of this cannot course, uded; but comparative exami-
nation of a range 0 material can justify the procedure 0 going over
from morphological facts to chronological conclusions. Though Claire him-
self declares too that the levels of a music (or with a somewhat idiosyncratic
terminology aesthetic) developmen not necessarily histor-
succession but the
l itself contrad this aration.
1.2. The principle of evolution is problematic especially in the case of
small range melodies. The tonal instability, the inclination to both kinds 0 f
change characteristic to the bchavior of small range melodies. The
and augmented I the and shapes avail-
for the singer or the collective group of singers at the same moment.
The intervall ic structure of a group of few notes can be easily rearranged
without a change in the essence of the melody, let's say, in an abrupt manner.
singer in a wider fiel J/ad lib than in case of
range odies.7 narrow-range musical of Ant (i.e.
tunes within an octave) has tonal variety in its nature, and, according, it is
just as dangerous here to adapt evolutionary cl iches as theoretical ones (just
Dom Descroquettes Claire warned
3. To some examples Hungarian arnents the melo-
dy appears in a contracted form in one singer's performance and with aug-
mented range in the case of other's. The tonal variants of the same musical
idea (or J/timbre", as Claire calls it) vary often according to geographical dia-
The !lxation of the in the case wide-range more tunes

is greatly helped by the fact that the parameters of the music reinforced each other.
It is not one single interval but two or more interrelated intervals that get Axed and
tonal stab! supported the inner of course.
SOME REMARKS ONJEAN CLAIRE'S OCTOECHOS 183
lects; that means, they are functions of differences in space rather than in
age. Also the final-note variants may vary from singer to Sing-er. The lament
which built the notes G-A in one lage built on C-A-C the
other (which coincides with the interrelationship of sixth and eighth mode)
Le. the nrst step of evolution in Claire's melodic type "A·C"). A collector
could ice that singer concluded a I but when tape recorder
started up again she extended the range upwards or downwards, with ad·
ditional notes absent in the section recorded earlier. The passionate increase
emotions may push border range upwards , igue pushes the range
downwards. "Ad libitum" devices ofthis kind figure in Claire's presentation as
stages of evolution , separated from each other even by centuries.
1.4. take similar from fiel Gregonan . in tract,
this ancient type of psalmody the changes of the tenor depends on the
artistic will of the singer and the length of the psalm section ]n the Palm
Sunday tract e .. the extension ran / the and relaxation the
tenor note is used as means of expression and variability.S
1.5. The tract is a flnc sample of the mobile recitation. Claire says that in
the pure form ancient psalmody the mverses and refrain should
sound on the same melody - a melody stretched on one single axis with in-
distinguishable final and dominant notes. Th' form should be the parent of a
new when dom is pressed upwards a formul divided into
the duality of psalm and antiphon. In this approach the so-called "straight"
tuba should be ongl Iprim device. On the contrary, however, schol-
ars of ancient monophony such as Fdith on-Kiwi remindened us decades
ago of the fact that the mobile recitation is, if not earlier, at least contempo-
rary phenomen the straight form f it. table Invitalories in
Claire's book is excel collect of dardized vers of a one-time
free and mobile recitation} rather than a representation of the evolutionary
process, Nevertheless, mobi1 recitation can be hardly combined with a
theory one·axis melodic structure.
t .6. Investigations in the sphere of archaic recitations, looking farther
and including folkmusic, does ot favour a theory which restricts recita-
8 The Old Roman, Cregorian and Ambrosian tract cannot be grouped with
Claire's ancient . We account for th saying the genre is quite anoth·
er. Nevertheless, when we wish to interpret the historical process by facts belonging
to the deep layers of music perception and hearing the collation of the genres can-
not be genres used the on same of develop-
ment as to aural experiences.
184 LASlLO DOBSlAY
tion to one single axis, Claire's 'prototypes' melodic arches on melodic

axis, or undulation around it j while ancient recitations are very frequently
hanging on a high axis and descending from it to a lower one. The depth of
this descension might be very fferent and this fact causes essential differ-
ence in tonality, at least so regarded with modern eyes. In my opinion, a11
that we know about the culture of recitation in Antiquity is hardly compati-
ble with a theory which takes recitation on one axis as the only possible
way and regards the rich material with recitation on double axis as deriva-
tive,9
1.7. order to put tunes in different modes into an evolutionary progres-
sion, Claire had to connect them by melodic identity, i.e. /ltimbre". It is,
however, sometimes doubtful, whether we can rightly speak of melodic iden-
tity .g. in the case of types A and C). When we are working with a more
rudimentary musical material it is difficult to distinguish gestures characteris-
tic a style or repertory, formulas, melodic contours similar their visual
shape from identical tunes,
1,8. Minutiae of variants can not support serious historical conclusions. It
difficult to grasp historical process in the terms of "aesthetic differences",
and we become uneasy when an author declares one or another such element
as a sign of "originality" or "posterioritY'. I think we can speak here only of
the natural behavior an old, umvritten, narrow-range melodic material
which always opens the way both to the richness of "ad libitum" varieties and
of regional standardizations.
2 The theory of evolution is supported by arguments taken from the

history of Iiturgy and the comparison of codices. Claire's concept is that the
genuine state of the Roman antiphonary acceSSible the office. The
majority of the scholars agree, in fact, that the ferial office belongs to the
deepest layer of the liturgy; we can doubt, however, that the ferial office
covers the whole sphere of this layer. Nevertheless, Claire reduces even the
feria1 office, sorting out a great part of it as "late additions".
2.1. He excludes, e.g. the Sunday of/lce in full, saying that all the psalms
were sung in the earliest period with Alleluias. Should this statement be true,
we would have to know how people sang the office in Lenten period, when
the Alleluia was forbidden, He excludes all the Smaller Hours and takes e.g.
9 The F·G· melodies conespondent to 6th-mode of chant (F finalis, A dom-

inant) belongs to the deepest layer of archaic folkmusic culture (and yet with ca-
dence on F or - by addition of completing notes - or even on
SOME REMARKS ON JEAN CLAIRES OcrOECHOS 185
the second and eighth mode type of 'Aspice' for a late addition to the
repertory.
2.2. He refuses on principle the so-called 'series', i.e. the cases were
psalms repeated during the week, receiving more than one antiphon. lo In his
opinion, one single antiphon attached primarily to each psalm (in most cases
taking the text from the beginning of the psalm) and the antiphons changing
on each day, are all late compositions. This declaration is made, however,
without evidence. Recent research points to the fact that the oldest liturgy
used some sets of items which have been ordered into a fixed framework only
later. There were often day or season antiphons or responsories more than
necessary, first sung according to chOice, then assigned to exact liturgical
position. This phenomenon is akin with the one called "properization" by
James McKinnon. 11
2.3. Claire argues for the exclusion of the series stating that their trans-
mission in the Gregorian sources is not uniform. In this context he declares
that lithe criterion of belonging to the »archetype« is the wide distribution of
the piece in the majority of sources."1l This statement, however lacks again
evidence, and it contradicts not only the numerous documents which have
survived as isolated manifestations ("Rtickzugsgebiete") but, similarly, to
Claire's own procedure when he regards many times the exceptional instance
as a trace of pre-octoechos period. 13 In fact, the diversity in transmission is
not larger in the case of the "series" than in that of other psalms. This diver-
sity may have very different causes, and just the multiple antiphons could
have been utilized differently by different communities .
2.4. Claire excludes from analysis as well the proper antiphons of the
monastic office. The additions required in the monastic office and the so-
10 Cf. pp. 12, 128.

11 See e.g. James McKinnon, "Properization; The Roman Mass", Cantu5 Planus,
Papers Read at the 6th Meeting, fger, Hungary 1993 (Budapest, 1995), vo!. I,
pp. 15-22. The list quoted by C1aire containing the psalmic refrains in Augustine's
Enarrationes takes the refrain frequently from inner verses of the psalm just as the
Psalterium St. Cermain does, which gives in I I cases more than one refrain to the
same psalm.
12 p. 137.
13 He holds e.g. the 8th-mode variant of a type as original against the 3rd mode
form occurring in the majority of Gregorian sources, probably because this represen-
tation fits better to the scheme of evolution. In spite of their great dissemination, he
does not accept as part of the vieux fond the pieces which contradict of to the prin-
ciple of evolution (e.g. Hymnum cantate, see p. 141.).
186 USZLO DOBSZAY
cal monastic contribution in the office are atltomatically assified

into the Gallican-Gregorian repertory and are attributed to the influence of
the Provence on the early Benedictines. 14 The formation of the monastic
offlce, however, precedes the -Cregorian by some centuries.
Dato non conccsso that special antiphons to the psalms Nr, 1 to 20 were not
sung in Rome, the 6th-centUtY Roman monks nevertheless could not have
accomplished their liturgy without these antipl10ns. 15 1 thi (and J am sup-
ported by the testimony of the psalm Enarrationes of Augustine) that a
rerrain could be taken for any psalm as casual adaptation of music formulas to
selected in principle, an infinite repertory re might ex
ed and some "accepted"; frequently repeated items could be and were fixed as
individual antiphons. Both for the secular and the monastic offices, appropri-
ate pieces be selected, accordi to the requirements.
2.5. But a great part of the repertory accepted in the first selection has
been sorted out from the "original set" during further analysis. Here it is hard
avoid the mpression that an antiphon is marked as "pristine" if Hts an
evolutionary progression or was eliminated if it represents a further stage of
evolution, according to Claire's judgement. The secondary position of such
were confirmed with liturgical arguments afterwards The history of
the ferial antiphonary became then the isolated history of individual anti-
phons. 16 To give an example: only half the 30 antiphons remaining after
first selection accepted later part of the Roman 'Ivieux fond". The
question remains, how the Roman office could be accomplished, at all, with
remaining antiphons. If a great number of antiphons arc removed as monastic
additions, how could those people have sung the psalms ? Or: how
could we prove that the Minor Hours were celebrated without singing an
antiphoni
2.6, As a principle, all the antiphons sharing the melodies of the Tempo-
rale (and Sanctorale) are eliminated from the vieux fond, even if most of
them cannot be separated in respect to formal stage or liturgical position.1 7
Claire justifies this procedure say ng that at oldest stage only ferial
14 P. 128.
15 The antiphons for psalms 119 to 127 are eliminated saying that here we meet
an addition of monastic origin "for the sake of variety" (namely, because these psalms
are daily repeated in the monastic ofllce). Such multiple antiphons can be, however
nd the Vespers! too, where the same explanation cannot be inferred.
16 See e.g. the antiphon Eructavit, p. 148.
17 E.g. the short form of the type IILurnen the type "Liberasti-Oiviserunt", etc.
lf
,
SOME OcrOECHOS 187
office was sung and the formation of the temporale belongs to the next
phase. In his opinion the "double office" had to be introduced just to avoid
either the ferial newer office. ls however,
i
never a case dupl and the do know (e.g.

the Christmas Vigils) are explained by the duplication of stational churches.
Here we encounter, however, the most difficult problem of the work,
caused by ohscurity terms "old, late, . Wh date is
border1 between early and Or, in connection with ques-
tion of the temporate, just when was that period when the ferial office was
still in use/ but the formation of the temporale and the sanctorale had not
begun? Claire seems to regard the borderline between "old" and "new" some
in the century, spread f Roman among Franks,
naissance the chant (so-called fusion") the
invention or the Octoechos.1 9 On the other hand/ his liturgical arguments
are dissonant with musical periodization. Essential parts of the temporale and
the commune sanctorum (and yet an important quota of the sanctorale) were
already 8th when of octoechos nvent-
The ongi of the ternporale can at least, the 4th a
date confirmed musically by the psalmic antiphons of Christmas, Epiphany,
the Triduum Sacrum, Ascension, elaborated not more than those of the ferial
A of the temporale sanctorale coexisted with ferial
the 8 century, of some devel-
oped items, as well. (It could be the case in some instance that stylistic dif-
ferences are expression of difference in liturgical rank rather than results of
chronological qualities.) At any rate/ the borderline between old and new in
lturgy does coincide this ncation and nDthing
the introduction of system of . If would like 1 the
evolutionary process with Iiturgical development, we must go back at least to
the 4th century.
The pieces ich were from old Roman ferial office
matical1y within account of Callican . We sure
that the "01 and "new" pieces of the office, rnoreover the al office
and a great part of the temporale-sanctorale, the cathedral and monastic
office of Rome coexisted in the 6th century. They are, accordingly, not suit-
to support theory about th·century musical
18 P. [2.
19 CL p. 75.
88 LASZLO
2.7. There are some other problems in connecting the borderline to the
introduction the We often read the is a
system born together the Gregorian chant, unknown for the
Id Roman and Ambrosjan repertory. is true, however, if we mean by
the term "octoechos" the theoretical system, not the musical reality. The
system of the eight modes could function as well as it did during many
centuries because basically true reAection of the of the
music materi and,
I adaptation was relatively rare that the
system or the melodies had to be forced. We must differentiate the "echoi" as
the typical music phenomenon of Antiquity from the "octo echos" (that is the
total of the eight Gregorian modes) and the "octoechos" as a theory and
compositional orm. In musical sense the modes already in use
a long when system was oped to pedagogical means
and when the musical material itself was corrected for that purpose here and
there. Important in the life story of musicology and music composition as the
nalssance theory we should not overestimate its in
history chant itsel
3. Claire's analyses refer to the microstructure of the melodies. The tunes

notated between the 12th and 15th centuries are examined with respect to
individual and and usions relat to the past are
drawn from minute observations.
3.1. Although I myself have always been adverse to an agnosticism which
denies the historical continuity of the chant, therefore the possibility of trac-
events in history, I do not believe that this continuity can be
id down levelo individual ntervalsl .20 The flca-
t of notes nothing else slipping in the grapholatria.
The late liturgical repertories permit us to say something about the past of
types, stylistic features, technics, genre qualities, repertories, perhaps approxi-
mate sounds individual items - due circumspection.
schol ip has to profoundly ts standpoint against
it accepts whole sale Claire's hypothesis.
3.2. The material selected as mentioned above is presented by Claire
from 15 sources in 80 tables, The introduction explains that the sources are
chosen to their capacity to reflect pre-octoechos state.
means l C1aire ined sources which evidence for his
20 E.g. p,
SOME REMARKS ONJEANCLAIIU:S OcrOECHOS 189
theses. 21 We miss, however, the treatment of source data according to philo-

logical criteria and place in local tradition. Since the data are not compared
to their natural environment, we often suspect that scribal errors I haphazard,
doubtful interpretations may be regarded as survivals of a "pristine condi-
tion".22 The selection of source and the identification of their provenance
would be readily accepted if the pOSition of the sources in their own sphere
of tradition was previously carefully cleared up. To quote one example
among many: Bamberg is represented by one source with sometimes indeci-
pherable or erroneous notation without comparison with the fortunately rich
source material accessible in Bamberg and without possible corrections being
made.
3.3 . The main problem is, however, that the data of the selected sources
do not prove Claire's theses . There is no question, that in many cases the
same antiphon is presented in different modes in different manuscripts, but
we cannot read more out of the source than just this fact. Nevertheless,
neither of the so-called "archaic sources" are uniform concerning the tonal
assignment. The great majority of these sources give the same psalm dif-
ferentia as the typical Gregorian manuscripts and the divergences are either
erroneous or resist interpretation.
3.4. At the same time, the most obvious use of these tables was not
exploited, since the true objectives were hidden by the evolutionary analysis;
namely, after the ferial antiphons with their modal variants were collected
from many hundreds of the European manuscripts, and classified according
traditions they can depict music historical processes and paths of trans-
mission that determined the chant map between the eighth and twelfth centu-
ries. Moreover, this collection of antiphons with their tonal indeterminacy
may testify to the early emergence of the ferial repertory as a whole. On the
21 In fact, a more abundant selection is given in the appendix, but only for pre-
senting the place of individual items in the row of evolution.
22 To quote same examples: in Ex. 1CAT (as the unique date for 4th mode, but
with a t st-mode differentia) seems to be scribal mistake j in Ex. 34. ROM 1 is regard-
ed as replacing the 2nd·mode melody with a 5th· mode "centonate" tune; it is in my
opinion a recording slipped with a third; in Ex. 77 the psalm tones of AQU, MET,
UN are interpreted as a recitation on one tuba note, the fifth is( in reality only the
incipit of the differentia; the ending on F in Ex. 64, BAM seems to be an error, cf.
Nrs. 60, 61; here the psalm of ROM 1 must be probably emendated j the extravaganc-
es of LUG (which is treated as archaisms) need a careful control by the use of other
sourceSj the psalm tone in Ex 55 . is probably scribal error, etc.
190 LASZLO DOBSZAY
other hand, the tables do not justify, in my opinion, the construction of an

evolutionary sequences or events (except in the case of obviously derivative
forms).
4. Now we come to the method and presentation of Claire's work .

4.1. Since morphology taken in itself is not enough to support historical
conclusions it has been combined with liturgical arguments and deviations
l
from expected regularities are individually excused. Sometimes this is plau-

sible other times it forced. It is very instructive, for example, to see a process
l
of selection in the sphere of Lauds antiphons. The psalms standing at the

first, third and fifth place of this Hour are put aside since they have more
than one possible antiphon although only one antiphon should be given to
l
one psalm and so only one of the set can be Iloriginal". This one is chosen
according the evolutionaty development of the pieces, i.e. the factor in
search. (Parenthetically one such antiphon is assigned to the 66th psalm too,
which is never sung with an antiphon either in secular or in monastic rite.) -
The canticles become left because their transmission is not uniform. Claire
thinks that these canticles were recited in directaneum (without an antiphon)
with reference to the Easter Vigil when three canticles are sung without
antiphons, i.e. in tract tones. Nevertheless, nothing can be interpreted con-
cerning the performance of the canticles at Lauds from the fact that three of
its seven canticles are performed follOWing the rules of another genre during
another celebration. If only one possible performance style of the canticles
existed, the tract should have belonged to the original form of the office.
This is, however, not so. It is not necessary that one text must be combined
with one melodYI and that the same text could be dressed in different musical
vestments according to the liturgical context. - The antiphons of the psalm
which changes day by day at Lauds are included first in the examination;
later they are removed from the "vieux fond", since they do not fit into the
musical hypothesis. The anomaly arising from this in the liturgical order is
explained so that the first, third and fifth psalms of the Lauds were sung with
antiphon (the same for each day) while the second and fourth psalms were
recited in directaneum (what has happened to the tract?). The same argumen-
tation gives a reason why for two psalms being recited sub unica antiphona in
the ferial Vigils: Claire thinks that the first psalm was sung regularly with an
antiphon, and the second recited in directaneum. (Cases in which the anti-
phon is taken from the words of the second psalm are explained one by one.)
All these goes back to the presumption that during some "old" period it was
unusual to sing several psalms under one antiphon . At the same time, we
SOME 10S 191
have many samples of the sub unica antiphona practice, not only from the
Aeld of Gregorian chant (which could be considered a younger but of
other ancient too, from the singing the Eastern Church
the of Milan. the there no indications for a
rhythmic alternation of antiphonal and in directaneum singing. The most
detailed description of ofAce rites, i.e. in the Rule of St. Benedict contains no
word or ion that be in this
4.2. We often confronted with unexplained : this ele-
relent as a sign of antiquity or posteriority.24 The hypotheses leaning against
each other are rounded off to complete stories. Sometimes we have the feel-
ing that we are reading excellent science fiction. This is because the presenta-
is kept rhetorically persuasive and statements often
enough are changed to and next in next round reason-
ing. Sometimes we feel that the whole edifice consists of repetition of un-
proved theses and the adaptation of these theses to details. Further, these
theses are not compared the scholarly literature to hIll extent; the bibli-
ography seems to be utilizing works in French.
But in spite of all this, Cl a ire's book is a huge intellectual achievement and
a vision that was inspired and is inspiring. The above objections do not
dicate that basic statements can at all true have shown
they further discussion that there some which
cannot be fit in the present-day view of chant history. It is true, of course,
that also this present-day view must be modified in some respects.
What is, at the same time, more disturbing is how this theory has been
adapted to practice. Six years after the publ ication of Dom Claire's Octo-
echos the Psalterium Monasticum based hypotheses. This
blication changed everyday ing at and, doubt,
other monasteries. Of course, evety good theory can influence the practice.
And yet: though theory must be a good description of life, it is dangerous
when it will to react too directly upon life.
23 Cap . The reci in belongs according the to the

introductory psalms, or it is a simplification with practical aims: "si major congrega-
tio fuerit, cum antiphonis, si vero minor, in directum psallantur" (Cap XVII).
24 Pp. 631 131,142.
192 LASZLO DOBSZAY
t. A relatively simple case is that in which the Psalterium replaces some

items of the Antiphonale Monasticum with new variants, or variants in an-
other mode. 25 No matter if, in doing this inconsistencies are generated, e.g.
one antiphon of the same type remains in first mode (the "developed" form
to Claire) while another piece is restored the I'original" tonus
irregularis. 26 The 49th psalm received a new antiphon what is a responsoty
from "Gal iean psalmody" 27
2. It gives more food for thought when an exceptional variant of one
codex takes place of a typical form the AM just became it seems fit
better into the evolutionary construct. Sometimes one becomes suspicious
(not easy to check) that a melodic form undocumented in sources entered
new edition because theoretical con .28 Since
Solesmes editions regularly have no critical apparatus the user cannot judge
cases of this kind.
3. More disturbing is when the classification and psalm-difference 0 f
whole melodic groups are radical altered. The 2nd-mode antiphons with G
as highest tone receive a psalm tone which is nothing else than 4th-mode
psalmody transposed a second lower, a combination not backed by source
testimony.29 4th-mode antiphons with G as structural tone are com-
bined with the 5th mode psalm tone in a variant more Gennanico for the
of emphasizing m th as well.30 the PM Claire's three
melodien (the Roman C and E, the so-called Gallican D-melody) play an
eminent role. nce Claire presents these melodies as liarchaic seeds 1l 1 the
interprets some pieces of the existing Gregorian repertory in this way and
furnishes them with psalm tones accordingly. The MI melodies with their
tonus irregularis cause no problem, since a respectable number of histori-
cal sources use the same. For the C and 0 melodies, on the other hand,
25 The antiphons for psalms 26, 271 8, 30 etc.

26 We don't enumerate noW the cases when the psalm tone given in PM figures
not at all in Claire's tables or it follows a peripheral tradition.
27 CL Claire pp. 180 and 1 The item is not registered CAO.
28 Antiphons for psalms 32, 34, 48; cf. TRE where it is in 4th mode, but not the
psalm!; the alleluia· n the 3 and same tune on p. 1 I with
dence on D.
29 Antiphon<; for psalms 25 67,79 103, 113
1 1
30 Antiphons for psalms 17, 97, 1 1107 IsIIV 11

1
pp. 85, 254, 282: AlIeluiaj p. 1 16: Benedictus j pp. 135 and 254: ps. 50 j antiphons for
the Cantic in 4 (unknown for ) in 6.
SOME REMARKS ON JEAN RE's OcrOECHOS 193
proper psalm tones had to be created.31 The IIcrux" of the one-time theore-
ticians, the melodic type classified earlier as 4th-mode tune (A-melody in
Nowacki's typology) is counted here with the 2nd mode, and combined with
strange psalm 32 The in tonus peregrinus ap-
several with recently-created adaptations PM33 followed
with different psalm tones each time. The 3rd-mode antiphons receive an
34
"archaic" psalm tone reciting on 8, while the antiphons themselves are built
G-A-C.35
The in these cases is not merely historical nature. It
is the musical dissonance which is barely tolerable for a healthy ear. Why is
this, Can we exclude that the special group of 2nd- or 4th-mode antiphons
once had special psalm tones, built on the interval of fourth (respectively
third)? impossible, that the of psal tones was richer
within world of Gregorian modes?
We have, in fact, such examples, e.g. in the psalmody of Milan. Between
the two traditions, however, there are great differences. In the Ambrosian
mody the mediatio is the terminatio is a cadential fall in
casesj essence psalm is one almost undefined
interval which can be placed on different steps of the scales; the antiphons
themselves are standardized.
The psalm tones of Gregorian chant, on the contraty, are built upon a
of and il1atio j us more notes, in a more organic
within set of the the are adjusted to the
eight-mode system. The mode in Gregorian chant is more than a mere theo-
retical category; it signifies a concrete coherence of notes, intervals and
formulas. It is in if one that the fferentia fifth
if taken according to Cerman and transposes fourth
downwards results in the same set of notes as a 4th-mode antiphon with the
antiphon psalm a psalm in 6th mode

Claire's melody antiphon psalm the psa tone for
itself (this type is given in Claire's table with a regular 6th-mode psalmody, cf.
Nr.26bis.
32 E.g. p. t 69: canticum.
These missing excepted the traditional chant and proba-
new inventions (cf. CAO)
34 E.g. p. 76: Alleluia; antiphon for the psalm 133 (unknown in the tradition).
35 Antiphons for psalms 61, 77, 96, 134,138. This difference never occurs in the
sources quoted Claire.
194 LASlLO DOBSZA Y
skeleton of a E-G third. The two examples belong to different music con-
texts: -one differentia (more Gcrmanico) is organized by the se-
quence of two thirds, the third A-F has its own life within the context and we
cannot disregard that dIe subsequent antiphon leads down to the fifth below
the tuba note. On the contraty, this sub-group of the 4th-mode antiphons
are linked to the melodies in tonus irregularis, their further extension leads to
the fourth-range tunes; the F is a passing note in these melodies, or is
coupled with the low D. The combination of these melodies with a regular
4th-mode psalmody is not disturbing because this formula the G a
turning point and the function of F (if occurs, at all) is the same as in the
antiphons. other cases can be nterprcted a similar way.
These combinations of antiphons and psalms are criticized here not only
because f h authenticity, because they also result in musical
tension between two components, and thus are aesthetically imperfect. As re-
verberations of scientific abstractions, they appeared to be composed with
closed ears. It is the third time that a too-direct connection between science
and practice results in trouble in both science and practice. Furthermore,
practical adaptation was made too early, theory was too hypothetical and
in a manner that was too arbitrary.
I think, the most important work of Claire - which has had far-reaching in-
fluence on chant seho! ip wil be honored i the book truly rcad,
thought over in many ways, and then considered apart from the prestige 0 f
th great scholar as we! the nfluential monastery We must take thesis
as objectively as possible try to assimilate it !lIege artis" into our knowledge.
Cantus Planus. Sopran, 1995 195
THE eLA VIS IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY MUSIC THEORY
JOSEPHDYER
Dedicated to Max Miller, magister clavium and University Organist,

on his retirement from the faculty of Boston University .
In the first half of the fourteenth century the theorist Johannes Boen
(d. 1367) attempted to sketch a retrospective history of the clavi 5, by then a
theoretical concept embracing a considerable number of meanings. Boen
based his theory on the assumption that written theorizing about music had
been preceded by a period during which theoretical concepts were transmit-
ted by oral tradition . He observed that even untutored "layci" were able to
sing without any knowledge of the scientia c1avium. Drawing an analogy
from sense perception, he observed that the eye first notices col or before the
intellect fixes on its source. In like manner "the ear first averts to the sound
before the intellect conceives on what c1avis it is to be placed". 1 Finding
nothing about the discovery of the c1avis in the legends surrounding Pythag·
oras or in the Old Testament, Boen supposed that men at the time of David
and Pythagoras had "adapted to instruments what had hitherto been vocal",2
a process that led to the identification of intervals on the psaltery or the kitha·
ra. Finally, he concluded that, "what the ancients discovered in the strings,
posterity arranged in the c1aves".3 Because of the association of the c1avis
with the musical hand, Boen called the twenty pitches of the hand, identified
by the letter names (A, B, C, D, E, F, G), "c1aves manuales" .
1 Nonne oculus prius colori inicitur, quam intellectus concipiat unde fiat calor?
Sic auris prius ad sonum se vertit quam intellectus concipiat qua debeat clave locari.
]ohannes Boen, Ars musicae 17.5-6, ed. Alberto Gallo, Corpus Scriptorum de Musi-
ca [hereafter CSM] 19:30.
:2 Incitante ergo natura, ceperunt homines in instrumentis aptare hoc quod prius
erat in voce. Ars musicae 17. 11, CSM 19:30.
3 Quod antiquitas in cordis invenit, hoc posterioritas in clavibus disponebat. Ars
mus;cae 19 . 1, CSM 19:33. ]acques of Liege observed that, when the "Latini" named
the notes, they used the first seven letters of their alphabet, preserving gamma only
for the "added clavis Speculum musicae, ed. Roger Bragard, CSM 3/6 :205.
If.
196 JOSEPH DYER
While endeavor to invent a background the c1avis concept may

seem quaint to us, it was a serious endeavor to explicate the histmy (even if
fabricated) of a term that had come to embrace a plethora of meanings in
irteenth-century music theory, Although clavis is found in musical contexts
before this time, it achieved a conSiderably expanded range of meaning in
many chant treatises of the period. Enge1bert of Admont (1250-1331), for ex-
ample , described knowledge of IInotas litteras vel c1aves" as the founda-
tion (but merely that) on which true musical knowledge could be built. 4 The
term c!avis was subjected to a systematic investigation by Fritz Reckow in his
for the HandwDrterb[lch musikalischen Tennin%gie. He stressed
its functions as pitch location on the gamut (Tonstufe), as the letter name as-
signed to this pitch, and as the combination of letter name and solmization
syllable. Despite Reckow's methodical and comprehensive treatment, howev-
er, there remain several aspects of the way c1avis was used in the thirteenth
century worthy of further description and elucidation.5 Because of the multi-
resonances generated by the word in chant theory of the time, I have usu-
ally preferred to leave it untranslated.
t. Oavis as metaphor
The term c1avis seems to have been introduced into music theolY almost
aCCidentally - in a metaphorical sense, as the "key" which unlocks some
aspect of musical practice. Guido of Arezzo promised the beginning music
student who had mastered the six melodic intervals of chant that, "when you
hold these as keys/ you can command skill in singing - intelligently, and
therefore more easily".6 Given the medieval fascination with symbolism, it is
not surprising that this metaphorical sense was maintained even as c1avis
" Multi nostro tempore docentes musicam et discentes, sola illa quae ad usum
cantandi per notas et vel c1aves mmicas pertinent, amplectantur/ quo mu
epto reputant se perfectos in arte, nihil ultra de his, quae ad musicae artificialem in-
quisitionem et discretionem et iudicium pertinent, curantes. De Proiogm,
GS 2:287.
5 I am grateful to Dr. Michael Bernhard of the Lexikon Musicum Latinwn (Mu-
nich) assistance with the initial stages this investigation , which was completed
using the resources of the Thesaurus Musicarum Latinarum database, made available
to me the kindness of Prof. Mathicsen 0 lndiana University.
eLA VIS IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY MUSIC THEORY 197
developed more precise, specifically technical John of AfAighem

(c. 1100) said of the reciti ng notes of the psalm tones that 111 ike the keys to
locks, they control melodies, and they give us way to identify chant",7 I
mid-thirteenth centuty Lambertus listed the letters from A to C, "which
are called claves, because just as a lock is opened with a key, so too by these
letters mel of music opened up. And just as a revolves in lock!
thus the whole year and the chant of the whole year is unfolded in these sev-
letters". 8 reference to the all to cJaves tenninorum, nurn
bers from 11 to 39, which, when added to fixed dates in the calendar (1 Jan,
28 Jan 11 March, 15 Apri1, 29 April) revealed the dates of the chief obser-
l
vances the Lenten-Paschal cycle. Like golden numbers, were con

trolled by a nineteen-year cyc1e. 9
The that a gave entry an inaccessible location per-
sisted into the late thirteenth century in the works of authors like Jerome of
6 Habes itaque sex vocum consonantias, id est tonum, semitonium, ditonum,

semiditonum, diatessaron et diapente nullo enim cantu modis vox voci con-
iungitur, vel intendendo vel remittenda. Cumque tarn paucis clausulis tata harmonia
formetur, utillimum est altae eas memariae commendare, et donec plene in canendo
sentiantur et ab exercitio numquam cessare, ut vel ut clavibus habi-
tis canendi possis peritiam sagaciter ideoque facilius possidere. Micrologus 4.17, ed.
Joseph Smits van Waesberghe, CSM 4: 105- tOo.
7 enim claves modulationis tenent, ad cantum cognoscendum adi-
turn dant. Musica 11.3-4, ed. Joseph Smits van Waesberghe, CSM I :82. The transla-
is Warren Babb from HucbaJd, Guido, and on Music, Music Theory
Translation Series 3 (New Haven, 1978), pp. 117-118. ef. also the Anonymous
Schneider (12th c.): Tenor enim a teneo dicitur quia claves modulationis tenent, et
l
cantum cognoscencium aditum danL Marius Schneider, Geschichte der

Mehrstimmigkeit, 2 vols. (Berlin, t 934), 2: 110.
B In prima autem sciendum quod septem sunt quibus om-
nes voces exprimuntur, scilicet: A BeD E F G, que etiam claves vocantur, quia sicut
per c1avem reseratuf sera, ita per has iitteras reseratur musice melodia. Et sicut c1avis
sera revolvitur, ita ton!s annus et anni cantus istis septem litteris replica.
tur. Tractatus de musicaj ed. Edmond de Coussemaker, Scriptorum de Musica Medii
Aevii. Nova Series a Gerbertina altera, 4 vok (Paris/ 1869) [hereafter CS] 1:254a,
Quatuor principa/ia A, CS 4:207,
9 See Hermann Grotefend, Taschenbuch der Zeitrechnung de~ deutschen Mit-
te/alters und de,- Neuzeit, 11 th (Hannover, 971). 7 and T afel (p. I
198 JOSEPH DYER
Moravia and Waiter Odington 10 Though Marchetto of Paclua in his compre-

hensive treatise on the theory of plainsong, the Lucidarium, avoided all use
of the term save in the sense of "clef", he drew on the metaphorical possibili-
ties of the word, explaining that "the clef is the [means of] disclosing the
notes written any piece of mUSiC, for as key [clavisJ opens a door to
preserve what is behind the door, so in melody does a clef [clavis] disclose
the melody preserve the name rits notes, and is through the clef
we recognize notes as distinct from one another ".11 The metaphorical sense
was not identiHed with e single aspect of clavis but could be app]
according to each author's fancy.
Oavis as confluence of litera vox

The historical process by which individual elements (pitch location; letter,
solmization syllable) came to be combined under the clavis concept is not en-
tirely clear. In the treatise known as Introductio musice secundum magistnlm
de GarJandia (after 1240) the c1avis is identified by its Jittera: "gamma, as it
lies on a rule staff liner has one clavis and one vox G the clavis and
the vox". 12 After providing a few examples as models, the Introductio con-
cludes discussion with "et sic singulis supravenientibus/l Though
seems from the wording of this passage that letter and vox are separate enti-
ties/ later in treatise they are combined in what the author cal a
Supradicte autem litterarum combinationcs a quibusdam claves ad

militudinem cJavium qui bus ostia ingressum prohibentia clauduntur et aperiuntur eis-
dem, ut ingressu'> pateat ingrcdientibus. Hieronymus de OP, Tractatm
mmica 1 I, ed. Simon Cserba, Freiburger Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 2 (Regens-
burg, 193 p. CL Waiter Odington (ca. 300): signa vocum, scil litteras
us descriptas, claves vocant, pro eo quod in cognitionem vocum nos introducunt, De
,'>pecuJationc mus;icae ed. Frederick Hammolld, CSM 14:95.
11 C1avis est reseratio notarum in cantu quolibet signatarum, nam sicut per clavim
reseratur ostium conservanda que intra ostium sunt, sic c1avim in cantu Ipse
seratur cantus et conservalltur notarum nomina et ab invicem esse distincta cognosci-
mus, The Lucidarium Malchetto of Padua: A Critical Tram/ation,
Commentary, ed. and trans. }an W. Herlinger (Chicago, 1985), 14.3-4, pp. 538-539.
1 Gamma.ut in regula in linea habet unam c1avem unam vocemj G est
vis, ut est vox; Introductio 5; CS I: 159a. On the authorship and sources of this trea-
tise Erich Reimer, johannes de Carfandia: mensurabili musica, vols., Beihcf~
te zlIm Archiv fur Musikwissenschaft 10-1 J (Wiesbaden 1972), 1:8-1 O.
l
THE CLA VIS IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY MUSIC THEORY 199
ductio", a concept that would be recognized as the most important meaning

of c1avis by thirteenth-century theorists. Lambertus continues: "If the ques-
tion arises what a 'deductio' is and whence its name derives, ~ote that de-
ductio represents the whole word, like gamma.ut, A.re, #.mi, C.faut, D.solre,
E.lami, and thus with the others occurring across the entire left hand; and it
is named after the verb 'deduco, deducis', because one and the other are
brought together thanks to the sign [letter] that stands at the beginning of
the word". 13 Lambertus, writing at about the same time, described eve!)' note
of the gamut as a c1avis: "we place the Latin [letter] G on the eighth clavis
[i.e., on the eighth pitch level of the gamut], and we attribute to it three vo-
ces [solmization syllablesJ, that is, sol and re and ut".14 The predominance
given the letter in these definitions helps to explain why it often seems that
the clavis is being used as the equivalent of the letter name.
3. Oavis and mutation

Since one of the most important functions of the c1avis, as elaborated by
thirteenth-centUlY theorists, was the coordination of the letter names of the
notes with the solmization syllables, the clavis concept proved very valuable
in conceptualizing mutation from one hexachord to another. Jerome of Mora-
via observed that some theorists in the thirteenth century defined the clavis
as "unisona congeries primorum elementorum musice viam reserans modulan-
di". IS His own definition of mutation expresses this same idea in a more
practical fashion: "mutation is the passage from one vox to another under one
and the same clavis".16 The same function was summed up by Helie Salomon
in one of his many clavis definitions: "the c1avis ... is the letter on which the
13 Si queratur quid sit deductio et unde dicatur, notandum sic: deductio est totalis
dictio, scilicet gamma.ut, A.re, #.mi, C.faut, D.solre, E.lami; et sic de aliis supeJVeni-
entibus per totam sinistram manum, et dicitur ab hoc verbo deduco, deducis, quia
unam et aliam subsequentem deducitur propter signum quod in principio dictionis
apponitur. Introductio 6; CS I: 160a.
14 G latinum in octava clavi locavimus, et eidem tres voces concessimus, sciliGt:t~
'.'
sol et re et ut. Tractatus, CS 1:254b.
15 Tractatus 11; ed. Cserba, p. 48 . Jerome had earlier rejected as irrelevant the
three genera of Greek theory in favor of the "elementa sum pta communiter, quae qui-
dem element a nunc voces clavesque vocantur Tractatus 9, ed. Cserba, 45.
It.
16 Mutatio est sub una clavi et eadem unisona transitio vocis in vocem. Jerome,
Tractatus 12; ed. Cserba, p. 49.
200 JOSEPH DYER
punctus ought to ascend or descend".I? Contemporary with this development

there began to appear exhaustive lists of all possible mutations from one hexa-
chord to another by means of the voces gathered under a given c1avis. 18 Not
an authors, however, felt the need to incorporate this term in their discus-
sions of mutation. Though the lntroductio musice secundum lohannem de
Garlandia catalogues all the mutations, it makes no mention of clavis in this
context and only once refers to the alternate term "deductio". John of Gar-
land's treatise on plainchant, De plana musical contains a chapter explaining
the principle of mutation, but avoids clavis in favor of signum".19
/l
4. Number of claves
Since every note of the gamut could be identified as a c1avis, the number
of claves was not fixed but depended on the number of notes in the gamut.
Aribo, the earliest author to use c1avis in a technical sense (ca. 1070), stated
that the tetrachords of the graves (A-D) and superiores (a-d) "claves sunt
plagalium" and the tetrachords of the finales (D-G) and excellentes (d-g)
"claves sunt autentorum".20 Though Aribo's unique use of the term seems not
to hav~ been taken up by later theorists, apart from Engelbert of Admont, it
effectively attributed to every pitch in the gamut (A to aa) the status of a
17 Clavis in hoc cantu appellatur littera, in qua punctus ascendere vel descendere
debet. Scientia artis musice 28; CS 3:56a.
18 For examples see the lists of mutations, ascending and descending, in the lntm-
ductio musice secundum magistrum de Garlandia (CS I: 160-162), Lambertus (Tra-
ctatus, CS 1:256-257), Jerome (Tractatus 12, pp. 49-55), Aegidius of Zamora (Ars
musicae 7-8, ed. Michel RobertTissot, CSM 20:66-77), Summa musice 8 (cd. Chris-
topher Page, The Summa musice: A thirteenth century manual for singers [Cam-
bridge, 1991], pp. 157-162).
19 A critical edition of De plana musica based on the manuscript Rome, Vat.
Barb . lat. 307 is contained in Philippe de Vitty, Ars nova, ed. Gilbert Reaney,
CSM 8 . John's definition of mutation is "dimissio unius vocis propter aliam sub eo-
dem 50no <et> in eodem signo" (ch. 10, CSM 8: 19).
20 Tetrachordorum quoque differentia est nonnulla, quia tetrachordum gravium
et superiorum c1aves sunt plagalium, tetrachordum finalium et excellentium c1aves
sunt autentorum. Et medietatis vicem obtinent finales et superiores: finales plagali-
urn, superiores autenticorum diatesseron et diapente convenientes, ex hisque diapa-
son componentes. De musica 69-70, ed. Joseph Srn its van Waesberghe, CSM 2:21.
THE eLA VIS IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY MUSIC THEORY 201
c1avis.2 1 The theorist known as Mettenleitner Anonymous 3 maintained that

the gamut had originally 15 claves (Gamma-g), to which were added three
claves geminate (aa, bb, cc) by certain "modernis compilatoribus"_He noted
that even more modern musicians ("moderniores musici"), who practiced the
art of polyphony, extended the range even higher with the addition of dd
and ee. 22 The anonymous author explained this expansion of tonal space by
the need to complete (1) the fifth tetrachord (b-ee), and (2) the seventh hexa-
chord, beginning on g.
Helie Salomon's enumeration of the number of claves contains a number
of puzzles. He claimed that "according to some people there are 35 claves: 7
of seconds, 14 of thirds, 7 of fourths, [and] 7 of fifths - altogether 35. Accord-
ing to others, there are only 7: those that are in the seconds are also by virtue
of the same puncti [per eosdem punctos] in the thirds, and fourths. But they
increase traversing their course [copulando cursum suum] according as the
nature of thirds, and fourths, and fifths require." How the first of these calcu-
lations was derived is not immediately evident, but the second view ("accord-
ing to others") implies the traditional clavis doctrine of seven contiguous
pitches (A-G), duplicated in the upper octave or beyond as needed. In addi-
21 More than two centuries later, Engelbert of Admont echoed this passage from
Aribo: "tetrachordum gravium [ABeD] et superiorem [abed] sunt claves tonorum pla-
galium. Tetrachordum vero nnalium [DEFG] et excellentium [defg] sunt claves
authentorum." De musica 3.22, GS 2:337 and 4.24; cf. GS 2:354b. I am borrowing
Reckow's interpretation of the passage from Hwm T. Engelbert, presumably follow-
ing Aribo, used the tenn "vincula" for the central pair of tetrachords, because the spe-
cies of fourth and fifth meet to form an octave.
22 Quibus consenciendum videtur, quia nullus cantus regulatiter compositus has
XV. claves [Gamma-g] suo ascensu vel descensu transcendere potest sicut in sequenti-
bus ostendetur. Modernis autem compilatoribus huius artis visum esse congruum pre-
dictis XY. c1avibus tres addere quae geminate vocantur. scilicet. aa. bb. cc [=18] ...
Sunt preterea quidam moderniores musici videlicet mensurate musice magistri qui su-
pra notatis c1avibus adhuc solam superaddunt qui bus bene favendum videtUT duabus
de causis: quarum prima est ut quintum tetrachordum perficiat. Secunde ut septimus
gradus qui similiter defectum in nota sustinebat compleatur. Et si c1avium numerus in
vicenario consumatur [=20] qui in quinque tetrachorda distinquitur in tetrachorda
gravium in tetr. finalium. in tetr. acutarum. in tetr. superacutarum in tetr. excel1enci-
urn. Ratisbonensis cUjusdam Ars musica (late 13th c.), excerpts edited in Dominicus
Mettenleitner, Musikgeschichte der Stadt Regensburg (Regensburg, 1866), p. 72.
202 JOSEPH DYER
tion, HeI propounded his own novel theory. "\ most emphatically that
there is only a single c1avis, but it is multiplied seven times over, less one
punctum, to make up the 1 puncti [r-dd] that we have in the hand; likewise
it can be multiplied indefinitely" 23 Later in the Scientia artis musicc, Helie al-
luded to the upward extension of the gamut available on musical instruments.
English theorist Amcrus, writing Italy 12711 counted nineteen
pitches in the medieval gamut as claves, a number that he justified by the
number of juncturae in the human hand.24 In addition he singled out a spe-
l
cial category of seven "principal" c1aves, those tones of the gamut on which a
hexachord could be built. 25 Engelbert of Admont on the other hand regard-
l l
ed aJJ pitches of the gamut as "claves principales". ]acques of Liege had yet an-
other iew of what constituted a avis principaJis: prinCipal notes, pitch-
es, or claves in chants and tones are said to be those that begin, mediate, and
conclude the chan(.26 These notes are the final, tenoT and octave of the final
I
i the authentic modes; the agal are not mentioned.
5. BrotundumIB quadratum
The existence of two separate pitches - b natural and b flat - with the
same letter name created a difficulty. Were these pitches to be regarded as
one clavis or two? Despite that c1avis equaled most
23 Claves secundum quosdam sunt triginta quinque, septem de secundis, quatuor-

decim tertiis, septel1l de quartis, de quintis, et simui triginta quinque.
cundum alios non sunt nisi septem: nam iIlae, quae sunt in secundis, et per eosdem
puncta:; sunt in tertiis et quarti:> ct quintis i sed augmentant copulando cursum suum,
secundum quod natura de tertiis et quartis et quintis requirit. Assertive dico, quod
non est nisi unica clavis, sed multipJicatur scpties uno puncto minus per XIX. pun-
CloS, quos habernus i palma: similiter posset multiplicari in infinitum. Scientia artis
musice 6, ed. CS 3:2 L
24 cr Boenls "clavi:; manualis".
25 Nota quod decem et novem sunt claves, sed principales non sunt nisi septem
et sepcies incipitur ut in gamma, et tociens sunt omnes note excepto la quando incipi-
tur ut in g acutum. Practica artis musice 4 ed Cesarino Ruini, CSM 25:27.
Amerus had commented on the location of these pitches, calling them "radices/{
(roots) and the hexachords built upon them I/cunae" (cradles). Practica 2.7-14; CSM
25:21-22.
26 PrincipaJes voces, chorde vel c1aves in cantibus et modis dicuntur ille que can-
tus principal ius initiant, median et tcrminant Speculum l1Jusice 6.42 , CS 2:250b.
CLAVI51N 203
theorists opted for the second solution. The anonymous Tractatus de musica
plana et organica explained that, unlike all the other c1aves, lion b there is no
mutation, because there are two claves, round b and square b". 27 Various inter-
pretations were proposed to permit the basic clavis doctrine to remain intact
in is exception. Al believed that of t 9
pitches suffkient, he granted ity of a tonal isting
of which b was a "double clavis" g two
He mentions ocations of b on this
wou! for only :2 t pitches the 23-pitch includes
the possibility of a double davis on low Band the addition of ee.
Since the b clavis had but one location on the hand, the singer had to
imagine different pitches according to the context. The anonymous author of
the Summa musice (ca. 1300) seemed to hedge on the matter. At first he
maintained that bfa#mi represented two c1aves, "diversimode tamen accepte",
yet its octave asserted that s the
name clavis, "sed ]crome of Moravia
tical derived from the pitches b
locations on od1ord.3 0 Since re-
quircd string be stopped separate location, concluded
there existed not one c1avis, but two.
An anonymous musical poem from the late twel fth or early thirteenth cen-
tury' "Palmam cum digitis", touched on the principal ramifications which the
habetur mutatio, l1,i due claves, et

b . Tractatus de musica , ed. CS 2:486.
tamen quod viginti et totidem voces, pOS-
sunt propter duplicem duplicem vocem #mi.
AmelUS, artis musice 2.15, :22; cf. 2 I .9. For Johannes Boen "duplex
clavis" represented the octave: Ars musicae 23.6, CSM 19:38.
29 Item in pulpa vel in fronte minimi situm est bfa #mi; b et # nomina sunt c1avi-
urn, diversimode tamen accepte, quia per b rotundum figuratur fa et per # quadraturn
Aguratur mi. ... Item in gremio medici ponitur bbfa ##mi j utrum que bb ## nomen est
c1avis unius, sed differenter. Si enim fuerit bb rotundum, in eo dicitur faj si vero ##
solum. Summa musice p. 159.
una c1avis una scilicet bfa . Nam
sunt littere figurarum et diversae
patuit, littere sunt diversarum
ones earumdem, ut omnino differentes ergo
c1aves sunt diverse. Jerome of Moravia: Tractatus 12, ed. Cserba, p. 53.
04 JOSEPH
term clavis was to in thirteenth century.31 Its author cited

number of c1aves (19) as well as the distinction between these and the seven
c1aves (A-G) singled out as "fundamina" He regarded bfa and #mi as a "du-
plex davis" a s ngle location/ but also anticipated a problem
presented to the coherence of the c1avis concept by changes in musical prac-
use accidental (musica falsa) to it perfect consonances
polyphonic music. These new accidentals that formed no part of the Guido-
nian gamut to accommodated in system built on premise that
the c1avis represented a single pitch level expressed by the combination of
littera and solmization syllable. The question posed by the anonymous au-
thor ("how many double claves musica fal addi') contai within itsel
the answer.32 The example of b rotundumlb quadratum proVided the model
( the additional pitches those who wished accept them.
6.0avis the musical hand (manus/palma)

The musical hand exemplified the relationship between the seven letter
names and solmization syll subsumed under them. Mastery of
musical hand, and hence of the c1aves, was consequently essential for the un-
derstanding mutation, smooth passage one hexachord anoth-
3
er.3 Amerus claimed that the number of joints in the hand effectively limited
3! Joseph Smits van Waesberghe has dated the part of the manuscript containing
this poem (Rome l Vat_ Pal. lat. 1346) the twelfth centuryl as does the RISM cata-
logue ( Theory of Music from Carolingian up 1400, vo/. [Italy],
B.llP, ed. Pieter Fischer [Munich-Duisburg, 1968], pp. 108-109)' but William Waite
a date early the centwy. The later seems more congm-
ent with the poem's treatment of clavis. See Waite, "Two Musical Poems of the
Middle Ages", MlISik und Geschichte_ Leo Schrade zum sechzigsten Geburtstag(Co-
logne, 963), pp. 13-3
32 Quot c1aves geminas superaddat musica falsa, as quoted in Reckow, "elavis",
ndw6rterbuch der muskialischen To Mettenleitner Ano-
nymous this word meant the pitches aa, bb, cc (see n. 22 above). CL Jerome: Sunt
autem septem littere quas ad opus musice assumimus, sumte de alphabeto, scilicet: a,
c, d, f, g. Quas qUidem liueras vetussimi in posu-
ernnt , ab A videlicet inchoantes et in aa desinentes. Tractatus to, ed. Cserba, p. 21.
B doctores decemnovcm notarum locaverunt in ipsis [joints of
hand], uniquique nomen proprium assignantes compositum ex littera, que est nomen
clavi .. , et nomine vel nominibus note vel notularum quam vel quas insinuat ipsa cla-
Summa 8, Page, 158.
THE CUI VIS IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY MusIC THEORY 205
the number of possible c1aves and hence the number of pitches available on
the gamut. 34 This also explained for Amerus why the seventh of the hexa-
chords, beginning on g acutum, was incomplete. In an application of the
metaphorical sense to c1avis, Helie Salomon claimed that the musical hand
was itself a "c1avis, figure, or device embodying all knowledge of the art of
music".35 He also united several of the concepts already discussed and con-
trived to clothe them in an Aristotelian mantle. 36 As happens not infrequent-
ly with this author, he succeeds only in creating further obscurity. Helie
maintained that on every joint of the hand we imagine ('fingimus') a single
punctum. Then "we multiply the science of the art of music [the title of his
treatise] or the first c1avis, which is considered a genus, by means of the
c1avis that we call the hand, which acts as a species or instrument by means
of which the first c1avis works Coperatur')."37 This formulation, idiosyncratic
to its author, bears a relationship to Helie's analysis of mode in which the ab-
stract genus "tonus" is said to generate the eight ecclesiastical tones as spe-
cies, yet to remain separate from them. 38 In this case a single davis, regarded
as a genus, generates all the other c1aves, each a distinct species.
34 Respondeo, quia auctor intellexit quod decem novem voces essent sufflcientes
in omni cantu et quod c1aves concordarent cum iuncturis manus hominis - nee piu.
res essent nee pauciores, computatis summitatibus digitorum, et quasi adeo detenni·
natas, noluit addere plures; Practica artis musice2.14, CSM 25:22.
35 Quid est palma in hac scientia? Palma est c1avis, figura, sive instrumentum con·
tinens omnimodam notitiam artis musice, seu omnium quae recte cantari possunt,
manifestationem sine cuius notitia scientia nulla, nec alias cantor, sed ioculator seu
iauglator reputatur. Helie Salomon, Scientia artis musice 7, ed. CS 3:23.
36 On this general topic see Joseph Dyer, "Chant Theory and Philosophy in the
Late Thirteenth Centuryll, Cantus Planus. Papers Read at the Fourth Meeting, Pecs,
Hungary, 3·8 September 1990 (Budapest, 1992), pp. 99-118.
37 Ad evidentiam eorum que in palma continentur, prenotandum est quod sicuti
quinque digiti palme coniuncti sunt ex decem et novem iuncturis sive unciis cum
quinque capitibus digitorum, ita per quamlibet unciam fingimus unicum habere pun-
ctum, et multiplicamus scientiam artis musice, sive primam c1avem (quae habetur ut
genus) per c1avem quam appellamus palmam, que ut species sive instrumentum nun·
cupatur et, ipsa mediante, prima clavis operatur. Scientia artis musice 7, ed. CS 3:22.
38 Scientia artis musice 9 (Rubrica de consistorio tonorum, ut in genere generalis-
simo et in specie et ordine eorumdem) and 10 (Rubrica de figura et ordine omnium
tonorum in lectura), CS 3:26-28. The first "chapter", depicting a bishop (tonus) in
the center of a circle surroinded by eight smaller circles representing the tones,
makes little sense in Cerbert's edition. One must have recourse to the manuscript,
Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana D.75inf., f. 5v.
06 JOSEPH
7. Oavis as clef
The most il iar ion, rein by in Engl and the
Romance guages - cl the sense the "clef" llxes the value
of each line of the staff - was also one of the meanings attributed to the word
in the thirteenth century. According to Amerus, Guido of Arezzo taught that
"neither reason nor nature permitted that chant could be sung without a clef
four ines, since clef opens cl shows manner l and
ature of nes".39 In Pro]ogus Antiphonarium Guido his
use of either two colon;, yellow (c) and red (F), or letters to communicate the
tonal value of staff lines. 40 Metro Jogus , an anonymous thirteenth-century
English commentary on Guido's Micrologus, expanded the Guidonian teach-
of two (F and encompass Ilfigurae 1i letter
g.41 The author of the Summa musicc believed the three he
identified as "Salomon, Guido, and Odo" prescribed the placing of clefs at
the beginning of the staff lines, colored according to their signif1cance. 4J. The
of colored ines accord to the described the musice
red for for a
l yellow had of been in the
39 Item secundum Cuidonem nulla ratio sive natura concedit quod cantus sine cla-
et quatuor possit iter cantari, clavis rige modos naturam-
ostendanL Practica artis mllsice 23.4, 25:95. ProJogus Ant;pho-
liar/urn 56- mentions two lines and c low), ed. J Smits
van Waesberghe, Divitiae Musicae Artis A.III (Buren, 1975), p. 70. See also Ham
Oesch, Cu;do von Arezzo, Publikationen der Schweizerischen Musikforschenden
Ccsellschaft, 2, vol. 4 1954) for discussion and references.
10 Prologus Antiphonarium, ed. van Wacsberghe, pp. 70.
I Metro/ogus 39-47, Smits Waesberghc, Expositiones MicroJo-
gum Cuidonis Aretini, Musicologica Medii Aevi I (Amsterdam, 1957), p. 72. Al-
though the chapter is entitled "De clavibus" in most manuscripts (14- 15 c.), the term
f is not in of the nor does it appear in Cui 1\1;cro-
commentalY. the early fourteenth Waiter
ngton dc to com his list "c1aves . . pales i Sum-
ma de specuJatione musice 5.3.47-49, CSM 14:98-99.

42 Ponebant [Salomon, Odo, GUido] igitur in principio linearum claves ipsos arti-
designantes vel usque finem vel usque mutationem ipsarum. Item alia dis-
cretrva signa enim lores: c per la mi
per viridem, ut per ostendentes; Summa 12, ed. 170.
Cf. Guido (Prologus in Antiphonarium 48; ed. Smits van Waesberghe, pp. 68-69):
quia in toto antiphonario et in omni cantu quantaecumque lineae vel spatia unam
eandemque litteram eundem colorcm, ita per omnia similiter sonant.
THE eLA VIS IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY MUSIC THEORY 207
copying of chant books for a long time. If the color scheme were properly
executed by the notator and understood by the singer, the clefs become
redundant, as would colored lines in the presence of clefs. Indeed, differently
colored lines finally yielded to the simpler expedient of c1effing.
8. Oaves discretive (distributive) and clef placement

as modal indicators
Two of the authors cited earlier addressed a question as old as chant theo-
ry itself, the determination of the tone (mode) of a chant. They went about
solving this problem in different ways, however. The Summa musice
proposed a category of four claves discretive to assist in the determination 0 f
tone. Since by the end of the thirteenth century the maneria would have
been hxed unambiguously by clef placement and staff lines anyway, the
c1avis discretiva would have served to distinguish between authentic and
plagal. The claves discretive were: F for modes I and 11, G for modes III and
IV, a for modes V and VI, and b for modes VII and VIII. (The fact that these
c1aves were all located on the little Anger of the musical hand served as a use-
ful mnemonic aid.) The c1aves discretive were not notated as actual "clefs",
but applied as an analytical tool by the singer after he had determined the
final pitch of the chant in question. The distinction between authentic and
plagal depended on whether the chant hovered mainly among the "claves
inferiores" or among the "daves superiores", i.e., notes above or below the
appropriate c1avis discretiva.43 The idea of distinguishing between authentic
and plagal on the basis of range was not a new topic in medieval music theo-
ry, to be sure, but the author of the Summa mus;ce introduced a determi-
native statistical factor - the number of notes above or below the clavis
discretiva. The judgment of mode was only conditional, however. Should the
application of the cJavis discretiva yield information on the "cursus cantus"
inconsistent with its "tropus" (by which the author presumably means melod-
ic characteristics distinctive of a given tone) the latter would determine the
tone conclUSively.
43 Itaque per hanc regulam - cum exemptione quadam quae iam dicetur - intelli-
gendam, cantum authentum a sua plagali discemes; Summa musice 18, ed. Page,
p. 183. Cf. the Ars discantus sec. }onannem de MUlis (second half of the fourteenth
century), which seems to borrow this concept from Summa mus;ce: its "claves distri-
butive" are F, G, a, and b-flat or -natural (CS 3: 101-102); see also Handworterbuch
der musika/ischen Termin%gie, "Clavis", p. 2.
208 JOSEPH DYER
In the chapter "Rubrica qual iter cantus lineari" of the Scientia artis musice
Helie Salomon explained a system cle placement that indicated not only
the pitch signincance of the lines and spaces but also the tone of each piece:
"likewise in a third way c1avis IS that letter, located at the beginning of the
lines among which it is placed, that opens and reveals what tone it ought to
bell. 44 To fulflll this function the c1avis must be placed on a line correspond-
ing to "rule" (regula) f the tone, a ition that needs to determined
beforehand by the notator, on whom Helie heaps abuse ifhe neglects this re-
sponsibility. Table shows the relationship between tone and e described
in the Scientia artis musice.
Table 1
Tone Rule Tone RuJe
I F- II D
III G IV E- -
V a VI F
VII b VIII G
The the "rule" corresponds the Anal n plagal tones a

point noted by the author himself- seems to have no particular tonal signifi-
cance. ie emphasized the advantage knowing at beginning
of a chant the tone to which it belonged, and he recommended that this
method notation employed whenever books are recopied, The concept
behind this system was by no means a novelty in Helie's native Southern
France. A number of eleventh-century chant manuscripts in Aquitanian nota-
tion employ a similar device to identify the tone of chants. The notator drew
a dty point line (without a clef) whose tonal significance could be deter-
mined by Singers familiar with the system, 45 In these early Aquitanian sources
ltem tertio modo appellatur clavis littera ilia, quae ponitur in

rum, inter quas est posita, aperit et declarat cuius toni debet esse. Scientia artis musi-
ce CS :56a. The "regula" (a word that means "line") previously
discussed in chapter 20 of the Scientia.
The most famous manuscript that uses system the Yrieix
(PariS, BN lat. 903); for an explanation see the introduction to the facsimile volume,
Pa!eographie mw;ica/e 3 (Solesmes, 1 13 160- 62. a Aqulta.
nian manuscripts see Bruno Stiiblein, Schriftbilcl der einstimmigen Musik des Mittel-
alters, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, vol. ,pt. (Lei 975), pp. 40-41, foot-
notes 372 and 545. The application of the system to the study of melodic variants is
THlRTEENTH-CENTURY MUS1C THEORY 209
F is customarily the llrule" for tone 4, but at least one manuscript, an elev-
enth-century graduaJe from Toulouse (British Library, Har1. 4951) uses the E
proposed by ie Salomon. course, at a time the
four-line not the dry-point notational in
France and most of Western Europe.
A comparable system, but one somewhat more difficult to execute because
the need differently ored I each was in
anonymous treatise early century as Quaestiones
in musica.46 By the end of the thirteenth centuty, however, Anonymous 4
seems to have regarded the use of colored lines for indicating the tone of a
piece or for identifying the pitch of staff lines as old fashioned devices. 47
Oavis as on a keyboard and as a location

on the monochord
In the mid-twelfth the theorist de Cherl iIlus-
dissonances by familiarity with musical instru-
ments. After the dissonances semitone, ditone, semiditone)
he stated that "the first and the last note of each dissonate, nor do they ex-
press any sweetness, something you will easily appreciate by listening: if on
organ that make of these notes together, they
explored in Hankeln, meint der Schreibert Uberlegungen zur Notation

des Offertoriums 'Tui sunt eel;' irn Graduale von St. Yrieix, PariS, Bibiiotheque Natio-
nale, fonds latin 903", Cantus Planus. Papers Read at the Sixth Meeting, Eger, Hun-
September 993,2 vak (Budapest, I :539-559
46 Si eadem et Iitteram praescriptam colorem pro-
cuI dubio et venustior et et utilior fuerit. Dispone ergo quatuor colores
varios per quatuor diversos antiquorum tropos. In protho tarn piagali quam autento
rubeum habeat colorem, in deutero viridem, in trito croceum, in tetrardo purpureum.
quodcunque melum hanc vel ipse notaveris vel nota-
videris, pertineat, mox aperte designabit.
littera rneli, an liquido perdocebit.
Hoc quoque rnemineris observanduffi, ut s litteram scribas ad designandum semitoni-
urn, nisi cum ipsi lineae fuerit proximum. Quaestiones in musica 27, ed. Rudoiph
Steglich, Die Quaestiones musica: Ein Choraltraktat zentraien Mitte1alters
ihr mutmafJ/icher Ver/asser Rudolf van Trond (1 38) (Leipzig, 910,
98. A of notation similar in is used Bibliotheque nationale,
lat. 778 (12 c.), a folio of which is reproduced in Stablein, Schriftbild, pI. 36.
47 Fritz Reckow, ed., Der Musiktraktat des Anonymus 4, 2 vols., Beihefte :zum Ar-
fur Musikwissenschaft 5 (Wiesbadell, 967), 1:60.
210 JOSEPH DYER
sound together and dissonate".48 Fritz Reckow has pointed to this passage as
the earliest appearance of the term c1avis, other than the ambiguous passage
from Aribo, in a context associated unmistakably with musical terminology.
He also believes that Guy refers to the keys of an organ.49 Though use of the
phrase "in organis" should probably be interpreted as a reference to a key-
board instrument, that interpretation might not be the only one allowed by
the authors remarks. Another rendering of the passage might see in it a ge-
neric reference to musical instruments. If this were the case, then Guido's use
of clavis would not go beyond the (albeit at the time new) meaning of a
letter name with its associated solmization syllables. There is, to be sure,
iconographical evidence that, even before Guy's time, organ sliders were
identified by the letter names inscribed on or above them. The bible of Ste-
phen Harding, third abbot of Cfteaux, which dates from 1109, depicts an or-
ganist pulling out sliders to allow air from the bellows to enter the pipes. 50
Above the si iders are written the eight letters (or c1aves) from C to b natural.
Jerome of Moravia, after rehearsing the traditional metaphorical signifi-
cance of clavis, mentions the presence "in instrumentis organicis" of certain
"tablets" (tabulas) on which the letters representing the c1aves are written.
When they are moved, sound is produced. They merit the name claves, be-
cause "when shut they close, when open they open up the sweetness of instru-
mental melody".51 This statement of }erome is a far clearer reference than
Guy's to the keys of an organ as "claves". The Summa musice directly asso-
ciates the organ with the other "teaching" instruments of the Middle Ages:
48 Harum septem coniunctionum ubi diapason includamus, quatuor priores dicun-

tur dissonantie, tonus videlicet, semitonum, ditonus, semiditonus. Prima enim vox et
ultima uniuscuiusque dissonant, nec aliquam inter se dulcedinem exprimunt, quod
evidenter auditu perpendes, si duas c1aves in organis que faciunt aliquam illarum vo-
cum simul transeris, ut simul sonent et dissonent. Guy de Cherlieu, Regule de arte
musica, ed. Cia ire Maftre, La reforrne cistercienne du plain-chant: Etude d'un traite
tneorique, Cfteaux: Studia et Documenta 6 (Brecht, (995), p. 116.
49 "C1avis", Handworterhuch der muskialischen Terminologie, 3a.
50 The illustration is reproduced in Peter Williams, The Organ in Western Cui-
tu re, 750-1250 (Cambriclge, 1993),Plate IOandpp. 173-177.
51 Propter quod etiam in instrumentis organicis quasdam tabulas principalibus lit-
teris arrnonicarum clavium descriptas, ex quarum inflexione meatus quidam edentes
sonum armonicum aperiuntur ... claves similiter nominant, quae c1ausae claudunt,
apertae aperiunt dulcedinem organicae melodiae. Jerome of Moravia, Tractatus de
musica 11, ed. Cserba, pp. 47-48.
THE CLAVIS IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY MUSIC THEORY 211
monochord and organistrum. As an incentive to those inclined to self instruc-

tion, the author claims that, with the help of "the claves inscribed on these in-
struments [per c1aves certas et signatas], the notes can easily be examined
and immediately produced without [the assistance of] a friend or singing
master".52 In the early fourteenth-century Engelbert of Admont referred to
the presence of letters inscribed "sive in monochordo, sive in clavibus orga-
norum", an unambiguous reference to the keys of an organ as c1aves. 53 The in-
scription of letters on a strip of parchment underneath the string of the mono-
chord was an essential part of that teaching instrument. Later in the century,
the Breviarium regula re musicae, explained in detail how intervals were to be
calculated in the construction of a monochord. The intervals should be
"marked off proportionately by the appropriate signs of the c1aves".54 The
resulting "indicia" are compared with similar markings on the organ. The
thirteenth-century organ keyboard also reflected the expansion of the medi-
eval tonal sphere. The author of the Summa rnusice called the newly in-
troduced resources "c1aves falsas".55 He observed that they were found on the
organ, but he denied them any place in vocal music.
The foregoing observations have explored the variety of meanings and res-
onances that clavis embraced in thirteenth-century music theory. These
meanings ranged from the metaphorical (lock and key) to the philosophical
(genus/species), and from the practical (mutation, clef, determination of
52 In huiusmocli etiam instrumentis [monochord, organistrum, organ] nota de faci-

li errare non potest, et a sono suo legitimo [CS: longius] distorqueri, eoquod note
per claves certas et signatas facile possunt considerari et promte proferri absque so-
cio vel magistro cantore. Summa musice 13, ed. Page, pp. 171-172.
53 Praedietus quoque numerus et ordo vocum et Iitterarum sive in manu musieali,
sive in monochordo, sive in clavibus organorum, non una, sed duabus diapason est
contentus, et non extenditur ad tres diapason, vel plures triplici ratione. De mus;-
ca 3.12, ecl. CS 3:327.
54 Super lineam proportional iter divisam et debitis clavium notis distinctam ... Se-
cundum de hinc natarum vel figurarum indicia corda pulsum alicuius rei solide tanga-
tur, sieut in organis fieri consuevit. [WillelmusJ, Breviarium regula re musicae 2 [Ms.
Oxford, Bodley 842], ed. Gilbert Reaney, CSM 12: 17.
55 QUidam artifices in instrumentis musicis loeant semitonium inter C sol re ut et
F Fa ut, quidam inter C sol re ut et a la m; re, et clavem istam clavem falsam
[CS: formae] appellant; et in can tu illud commoditatem operatur praecipue in instru-
mento, quod organum appellatur; verumtamen in musiea vocali humana locum non
habet. Summa musice 15, ed. Page, p. 177.
212 JOSEPH DYER
tone) to speculative (number of notes in gamut, double c1aves). Some

meanings of clavis - clef and the key of a musical instrument - have persisted
in modern musical terminology. In reading the music theory literature of the
thirteenth century the multiple resonances of the word must be kept mind
- an important "clavis" to a thorough understanding not only of this literature
itself but also the conceptual world of medieval cantor.
Cantus Planus t Sopran, 1995 213
SEARCHING FOR ll-IE MUSIC OF mE USE OF NIDAROS
o TUDOR WARDS
Participants is con to their

short explanation of the
per is to give some information about my work on the medieval use of
Nidaros, the archsee which had its seat in the city now known as Trondheim
in Norway. My aim is to place the liturgical music of this use in a European
context. To this relevant material Nidaros to be
found and to bring nto a relationsh with uses,
the Nidaros material has to be compared with Engl ish and continental sourc-
es. This is a very interesting task, with the pTOblems of which many are un-
doubtedly familiar.
Scandinavian colleagues know, others need to be formed
a millen has been ebrated this It marks exis-
tence of the church in NOtway for a thousand years. No one claims that it is
a thousand years since the first christian set foot on Norwegian soil. There is
general that must have a gradual conversion chris-
ity wh began earlier, both peaceful trade associa-
tions as well as more belligerent contacts made by Vikings. were
probably christians in Norway before the Vikings made their first raid on the
monastery at Lindisfarne in 793. There is evidence in the form of stone cross-
probably from nth century which have found the
Norwegian 1 The of lennium be based par-
ticular date, marking a significant event, and after much discussion the date
995 was considered most appropriate. This was the year when the Viking
chieftain Olav Ttyggvason sailed from the British Isles to seize power in Nor-
Snorre Sturlason, andic of the the kings/ records
Olav sailed east across the ocean and came to Moster, the first place at which
he landed in Norway, and he ordered that masses should be sung there in the
tents and. A was later at the same 2.
I Fridtjov Birkeli, Norske steinkors i tid/ig middelaJder (Oslo, t 973), p. 2 t;

pp. 49-60.
Snorre OJav Tlyggvasom Chapter translation.
214 WA1N TUDOR ED WARDS
------------------------
twelfth-century stone church at Moster is supposed mark the
toric spot.
This is by way of introduction to my paper on the use of Nidaros. My in-
vestigation may be seen the context of a large-scale Norwegian national
celebration. Many people have been against celebrating it at all, or against
celebrating at particular me. 3 iscussions in the at
very least succeeded in focusing attention on the state church as an institu-
tion ich affords cormnon bond of social f not spiritual fellowship,
'. exists as a permanent institution with which most people usually feel an afflni-
ty through the ritual celebration of key events in their lives, like confirma-
tion, baptism their ildren, and the funerals their relatives.
Since the reformation the Norwegian church has been Evangelical Lutheran.
With regard to the question of project's incance l is something I
refrain from commenting upon until it is completed. I can only state that it is
the kind of work which it would be useful that someone did] simply because
no one has.
Little has been published on Norwegian sources of medieval] iturgical mu-
sic. Ceorg iss wrote an account of of 0 0 Olav4
which was published in 1912, and in 1968 Erik Eggenls presentation of the
Nidaros sequences was ished5 Thus, two of the tastiest plums of
cake have already been savoured! In addition to these, two theses for masters
degrees have been accepted, both by the University of Oslo.6 Apart fTom
these which are
l only substantial studies, handful of articles has
published. I am extremely fortunate that the I iturgical content of the material
has examined thoroughly a medieval of d nction Or t i Gjer~
l
10w, whose Iife s work has been the publication of the Orao Nidrosiens;s
3 A series of articles published during 1994-95 in Aftenposten ( 21/4/94; 4/5/94;

I 2211195; 4/5/95; 2/6/95; 9/7/95) as occasional articles in
national newspapers brings differing points of view to the fore. The question is also
debated In Fra Hammar tii ed . .lan Ham:en Knut Bjelva (Os1
1994).
4 Georg Reiss, Musiken yed den middelalderJige OJaysdyrkelse; Norden (Kristi-
ania, 2).
5 Erik Eggen, The Sequences of the Archbishopric of Nidaros (Copenhagen,
968).
6 Arne J Solhaug, En undersf5kelse ay Ny Kgl. Sami, 138400. islandsk gradu-
ale-handskrift Era det 16. arl1Undre (1971), and Gisela Attinger, Ofnsiet "de suscepti-
one sanguinis!t norske gudstjenester middelalderen? ( I ).
SEI\RCHING THE MUSIC 215
Ecc1esiae (Oslo} 1968) and the Antipnonarium Nidrosiensis Ecclesiae (Oslo}

1979). The is a diplomatic edition of the Nidaros ordinal from surviving
wh the second Dr presents texts (only) the
antiphonal on Norwegian sources relates a num Eng-
lish and continental uses.
I would like to make a brief reference here to the activities of the heathen
Norsemen} reason for ought to make clear. bril-
Scandinavian navigators the Viki created h and an incredible
amoun.t of damage on their raids. Having the advantage that they had not
been indoctrinated to show respect for ministers of the church and monks,
they soon discovered that plundering churches and monasteries could be
easy profitable. Swedish Vikings to make nroads
eastward, to and the Dan Vikings primarily south-
west} to England} France, and northern Germany; while the Norwegians
went mainly west. Sailing from the north towards Britain they naturally
found a route through the Shetland Islands, the Orkneysj and the Hebrides
round to Further westward to the they the
Ice! Greenland for a while, Newfoundland.
Encouraged by how little and ineffective resistance they met} the Vikings
began to press deeper inland from river and coast. In 845 they plundered
which spared after Charles Bald them kg.
silver. This the first irteen extortions the year Da-
nish Vikings had been attacking England since the late eighth century, but in
850 they began spending the winter there and their numbers increased.
Colonisation of large areas was quickly achieved and during the 860s their
pressed on with overthrow the Angl of
Northumbria, Mercia, and Anglia. the early having captured
York in 866, the Vikings controlled most of eastern England from London to
York 8 and westward to the border of North Wales. King Alfred the Great
ceded this territory which amounted to well over half of England to the in-
in 878/ the area deHned Danelaw. Norwegian Vi-
predominated in the north-west, the D were prom in
the southern and north-eastern parts.
The frequency of Viking raids on Ireland had been increasing since the
In the permanen settlements founded, Dubl (Dubh-
7 James Graham·Campbell, The Viking World (London, 1980), p. 31.

I! Ibid., p. 29.
216 OWAINTUDOREDWARDS
Linn, or Black Pool), established in 841, was to become capital of an impor-

tant Norwegian Viking kingdom . The Norse inAuence was to continue in
Irish society even after Olafr Kvaran, the last Viking king of both York and
Dublin simultaneously, had been defeated at the battle of Tara in 980.
Vikings continued to make new settlements. By 1013 the whole of Eng-
land had submitted, and Denmark and England were united in one kingdom
under a Danish king. Danish rule came to an end with the death of King
Hardeknud, who reigned 1035-42, and the abortive attempt to reconquer
England in 1066 by the Norwegian king Harald H~rdr~de probably contrib-
uted to the success of the more famous invasion in that year which came
from the south.9
The Vikings had settled in France, occupying both sides of the Seine. But,
as is frequently the case, the invaders soon became integrated into society.
Gange-Rolf, son of Earl Rangvald of M0re in Western Norway, is thought to
have been the Viking chieftain Rollo who was made first duke of Normandy
in 911. By the end of the century the Vikings' descendants had given up their
Scandinavian heritage, had converted to christianity and were speaking
French. Some sixty years later the Normans, led by Gange-Rolf's descendant,
Duke WiIliam of Normandy, invaded England in 1066 and William became
king. In the wake of the Conquest came the intrusion into the fabric of Eng-
lish society of a considerable number of Normans who took over inAuential
positions as feudal lords and leaders of the church.
Medieval Scandinavian liturgies were exposed to influences both from the
continent and from the islands to the west. Originally, the whole of Scandi-
navia was theoretically part of the archbishopric erected in Hamburg in 831,
and Ansgar the first archbishop later became known as the Apostle of the
North in recognition of the success of his mission to Denmark and Sweden.
The seat of the archsee was moved to Bremen to escape further attacks by
the Vikings after Hamburg had been sacked in 845. Christianization in the
tenth century, through contact with England and the continent, culminated
in attempts to convert Norway by the three so-called missionary kings,
H~kon Adelsteinsfostre (also known as H~kon the Good, who reigned 945-
960); Olav Tryggvason (reigned 995-1000), and Olav Haraldsson (reigned
1015 -1028) who was subsequently known as St Olav.
9 Article, "Scandinavia, History of" in The New Encyclopcedia Britannica (Chica-

go, 1974) Macropcedia, VD!. 16, p. 306.
SEARCHING FOR THE MUSIC OF THE USE OF NtDAROS 217
The close connection between the brute force of the Vikings and the
spread of christianity may be seen particularly well in the persons of the two
Olavs, Tryggvason and Haraldsson. While on his way to Norway to seize
the throne, Olav T ryggvason, himself newly converted, converted the inhab·
itants of the Orkneys and Shetlands by the sword in 995. He forced Earl
Sigurd the Stout to be baptised and see to it that his subjects followed his ex-
ample. ID As a young man, Olav Haraldsson had taken part in Viking raids on
England, and helped pull down London bridge. When he went back to Nor·
way in 1015 he took with him priests from England. He met strong opposi·
tion and in 1028 was forced into exile. Olav returned with a little army two
years later but was killed at the Battle of Stiklestad on Wednesday, 29 July
1030. He was only 35. The reputation which very qUickly spread as to the
sanctity of the martyred king contributed to ensuring christianity a perma·
nent position in Norway.
Since the country's conversion had supposedly been completed, Norway
was formally included in the archbishopric of Bremen in t 043. Shortly before
1100 Norwegian bishoprics were founded at Nidaros, Selja (later moved to
Bergen), Oslo, and after a few years, Stavanger. Power politics then played
an important part. Towards the end of the eleventh century the archbishop
of Hamburg-Bremen had become one of the most powerful people north of
the alps. In order to reduce his authority the pope, in agreement with the
kings of Denmark, Sweden and Norway," erected an archbishopric for Scan·
dinavia at Lund in 1102. Not long after, in 1153, a new archbishopric with its
seat at Nidaros was separated off, thanks to the only Englishman who has ev·
er been elected to the holy see, Nicholas Breakespear, Cardinal of Albano,
later known as Pope Adrian IV. A bishopric was founded at Hamar, which
with the other mainland bishoprics and six bishoprics in the Norwegian-con.
trolled territories of Iceland, Greenland, Faeroes, the Northern and Western
Isles, comprised the province of Nidaros.
'0 Graham.Campbell, p. 71.

11 Knud Ottosen, A short history of the church of Scandinavia (Arhus, 1986),
p. 16.
218 OWAINTUDOREDWARDS
Examp]e 1. Map showing the Province of Nidaros

From L. Gjerl0w, Ordo Nidrosiensis Ecclcsiae (Oslo, 1968).
o 100 200
ThlLfaeroe
~ '!(_KirJrjubQ1,.
::St'lsles
o 100 :00 )00

SEARCHING DAROS 219
The Faeroes had been known to Irish hermits before the Norsemen came
to settle there in about 800 and (according to the Irish monk Dicuil, living in
France in 825) frightened the anchorites Off.12 Christianization was reintro-
by the orwegian in c. 1000, the buil of a Goth cathe-
was begun bishop (1269 08) at Kirkjub.:er but com-
pleted. The Faeroes became a Norwegian province in 1035. 13 The Scottish
[sles saw the advent of christianity at different stages. The Orkneys and
Shetlands the or isl ile the Hebrides,
Isl d Man, fonned were collectively know as the
"Sudreys" (hence the latinized form "Sodorensis") or southern islands. Chris-
tianity is thought to have been introduced in the Isle of Man initially as early
as during the fourth centmy, by St Ninian, then again by St Patrick in the
,14 Iceland, had been ised about 860, by Norwegians
it has suggested, as many one-seventh of the being
Celts from Britain and Ireland. 15 Some of these might weB have been chris-
tians, but King OlavTryggvason obViously felt it was necessary to send mis-
onaries there. The leaders the nation accepted ian ity by ion
at the ional (Alth the year
Settlements were established in two areas of Greenland following glowing
reports of the country by Erik the Red, who had found his way there having
being been forced to flee from Norway in 980 reputedly after killing some-
In 985 and his in with -five s11 of
sailed Greenlan Storms toll voyagers,
ny grew nevertheless, and eventually the inhabitants numbered three thou-
sand. Two settlement areas were established, at Vesterbygd (in the Godth:lb
and Ostcrbygd Julianeh~b) About year 1000 Norse-
I led by the Redls Leif, westward, along coast of
Baffin Island down to Labrador and the northern tip of Newfoundland,
where they settled in a place they called Vinland. Thorwald, LeiPs brother,
got killed by an arrow, and after three or four years the settlers returned to
12 Graham-Campbell, p 77.
Article, Islands" The New Encyclop;edia Britannica, pcedia
p.26.
14 William S. Dempsey, The stOlY of the Catholic Church in the Isle of Man
(Billinge, Wigan, 1958), pp. 9-20; on the Sodor diocese, pp. 73-87.
15 Graham~Campbel1, p. 78
20 EDWARDS
Greenland. Subsequent attempts to re-establish a colony at Vinland failed.16

It is a captivating that, had colony Vinland North
America also included the province of Nidaros!
The colonies in Iceland and Greenland were initially independent Norwe-
gian Viking settlements, but the inhabitants of these countries submitted to
the sovereignty of the Norwegian king in 1262 and 1264 respectively, and
thus formal became the of Norway. But, at the same
time, Norwegian dom over now Scotl declined. Heb-
rides (with the Isle of Man) were ceded to Scotland in 1266. Two hundred
years later Orkney and Shetland were incorporated in the Scottish kingdom
(in 1468)/ and on the erection of the archbishopric of St Andrews four years
later, they formally incorporated its province.
After detour Viking history, explanations are to ac-
count for the geographical extent of the province of Nidaros. Despite its gen-
erous physical dimensions, the archbishopric was relatively poor. It was
most en devoid towns of The bearing expendi-
ture of churches and the church vestments J
ornaments and books will have been a severe test of ief in their new reH-
gion, particularly for the inhabitants who had but recently been forcibly con-
verted.18
The service to have some
time. The benefices will have
brought some service books with them and used these to support their mem-
my of the liturgy until books follOWing a distinctive Nidaros use had been
compiled. The completion the Ordo Nidrosiensis Ecclesiae dates from the
very beg of the irteenth most under auspices
the metropol of Nidaros, Archbishop Eirik (1189·
16 Gronlands historiske mindesmirrkervol. 3, (Copenhagen, 1845),901, chroni·

cles an attempt in 10 12.
17 E. B, et al., of Chronology (London, 1 pp. 300,
4.
18 The most comprehensive account of the financial state of the province of Nida.
ros, albeit of a later period, may be seen in Gustav Storm, Afgifter Era den norske
kirkepmvins til det aposto/iske kammer og kardinalko/Jegiet 13 I 1·1523 efter op-
tegnelser pave/ige (Christiania, 1
SEARCHING FOR THE MUSIC OF THE USE OF NIDAROS 221
1205).19 In selecting liturgical material the authors of the ordinal had a

choice which lay between two broad liturgical traditions. One, from the
south, German, not unexpectedly inAuenced Danish and Swedish liturgies.
The other inAuence came from the west, in the form of French and English
liturgical traditions. Inevitably, in a period of Norman-French dominance in
England following the Conquest, the English liturgies witness to French
influence. It is reasonable to assume that the selection of material for the
Nidaros ordinal was also inAuenced to a certain extent by the fact that while
the second metropolitan, 0ystein Erlendsson (1161-88), was working on it,
conflict with the king forced him into exile in England for three years (1180-
83). The conflict continued and 0ystein's successor, Archbishop Eirik,
moved to Denmark in 1 t 90 where he remained until King Sverre's death in
1202. In view of its background, it is not surprising that the use of Nidaros 'is
both interesting and distinctive.
The church had developed into a strong institution by the beginning of
the fourteenth century. Prior to successive onslaughts of the plague begin-
ning in 1349, 1359 and 1370 there were some 1300 churches and 28 monas-
teries in Norway. 20 All of these institutions must, in accordance with normal
ecclesiastical practice, have had the necessary liturgical books.21 Printed edi-
tions of the Nidaros missal and the breviary were published in 15 t 9. 22
My objective is to examine the music of the liturgy for services which
were practised throughout the province up to 1537 as prescribed in the Nida-
ros ordinal. Theoretically the task consists of locating books representing
early and late stages of Nidaros use from each of the sees, making a selection
and then systematically comparing the position and exact form of each chant
19 In Ordo Nidrosiensis Ecclesiae (Oslo, 1968), 30, Ulli Cjerh:1w points out that
Archbishop Eirik is referred to in the text as dominus, while the previous archbish-
op, 0ystein, is referred to as of bone memorie, and venerande memorie. Eirik, how-
ever, lost his sight and resigned in 1205, but did not die until 1213,
20 Aschehougs konversasjons/eksikon (Oslo, 1974), vo\. 14, p. 612.
21 Some general aspects (no reference to Nidaros) of the question of how many li-
turgical books would have been in 'use in the late middle ages are discussed in the
present author's article, "How many Sarum antiphonals were there in England and
Wales in the middle of the sixteenth century?" Revue Benedictine vo\. 99, (1989),
pp. 155-80.
2.2 Missa/e Nidrosiense (Copenhagen, 1519)j Breviarium Nidrosiense (PariS,
1519).
222 o WAlN TUDOR ED WARDS
with Scandinavian, German, French and British sources representing particu-

lar uses. In practice this has not been possible. The confiscation of Latin
service books of medieval Nidaros use at the reformation was very thorough.
It was so thorough, in fact, that the greatest difficulty facing the researcher at
present is that of finding enough source material. The folloWing description
of the state of Nidaros source material will lead to an appeal for assistance.
The main collection of medieval liturgical material is at the State Archives,
Oslo. Smaller collections are in the regional archives in Trondheim, Bergen,
Stavanger and Arenda1. Work is hampered severely by the fact that there is
no users' catalogue for the main collection of medieval liturgical material in
the State Archives. Added to this is the fact that the material is almost all of a
fragmentary nature. It is not a matter of dealing with more or less complete
books, but generally of incomplete books, odd leaves and fragments (cut-
tings). Access has been obtained to the index of liturgical fragments built up
during her work on the ordo and the antiphonal by Or Gjerl~w, but this is
not complete. Most of the fragments in the archives are classified according
to the kind of book in which the material originated (Ant for antiphonal, Mi
for missale, etc. a practice also followed in the Danish and Swedish State Ar-
chives). The origin of the book itself, however, is in most cases impossible to
determine.
An explanation may be offered for the existence of the liturgical material,
albeit in fragmentary form. After the reformation Latin service books were
supposed to be brought in for destruction. Some of the books confiscated lay
about for years in the chanceries of the royal administrators. These were in
effect the offices of the regional taxation authorities. Many books will un-
doubtedly have been destroyed soon after they were collected, but towards
the end of the sixteenth century someone found that the remaining old
books could be put to some use: pages of vellum made good wrappers or
folders for documents. Fragments of vellum could also be used for securing
qu ires of accounts and tax documents together. Stiffer and more durable than
the softer paper on which accounts were written, the quires of paper were
sewn through, each with a piece of vellum on the spine. These pieces of
binding material vary conSiderably in size, but many of them are smaller than
the palm of a hand.
SEARCHING FORTHE MUSIC OFTHE USE OFNIDAROS 223
Example 2. Oslo RA, 907, Gr.l.

(By kind permission of the Norwegian State Archives)
,
t t.1. . ",.-i: .
.'~~
.....
Example 3. Oslo RA, Gr.4, fragment from a gradual used in
Dvergsten in Hadeland.
. . :.
(By kind permission of the Norwegian State Archives)
rn. '~~;Wtll~:~: ~ .', ~t:i~:'tr·· ~~a

~'~:J'""i'J~" ~.~~:.I'.-..;;....:'
.. .;~'";. . q u. ~, ( ~
__
ID_tl., l
"'--_
_....
~ ~ '''-- ---"
~ I.. ~ 1 ' I,.ll' . _. -"....... ~l
... .... ~"-""
~ (.!'
. ~ '. -, ·'j.,1 ... - -
- .. .-
~ a
~-...
-:-. ':";'.--" -.. i,---:. .' --:..: ",
.~ •• ..,~~
.-.p-~·1
';
"~F~5~'~~ttjli'jlQ;laltltu ,~ii. ,., ~,,: t~M::{,~i-N~~

L-. ,/l '\ AA" . :A.p•
~.. ' .,;-:-.

.• 1,j-.•. - ...1 ... ~. .. ... - J' r!" .- ...~. . Th -:. ...... -':-.. ! .' .
~\~ .~ iU'lr.
~. l' -, I . - • . -\. . '. . ,. ~; '•
.., . ' .. '.

, '.
. r-
., . , .
~
". " . ~...
.. .
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.
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- ,
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....,.
" ~... r' . "l.., ;J, fl

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.-! :
. ' . f. J
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.... •
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\ "."J'
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~ '. .. ,'"' . "•!

. ~
. ~"'., '~j~J.~. ti~ .t!11r:t.~:. dOH.'.~m.Jll~UiT.· rr ~~.~:"'~~

',1 - .•.. . --. . . -.'. .-."-" l~- 1 _ ..
~~:~:-
~... '
'''-'a
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-' . - '''';0:
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"1 -.1 .'--J1LJl'
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~,,~:-, "
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..'
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. ~\ ... '. -_.1__ --.
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a.
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rk ;-C:~11~., mU"',!} j~~":,~-'h1t1 .\--\It:

u;. : 1 aU~o;\": ..\\j.~·~\"T\vs:('\\r·\\.:rcj
. _.... ' - '.L"s:: ~. , ,.1 ' . ·. .\:~ ... -- · ..~
-~ . . '\\". - ..."'
"~'~.. ~: ':--." '-"11 ...
-.~ -fJ',- ,', ~ -: - .,' '-;~-, ~
~ :t.
, 1 : /..J... .. ..• ~~. . ... :- .::., l'~ j
r$i.~'" - . "'_
.....I •. - 4-·..,.. . ,- . ,.' . ' "
' . .;;;; ud, .1 1

~ .. :~'~'.' .' . .
. , ,..' '1 ,.J,,; J
~~~'~'::"FfitJrff"G" .. rqnr.:Htntlr: :;~¥~''''<0~J'~~~
SEARCHING FORTHE MUSIC OF THE USE oFNrDARos 225
By the middle of the seventeenth century the supply of liturgical parch-

ment had been used up. Most of the fragments bear legible inscriptions as to
the taxation region and the year concerned. Since the parchment of the
books was re-utilised in the districts where the liturgical books had been used
in church, it may be deduced which see they belonged to. This is as close as
it is possible to come to an exact provenance unless internal evidence affords
additional information. The great majority of the fragments in Norwegian ar-
chives became separated from the documents to which they were attached,
and in many cases their secondary provenance was consequently lost.
The fragments, amounting only to about five thousand in number, have
been sorted into ca. 1200 envelopes. These contain liturgical texts with or
without notation written in a great variety of palaeographic styles, from pre-
Conquest Anglo-French to late medieval continental and English. The litur-
gical books containing musical notation were often larger than such pocket-
sized books as breviaries and missals, and were therefore obvious targets
when books came to be confiscated. Possibly this might explain why an en-
couragingly high proportion of the fragments, perhaps as many as a half,
contains some musical notation. There is, however, nothing like enough ma-
terial to provide evidence for what was sung throughout the whole of the
church year. Nor is there enough material to enable a comparison to be made
between what might be considered an early Nidaros witness (Le. twelfth cen-
tury), and a late one (at the beginning of the sixteenth century, contempo-
rary with the printed breviary and missal). It must sadly be accepted that
demonstrating chronological and regional variation is not possible.
Changes which took place both before and after the reformation have to
be taken into account in my quest for relevant source material. It is extremely
fortunate that medieval Iiturgical material survived the reformation far better
in Iceland than elsewhere in the province of Nidaros. There are, for example,
as many as four Icelandic manuscripts of the ordinal, while only half a page
survived in Norway.
To my knowledge, on the other hand, no liturgical books at all have sur-
vived from Greenland. The Norwegian colonies there gradually dwindled
and died out by the end of the fifteenth century. 23 Various explanations for
the disappearance of the Norwegian Greenlanders have been offered. These
include: congenital weak health resulting from inbreeding; failure to adjust to
23Cron/ands historiske mindesmaerkervol. 3, pp. 246-47; for details of churches.

Aschehougs Verdenshistorie (Oslo, 1995), vel. 3, art. "Gr9fnland".
22 o WARDS
cl ic changes, and inabil to continue to 1 peaceably with the Eski~

mOSt which to being exterminated by them. most hy~
pothesis is that a Portuguese exploratOlY party which included Christopher
24
Columbus, raided the settlements and the inhabitants into si Im~

probable though th may the hypothesis been given support by
Dr. Thor Heyerdahl, whose own ethnological hypotheses were initially met
with derision before gained acceptance. Should Portuguese adventurers
have been for abdu{;ting Norwegian Greenlanders to work on
their plantations, there is a glimmering possibility that ecclesiastical para-
phernalia including medieval liturgical books of Nidaros taken souve~
n from churches in land, still surface ibrary private
collection.
Difficulty in locating material sometimes arises because the frontiers of the
Norwegian rnainland have changed si the reformation The area south~
ward from the present Norwegian-Swedish border extending almost to
Gothenburg, known as BohuslEin, was ceded to Sweden in 1658 and for two
years Sweden also the of rondhei including the of the
ancient archsee of Nidaros. Norway, moreover, has been integrallyassociat-
ed with both Denmark and Sweden. From 1381 to 1814 it was part of the
un kingdom of Denmark-Norway. then became an independent state
in union with Sweden under the Swedish king. This continued until 1905
when complete independence under a Norwegian king was re-established,
The outcome this that searches for relevant material to carried
out in the State Archives of all three countries as well as in archives where
material relating to Greenland, Iceland, the Faeroe Islands, the Scottish Is-
lan and the of is kept.
One of the really difficult matters to resolve is deciding what constitutes
Nidaros material, even when the fragment has been used as a binding in a
Norwegian chancery. Many fragnlents not on account of
the palaeography of the musical notation, be taken to have come from im-
ported books. Little work has been done on Norwegian scriptoria, and exper-
tise not forthcoming enable categorical statements to be made on
the provenance of I iturgical fragments. The inclusion of names in the texts of
24 A scientific proposal has yet to be published, but the story made the headlines
in Norwegian newspapers summer 1995 (Aftenposten: 22/6, 23/6/ 26/6, 2217, 8110,
1 1/ The on might interpreted as a of the
Portuguese flag on an early map of Greenland.
SEARCHING FORTHE MUSIC OF THE USE OFNlDAROS 227
saints celebrated in different parts of the province of Nidaros is obviously an

important point to be on the look-out for in deciding provenance - not only
Olav, but also Halvard (Oslo), Sunnive (Selje), Magnus (Orkney), and Thor-
lak (Iceland) - but the expectation of finding such is very small.
The material has to be compared with representative continental and Eng-
lish sources. Here in contrast with the paucity of Nidaros sources, there is
the question of deciding which, and how many, might practically be drawn
into the comparison, from a surfeit of riches. This constitutes a strong chal-
lenge for systematic classification and interpretation. Much helpful informa-
tion has been provided on manuscripts representing different uses in publica-
tions by Andrew Hughes and David Hiley.25
Work on this project is slow and unspectacular. This account closes with
an appeal to colleagues to keep an eye open for any medieval musical materi-
al which might have a connection with the ancient province of Nidaros, and
to let me know if they have reason to believe that they have found some.
25 Andrew Hughes, Manuscripts for mass and office (Toronto 1982); David
Hiley, 'The Nonnan chant traditions - Nonnandy, Britain, Sicily", Proceedings of
the Royal Musical Association vol. 107 (1980-81), as well as in the same author's
comprehensive study, "Ordinary of mass chants in English, North French and Sicil-
ian manuscripts", Journal of the Plainsong & Medireval Music Society vol. 9 (1986).
Cantus Planus. Soprani 1995 229
NEUMENFAMIUEN UNO CHORALNOTATIONEN

IN OSTERREICH
STEFAN ENGELS
Bearbeitung von ostetTeichischen mittelalterlichen

Handschriften mit Notation
Auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Osterreichs ist eine Ftille van mittelalter-
ichen liturgischen Handschriften Notation uberliefert/ die bisher keiner
umfassenden oder vergleichenden Untersuchung unterzogen worden sind.
Osterreichische Akadem der Wissenschaften hat zwar in nem groBan
gelegten Projekt der Kommission fur Schrift- und Buchwesen die Neuauf-
nahme l)ste!Teichischen Handschriftenbestande in Katalogen
begonnen/ doch muBte bei cler ansonsten mustergtiltigen Durchfuhrung der
Beschreibung bisher die musikalische Betrachtung ausgeklammert/ bzw. auf
kurze beschr~nkt werden. Im 1 wurde daher ein Projekt
des Fonds zur Fl)rderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung in Zusammen-
arbeit der Komm ion Schrift· Buchwesen und der Kommission
fur Musikforschung an cler Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien unter der
Projektleitung VDn Llniv. Prof Dr. Rudolf Flotzinger begonnen , dessen wis-
senschaftlicher Mitarbciter Autor dieser Zeilcn ist. des Projektes
die Katalogisierung all er vorhandenen Quellen unter dem Aspekt Erfa~~ung -
- Auswertung - ZusammenFassende wird
in drei Schritten durchgeflihrt:
Von jeder Bibliothck zunachst eine Jommentierte lnventarliste ll
erstellt. Diese enthalt die wichtigstcn Angaben zur Handschrift/ die nach
Moglichkeit von schon erstellten Katalogen der Akademie cler Wissenschaf-
Ubcrnommen werden. gehort ausliihrl Beschreibung, der
Notenschrift/ liturgische Beobachtungen und evt. Analysen der Gesange.
Aufgnmd gewonnenen Erkenntn werden als zweiter Schritt Ein-
fuhrungen in die Geschichte und Entwicklung der einze1nen Schreibschulen
verfaf3t und als Aufsatze in geeigneten Publikationsorganen veroffentlicht.
werden auch die Zusammenhange einzelnen Handschriften aufge-
zeigt und rnit Zeichentabellen und Abbildungen erlautert.
Oer dritte Schritt erst nach Abschlul1 der ersten beiden Arbeitsgange
erfolgen. Aufgrund eines systematischen Vergleichs aller in Osterreich be-
230 STEFAN ENGELS
Rndlicher Handschriften ist eine Geschichte cler Notation in Osterreich ge-

plant. 1
Klassi6katian van Handschriften mit Notationen

Ein wesentlicher Schritt zur Erfassung von Handschriften rnit Notationen
ist die KJassifikation uncl Systematisierung cler Neumenzeichen. Dazu muf3te
ein eigenes System entwickelt werden, das zumindest in den Grundzugen
vorgestellt werden soIl. Bei cler Anwendung ist in erster linie an Kataloge cler
Akademie der Wissenschaft gedacht, erst in zweiter linie an Beschreibungen
in Aufsatzen . Sie sollen auf moglichst knappen Raum die grol3tmogliche Men-
ge an Information enthalten. Eine solche Forclerung ergibt sich schon ,aus den
Voraussetzungen, unter denen fur einen Verlag eine Veroffentlichung reali-
sierbar erscheint. Die liblichen, oft langwierigen uncl komplizierten Beschrei-
bungen cler einzelnen Notenzeichen, wie sie sich in wissenschaftlichen Arbei-
ten meist nicht vermeiden lassen, eignen sich clazu nicht. Das System ist so
konzipiert, daB es laufend erganzt werden kann.
Die folgenden Oberlegungen beziehen sich zunachst auf die groBe Grup-
pe cler Deutschen Neurnen, die in bsterreich als adiastematische Neumen-
schrift fast ausschliemich vorkommt. Bei der Beschreibung geht es urn die
Systematisierung verschiedener Schreibweisen der gleichen Neurne von ver-
schieclenen Handen, evt. sogar in der gleichen Handschrift, nicht jedoch urn
deren Bedeutung, bzw. Bedeutungswandel im Lauf der Zeit. Dennoch lassen
sich beide Bereiche natlirlich nicht vollig trennen, v.a. wenn es sich urn die
Verwenclung graphischer Sonderzeichen handelt, cleren Bedeutung zurnin-
dest ansatzweise besprochen werden mull Auf3erdem beschrankt sich die Be-
schreibung selbstverstandlich auf diestanclardisierte Ausflihrung cler Neumen-
zeichen durch einen Schreiber, nicht auf untypische gelegentliche Variatio-
1 etwa zu vergleichen mit Hans Tietzes Banden "Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der

illuminierten Handschriften in Osterreich", die zu Beginn dieses Jahrhunderts er-
schienen sind. Eine einfiihrende Analyse in die Thematik wurde im ubrigen bei
einem Referat im Verlauf des 10. Kongresses Musica Antiqua Europae OrientaJis
J 994 in Bydgoszcz gegeben. Der Aufsatz mit dem Titel "Notationen in mittelalter-
lichen Handschriften aus Osterreich" wird im Kongrefibericht erscheinen.
Von den Stiftsbibliotheken Klosterneuburg, Kremsmunster, St. Peter in Salzburg
und Michaelbeuern, sowie den Universitatsbibliotheken Salzburg und Innsbruck
entstehen derzeit die kommentierten Inventarlisten. Ober die Liturgie in Klosterneu-
burg und die dort erhaltenen Handschriften erscheinen in Kurze Aufsatze in den
Zeitschriften Musicologica Austriaca und Heiliger Dienst.
NEUMENFAMILlEN UND CHORALNOTATIONEN IN OSTERREICH 231
nen. Zu unterscheiden ist auch, ob man eine Beschreibung der Neumen-

schrift gibt, oder Charakteristika einer Schreibschule bestimrnt. So ist fur die
Beschreibung einer Hand wichtig, ob das Oriscuselernent des Pressus oder
der Virga strata eher doppel-s-formig oder nur s-.formig gestalt et wird, fur die
Bestimrnung einer Schreibschule ist dies jedoch nicht relevant. Die Erfahrung
lehrt, clal1 auch Schreiber der gleichen Schule nicht nur eigene Schreib-
gewohnheiten ausgebildet haben, sondern in unterschiedlicher Weise Zei-
chen fur eigene spezielle Bedeutungen verwenden konnen. Auch ist es ein
Unterschied, ob es sich bei den Neumen urn eine kalligraphische geregelte
Schrift eines Skriptoriums handelt, oder etwa nur urn Erganzungen, Nach-
trage oder Korrekturen, z.8. am Rande cler Seite, in welchen die Eigenheiten
einer Schreibschule nicht zum Tragen kommen. Auch sollten die Quellen
immer als Erzeugnisse ihrer Zeit verstanden werden. Ungunstig ware ein ein-
seitiger Vergleich mit den hir die Semiologie wichtigen alten Handschriften
des 10. Jh., die in anderer Zeit an anderen Orten und in anderem Zusammen-
hang entstanden sind. Davon Ruckschlusse auf die allgemeine Entwicklung
der Neumen zu ziehen ist nur bedingt moglich.
Was die Beschreibung von Neumen in Osterreichischen Quellen betrifft,
ist die Literatur bisher (noch) ubersichtlich. V. a. drei Autoren sincl zu nen-
nen: Franz Karl Pram schrieb uber das Seckauer Skriptorium,2 sowie uber das
Millstatter Sakramentar (Karntner Landesarchiv 6/35) und das Curker Missa-
le (Archiv der Diozese Gurk, XXIX d 9).3 Dazu kommt noch eine Unter-
suchung uber Choralhandschriften Osterreichischer Augustiner Chorherren
im 12. Jahrhundert, die beim 5. Cregorianik-Kongrel1 im Juni 1995 in Wien
vorgetragen worden ist. Von Martin Czernin stammt ein Aufsatz aber die
NeumenschriFt des Graduale-Sakramentars CC 28 der Stiftsbibliothek von
Kremsmunster. 4 Erste Ergebnisse der Untersuchungen von Neumen in aster-
reichischen Quellen, besonders uber die spezielle Neumenschrift der Hir-
sauer Reform, konnte in die gedruckte und vollig Uberarbeitete Fassung mei-
:2 Franz Karl Pra8l, "Beobachtungen zur acliastematischen Notation in Missale-

handschriften des 12. Jahrhunclerts aus dem Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Seckau",
Cantus Planus 1990 (Budapest, 1992), S. 31-54 (im folgenden zitiert unter Pram,
Seckau).
3 ders., "Choral in Karntner Quellen . Beobachtungen zur Oberlieferung von
Mef3gesangen in zwei Missalien des 12. Jahrhunderts", Musico!ogica Austriaca 10
(Wien, 1991), S. 53 -1 02 (im folgenclen zitiert unter Prail/).
4 Martin Czemin, "Beobachtungen zur Neumenschrift cler Hanclschrift CC 28
cler Stiftsbibliothek von Kremsmunster", Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 43 (1994),
S. 7-35 (jm folgenden zitiert unter Czernin).
232 STfFAN ENGEIS
ner Dissertation aber das Antiphonar von St. Peter in Salzburg eingearbeitet
wcrden 5
Dazl! kommtnoch eine Arbeitvon Fumiko Niiyama-Kalicki uber das Nonn-
berger Antiphonar Cod. 26 E t b in gotischer Chora]notation. 6 Die Autorin
bereitet auch eine kommentierte rnventarliste des Stiftes Nonnberg vor.
Die Beschreibung adiastematischer Nemnen

Die Beschreibung gliedert sich in zwei Teile, n:imlich die allgemeinen und
die spezieJ\en Angaben zu den Neumenzeichen. Dabei ist gelegentlich die
Einfuhrung einheitJichen Termino]ogie notwendig, etwa beim Gattungs.
beg-riff Deutsche Neumen , auf den man sich einigen sol1te.
Zur allgemeinen Charakteristik der Neumenschrift gehOrt die Angabe, ob
es sich urn eine kalligraphisch hochstehende Schrift aus einem guten Skripto.
rium handelt, oder ob die Neumen flOchtig odcr grob wirken; ob die Schrift
mehr eckig oder rnehr rond wirkt, usw. Man beschreibt den Duktus der
Neumen (nieder, hoch oder unbestimmt), Besonderheiten in der Schrift·
richtung (wenn sie nicht schrag aufwarts und schr~g abwarts verl~uft) und der
Schriftlinie (sie kann z.B. jungeren Handschriften vOllig waagrecht sein).
Es kann Trennungslinien (Verbindungslinien) Regel in roter Farbe zur
Abgrenzung von Melismen geben Zur Charakteristik der Neumenschrift
gehort auch, ob sie Kommata (bei Climacus, Trigon oder Pressus, Bsp. 1) und
Verlangerungsstriche (bei Clivis, Torculus oder Porrectus Rexus, Bsp. 2) zur
Angabe melodischer Tieftone 7 oder Zusatzzeichen zur n~heren Bestimmung
der Melodie enthalten. Bekannt sind die /itterae signi!Jcativae und die
Zeichen rnit rhythmischer Zusatzbedeutung der Handschriften des 10. Jh.
Diese kommen allerdings in osterreichischen Codices nur mehr sehr selten
vor. Haufiger flndet man Neumen mit melodischer Zusatzbedeutung, wie sie
die Handschriften aus dem Bereich cler Hirsauer Reform besitzen. 8 Wir unter·
scheiden hier Neumen mit Episem (Bsp. 3) undNeumen mit Oriscus (Bsp.4),
Besonders sallte man auf die IITractulusvirga" (Bsp. 3/1) achten, eine durch.
strichene Virga, die ganz unterschiedliche Bedeutungen haben kann. In
5 Stefan Engels, Das Antiphonar von St. Peter ;n Salzburg. Codex ONB Ser.
Nov. 2700 (12. }ahrhundert), (Paderborn, 1994) (im folgenden zitiert unter EngeJs).
6 Fumiko Niiyama! Zum mittelalterlicnen MusikJeben ;m Benediktinerinnenstift
Nonnberg zu Salzburg, Europiiische Hochschulschriften XXXVI/Bd, 122 (Frankfurt
am Main, Berlin usw" 1994).
7 EngeJs, S. 253 j PraBl, S. 67·69 j Czernin, t9~20.
8 Engels, S. 254·260 j Pram, S. 70- 74.
NEUMENFAMILlEN UND CHORALNOTATIONEN IN OSTERREICH 233
Regel wird sie den Ton uber einem Halbton anzeigen (ut, fa, sa).9 Im Codex
309 der Stiftsbibliothek Kremsmiinster, f. 212-217, einer Erg::1nzung des
Sequentiarteiles aus der 2. Halfte des 12. Jh., sind die Virgen afters durch-
strichen. Die Bedeutung dieser Zeichen konnte bisher nicht schlUssig gedeu-
tet werden. Im Graduale-Sequentiar-Sakramentar aus dem Ende des 13. Jh.,
CCI 73 der Stiftsbibliothek Klosterneuburg, steht im Sequentiarteil eine
durchstrichene Virga hingegen fUr den mittleren Ton einer stufenweise ab-
steigenden dreitanigen Folge, z.B. a-g-f, h-a-g usw., wobei der hahere Ton
durch eine Virga, der tiefere durch ei~Punctum bezeichnet wird (Bsp. 5).
Beispie1e 1-5.
1. Kommata
,
• •
2. Verlangerungsstriche
3. Zeichen mit Zusatzbecleutung mit Episem
f rr JT
4. Zeichen mit Zusatzbedeutung mit Oriscus
5.
If.
SchlieBlich ist die Bezeichnung cler regularen Einzelneume einer Hand-
schrift interessant. In der Regel ist dies der Tractulus, wobei oft zwischen
Tractulus und Punctum nicht mehr recht unterschieden wird. Die Virga wird
zur Bezeichnung von HochtOnen herangezogen. Es gibt allerdings auch
Handschriften, in denen die Virga regulare Einzelneume ist. Der Tractulus
9 Engels, S. 254.
34 STEFAN
bezeichnet dann besondere Tieftone. Einige wenige Quellen verwenden kei-

T ractul sondern nur
Als Grundlage cler Untersuchung spezieller Angaben zu den Neumen-

zeichen ziehen wir den Zeichenvorrat cler 26 Grundzeichen nach der Syste-
matik von Cardine lO heran. Mit diesem kann jede Deutsche Neumenschrift
ndeutig lert werden. Nicht Zeichen sich im eine
Systematik/ etwa einige So Epiphonus mehr
nach oben oder nach rechts geoffnet sein, ohne dal1 dies charakteristisch flir
eine Hand oder gar ein Skriptorium ware. Meist verwendet der gleiche
Schreiber verschieclene Formen. Eine spezielle Beschreibung dieser Zeichen
daher nicht . Grundsatzlich gilt, die Charakteristika
mit notwendigen Flexibilitat handhaben
Wir gehen von der Ausfilhrung der Graphien aus, wie sie die meisten
Han dschriften seit etwa dem 12. Jh. gebrauchen. Erwahnt werden dabei nur
Abweichungen von IINormalform". werden Gruppen
geordnet bzw. einer Abkurzung ver-
sehen. V Variante, fur eine Ersatzneume. aufge-
fundene Graphien lassen sich dem System auf diese Weise bequem einftigen.
Nehmen wir als Beispiel den Pes:
6. Die des
la 2a 2b 1 V2 El E2
Der Pes besteht aus dem Peshaken und dem Peshals. Oblicherweise ist der
Haken in den meisten Handschriften des 12. Jahrhunderts kreisformig und
geschJossen. Oer icl1ende ist leicht geschwungen von
icser Normal form abweichenden kann in zwei Cruppen
teilen: in solche, bei denen Haken 0 ist (Gruppe 1) und in bei
denen der Haken bewu8t geschlossen wird (Gruppe 2).
Oer offene Haken kommt hauptsachlich in fruheren Handschriften vor
schlie8t an die ursprUngliche des den von
ID etwa nach cler Tabelle in cler Semio]og;e Cregoricnne (Soiesmes, 1970) oder,
wie PraJ11 S. 63, nach cler Tabe/Je von Cregorian Semiology (Soiesmes, 1982) mit
EinschluJ1 und stratus.
NEUMENFAM1L1EN UND CHORALNOTATIONEN IN OSTERREICH 23
Gallen an, Manchmal beginnt mit einem Anstrich (1 b) gerade

(le). Die offene Form kann allerdings in einigen Handschriften eine spezielle
Zusatzbedeutung haben. 11 In jiingeren Hanclschriften setzt sich die geschlos-
sene Form durch, d.h cler Haken durch einen Haarstrich - bewul1t
geschlossen (2a-c).
Weiters finden sich in den Handschriften folgende Varianten,
Oer Hals des Pes kann gerade sein und mit einem scharfen Knick an den
Haken anschlie8en (Vl). Bei geschtossenem Pes wirkt die Neume n wie
cin Ring mit Schragstrich 1 (V2). Auch kann cler Pes, cbcnso wie cler orcu·
Ius, in spliterer Zeit abgesetzt in zwei Teilen geschrieben werden, d.h. Haken
und Ha! getrcnnt ). D seltene spezielle Form des Pes einem nach
unten geoffnetem Halbkreis (V 4) ist wohl auf EinAUsse der Metzer Notation
zuruckzufuhren,
Oer Pes kann auch durch andere Zeichen ersetzt werden, etwa durch zwei
aufsteigende Tractuli oder durch eine kleine Virga mit Tractulus, manchmal
aueh durch Punctum mit Oriscus (E - ). wird in der Beschreibung
anfuhren, ob dies besonders h~ufig geschieht.
AIs weiteres Beispiel sei cler erwahnt 7) Hier ist die
Systematisierung einfacher. Die ersten beiden Elemente des Scandicus sind
normalef'INeise zwei Tractul 1st nicht der Fall, gibt man Zeichen an
( = Punctum, ; : Tractulus, V = Virga, = Oriscus). Einige Handschriften
drucken den Scandicus besonders hauHg durch drei aufsteigende T ractuli aus.
seltene Variante schreibt ihn it zwei Bogen (V 1),
Beispiel Die Graphien des
n
- I
•
..J •
PPV PTV VTV POV
I
-I -
•
TTT
e,,,1
VI
Zur Beschreibung geheJrt u.a, auch cler Hinweis auf Resupinus-

schreibung. Nicht alle Handschriften lassen eine Verbindung groBerer Neu-
11 Oer offene Pes als Modifikation des nonnalen Pes erscheint in den Bamberger
Antiphonarien gleichhoher oder stcigendcr Melodieverbindung mit dem voraus·
gehenden Ton. Dartiber wird dne Arbeit von Ike de Loos vorbereitet. Fur Var-
ausinformation sei ihr an dieser Stelle vielmals gedankt.
12 rH S.
23
mengruppen, etwa bei Resupinusneumen zu, sondern schreiben entsprechen-

de Neumen stets unverbunden.
Ofters bedienen sich Handschriften bestimmter Sonderzeichen, die entwe-
der rein graphisch aufzufassen sind, aber auch eine besondere Bedeutung
haben Diesen ist Aufmerksamkeit zu Rei-
spiele
~9.
8. Virga-Clivis
In
9. Torculus-Pressus
o ination Virga-Cl schon in den

ten und Einsiedeln fachung des der
Clivis13 und wird etwa irn Antiphonar aus St. Peter in Salzburg (ONB Ser.
Nov. 2700, urn 1160) sehr konsequent auf diese Weise veJWendet. Einige
Schreiber kombinieren nun diese beiden Zeichen zu einer Graphie, die wie
ein n aussieht (Bsp. 8).
Einige Handschriften bedienen sich eines Torculus, dessen letztes Element
mit Punctum ( 9 ) . Es handelt
aus Torculus und bzw. aus einem
Punctum. Untersuchung im Codex
(jetzt ingshoeven bei Tilburg, Niederlande), ein
Sakramentar-Lektionar aus dem bisher Kremsmunster zugeordnet
wurde, zeigt, daB diese Graphie ftir drei gedehnte Tone steht, also far einen
nicht kurrenten Torculus.
Am SchluB der Beschreibung stehen, wenn moglich, kurze Angaben zur
Melodie. Speziellere Untersuchungen werden den Rahmen einer Beschrei-
bung innerhalb eines Kataloges bereits sprengen. Nach Moglichkeit sollte
Agustoni-Johannes I, Einfiihrung Interpretation

des Chorals, Bd. 1992), 2.3.2. 2 auf
S.17
14 Pram (Seckau, S. 38) erwahnt die Hs. 417 der Grazer Universitiitsbibliothek.
NEUMENFAMIUEN UND CHORALNOTATIONEN IN OSTERRE1CH 237
man aber angeben, ob die germanische Melodiefassung nachgewiesen wer-

den kann.
Jene Unterscheidungsmerkmale, die gegebenenfalls eine Neumenschrift
unverwechselbar machen, bzw. helfen, verschiedene HC1nde einer Hand-
schrift auseinanderzuhalten, sollen am Schlul1 noch einmal oh ne Abktirzun-
gen angefuhrt werden, damit man auch beim schnellen Oberfliegen eines
Kataloges Informationen einholen kann.
Kriterien far die Beschreibung von Notation auflinien

Die Beschreibung der Notation auf Linien erfolgt im Grunde nach dem
gleichen System wie die der adiastematischen Neumen. Der Unterschied
liegt vor allem in der zus:itzlichen Beschreibung der linien und im anders ge-
arteten und eingeschr:inkten Zeichenumfang. Altere Notationen auf linien,I5
wie etwa die sogenannte Klosterneuburger Notation konnen als Kombina-
tion der Richtlinien von Notation auf linien und, was den Zeichenvorrat
betrifft, von adiastematischen Neumen beschrieben werden.
Angefilhrt wird zun:ichst der Notationstyp. Wir unterscheiden grundsatz-
lich nur zwischen Quadratnotation und Gotischer Choralnotation . In der
. gotischen Choral notation kt>nnen daruber hinaus noch zwei besondere
Untergruppen unterschieden werden: die Hufnagelnotation und die Ost-
Htndische Notation. Die Hufnagelnotation ist eine Notation mit Noten-
fonnen, die sich aus den deutschen Neumen ableiten, und deren Grund-
neume die Virga und nicht die Raute ist. 16 Die Ostl:indischer Notation ist an
der charakteristischen Ausbildung des Pes (siehe unten) zu erkennen .17
SelbstverstCindlich ist es auch mt>glich, bereits anderswo beschriebene und
daher bekannte Notationen namentlich zu nennen, etwa Prager Notation,
Craner Notation oder die oben erwahnte Klosterneuburger Notation . In der
Katalogbeschreibung mtissen dann nur mehr etwaige Abweichungen von
diesen Notationen angefuhrt werden.
In der Beschreibung folgt nun die Anzahl der linien, die Farbe der Linien,
der linienabstand und die linienlange, bzw. der Spiegel, die Anzahl cler
15 von Stablein als "Typ 11" bezeichnet.

16 Vgl. Bruno Stablein, "Schriftbild der einstimmigen Musik", Musikgeschichte in
Bildern 11114 (Leipzig, 1975), S. 67-68. In der Literatur, besonders in der alteren,
wird hingegen die gesamte Gotische Notation als "Hufnagelnotation" bezeichnet.
17 Stablein (ebda .) spricht von ostlicher (S. 68), bzw. bahrnischer (S. 206) Nota-
tion. Sie kommt allerdings auch in ancleren T eilen Osteuropas vor, weshalb die Be-
zeichnung ostlandisch am besten geeignet scheint.
13
Spalten (wenn die Seite nicht einspaltig ist), die Anzahl der Zeilen und die
Schllissel, die Form des Custos, Linien und Spalten am Rand, die Existenz
van b-Vorzeichen und die Beschreibung van etwaigen Gliederungs- und Pau-
senstrichen.
bung der erfolgt nach den
der adiastematischen (Bsp. 6). So
form n cler Gotischen otation aus der von
irga. Abweichend kann cler Pes bei ostlandischen
Schre durch einen verbundene Rauten wer·
den (0).18 Beide Formen nebeneinander sind ebenfal1s moglich. SchlieJ1]ich
kommt auch der aus der lothringischen (1) und deutschen (d) Notation abge-
leitete Pes vor. Die Variante V4 entspricht derjenigen cler adiastematischen
Form. Bei der Quadratnotation sind die beiden Peselemente nicht notwendi-
gerweise vertikal libereinander angeordnet, sondern konnen auch schrag ne-
stehen.
ngaben in der beziehen sich Semi-
und Me10diefassungen
Der Anwendungsbereich dieses KlassiAkationsschemas ist ein zweifacher.

Zum ersten dient er der verkiirzten Beschreibung in Katalogen. Zu diesem
Zweck wurde ein eigenes Abktirzungsverzeichnis erstellt, welches Begriffe,
die sich bei den Beschreibungen standig wiederholen, in Klirzeln zusammen-
faJ1t. Pe V4 einen Pes mit geraden
Ha/so Kilrzel kann Form in der ver-
entsprechendes Zcichen
ersetzt Zweitens ist es eines Dateiprogrammes moglich,
einzcl aber Graphien zu verbinclen. etwa
problemlos feststellen, welche Handschriften den Spezialfall des Pressus
minor, einer Graphie ahnlich einem Fragezeichen,19 verwendet, oder aus
welchem lahrhundert Zeichen mit melodischer Zusatzbedeutung Oberliefert
Quedlinburger Mainzer
1990), S. 145; S. 38;
Diozese Passau BibJiotheca
ticana (Cod. Vat. Ja - 60v), Romische Mit-
teilungen 34./35. Band (Wien, 1992/1993), S. 121-131.
NEUMENFAMILIEN UND CHORALNOTATIONEN IN 239
sind. Die Bestimmung von Entstehungszeit und Entstehungsort wird auf diese
Weise wirksam unterstiitzt.
Leider konnte in diesem Beitrag die Arbeitsweise zur Klassifikation und
Systematisierung von mittelalterlichen Handschriften mit Notation aus Oster-
reich angerissen werden. dieses System er-
iiberlegen, ob Handschriftenbeschreibungen
danach ausgerichtet sollten. Ein wicht dieser
ja auch sein, unbekannter Herkunft zu
konnen, Hilfe eines gro Datenmaterials ohne unterstiitzt
wird.
Cantus Planus + Sopran, 1995 241
SOURCES FOR PLAINCHANT AND RITUAL IN

LONDON AND :A AND OMPARISON
BARBARA HAGGH
history late chant shaped not by and

tradition, also by individual initiatives, folklore, error and circumstance,
and this is most evident when the social activities of composing, copying or
singing chant are studied alongside the music. In this respect cities, homes
diverse peoples and communities, an ideal framework
an investigationj particularly appropriate, as the
two most populous cities north of Paris in the late fifteenth century, also
representative of the flourishing English and Flemish musical cultures.
As the first stage of a project to study the musicians and music of London
Ghent later Ages, Iiturgical manuscripts frag-
ments from cities surveyed order to preliminary impres-
sions about the nature of the surviving sources and their music. 1 These are
listed in Table 1.2
1 "Music North-European London Ghent c. 1520",

a project funded by the Leverhulme foundation, is directed by Andrew Wathey. For
assistance in Ghent, I am indebted to Daniel Lievois for sharing his knowledge of
the histoty of Ghent with me and for facilitating my research in numerous ways, to
staff of Universitdtsbibliotheek, Stadsarchief and Rijksarchief in Ca-
rine van at the Museum Ghent, Hilde Bruyne Open-
baar Centrum voor Maatschappelijk Welzijn in Bruges, Abbe Dubois at the Dioce-
san Seminary Library in Toumai and Valerie Logghe at the Openbare Bibliotheek in
Bruges. I am grateful to the British Academy for an award supporting my travel to de-
this the meeting International Musicological Society
Study Group Cantus Planus Sopron.
2 RISM sigla and the follOWing abbreviations are used here: B- BRsb Bruges,
Stadsbibliotheek; B-Gbij Ghent, Bijloke Museum; B-Gmsk Ghent, Museum voor
Schone Kunsten; B-Gra Ghent, Rijksarchief; B-Gsa Ghent, Stadsarchief; B-Gsj
Ghent, St Church; Tournai, Seminary Library; Den
Haag, Museum Meennanno-Westreenianum. Obituaries, manyro!ogies,
of Hours are omitted from One, but be discussed in a forthcoming book.
Also omitted here, but worthy of mention are two graduals prepared in 1504 by the
Hieronymites in Ghent for the St Mary Magdalene godshuis in Bruges, with com-
kyriales sequentiaries {including sequences cohors for
242 BARBARA HAGGH
Table
Sources from Ghent
Augustinians
St Agnes
issal, 7th C, -Gra
Groenenbriel
1 -c. sacred secular fragment l n fo! I B-Gra
Groenenbriel 133
Processional, 18th c., 16°, B·Br 11 2042
Unidentified community
Ceremonial, t 6th c., 80 , B-Gu 191
Hymns, 7th Cl 2°, Gra no.
Benedictines
St Peterls Abbey
GraduaL c. 800 (at St Peter's in 13th C)I first line notated, 8°, B-Br
1 27- 44, .90v- lSr
feria IV after Pentecost, Cuius hodie celebremus for Sts Agatha and Agnes, De pa
te pestas for the Transfiguration, Fes!um presens recoientes St Barbara),
Bruges, Openbaar Centrum voor Maatschappelijk Welzijn, Archives oSJ 211.I-I.I, in
-i also the 12th-century psalter, Tournai, Cathedral Chapter Library, A t
120, once thought to be from Ghent but whose office of the dead has Matins respon-
sories not found in Ghent: Credo quod, QUi lazarum, Domine quando veneris, Ne
Heu mihi, Peccante me, me .. de viis, Requiem etemam Libera
me ... de morte (cf. K. Ottosen, The Responsories and Versicles of the Latin Office
the Dead [Aarhus, 1993]), whose kalendars (the folios several are mixed to·
gether) St Eleutherius, venerated as the first bishop of Tournai, and St Austregi.
silus, bishop of Bourges. I thank canon Dumoulin and jacques Pycke for making this
psalter available to me. is possible some fragments once kept in Toumai and
in Gothic notation are from Ghent, though further study is necessary. These are
Varia, Archives de Famille, 1985/1, at the Algcmeen Rijksarchjef in Bmssek On the
liturgical manuscripts Ghent, see M J Bloxam, A Survey Late Medieval Service
Books From the Low Countries: lmplications for Sacred Polyphony (unpub. diss.,
UniverSity, 987), pp. 2 J , who concentrates noted books, breviaries and
missals. No survey of liturgical manuscripts from London has ever been published.
3 A fuller description of these manuscripts, with pertinent bibliography, will ap-
as appendix to book we have proposed for the Leverhulme project.
SOURCES FOR PLAINCHANf AND RITUAL IN LONDON AND GHENT 243
Hymns and prayers, 12th C., 4 0 , B-Gu 250

Ritual, 12-14th C., in fo1., B-Br 1505-1506
Noted hymns and office of St Amalberga, early 13th C., 4 0 , F-Pn
lat.5606, p. 155-172
Missal, c. 1275-1285,80 , B-Gbij 60-1
Missal, 1323-1325,4 0 , B-Tds 23
Psalter, 13-14th c., 8°, GB-Lbm Add. 30029
Psalter, 2 vols., c. 1320-1330, 16°, GB-Ob Douce 5-6
Ceremonial, 1322, 12°, B-Gu 233
Breviary, 6 vols., 1373, 4°, B-Gu 3381
Breviary, 14th c., noted hymns, in fo1., B-Br 9427
Breviary, early 14th c., 40 , GB-Lbrn Add. 29253
Ceremonial, noted prefaces and Requiem mass, 14th C., 40 , B-Gu 296
15-th-c. noted psalter leaf used as binding, B-Br 111160
Diurnal, 16th c., 40 I B-Br 11 1689
Processional, 16th c., 12 0 , B-Gu 188
Abbey of St Havo
Martyrology, 12th c., in fol., GB-Lbm Egerton 2796
Missal (rrags), 12th c. , B-Gu 3088
Noted missal, late 13th c., in fo1., GB-Lbm Add. 16949
Noted offices of Sts Landoald and livinus, late 12th c., 8 0 , B-Gu 488
Breviary, 13th c., 80 , B-Gu 293
Gradual with kyriale, 2 vols., 1452-1474, with polyphonic Gloria and
Credo, in fo1., B-Gu 14 (notfor both sides of choir)
Psalter, 1469, 12 0 , B-Gu 73
Antiphoner, 2 vols., 1471-1481, in fol., B-Gu 15 (for both sides of
chOir)
Missal of Bossuut chapel, 1483, 80 , GB-Lbm Add. 17440
Theory treatises, 1504, in fo1., B-Gu 70
Processional, 1539-1559,80 , B-Gu 184
Het Rijcke Gasthuis

Processional, 1539-1559, with Christmas polyphony, 8 0 , B-Br 4826
Ceremonial, 1661,8 0 , B-Gu 2428
Ceremonial, 17th C., 8°, 8-Gu 1670
Cell ites or Alexians

Missa/e pa1Yl1m, 15th c., 8°, GB-Lbm Egerton 2602
244 BARBARA HAGGH
Cistercians
Abbey of Oost-Eeklo
Antiphoner with hymns, 1498, fol., B-Gmsk, s.s.
Abbey T er Haeghen
14th-c. secular polyphony, fragment, in " B-Gra Varia 0 3360 A
Kyrie (fragment) of La Rue, Missa Ave Sanctissima, in fol., B-Gra Varia
3360 B
Gradual, 741,8 0 , B-Br 11 2465
Bijloke
Antiphoner, c.1600, in fo1., 8-Gu 791
Doornzele
Office the Dead, 1767, 8°1 B-Gu 927
8audeJoo
Missal, 15-16th c" in fol., B-Gu 74
Ceremonial, 1654,8 o ,B-Gu 1
Gradual, 1687, in foL, B-Gu 133
Convent of St Barbara in Jerusalem

Ritual prayers, 18th c., 8°, B-Gu 2429
Prae monstratensians
Drongen Abbey
Missal, 1524, 4°, F-Pn n.a. lat. 1906
Secular Churches
Collegiate Church of St Pharailde
ter of Count of Flanders, Guy Dampierre, 13th I t 6°, B-Br
10607
Ordinal, c. 1 80, B-Gra
Ordinal St Pharailde by LB. Castillion, 741,4 0 , B-Br 18127
Office of St Pharailde, 18th C., 8°, GB-I.bm Add. 16954, p. 305 -311
Parish Church of St lames
Gradual with Kyrialc, Sequences, 1466-1468/ in foL, B-Gsj s.s.
Parish Church of St Nicholas?
Flyleaf [ r] with chant notation, 13th c./ B-Gsa 54
SOURCES FOR PLAINCHANf AND RITUALlN LONDON AND Q-JENT 245
Ghent or Region
Kalendar, 13th C., GB-Cu Add. 4082
Psalter, 13th c., 80 , DK-Kk Ny. kg!. Saml. 41
Psalter, mid 13th c., 8°, B-BRsb 8
Psalter, c. 1255-1265,8 0 , GB-Ob liturg 396
Psalter, third quarter 13th c., 120 , B-BRsb 335
Psalter, third quarter 13th c., 8°, B-Br 5163-5164
Psalter, third quarter 13th c., 12 0 , GB-Ob Raw1. C 940
Psalter, last third 13th C., 12°, B-Br IV 137
Missal, 1366, in fol., NL-Hmw lOA 14
Psalter, 15th C., 80 , B-Br 5143
Antiphoner folio, c. 1500, B-Gsa Vrij schippers 38
Sources from London

(compiled by D. HileYi ed. by B. Haggh)
London Diocese
Manual with collects and offices, 1782, 8 0 , GB-Lbm Add. 5810, fols.
198r-202r
Augustinians
Priory of the Holy Trinity, Aldgate
Calendar, end 12th c., Cambridge, Emmanuel College, 252, 2 (111.3.21)
Benedictines
Westminster Abbey (formerly St Peter's)
Psalter with office of the dead, 12th c., GB-Lbm Royal 2.A.xxii
"Litlington Missal", 1383-1384, GB-Lwa 37
Liber regaJis with coronation ordo, end 14th c., GB-Lwa 38
Kalendar, offices, memorials, 15th c., 160 , GB-Ob Rawl.liturg. g. 10
Bridgettines
Abbey of St Saviour, Syon
Breviary, 15th c., Syon Abbey 3
OrAces, 15th C., Syon Abbey 6
Processional, end 15th c., Syon Abbey 1
246 BARBARA HAGGH
Carmelites, London?
Ordinal 14th c' EIRE-Dtc 89 (B.3.8)
l l
Carmelites
Missal (reconstructed from fragments), 3 noted mass ordinary
cipits t 4th C' in fo!': GB-Lbm Add. 29704 29705 j oblong 4 0 : 44892
l I 1
Missal fragments, end 14th GB-Gn BD. 9.h.9
Carthusians
Gradual late 14th c., in fol GB-Lbm Egerton 3267
l I
Breviaryl 15th C., Blackburn l Museum and Art Gallery, 091.21195
Dominican Convent
Glossed Lectionaryl 3th I in ./ GB-Lbm Royal 3.E.viii
St Paul's Cathedral
Fragment of January sanctorale from an antiphoner, perhaps from
Paul\ among GB-A 23 fragments
Psalter, 12-13th c., GB-Lsp 1
Glossed Psalter 3th C.,
l -Lsp
Kalendar, 15th C., Cambridge, Downing College
Sarurn missal, 14th c., GB-Lbm Harley 2787
All HalIows the Creat parish church

Mart yrology, 1 thc.,EIRE-Dtc 194 1 ,217-332
Botolph without Aldersgate parish church?

Missal, beg. t 5th c., London, Guildhall 515
MissaC 1 c' GB-Och lat. 87
l
St Lawrence Jewry parish church

MissaC before 1435, in foL, GB-Lbm Anmdel 109
St Margaret's parish church, Lothbury

Missal, 14th c., GB·eu Dd. 1.15
St Mary Axe or St Andrew's, Undershaft

breviary, end 1 c. in foLI GB-Ob Bodley 948
1
SOURCES FOR PLA1NCHANT AND RITUALlN LONDON AND GI-IENT 247
St Mary's parish church, Aldermanbury

Lectionary with noted lessons for Christmas, before t 508, 40, GB-Lbm
Royal 2.B Land xii
St Sepulchre, Ho]born
Processional, beg. 15th c., 12°, GB-Lbm Harley 2942 (a)
Writtle?
Kalendar fragment, th Cl Liverpool Cathedral, *51
I
Donated Hospital of B1essed Virgin Mary, near Cripplegate

Lessons and responsories for St Mary Magdalene early 12th C., in fo1. ,
l
GB-Ob mus. 113
London
Psal 1 c./ GB-etc 1 (O.iv.l
Missal frag., 14th c., GB-Gu Euing 26
Psal quarter 5th Cl in " GB-Ob Hatton 45
Missal, 14-15th c, Minehead, Parish Church of St Michael
Kalendar, t 4 0, in fol., Douce
Kalendar, after 1444, 12°, GB-Ob Selden supra 95
Kalendar 465 120, GB-Ob Bodley 3
l 1
Kalendar 15th c, GB-Ctc 402 (B,xvi41)

l
Psalter with Kalendar, mid 15th c., 40, GB-Lbm Royal 2.B.x
Also see:
GB·I~bm Add. 44920, C. . Cordon, Manuscript Missals: Uses
(1936), typescript
GB-Lbm Add. 44921, C. A. Cordon, The English Uses: Alleluia Verses aher
Pentecost 193 notebook
I
A of printed books from '"ondon and Chent can obtained from

RELICS (director Prof. David Crawford, University of Michigan).
248 BARBARA HAGGH
There is good reason to study such often neglected liturgical books, which
are as idiosyncratic as they are abundant. They are more numerous than the
sources of polyphony, more representative of music in daily life and more re-
vealing than archives in documenting musical practices: they inform about
manuscript production - especially music copying - and ownership, they
may include local compositions and some show interaction between monas-
tic and secular institutions by including common liturgical peculiarities or de-
votions to saints.
Ghent begins this necessarily selective survey, because the oldest and by
far the most important manuscript listed in Table One, Hesbert's "Blandinien-
sis", Brussels (B-Br) 1012-10144 (hereafter Bland), was in the possession of
Chent's Abbey of St Peter in the thirteenth century.4 This abbey, on the
Blandin hill (Mont Blandin, Blandijnberg), was one of two founded in Ghent
in the seventh century. At present, it is thought that St Peter's Abbey was
founded hrst, c.629-639, by St Amand, who was sent by the Frankish King
Dagobert to convert the region to Christianity. During the third quarter of
the seventh centuty the abbey of St Bavo's was founded. The histOJY of these
two Benedictine abbeys, among the oldest in the region, is of considerable in-
terest for the history of Carolingian musical reform and also places Bland in a
more clearly defined context. s
A document dated between c.800 and 810-814, the Breve Sancti Bavonis,
includes the earliest evidence we have pertaining to music in Ghent. The
Breve survives on fol. 36r of the palimpsest, Munich (D-Mbs) Clm 6333 j the
4 That the text at the bottom of fo!' 3r, "liber s. Petri Gand. ecclesie. Servanti
benedictio, tolIenti maledictio. Qui folium inde tulerit vel contrectaverit anathema
sit", is in a thirteenth-century hand has never been disputed, but no thirteenth-cen-
tury inventories of the abbey's library sUlvive to corroborate the evidence of the
inscription. Bland is edited and discussed in R.·]. Hesbert, Ant;phona/e missarum
sextup/ex (Rome, 1935) . Also see P. Jeffery, liThe Oldest Sources of the Craduale: A
Preliminary Checklist of MSS Copied Before About 900 AD", journal of Musicology
2 (1983), pp. 316-321 (esp. p. 319); H. Peillon,"L'antiphonaire de Pamelius", Revue
benedictine 29 (1912), pp. 411-437; M. Huglo, "Le Chant 'Vieux-Romain Sacris lll
,
erudjri 6 (1954), pp. 111-112, no. 13; J. Vcm den Gheyn, Catalogue des manuscrits
de la bibliotheque roya/e de Belgique 1 (Brussels, 1901), pp. 191-194, no. 363.
5 On the two abbeys, see C. Berings-Ch . Lebbe, "Abbaye de Saint-Bavon a
Cand", Monasticon be/ge 7: Province de F1andre Orienta/e 1 (Liege, 1988), pp .... 11-
*67; G. Berings-Ch. Van Simaey, "Abbaye de Saint-Pierre au Mont-Btandin, a
Gand", ibid., pp. *69-* 157; and). Decavele, "Cand", Dictionnaire d'histoire et de
geographic ccclesiastiqucs, fasc. 112 (Paris, 1925), cols. 1005-1058.
SOURCES FOR PLAINCl-IANT AND R1TUALlN LONDON AND Q;ENT 249
beginning and end of the original document are m issing. The Breve is a
three-part description of the property of the abbey of St Bavo: an inventory
of the treasury, books and of property rents, which only second
is pertinent here. listed in the transcribable portion of the book list are a
now lost antephona, a rule of St Benedict, other books J and a Jiber canonis:
" ... antephon ... regula 1 et iot[h]eca et ... lpJle[na]rrium] ho iarum
et ... [Iiber c]anonis ... /. 'That these books were at St Bavds abbey is suggest-
ed by the Breve listing a Jiber sancti babonis and mariSCU5 sancti bahonis [sic]
and ing saint three places.
It may be more than coincidental that a book inventory listing an anti-
phoner and lists of property similar to those of the Breve survive from the
abbey St Wandrille, ince dates the inventories cones pond
roughly to the dates when Einhard, best known as Charlemagne's biogra-
pher, was lay abbot of both (see Table 3).7 The form and content of the in-
ventories led Munding suggest that were drawn in response to
Charlemagne's ordinance on estates of c. 800-812/8 but they could also repre-
sent the new I abbot's initiative to record his abbeys' possessions, In any
6 Transcribed here are lines 22 and 23 of the Breve as found in Palimpsesttexte

des Latinus monacensis 6333 (Frisingensis 133, Cimebum 308), Mun-
cling-A. Dold, T exte und Arbeiten hg. durch die Erzabtei Beuron, 15- 18 (Beuron,
1930), p. 7 (but cf. pp. 8, 11-14, 191- 197, and the unnumbered facsimile of this pa-
limpsest). Also K. C. Acker, handschriften vroegere St. ,brije",
Handelingen der Maatschappij voor Ceschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Cent 14
(1960), pp. 63-86 (esp. p. 63); id., "Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis der Jibrije van de
Sint- Baafsabdij Gent", Bil)liotheekgids 35 (Antwerpen, 1 , pp. 86; and
A. E. Verhulst, De Sint-Baafsabdi) en haar grondbezit (VIe-X/Vc eeuw) (Bmssels,
1958), pp. 17-28. Especially important is P. Siffrin, "De sacramentariis Cod. lat.
monacensis 63 iisque similibus Parisiensi, Sangallensl, Bruxellensi comparandis",
Ephemerides }iturgicae (931), 327- who observes similarities between
the sacrarnentaries in Bland and those in Munich 6333, above all between one sacra-
mentary from Reichenau appears to be excerpted from Bland. The contents of
Munich 333 edited discussed further Pa!impsest-Studien 11 Aliertilmliche
Sakramentar- und Litanei-Fragmente im Cod. Lat. Monac. 6333, ed. A. Dold, Texte
und Arheiten hg. durch die Erzabtei Beuron, 48 (Beuron, 1957).
7 see 4 and Ganshof, "Eginhard Gand", Bulletin la so-
ciete d'histoire et d'archeo}ogie de Cand, 34 (1926), pp. 13-33. Einhard led StWand-
rdle from 816-823, see P. Jaffe, Biblioteca rerum Cermanicarum, vol. 4 (Berlin,
1867)/ 493"
8 Dold, Palimpsesttexte, pp. 194-195.
250 BARBARA HAGGH
case, it is not the existence of antiphoners alone that IS Important, since

Kenneth Levy and others have noticed similar references to antiphoners from
this time,9 but also that antiphoners were known at St Bavo's by c. 820, when
the CaroJingian antiphoner was revised at Aachen. Surely Einhard would
have been encouraged to introduce the liturgical reforms of Charlemagne's
court in Ghent. lo
It is also rather extraordinary that the Breve's inventory includes a Jib er
canonis, because Bland, compilation though it is, fits this description exactly,
a point which has escaped notice. Bland, which is dated earlier than the Bre-
ve, begins with writings of Pope Gregory ( on canon law, and thus the front
cover of its modern binding reads ilcollectio canonum etc. IX saec."; the torn
first folio has the text IICANON'SII in a later, but medieval script, written
vertically along the left margin; and the verso of the flyleaf reads IICapitula-
tiones. Excarsum de canonis ." The earliest histOty of Bland is not known;
might Bland have been kept at St Bavo's originally?11
Admittedly, other signiHers of Bland's provenance and destination point
outside of Ghent or remain to be identified. Features of the notation added
only to the first text line c. 900 have been interpreted as indicators that
Bland's owner was familiar with or copying from Anglo-Saxon notation, and
the unusual absence of feasts of the Cross and of the Nativity of the Virgin,
all known in Rome by c. 700, gave evidence that Bland's contents had not
come from Rome but via England (even though Bland is in pre-Caroline
minuscule). An addition even later than the notation, on fol. 89v, is a list of
rents due a bishop and archdean in units of measurement (muids) of liege:
"ad modiu[mJ Jeodicensi [sic]", implying that Bland found its way to the
diocese of liege at some point. 12 Last, the end of a computus fragment on
fo1s. 80-81 v in the form of a dialogue between master and pupil remains
9 K. Levy, "Charlemagne's Archetype of Cregorian Chant", Joumal of the Ameri-

can Musicological Society 40: 1 (J 987), pp. J-30, esp. pp. 5-7 on early antiphoners.
10 On the antiphoner rdonned in Aachen, see, most recently, K. Levy, "Abbot
Helisachar's Antiphoner", Journal of the American Musicological SOciety 48:2
(1995), pp. 171-186.
I J This question must be considered in a future study. The two abbeys share
post-Pentecostal alleluia verses and the Matins responsories of the office of the dead,
suggesting that they could have used more or less the same liturgy earlier on.
12 See Peillon, "L'antiphonaire de Pamelius".
SOURCES FOR PLAINCHANf AND RITUALlN LONDON AND CHENT 251
un identihed.13 Taken together with the small size of the book and its con-
tents including an incomplete sacramentary, these points suggested to Sil-
vestre that Bland had once belonged to a travelling priest before it arrived at
St Peter's in Ghent in the thirteenth century. 14
The content of Bland relates it to two manuscripts associated with Nivelles
or its region and certainly not with West Flanders, the Rheinau gradual (Zu-
rich, Zentralbibliothek, MS Rheinau 3D, c.795-800) and sacramentary of
Padua, a later manuscript based on an earlier model (Padua, Biblioteca capi-
tolare, Cod. 0 47, copied 841-855). Michels argued that the latter came
from the abbey of Nivelles, citing a later addition on f. 88r of proper material
for the feast of Sts Quintin and Foil1an, because their double cult was most
prominent in Nivelles. (Others place the manuscript in the scriptorium of
Lothar because of illuminated initials pOinting to the region of liege, Aachen
or Cologne.) The martyrology in the Rheinau 30 compilation lists the transla-
tion of St Gertrude of Nivelles and the Dormition of Sts Fursy and Foillan,
the latter saints venerated at the abbeys of Fosses, Peronne, and Langny, the
former two abbeys near Nivelles, the latter near Paris.
Hesbert associated Bland with Nivelles, because it shares with Rheinau 30
an otherwise unique second series of post-Pentecostal Sunday graduals.
Rheinau 30, which was copied in Rhaetia however, also shares with Bland fea-
tures of Irish Latinity and an appended sacramentaty of the type excarpsus
(abridged), including the same formula for the missa pro inllnno as Bland. 15
(Another manuscript of southern origin possibly related to these two is a
13 Bland, fols. 80r-82v: "... ostendam diximus supra anno praesenti. [ ... ] et habe-
bis in xviiij annis assem impletum." Fuller quotation in H. Si!vestre, "Notices et ex-
traits des manuscrits 5413-22,10098-105 et 10127-44 de la Bibliotheque Royale de
Bruxelles", Sacris erudiri 5 (1953), p. 190.
14 Ibid., p. 189; cf. Jeffery, "The Oldest Sources", p. 317, who suggests that simi-
lar early manuscripts were used by individual priests at private masses.

15 On Rheinau 30, see Hesbert, "Introduction", Antiphonale Mi5sarum Sextup/ex
and id_, "L'antiphonaire de Pamelius et !es graduels des dimanches apres la Pente-
cote", Ephemeride5 Liturgicae 49 (1935), pp. 348- 359; also Hanggi and Schonherr,
Sacramentarium Rheinaugien5e. Handschrift Rh 30 der Zentralbibliothek Zurich,
Spicilegium Friburgense 15 (Fribourg, 1970). The older series in Bland, which does
not follow the order of the psalms, is found in the graduals of Monza and Senlis; the
new series, in order, is only in Bland and Rheinau.
252 BARBARA HAGGH
fragment dated c.8 30 from Benediktbeuern, now Munich, Bayerisches Haupt-

staatsarchiv, Kloster Holzen Kl. Lit. No. 104.)16
Bland's gradual shares different material with the (primitive Gregorian)
sacramentary of Padua. According to Bourque, they both reflect seventh-
century and not later Roman ritual and also the succession of Advent formu-
laries and the number of formulas and stations between Septuagesima Sunday
and Whitsunday. Bland differs in following the Gelasian system of Sundays
after Pentecost not found in the sacramentary of Padua. 17
Given the early state of the Roman ritual reflected in Bland and the sacra-
mentary of Padua, which suggests transmission of their exemplars from Rome
to England and then to the Continent,l8 and the strong Irish element in the
Rheinau gradual as well as the Irish origin of Bland's exemplars and [rish
abbreviations used by its scribes, an Irish colony seems the most likely place
of origin for a manuscript like Bland, making Ghent a most unlikely candi-
date. We should look for an Irish community near liege instead.
like many other monks threatened by Viking invasions, the canons from
St Bavo fled, first to St Omer, then to Laon, home of their lay abbot, count
Adalelm of Laon, where they remained intermittently until around 930 (see
16 See P. Jeffery, "Rome and Jerusalem: From Oral Tradition to Written Reper-
tory", Essays on Medieval MusiC in Honor of David C. Hughes, cd. G. Boone (Cam-
bridge Mass., 1995), p. 240. The fragment agrees with Bland in having the gradual
Vcnite hli in the Omnes gentes mass and the gradual Gloria et honore on the feast
of St Menna, but differs in omitting texts that are present in Bland and in its
selection of rubrics. The fragment also has isolated correspondences with the
Rheinau and Compiegne graduals.
17 On the sacramentary of Padua, see E. Bourque, Etude sur les sacramentaires
romains (Vatican City, 1949), p. 301 and especially pp. 357-360. The Padua
sacramentary is from the Liege region according to Mohlberg and from Nivelles
according to Michels. See K. Mohlberg (ed.), Die iilteste erreichbare Gestalt des
Liber sacramentorum ann; circuli der romischen Kirche (Cod. Pad. D. 47, foJ. 11 r-
IOOr) , Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen t 1/12 (Munster, t 927); Th. Michels,
"Entstehungszeit und Heimat des Codex D 47 der Kapitelsbibliothek zu Padua",
}ahrbuch rur Liturgiewissenschaft 7 (1927), pp. 24-37; and, most recently,
M. Metzger, Les sacramentaires, Typologie des sources du moyen age occidental 70
(Turnhout, 1994).
18 Bland's gradual contaim originally Roman texts brought to northern Europe
from the British Isles and not from Rome. See Hesbert, "Introduction", Antiphonale
Missamm Sextup/ex; cf. K. Camber, "Die irischen Messlibelli als Zeugnis fur die
friihe romische Liturgie", Romische Quartalschrilt 62 (1967), p. 214ff.
'.U"'~L,J FOR PlAINCHANT IN LONDON 253
Table 3). EVidently they took their possessions with them, since a second
surviving inventory made upon their return only lists two lectionaries: an
Epistle book and a Gospel book. 19
I f the monks of St Bavo's did take their antiphoners to Laon, might these
manuscripts, which may weJ1 have been witnesses to the Carolingian reforms
at played a role h of music at a com-
plex the evidence reverse. Around expatri-
ate in Laon incl canons of the Denis as
wel Bavo's.lO Anne pointed to a late tenth-
century gradual, iotheque Mun , which
inc1udes post-Pentecostal alleluia verses foreign to St Denis, but included in
the famous neumed gradual Laon 239, dated c. 930 and representing the rite
of Laon Cathedra1.21 There are also manysimilarities between the post-Pente-
costal alleluia verses of missals and graduals from Ghent from the thirteenth
to the fifteenth centuries and the verses in Laon 239 (see Table 2).22 The lists
from abbeys and a parish church been
1 "De handschriften",
20 On the appearance of non-Dionysian post-Pentecostal alleluia verses in early
manuscripts of the use of the abbey of St Denis and their probable Laon
provenance, see A. Robertson, The Service-Books of the Royal Abbey of Saint-
Denis (Oxford, 1991), pp. 359- 363 and passim.
21 A facsimile of Laon 239 is A. Mocquereau, ed., Le Codex 239 de la Biblio-
theque de Laon, Paleographie musicale, ser. 1:10 (1909-1912). Cf. P. Jeffery, /lAn
early fragment related Laon 239", (1982),
pp. Laon 118 and A. Robertson, of
the of Saint-Denis ), pp. 359- 363.
corpus of the , a second alleluia
mUT given for Sunday This manuscript as mar-
ginalia, a second, later series of post-Pentecostal alleluia verses. They probably date
from after 1540. In 1536 the Benedictine community at St Bavo, for which the manu-
script was prepared originally, ceased to exist. It became a secular chapter and
moved, in ] 540, to what was fonnerly the parish church of St John. The series proba-
bly of St John's is I. Verba mea auribus, 2. Domine deus, 3. Deus iudex, 4. Deus qui
in virtute, 6. speravi, 7. Omnes Magnus
me, 10. Te Exultate deo, 12. sa/utis,
] 3. factus es, I exu]temus, 15. Quoniam Canta-
te Domine exaudi Timebunt gentes, indicated,
20. meum, 21. In exitu . Qui timent " De pro-
fundis.
254 BARBARA HAGGH
derived from the Laon list, although the lists from the two older abbeys are
closer to it than that of the more recently established parish church of
St lames. Yet caution is in order, since the list of Notre Dame of Paris is also
similar and the Ghent sources are of later date than Laon 239. 23
Table 2. Post-Pentecostal AIle1uia Verses

Laon 239 Ghent, Ghent, Ghent, St James
St Savo's St Peter's (under St Peter)
B-Gu ]4, vol. I B.Gbij 60-1 B.Gsj s.s.
7/12 L Deus iudex 1. same I. same 1. same
iustus
17 2. Diligam te 2. same 2. same 2. same
domine
18 3. Cel; enarrant
20 4. Domine in 3. same 3. same 3. same
virtute
30 5. In te domine 4. same 4. same 4. same
58 6. Omnes gentes .5. same 5. same 5. same
(replaced by 6. Eripe me
Eripe me)
64/2 7. Te decet 6. same 6. same
hymnus
77 8. Attendite 7. same 7. same 7. same
80 9. Exultate deo 8. same 8 . same
87 10. Domine deus 9. same 9. same 8 . same
23 The Notre Dame Jist, here from Paris, Bibliotheque Historique de la Ville, MS
3473: I. Dew; iudex, 2. Diligam re, 3. Domine in virtute, 4. In te domine speravi,
5. Eripe me, 6. Te decet, 7. Attenditc, 8. Exultate deo, 9. Domine deus sa]utis,
10. Domine refugium factus, I I. Venite, 12. Quoniam deus, 13. Dominus regnavit,
14. Confitemini, 15. Paratum cor meum, 16. Redemptionem, 17. QUi timent domi.
num, 18. Laudate dominum, 19. Dextera domini, 20. De profundis clamavi, 21. Lau.
da anima mea, 22. Qui sanat contritos, 23. Qui posuit fines, etc. The complex
problems posed by the analysis of lists of post· Pentecostal alleluias are discussed
most comprehensively in D. Hiley, IIPost·Pentecost Alleluias in Medieval British Lit.
urgies", Music in the Medieval English Lturgy: Plainsong and Medieval Music
Society Centennial Essays (Oxford, 1993), pp. 145- 174 (esp. pp. 151·153).
FOR PLAINCHANT IN LONDON AND 255
Laon 239 Chent, Chent, Chent, St James

St Bavo's St Peter's (under St Peter)
B-Gu 14, vol. 1 B-Gbij 60-1 B-Gsj S.s.
89 It. Domine 10. same 10. same 9. same
refugium
It. 11. same
12. 12. same
13. 13. same
cor 14. 14. same
meum
110 16. Redemptio- 15. Benedicam 15. Benedicam 13. Redemptio-
nem dominus dominus nem
1 t 3/ 17. Qui timent 16. same 16. same 14. same
B11
17. 17. same dei
dei
129 21. De profundis t 8. same t 8. same 17. same
137/1 22. Confitebor 19. Con/he- 19. Dextera t 8. Confitebor
tibi mini de; tibi
145 23. Laudaanima 20. same 20. same 19. same
mea
2t. same
22. same
23. 3. same
domini
From the tenth to the twelfth centuries, the abbeys of Ghent became en-
meshed in a bitter struggle for dominance, in which they sought to substan-
tiate their antiquity and acquire precious and important relics. As a resu1t,
both abbeys experienced an unprecedented flowering of literary activity not
excl falsification of of saints' lives New
fil1ed the calendar had to be
offices almost the two Ghent
those cults originated Sts Bavo, livinus,
256 BARBARA HAGGH
drada, Amalberga and Pharailde. Full texts sUlVive for all of these offices and
complete chant for most of them. 14 Table Three provides a chronology of
the early history of Ghent, of translations and elevations of saints' relics and
of the creation in the city of important vitae and accounts of miracles .
Table 3.25 Chronology of Ghent

811 Charlemagne visits Ghent to inspect shipyards, later granting
St Bavo immunity
c.813 St Bavo destroyed by fire
815 First appearance of Einhard's name in documents from St Peter
819 Einhard becomes lay abbot of St Bavo and; visits Ghent in 827,
Spring 830, 7 September 839 and is otherwise replaced by the
priest liuthard and his vicedomus Erembert
c. 820 Antiphoner of palace musicians at Aachen (cf. Levy)
825 Vita Bavonis by monk from St Bavo
828 Einhard has relics of Sts Peter and Marcellin brought to St Bavo
for several days
24 The fascinating history of the Ghent relics is told in O. Holder-Egger, "Zu

den Heiligengeschichten des Genter St. Bavoklosters", Historische Aufsatze dem An-
denken an Georg Waitz gewidmet, (Hannover, 1886), pp. 623-665. The texts of the
office of St Bavo are edited in L De Kesel, "Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van het
St. Baafsofficie", CoJlationes Candavenses 22 (1935), pp. 29-47. Other edited office
texts include: La udate, pueri, puerum (5t Livinus), Ana/eeta hymnica medii aevi,
55 vols., C. Blume-G . M. Dreves, eds . (Leipzig, 1886- 1922; hereafter AH) 26,
pp. 253-256; Levine martyr nos predare (5t Livinus), AH 28, p. 307; Proles Landra-
da proeerum (9 les.) (St Landrada), AH 18, pp. 108· 110; Virgo demens et henigna
(St Pharailde), AH 13, pp. 215-217. A fragment from an office forSts Macarius and
Alexandrinus, abbots (edited in AH 28, p. 308), includes R. 0 preclara eel; stella, v.
Duc ad montem visionis, A. Caude, cultor eremi. Noted offices of Sts Landoald and
Livinus are in B-Gu 488, fols. 86r-93r; a noted office of St Amalberga is in f-Pn lat
5606, pp. 158-172. A noted office of 5t Bavo survives in B-Gu 15, vol. 2, fols. 267v-
279v. Music for the office of 5t Pharailde does not survive in Ghent manuscripts, but
I have not yet checked elsewhere. On the cult of St livinus and the presence of
chant from his office in Pipe1are's Missa Sancti Livini, see J. Bloxam, "In praise of spu-
rious saints", Journal of the American Musicological Society 44 (1991), pp. t 63-220,
who discusses refonns made to the offices of Ghent saints after Trent on p. 213.
25 This chronology is based on the articles cited in note 5 above and the litera-
ture cited therein.
SOURCES FOR PLAINCHANT AND RITUAL IN LONDON AND GHENT 257
840 Death of Einhard

851 St Bavo sacked by the Danesi relics of Sts Bavo and others are
brought 0 mer
864 Translation of St Amalberga to St Peter; at this time the lay
abbot of St Bavo is Count Adale1m of Laon (half-brother or
brother- ·Iawof Strong)
879 Danes winter in 5t Bavo
879-930s St Bavo uninhabited j monks flee to Laon first, then to Nesle-Ia-
Reposte, bringing reI treasury and
918 5t Peter established as burial place for the counts of Flanders
937 5t Bavo's relics returned to 5t Bavo
by forms Gerard Brogne at St
944 Translation of relics of Sts Wandregisilius, Ansbertus and
Vulframnus from St Wandril1e, Boulogne, to 5t Peter
946 Translation of re] of St to St
956-957 Dunstan sheltered at St Peter
mid 10th c. Monks of St Bavo establish Egmond Abbey
964 Peter receives property Lewisham and Greenwich
975 Elevation of St Florbert at St Peter(again in 1049, 1077, 1258)
980 Translation ofSts Landoald, Amantius, ]ulianus, Vinciana, Adel
Landrada to Bavo
982 Elevation of Sts Landoald and Landrada at St Bavo
983 Adventu!l Landoaldi by from Bavo
985 Translation of re1 of Sts Barbara Pancrace from Rome
St Bavo
early th c. of Dunstan by monk Adelard of Peter request arch-
bishop of Canterbury26
1007 Translation of relics of Sts livinus and Brice from Villa Hol-
to Bavo
1010 Elevation all rei at St
1014 . Short Life of St Macarius by monk from St Bavo
c.1 050 of St Amalberga by from Peter
c. 1050 of St livinus monk St Bavo
c.1050 Translation and Life of St Livinus by monk at St Bavo
16 Cf. D. Hiley, IIWhat St Dunstan Heard the Angels Sing: Notes on a Pre-
Conquest Historia", Laborare fratres in unum. Festschrift Uszl6 Dohszay zum 60.
Ceburtstag, ed. Szendrei-D. Spol Berolinensia, 7 Idesheim, t 995L
pp. t 05 - t 15.
258 BARBARA HAGGH
1067 Elevation of relics of St Macarius at St Bavo

1067 Longer Life of St Macarius by monk from St Savo
1073-1088 Life of St Bertulphus by monk at St Peter
1073 Translation of relics of St Pharailde to castle chapel
1086 Elevation of St Amalberga at St Peter
1090 Life of St Bavo by Thieny of St T ruiden
1132-1138 Life of St Gudwalus by monk from St Peter
1171 Elevation of St Livinus at St Bavo
Notated offices for St Amalberga (F-Pn lat 5606) and for Sts Landoald and
Livinus (B-Gu 488) survive in the oldest manuscripts as separate gatherings
within compilations of saints' lives, evidence that such musical compositions
were regarded even then as historiae. All of these ofRces can only be dated
approximately at present; they must date from after the translations of the
saints' relics, the chronology of which is given above. Observations about the
music and poetry also suggest relative dates.
With the exception of the office of St Pharailde, all of the Ghent offices
followed the monastic cursus original1y. The ofRce of St Landoald has an-
tiphons and responsories in the numerical order of the modes: the matins anti-
phons are in modes 1 -8 and 1-4; the responsories in modes 1-6, 1, 7-8, 1, 3
and I, are slightly disordered, which is not uncommon in such offices. All
responsories but 8, 11 and 12 use standard responsory verses. Striking are the
iden~ical intonations of the first three chants of the office: the Vespers Magni-
ficat antiphon, the invitatory antiphon and the first antiphon of the first
nocturn (see Example 1):
SOURCES FOR PLAINCHA~ AND RITUAL 1N LONDON AND GHENT 259
Example 1. Excerpts, Office of 5t Landoald, B-Gu 488
IV-Am
,
~
11
12e:J<
~'j
l~ l.
Y'e ~ ;A Y)'\ t!.t de·,

~
-p ~;~
LA$ •••
~
~ ..
7'1. ~
Invit. .1j~ 1 if l. ~
~ h~h.;- le-M \Its. \AV1 Cl - \11" Yn e.s • I ,-:
Ni-Al
~g .j"i. -;'~
12~ Y\ltV1+~
Z ,J. z
(hy\~to
Z i';. ~ P,
e..t Ch,.'1 s+lttn um I l 1
Other intonations follow well-known models. Some chants exceed the

normal ambitus of their mode and repetition of melodic segments is com-
mon, but melismas are rare and those ending final responsories are relatively
short. Many of the texts in the office for St Landoald are in hexametersi some
are rhymed.
Considerably different is the office for 5t Livinus. It includes newly-com-
posed responsory verses, and the melodic ductus is far more active, with
more and wider skips and slightly larger ambiti. Although this office surely
originated in Ghent, it soon became known in other parts of Europe. An
office in fifteenth-century Gothic notation following the secular curs us and in
the Eastern European chant dialect is part of a manuscript compilation that
once belonged to the regular canons in Rudnicz but is now in Prague
(CS-Pu) III 0 t 6 (fok 347-352r).27 The texts of the mass for 5t livinus were
even printed in the Missale Quinqueecclesiense for Pecs, Hungary (Venice,
1499), H-Bn RMK Ill. 52. Ine. 990 (f01. 220r-v). According to the rubric
27 Only a few days after this paper was presented, I came across this office in
Prague. I am most grateful to Jana Novotna for making it possible for me to study a
microfilm of the manuscript while the library was closed for repair and for providing
photographs of the office. The manuscript is no. 28 in V. Plocek, Catalogus codicum
notis musicis instructorum qui in BibJiotheca publica re; publicae Bohemicae soda -
listicae in BibJiotheca universitatis Pragensis servantur 1 (Prague, 1973), p. 91;
foJ. 346v has the text of a collect for St livinus.
260 BARBARA HAGGH
preceding the mass, Nicolaus Henrici, bishop of Pecs (d. before 25 July
1360), brought relics of St Livinus along with the historia and mass to that
city, perhaps to his own church of 5t Peter, in 1351. 28
More recent than the 5t livinus office and also the 5t Bavo office are the
offices for Sts Landrada and Pharailde. The former two are not metrical; the
latter follow metrical patterns rigorously. Some antiphons and responsories
from these offices were also used in processions, at least at 5t Bavo\ from
which a processional survives; no other newly-composed processional chant
has been identined. 29 The masses for all of these local saints were compiled
from the common of saints.
Of later date than most of the offices are hymns, sequences and alleluia
verses for the same saints, 1isted in Table 4.
Tab1e 4.
Hymns and Sequences for Ghent Saints
edited in Analecta Hymnica
Hymns
Agnum sponsum virgineum St Amalberga, Vespers AH 12,82

Audite, Christi milites St Bavo AH23,131-t32
Christi virgo egregia St Pharailde AH 12,219
Claris psallendo vocibus St Amalberga, Matins AH 12,83
Gaude, martyr, flos Livine St livinus AH 29, t 11
Gaude, mundum quod sprevisti St Bavo AH 29, 98
GratuJemur in honore 5t Landrada AH 12, 152
Hymnwn canamus g/orie St Livinus AH 12, 156
Hymnwn fideles populi St Macharius AH 12, 157
28 This was discovered by }anka Szendrei. The texts have the rubric: "Anno Do-
mini 1351 sunt portate hue ad quinque ecclesias reliquic bcati livini cpiscopi et
martyris per venerabilem dominum Nicolaum episcopum QUinqueecclesiensis una
cum hystoria et legenda cum missa completa de F1andria de civitate que vocatur
Gandavum, vel vulgariter que dicitur Genth, et requiescit ibi in monasterio beati
Bononis [Ski:: Bavonis} in abbatia sancti Benedieti. Cuius festum colitur in crastino
sancti Martini episcopi et confessoris." On "Nicolaum episcopum", see Cams, Series
episcoporum, p. 376.
29 See especially B-Cu 184, with processional chant for Sts Landoald, Bavo and
Macharius.
FOR PLAINCHANf N LONDON AND 261
o Livine, martyr Dei St Livinus AH 29,159

Pange, lingua, gloriose St Landrada AH 12, 152
Sequences
laudat
chorus
Sollemni induite 191
Tuum mundo toti, Bavo St Bavo AH 9,120-121
Items Listed in Chevalier, RepertDrium

Amans Bavo concordiae (St Bavo, no. 974)
tollat 2320)
ius, relics at
Non-Indexed Compositions in Ghent Manuscripts:

B-Gu 14, 2 vols., and B-Gsj S.s.
Alleluia verses
Barbara virgo pia St Barbara St Bavo
Ecce
Nobilis
Salve
De parente pestas T ransnguration StJames

Hanc tituli domine Sts Fabian and Sebastian StJames
Martyres egregi; St Vincent StJames
parody older texts. example, a hymn is

St Livinus, canamus. Most common strophes
able lines. for Sts livinus, and
alleluia verses, from
262 BARBARA HAGGH
One a verse for St Barbara was at St Bavo's, relics

saint were deposited in (Example 2).30
Nearly all of these compositions appear only in the later sources and fur-
ther analysis will be necessary to determine approximate dates for them.
Nevertheless their patterns of rhyme they postdate offices
and thus give evidence of continued creativity at the two abbeys.
Later medieval manuscripts from Ghent show the increasing importance
of Ive services an commemorations and particularly the of the
dead. St Bavo and 5t Peter used the French Benedictine series of responsories
for the office of the dead.31 Full cycles of votive masses, none of which are
for patron are the graduals of Have's St Marian
antiphons appear in the manuscripts as well, although the antiphoners from
St Bavo's give only three, omitting Ave regina celorum. 33 The antipho,ners
incl a commemoration for Havo to sung during Advent and
consisting of an antiphon for the saint and the Marian prosa lnviolata, in-
tegra et casta es. 34
great interest the complete kyriales Ivmg the of
St Bavo and the church of 5t )ames,35 since these use a considerable number
of melodies not documented elsewhere, perhaps because they are so com-
plete! even aSSigning ordinaries feasts three kyriale St Ba-
vo in B-Gu 14, vol. 1, is unique in giving evidence of the rhythmicized or
harmonized performance of the Gloria and Credo. A two-part Gloria setting
sutvives with chant in the vo and a contratenor parallel
motion except at cadences, and is followed by a rhythmicized Credo with in-
dications for alternatim performance. Both fall under the rubric De sanct;s
30 The Alleluia and verse Barbara virgo pia splendens is in B-Gu 14, vol. 2, fols.
14v·
31 Cf. Ottosen, The Responsories, pp. 148·151.
32 The gradual of St lames is described as an antiphoner in F, Verstraeten,
Sint-Jacobskerk Cen( lnventaris het kllnstpatrimonium 1973 153,
no. 646; Verstraeten also lists printed liturgical books from the 16·18th c., most fol-
lowing the use of Rome, some, of the diocese of Ghent.
B·Gu I I, fok 49v fL includes A/rna, and Regina vol. 2.,
fok 31r H. only the Alma and Salve.
34 B-Gu IS,vol. 2, fol. 19v,
35 A full discussion of the kyriales will appear in a separate study. The St James
kyriale is in B· s.s., 197v-21 the Ravo IS In 14, I, fok
262v-277v, and in vo!. 2, on fols. 145r·159v (incomplete, lacking the Agnus Dei's),
Example Alleluia Barbara virgo pia, 14,vol. 14v-l
p"
§,"
~
~} -t;:"l:1
I
~~
, T 4: I'l
_ m
Alw\e
.
2' "_'1\ ,"7'..'\.~ ~ ~ ,,.
I'
t........
+'~, '-l
........-.::s:
I~'ya,
j
~
" "
i ~T, ) ,,-j~ III

~.;:
S 7)J
/,~,, ,~- --
I #/1
.
, t:;2;.,)' , b
q) 'i1 ,,1')
~, ~--,
S Bd (£1 vir- pi- LL Srl~V'ld s or- o:;q,Uc2- ' ,:;:,
1»
~ .it. P -dl -r pe.- n.D- \:';5 ntL
pe.r
264 BARBARA HAGGH
huius loci. Elsewhere a different Credo setting, under the rubric In vigi!ia
nativitatis domini, pasche et pentheco~tis, s in four-part harmony. Though
motion is largely parallel, with many root position chords and harmonic
progressions repeated throughout, the setting is important as a unique ex-
ample si pIe polyphony sung n Low Countries around 1500.36 Also
rhythmicized is the T e Deum added later to the main corpus of B-Gu 15,
vo!. 1, on fol. 351 f.
Rubrics the St Bavo kyriale indicate that the polyphon Credo was to
be performed by a chorus alternating with organum, probably solo singers
but possibly an organist. Archives from Ghent do occasionally single out in-
dividual chants by name and it is interesting that these are often longer
j
chants involving alternation of performing forces. Named in the obituary of

the parish church of St Jan are the invitatOty antiphon Circumdederunt or its
psalm exultemus: the antiphon was heard several times the psalm
was sung, and the psa1m itself would have been performed by the two halves
of the choir. The tract of the Requiem mass, Sicut ceIVUs, is also named,
whose verses were sung four oists. do not know precisely how
long antiphon C/ementissime was performed during the procession to the
grave after the Requiem, but it is long enough that aIternatim performance
would have been feasible not desirabl .37 Polyphony alternating with chant
also survives in a mid sixteenth-century processional from the Benedictine
leper house in Ghent, Het Rijcke Gasthuis. The procession ending Matins on
Christmas Eve began with the pIal t responsory Sanctincamini filii Israel
and antiphon Bcthleem non cs minima. Next, the plainchant respons01Y
The polyphonic and B- 14 are discussed Bloxam, A Swvey, p.

that the polyphony surrounding the Credo melody (B-Gu 14, vo1. I, fols. 271v-
274v) was added to the plainchant, which was copied c. 1469, is evident not only
from thf' style of music, but from slightly different colon; of ink used
chant and polyphony. On Credo settings in mensural notation, see A. Gastoue,
ilComment on chantait le 'credo' en certaines eglises, au siccle", Revue chant
gregorien 36 (1932), pp. 48 49; T. Miazga, Die Melodicn des eimtimmigen Credo
j
der romischen·katholischen lateinischen Kirche (Graz, 1976)j R. Sherr, 'The

performance chant n Renaissance and its interactions with polyphony",
Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony, ed. Th. F. Kelly (Cambridge, 1992), p. 183 H.
Cf. B-Cu 70, fols. 35r and 36r, with score notation SImilar to that of the Credo.
37 B-Gu I from 302 and later , is edited n N. De Pauw, Ohituarium Sancti
./ohannis: Necrologe de J'Eglise St-Jean (St.Bavon) a Gand, du Xl!le au XVle siecle
(Brussels, 188
FOR PLAINCHANT IN LONDON AND 265
Hodie et nobis was followed a three-part verse in polypho-

ny (notated consecutivelyL in effect a trope on Tamquam sponsus. After the
Lauds antiphons, with the rubric De Domina antiphona, there followed a
monophonic hymn with the rubric Rhythmus, Magnum nomen domini Ema-
nueJ (in triple meter and white mensural notation) and another monophonic
hymn letitie, both well~known the Low Countries 38 proces-
sion a verse, begin sponsus in a final
Allel part polyphony. Ghent, scribes, com-
posers performers were the alternation ing
forces
Late fourteenth and early Afteenth-centmy polyphony now in Ghent
includes songs and some French settings of the Gloria that were known inter-
nationally.40 There is no proof that they were sung in Ghent, but they could
have been brought there by students returning home from Paris. The manu-
script fragments bound books belonging to the Augustinians of Groenenbriel
and of Ter Haeghen. an early sixteen frag-
ment but of unidenti provenance contains ing of
the de la Rue's sanctissima Maria, evidence
for association n 1509, La Rue preb-
end at St Pharailde through the auspices of Margaret of Austria. 41
The nfteenth-centUty polyphony does show that St Bavo certainly cul-
tivated harmonized singing, which was perhaps also performed without nota-
38 See R. Rasch, De cantiones nata}itiae en het kerkelijke muziekleven in de zui-

delijkc (Koedijk, 1985)i passim.
39 fols. 88v-94r, and discussed in Survey,
is listed in U. Repertori·
urn 892- 1920) as no.
40 ''The Ars Nova of Gent", Tijdschrift vereni-
ging voor Nederlandse muziekgeschiedenis 34 (1984), pp. 109-131, and further dis-
cussion in id., The Rise of European Music, 1380-1500 (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 68,
74-75, 101. Facsimiles of the fragments are published in An Anthology of Music Frag-
ments from the Low Countries (Middle Ages - Renaissance), ed. E. Schreurs (Peer,
1995).
Anthology). 0 n see
la Rue (circa een bio-bibliographische (Brus-
se1s, 27-28, and H. Mecom, the Crime of Biogra-
phy Rue", Actas del de la Sociedad dernu-
sic%gia musicales del y sus ramihcaciones Madridl3-
Ji
IOI/V11992, Revista de Musicologia 16:3 (1993), in press.

266 BARBARA HAGGH
tion, super Jjbrum. 42 Such singing was surely taught. That treatises known in
the northern Low Countries, including some by Tinctoris, were copied at
St Bavo is evidence of interest in music education, including the teaching of
polyphony as well as of chant.43
There is no similar evidence for polyphony in the kyriale from the parish
church of St lames. But unusually detailed instructions for bellringing, so es-
sential to Remish liturgy, do survive in the archives of that church and com-
plement the kyriale. (Similar instructions survive from St Pharailde.)44 Only
insignificant chant fragments survive from the other parish churches, so
archives will have to be used to reconstruct what happened there. A mid
flfteenth-century inventory of books at St John's parish church also lacks any
manuscripts with polyphony, either.45
Even though polyphony seems not to have travelled from abbey to church
in Ghent, there is evidence that plainchant did. Traces of the liturgies of the
abbeys are found in books from the secular churches. Such cross-contamina-
tion is especially apparent in the few surviving liturgical manuscripts from
the collegiate church of St Pharailde, first mentioned in 1298, but originally
the castle chapel of the counts of Flanders. Its ordinal of c. 1400 includes
material for Sts Macharius, Landoald, Amalberga, Bavo, Livinus and others,
42 See M. Bent, "Resfacta and Cantare Super Librum", Journal of the American
Musicological Society 36 (1983), pp. 349-39 t.
43 B-Cu 70 was copied in Chent and became part of the libraty of Raphael de
Marcatellis. See fol. 206r: "Explicitus est liber Scriptus Gandavi per me M. Anthoni-
um de aggere sancti martini 1504". On the manuscript, see A. Derolez, The library
of Raphael de Marcatellis, Abbot of St. Ha vo 's, Ghent, 1437-1508 (Ghent, 1979),
pp. 7-25 and esp. pp. 227-234.
44 B-Csj 1232, fols. 83v-84v, ordinances of 3 and 10 October 1429. Also see
B-Gra S 234, fols. 102r-1 04v, an 18th-century copy: "Reglement voor de klokluyders
van Ste Pharaildis tot Ste Nicola-es van elken dag wat zij moeten luyden, ende niet
wat kiok, voor de mettenen, vespers, hoogmisse, diensten van het Capittel, getrok-
ken uyt een zeer Oud boeksken gegeven door d'heeren Pastor ende kerkmeesters
aen de luyders, om hun daer naer te reguleren."
45 See B-Gra K 58, fols. 65r-77r. This inventOlY of c. 1450 lists one large missal
belonging to heer Ghiselbrecht de Meyere, a missal in two parts, a small missal of
heer Jan de Wale with other books including a Tournai antiphoner, a new psalter, an
old psalter, a gradual, two vigil books, "een sancbouxken daet sente Jacobs feeste in
staet rustende onder der organiste", a book of responsories and "een bouxkin daer
men mede tghewijde water wijt". Additions to the list mention three missals and an-
other "weihwasserbouc". A later inventory made before 1485 of books locked in the
main choir and of books above the sanctuary also includes no polyphony.
SOURCES FOR PLAINCHANT AND RITUAL IN LONDON AND Q;ENT 267
the saints of both abbeys.46 Its patron, St Pharailde, is represented in some

I iturgical books from two abbeys. She appears i a thirteenth-cen lita-
ny of a St Bavo book, but not in the thirteenth-century missal from St Peter's.
St Pharailde is also in the gradual from St lames, along with saints known
especially n Tournai. I of saints from the two Chent abbeys were left
out. Cross-contamination is also reAected by the post-Pentecostal al1eluia
verses of James, which are very ilar and appear to derived from
those of the two abbeys (see Table 2 above).
The liturgical manuscripts Chent were used by the multi
tude of religious orders and communities that chose to settle in and around
the city. Among these! the antiphoner of the Cistercian abbey of Oost-
Eeklo, which contains complete cycle of fully-notated hymns, is worthy
mention, as is a seventeenth-century fragment from an Augustinian house
incipits of hymns that were introduced by order. 47
Only one extant manuscript can be associated with a speCific chapel, a mis-
sal prepared in 483 the chapel Sts nciana and Landrada in the
bey of St Bavo and founded by abbot Cuillaume 11 of Bossuut (d. 1460). It in-
cludes only the readings for the mass and gives no incipits for musical items,
but covers all Sundays and main festivals of the church year and is supple-
mented by full masses for the Marian feasts, the feast of the relics of Bossuut's
a] and many votive 111aSses. The itany the mass the dead includes
the saints of St Bave's, also St Pharailde, but not saints from St Peter's
abbey.48
B-Gu 567, . t 37 3.
47 B-Gra Augustijnen, reeks 44, no. 60. The hymns are Nunc sancte nobis,
Rector potens verax (both feria!), Largire c/al1Jm vespcre (St Augustine), Dive ceJe-
stis patrie (St Joannis a Facundo), he matris ossa ranslation 01 Monica), c
ferant lingue (St Monica), Presulum sidus ruti/ansque (St Simplicianus), Ye canunt
omnes Nicolae Nicolas of olentino), In cola abrupte GUillaume), Christc
sanctorom decus (St Gabrie1), Dum predo hesperias (St Augustine), Urbs alma sum-
mo judice (St Nicolas of Tolentino), Magister orbis maxime (St Augustine) These
hymns are listed Chevalier, Repertorium hymnoJoglCHm.
48 GB-Lbm Add 17440, copied in 1483. See the note on fo1. 2r: "Desen mesboec
bchoert te nte ten nieuwen autare onder de orghelen her lIem van bos-
suut abdt de de maken ende fondeerde oft ordineerde eewelijc en erfelijc een dag-
helijcse messe ter eeren van den santen daer af vanden lichame hier int tclooster ru-
stende si] A similar manuscript is 8- 23, missal prepared in 14th centUlY
for a member of the Amman family, but the location where it was used has not been
determined yet.
268 BARBARA HAGGH
Different in nature and number are the sources from London, of which on-
ly those at the British Library and some at the Bodleian Library have been
studied in detail thus far. When Pope Gregory I sent Augustine to England in
597, he wanted London to serve as a diocesan see. Therefore, in the seventh
century Ethelbert, King of Kent, founded what would become 5t Paul's Ca-
thedral. In the next centuries, London suffered more than did Ghent from
Norman and Viking invasions . The Benedictine Westminster abbey was
founded in 1065 by Edward the Confessor, although an earlier abbey had ex-
isted since the eighth century; the present edifice was begun in the thirteenth
century. Unlike Ghent, London was dotted with dozens of parish churches
and hospitals as well as convents and abbeys:'9
Missals, a book with some offices and a coronation ordo survive from West-
minster abbey, where, since William the Conqueror's coronation in 1066,
English monarchs have been crowned, married and buried by tradition, as
well as numerous book lists from earlier times .50 Relics of 5t Botulphus were
housed at the abbey.51
Only psalters and a secular antiphoner fragment with parts of offices of
5t Vincent and the Conversion of Paul survive from 5t Paul's Cathedral, as do
book Iists, but other manuscripts, the only London sources to contain orga-
num, give evidence that the church knew Notre Dame polyphony. 5t Paul's
used its own unique rite until 1414 when the Sarum rite was introduced.
Local material from London also survives in GB-Lbm Add. 5810, a compi -
lation with copies made in 1782 from a small book from the time of King Ed-
ward IV (d. 1483). That book included a "Manual for Clergy of the diocese
of London" with collects for local saints and a "Short Manual for 5t Paul's
49 See N. Temperley et al., "London", The New Grove Dictionary of Music and
Musicians, vol. 11 (London, 1980), esp. pp. 142·146. A fuller discussion of the histo-
ry of the plainchant repertory of this city is in preparation.
50 See J. A. Robinson-M. R. James, The Manuscripts of Westminster Abbey
(Cambridge, 1909), especially chapter I: "On the Making and Keeping of Books in
Westminster Abbey, A.D. 1160-1660". A list of sequences sung at Westminster Ab-
bey c . 1375 is published in Thesaurus hymno/ogicus, Analecta liturgica, vo!. 2:2 ,
E. Misset-W. Weale, eds . (Lille-Bruges, 1892), pp. 176·182.
51 See J. Bergsagel, "Liturgical Relations between England and Scandinavia: as
seen in Selected Musical Fragments from the 12th and 13th Centuries", Foredrag
och diskussiominlagg Eran Nordiskt Kollokvium 3 (Helsinki, 1976), pp. 11-16, who
discovered chant for St Botulph in the Riksarkiv Stockholm and in GB·Lbm Add .
34388.
FOR PLAINCHAl'<'T IN LONDON AND 269
Cathedral London", with ofRces for 5t Erkenwald and 5ts Peter and Paul as
well as collects for 5t Wenefrede and the Translation of 5t Erkenwald. 52
Books survive from more London parishes than Ghent parishes, but mostly
kalendars and missals lacking notation. The only completely notated book is
the from the church Axe, which Sarum
use, rubrics and study. Many mis-
sals donors, or fraternity members most
likely for private chapels The remain manu-
scripts Augustinian, Carmelite, Carthusian Domi-
nican communities. The strangest of these books in its present form is a
Carmelite missal, which was reconstructed and rebound in 1951 from thou-
sands of tiny fragments consisting mainly of illuminated initials.53 The layout
of the original manuscript was already unusual, since it gave chant incipits
only for mass ordinary chants. Fortunately, some of these chant incipits sur-
est and domino are especiall repre-
be possible to part of this Carmd
century brought London and iturgi-
cal printed in both this time and Lon-
don is represented by portable known as portiforia missals
following the Sarum use, which were reprinted every five years or so through-
out the century. Only a few books were printed in Chent, all after the icono-
clasts passed through. They include a 1572 breviary and officia propria of
5t Bavo, which had become a secular chapter and Cathedral in the mean-
while. 55 Editions of a Liber ecc1esiarum Candavensis were printed in 1576,
158
52 Discussed in G. Chew, "Studies and Reports. A Magnus Liber Organi Frag-

ment at Aberdeen", Journal of the American Musicological SOCiety 31 (1978:2),
pp. 326-343, esp. 340-342. Chew proposes that fragments containing the Magnus Li-
ber and part of an antiphoner once belonged to St Paul'si a facsimile of the antiphon-
er fragment is in ibid., pp. 328-329. Also See GB·Lbm 5810, pp.198-199 (Manual)
and pp. 200-202 (Short Manual).
53 29704, 29705/ Car-
rnelite London, 1942) and synopsis and nurn-
bers of the reconstrucEed Missal (London,1
54 can be obtained
5.1 May 1559, when the see of its it be-
longed to the diocese of Tournai with Bruges and Lille.
270 BARBARA HAGGH
One other undated Ghent imprint merits attention, because it contains

chant for two celebrations founded by lay benefaction in the 15th and early
16th centuries, the Mandatum or footwashing ceremony of Maundy Thurs-
day, and the offlce of the dead, together with a special antiphon always re-
quested for funeral processions in Ghent, Clementissime. Its title, Manualis
Monast: BJandiniensis. Pars lI. A in qua continentur Mandatum Novum item
Ordo ad sepeliendwn defunctos. Item Ciementissime, et antiphona ad suscep-
tionem Novit: reflects exactly the texts of the charters of foundation, which
highlight the Mandatum ceremony, the ordo for burying the dead and Cle-
mentissime, two liturgically unrelated services. The print also includes an-
tiphons for the ceremony of receiving novices .56 Apart from the little-known
antiphon Clementissime, the liturgies for the two foundations themselves are
not unusual. The Mandatum antiphons do not include the Caput melisma on
which the Ghent composer Obrecht based his mass. 57 The presence of the
Mandatum , not only in records from the two abbeys, but also from two par-
ish churches subordinate to St Peter's abbey, StJohn's and St James, is worth
noting, also that the Mandatum seems not to have been celebrated at St Pha-
railde, a collegiate church largely independent from the abbeys.58 Thus, its
celebration at the parish churches probably reflects the emphasis placed on
this devotion by the Benedictine order. 59
56 Compare the texts describing foundations excerpted in De Pauw, Necr%ge,

with the print B-Gu 3096( 1), which includes Clemen tissime, Domine qui pro nostra
miseria on pp. 68-73 . This chant was sung as the final versicle after the responsory
Libera me ' " de mOTte, according to a printed ritual of Sem of 1500 (Ottosen, The
Responsories, p. 305), and is found also in the Lucca antiphoner. See the facs imile
An tiphonaire monastique, X/Je sieclc: Codex 601 de la Bibliotheque Capitu/aire de
Lucques, Paieographie musicale, IX (Tournai, 1906), p. 59 . Jt was requested in many
fiheenth· and sixteenth·century obits described in Dijon, Archives departementales
de la Cote d'Or, G 1167, a sixteenth·century obituary of the Sainte.Chapelle of
Dijon.
57 0 n the mass see R. C. Wegman, Born for the Muses: The Life and Masses of
}acob Obrecht (Oxford, 1994), pp. 265·267 and passim, and M. Bukofzer, "Caput: A
Liturgico.Musical Study", Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music (New York,
1950), pp. 217-310 .
58 The Mandatum antiphons were added at the end of the gradual of St lames ,
B·Gsj S.s . in the tate fifteenth or early sixteenth century . Cf. the ordinal of St Pha·
railde from c. 1400, B·Gra St Veerle 3.
59 On the history of the Mandatum and the role of the Benedictines, see T. Scha·
fer, Die Fusswaschung ;m monastischen Brauchtum und in der lateinischen Liturgie,
Texte und Arbeiten hg. durch die Erzabtei Beuron, vo!. 47 (Beuron, 1956).
FOR PLA1NCHANT .IN LONDON AND 271
The Mandatum print leads to one final observation - often unusual or

significant features of individual manuscripts are only revealed by the study
of contemporaneous archives, which reflect the reality corresponding to the
ideal presented in the liturgical books. The archives document foundations,
celebrations, detail of performers list
the private and and may con
by copyists, thereby their identity. sur-
be studied manuscripts; a
of music in cities is sure to
***
Since this article went to press, Dr. Georges Declerq of the University of
Ghent brought several manuscripts from Ghent not Iisted above to my atten-
tion. important of lat 1913A, an -century
copy Confessions of from St Peter's the
hymn vox by Stephen on f. 1v and the
ninth IlI Jaon Formulary", neumed Alleluia Alleluia
on f. 26v. These and a fuller of the
topics introduced here may be found in B. Haggh, "Sources for Plainchant
and Ritual from Ghent and London: a Survey and Comparison", Handelingen
der Maatschappij vaar Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent, Nieuwe
reeks 50 (1996), pp. 23-72 (with summary in Dutch), and in eadem, Music in
Medieval and Early Renaissance Chent (forthcoming).
BYZANTINE PSALMODY: AN INTERIM REpORT

SIMON HARRIS
My first task in this paper must be to thank those who have already helped
me to write it - the late Prof. J~rgen Raasted, Dr. Christian Troelsg~rd, Mrs
Annette Jung, Dr. Svetlana Kujumdzieva, Profs. Kenneth Milo~
Velimirovic and others who have sent me things to look at and told me what
they think.
The first article on Byzantine Psalmody, written nearly fifty years ago, was
also called an "interim report" by author, Oliver Stnmk,l led noth
ing very conclusive, with result that very little is still known about how
psalms were sung in the medieval Greek Orthodox Church. One problem
seems be is single source that s us how were sung,
and there is evidence of at least three traditions of which psalms were sung
on different But there also lot evidence lying around
many sources which, if put together, might tell us a lot.
My starting point has been another article of Strunk\ originally pub] ished
1 at end wh he to study of the same subject Pro
Trempe1as of Athens University, published at much the same time and of
which was not aware. 3 I done the obvious thing and compared
both with their main source - the musical manuscript Athens Nat. lib. 2061,
which claimed to reAect practice of St Sophia at Constantinople before
j 204. The result of all this, I feel, is that neither account is really accurate,
and in particular I would take issue with one of Strunk's late paragraphs in
which summarises the differences between what he cans practices
the monasteries and those of St Sophia. He says "if we proceed now to a
comparison these provisions those worked out the monasteries,
1 Oliver Strunk, "A first Look at Byzantine Psalmody", Bulletin of the American
Musicological SOciety 11/13 (1948), pp. 19·21, reprinted in Essays on Music in the
World (New York, 977), 37-
2 Oliver Strunk, 'The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia", Dumbarton Oaks Pa-
pers 9- ( 1956), pp. 77-202; reprinted in Essays.. (see n. 1), pp. I 12 - 150.
3 This article is known to me as the last chapter in N. T rempelas' MucpQv EuX~
A.Qy1.OV (Athens, 1955), voL 2, pp. 147-274, and is entitled "Ai £uXat 'to\) "Op9po~ leat
'to\) 'E01t£ptvo\'/' It was published an article in
274 SIMON HARRIS
shall nnd them different in every conceivable respect."4 I disagree: they are
distinct, but not very different, as I think you will agree if you look at Ta-
ble 1. The list on the left of this Table sets out what Strunk calls the monas-
tic use; that on the right the use of St Sophia as set out in the first of two
sequences in Athens 2061, which is also the basis of Strunk's own Appendix
f.5 Both lists show how the entire psalter was distributed over a week, and
sung at the same points in the morning and evening services. The unit in
each was generally called rather confusingly "an antiphon", and consisted of
up to nve or six psalms with a single concluding Cloria Patri. (n the left-hand
list there are 60 antiphons, grouped into 20 kathismata. In the right-hand list
there are 72 antiphons, 7 being sung in a service, of which the last is repeated
as the first of the next service. The Psalm-numbering is that of the Septuagint
and Vulgate.
There are two points about these two sequences in Athens 2061 that
neither Strunk nor Trempelas makes: they could be alternatives; and both run
from Sunday evening to Sunday morning (though Table 1. gives Saturday
evening and Sunday morning of the first sequence at the beginning to match
the left-hand list). The second sequence in Athens 2061 actually has the
beginning of the psalter for both Sunday evening and Saturday evening; it al-
so leaves out the ten psalms for Monday morning, advancing everything one
service, and then dividing the extra-long list of psalms for Friday evening.
Since in this way it duplicates fifteen psalms and leaves out ten, I think it is
probably faulty, and this is confirmed by its absence from the slightly earlier
manuscript Athens 2062. But the evidence of the two sequences together in
Athens 2061 is that the same series of Psalms was sung at St Sophia as is sung
today, but a day later, though fixed psalms were omitted. The Biblical Can-
ticles were sung on Saturday mornings - not as today forming the basis of
4 P. 191 and p. 130 respectively of the volumes cited in n. 2.

5 The monastic use, i. e. today's use, shown in Table I. on the left, is drawn
from the 1873 Vatican Edition of the Greek Psalter; the list in Table 1. on the right,
showing the medieval use of St Sophia, is drawn from the first (11(:01.01>9\.0, in Athens
2061 (ff. I r-25v), and is also given by Strunk as his Appendix I (pp. 200-1 and 140-1
respectively) . The second Ch:oAOu91.a of Athens 2061 (H. 25v-48r) is not shown. The
68 antiphons in Strunk are presumably taken from the number in the 11 th-century
psalter Vat. Barb. gr. 285. The lOth-century Oxford psalter Bodleian Auct. D. 4. 1
gives 72 for St Sophia, the difference being accounted for by the three sections of
Ps. 118 and the additional antiphon at the beginning of Saturday morning (see Trem-
pelas, vol. 2, pp. 160 and 174).
BYZA~'T1NE PSALMODY: AN INTERlM REpORT 275
poetic compositions called Kanons which are sung daily at Orthros.6 And
the two fixed psalms that do not appear in today's rite - Pss. 85 and 133 -
seem to have been transferred back to the ends of services that were not sung
at St Sophia.7
Psalmody is by no means the end of the matter, but judging from Athens
2061 it rather looks as though the rite of St Sophia that it claims to preserve
is just ier stage in today's Byzantine and there is other evidence to
suggest that this rite may have been practically un iversal in the early fifth
century, but confined to St Sophia by the time of the Fourth Crusade in
1204. 8 If this is so, it could be that what medieval Greeks saw as two opposed
rites, and what on their word i usually presented nowadays as the Cathedral
Rite of Constantinople and the Monastic Rite of Jerusalem, are different
stages in one and the same rite.
At all events, it seems to me possIble that psalmodic practice in these two
rites was much the same. My reason for th nking t11is that Prof. Vel
vie's findings from transcribing Ps. 103 from manuscript of the leftohand
tradition amount to almost exactly the same as my own from transcribing
Pss. 114-1 t 6 from one of the right-hand tradition. 9
6 For the Biblical Canticles, see the first three of four articles by H. Schneider in
Biblica, vo!. 30 (Rome, 1949).
7 Nones and the Midnight SelVice. Horo]ogion, 2nd Vatican ed. (Rome, 1937),
pp. 38 and 207-8.
8 Essentially this is the evidence of the Biblical Canticles, but although this con-
clusion seems to me perfectly possible is not by Schneider.
9 In Velimirovic's words "the nrst syllable of a psalm's half-verse follow the recita-
tion pattern on one tone ['g'] and ... accented syllables are presented one step
higher" ("Prooimiac psalm [1 and its psalmody", paper read to A
tiqua Europae Orientalis conference in 1994 at Bydgoszcz, and not yet published).
Much the same view is taken by Velimirovic on Psalm 103 in a much earlier paper -
"The Prooemiac Psalm of Byzantine Vespers", Words and Music: The Scholar's View.
Papers Flonor of A. Til/man Merritt (Cambridge Mass, 1972), pp. 317-337,
especially 326-7.
276 SIMON HARRlS
Table I.
The Psalms as they are arranged in the The Psalms as they were arranged in
Psalter of 1873 (Ed. Vat.) Athens 2061 (15th century)
.
Pss. Kathismata Pss.
I, 1, 3 A 1,1
I [Sat. evening] (3 fixed)
4,5,6 4,5,6
7, 8 A 9
7,8 Sat. evening
A 10, 11, 11, 13
14, IS, 16
A (67)
9, 10 A 118 Part I
11,12,13 11 118 Part 11 Sun. morning
14, IS, 16 A 118 Part III
[Sun. morning]
17
18,19,20 III
11,22,23
Nil [Sun. evening] A (103) Sun. evening
24,25,26 A 17
27,28,29 IV 18,19,20
30, 31 A 21
[Mon. morning] 22,23 Mon. morning
32, 33 A 24,25
34, 35 V 26,27
36 A 28,29
37, 38, 39 A 28,29
40,41,41 VI [Mon. evening] 30
43,44,45 A 3 t, 32
33 Mon. evening
A 36
34, 35
A 37, 38
46,47,48 A 37, 38
49,50 VII 39,40
51,52,53,54 A 41,42
[Tue. morning] 43 T ue. morning
55,56,57 44,45
58,59,60 VIII 46,47
61,61,63 A 48,49
BYzANTINE PSALMODY: AN INTERIM REpORT 277
The Psalms as they are arranged in the The Psalms as they were alTanged in
Psalter of 1873 (Ed. Vat.) Athens 1061 (1 sth century)
Pss. Kathismata Pss.
64,65,66 A 48,49
67 IX [Tue. evening] (50 fixed)
68, 69 51,52,53
A 54
55,56 Tue. evening
A 57,58
59,60,61
(62 fixed)
A 63,64
70, 71 A 63,64
72, 73 X 65,66
74, 75, 76 A 67
[Wed. morning] 68,69 Wed. morning
77 A 70
78,79,80 XI 71,72
81,82,83,84 A 73, 74
85,86,87 A 73, 74
88 XII [Wed. evening] 75, 76
89, 90 A 77
78, 79 Wed. evening
A 80,81
82,83
A 84
91,92,93 A 84
94,95,96 XIII (85 fixed)
97,98,99, 100 86, 87
[Thur. morning] A 88 ThUT. morning
101, 102 89,90
103 XIV A 91,92,93
104 94,95,96
A 97,98,99,100
105 A 97,98,99, lOO
106 XV [Thur. evening] 101
107, 108 A 102
103 Thur. evening
A 104
105
A 106
278 SIMON HARRIS
The Psalms as they are arranged in the The Psalms as they were arranged in
Psalter of 1873 (Ed. Vat.) Athens 2061 (1 sth century)
Pss. Kathlsmata Pss.
134,135,136 A 106
137,138,139 Xl)( 107, 108
140,141,142 A 109, 1 10, 1 1 I, 1 12
[Fri. morning] 113, 114, 1 15, 1 16
143. 144 A 117 Fri . morning
145,146,147 XX 119,120, 12 I,
148,149, 150 122, 123, 124
A 125,126, 127,
128, 129, 130
119,120,121, A 125,126, 127,
122, 123 128, 129, 130
131,132
124, 125, 126, XVIII [Fri. evening] (133 flxed)
127, 128 A 134 . 135
136, 137
129, 130, 13 I, A 138, 139
132, 133 (140 fixed) Fri. evening
141,142
A 143,144
145,146, 147
( I 48 149, I 50
I
fixed)
A 32
109, I 10, I I 1 A 32
112,113,114 XVI 7 Odes (actually Sat. morning
115,116,t17 10 or more Bibli-
[Sat. morning] cal Canticles)
118 Part [
J 18 Part /[ XVII
118 Part III
One should not to be too dismissive of this distinction, because there is a

technical difference, mentioned in several medieval psalters, between the
lengths of psalm-verses in the two rites, which could mean that the antiphon
or respond was sung in a different place. Very little Byzantine psalmody
seems to have been direct, and one should probably work on the assumption
that very little of it was choral, so its verse-by-verse refrains were probably
responds. But I do not believe that the monastic tradition (the left-hand list)
BYZANTINE PSALMODY; AN INTERIM REpORT 279
only knew the refrain lIalleluia "Alleluia"

ll
were clearly i in
both traditions - they are marked with an A in the right-hand list of Table 1.,
and seem to been almost universally appl in left~hand list but
Ex. 1 shows the beginning of Ps. 140 (a fixed evening psalm), with the re-
spond Eicrcuco'Uo6v KUptE. This is one 0 the respond-texts
in Athens 2061, yet the two manuscripts mentioned belong to the left-hand
I ist. assume it must the respond the text does not belong the
psalm, even though it is rather similar, and comparison between Ex. 1 (lines 6
and 7) and Ex. 2 (end of the double-line, showing the psalm-tone for
Mode I) shows that the psalm-tone in Ex. 1 ends at the Single bar-line before
the respond.
Ex. 2 also shows that Byzantine psalmody was variable even though it
I
may have been attached to the modal system. The seven double lines show
the same psalm-tones in 13th-century Grottaferrata r.yVIl and from
manuscript of 50-150 years later, as transcribed by Strunk in his article on
the Anabathmoi and reproduced in Grovels Dictionary.l Strunk himsel
points out that for Mode III Athos, Lavra I. 185 has an ornamental form deriv-
ing from that shown r:yVI L But Athos Lavra I. has by 0 means
monopoly of ornamental forms, and from this comparison alone one can
perhaps judge that ms must have been sung by as choral per-
formances of them would have had to demand complete uniformity.
Ex. 2 shows other things. Grottaferrata r.yVII is one of a group of thir-
teenth-century manuscripts I most but not all of which come from ItalYI
which give several psalm-openings in each of the modes, among which are
the nrst nine antiphons or psalter-sections of the left-hand list in Table 1
Another such manuscript is the Levantine Sinai gr. 1314, which seems to
agree more closely Grottaferrata r.yVII with other Italian manu~
scripts. There may be other parallels to draw with Athos, Lavra r. 185, which
have not yet seen, and to judge from what Stnmk in is article the
Anabathmoi, it may contain a similar 8-mode series.
10 Oliver Strunk, "The Antiphons of the Octoechos", Journal of the American

Musicological SOciety 3 (t 50~(i7, reprinted n Ess"ays.. (n. 1), gives
the settings of the Cloria Patri as found in Athos Lavra I. 185 (p. 54; Essays ... ,
p. t ) . transcriptions reproduced in many places, Including ar·
ticle on Music of the Byzantine Rite in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and
MusiCians, Stanley Sadie 1), 3, 555
11 Strunk, "The Antiphons ... ", p. 56 (Essays ... , p. 174).
280 SJMON HARRIS
But even if nothing emerges, it seems to me that there is already enough:

the psalm -tones as in Grottaferrata r.yVII show links in three direc-
tions - with other Italian manuscripts, with the Levant and with the 14th
centmy (and here we should not forget Ex. t, which] think shows an essen-
tial similarity between r.y.VII and Athens 2458/ whose ndications for Ps. 40
seem to be identical with those in a Viennese manuscript from the late 14th
century). 11 There can be no doubt from these links that a Byzantine psalm-
tone systern connected with the modal system existed in the iddle ages,
and that psalm-singing was not left entirely to the responsibility of the
institution or the soloist. So why is this system so elusive;
lot can be to the performance a psalm by soloist, but ot
I think everything. It is understandable that performances of psalms may
have varied from place to place and person to person, so that Byzantine
psalm-tones never evolved definitive forms And it also understandable that
rubrics indicated that psalms were sung "by the people" if it was maintained
still that by singing a respond the people participated in singing a psalm.
What not understandable s complete absence mS apart from
J
the very beginning, with the respond, and sometimes also the per;sse, or very
last repetition of the respond after the Cloria Patri, from books for solo sin-
gers. The situation is perhaps most clearly set out by the paleobyzantine
manuscript, Grottaferrata r.~.XXXV for the Office of the GenuAexion, Here,
after a notated introduction by the Precentor of Ps. 85, the whole psalm is
directed to be sung IIby the people" and is given complete with the respond
after every verse, but without musical notation. 13 Prokeimena, alleluias, hypa-
koae, the psalms for Christmas Eve and Epiphany Eve,· and possibly later
things - are all found regularly, but simple psalms are not, apart from oc-
casional introductions. And this is true of Athens 2061 of about 1400, though
here psalms are introduced rather more systematically as Table 2. shows,
than in earlier psaltika.
me the conclusion seems inescapable, It was the job of the Precentor to
introduce a psalm, and particularly to Sing the respond/ but the Singing of a
psalm must have been done by someone else from a psalter without musical
notation - job which th-century typikon Sinai 096 indicates a
proestos or ecclesiarch, who also seems to have read the lections. One is
12Vienna Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Theol gr. 185, ff. 64v-66r.

Grottaferrata, r. a,XXXV H. 53r-54r. See also Conomos, "Music for the Eve-
ning Office on Whitsunday", Actes du XVe congres international d'etudes byzantines
(Athens, 1979), pp. 462-3.
BYZANTINE PSALMODY: AN INTERJM REpORT 281
reminded of the direction of the Second Synod of Vaison (Burgundy, 529)

referred recently Robert T aft presbyters receive in the
household young lectors to be trained in psalmody and reading. 14
So it looks as though the real problem may be that it never became the
job of a singer sing the psalms. so, Byzanti Psal ody 1 have to
reconstructed from precentors' introductions, but this does not seem an im-
ible task, given there are many of introduct ions
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
14 Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, 2nd ed. (Collegeville
Minnesota, 1993)/ p. 148. See also James W. McKinnon, "Lector Chant versus Scho-
la Chant Question 01 Plausibility': Laborare fra in unum. Festschrift
LaszJ6 Dobszay zum 60. Geburtstag, Berliner Beitrage zur Mediavistik, vo\. 7 (Hil-
desheim, 995), 20 ! I.
282 SIMON HARRlS
Table 2. Various schemes for the introduction and conclusion of psalms

according Athens 2061.
J. Odd~numbered antiphons
TTJv OLlCOUj..L£V71V and alleluia
'Afll1 v The ()pening the psalm. Alleluia. (The last two elements often repeated)
[The antiphon or psalter~section: verse 1 alleluia
verse 2 alleluia etc.
The Cloria Patri. verse 1 allduia
verse 2 alleluia]
leluia, repeated once or twice. (The perisse or precentor's conclusion).
2. Even-numbered antiphons
The middle of verse 1 of psalm. Respond (non alleluiatic).
[The antiphon of psalter-section: verse 1 respond
verse 2 respond etc.
The Gloria Patri: verse I respond
verse 2 respond]
Respond, repeated once or twice.
3. The fixed introductory psalms (Pss. 85 and

The middle of verse] or 5 of the psalm. Respond (M~a (JOt 0 e£6C;).'A~ftv. The
opening of verse I or 5 of the psalm. Respond. (Both repeated)
[The antiphon of psalter-section: verse t (? or 5) respond
verse 2 (] or t or 6) respond etc.
Gloria tri: verse 1 respond
verse 2 respond]
Respond (Msa aOt 6 Eho6.;), repeated once or twice.
4. Most Biblical Odes

I (Exodus 1 ; w. - 1
11 sections t and 4 (Deuteronomy 32, w. 1- 14 and 39-43)
IV (Isiah 26, vv. 9-20 and Jonah 2, vv. 2-9)
VI (Isiah 38; vv. 10-20 and The Prayer of Manasses)
The middle of verse t. Respond
A/ll]v. iddle of verse . Respond
The beginning of verse 1 . [Respond]
[The Canticle: verse I respond
verse 2 respond etc.
The Gloria Patri; verse t respond
verse 2 respond]
Respond, repeated once or twice,
BYZA"''TINE PSALMODY: INTERIM REPORT 283
5. The Biblical Ode (I Samuel 2, vv. 1-10 and St Luke 1, VV. 46-55):
Troparion. Respond.
'AIlTtv. The beginning of verse t. Respond.
beginni verse 1. [
first
verse 2 respond etc.]
Troparion.
[The second Canticle: verse 1 respond
2 respond etc. Cloria Pa
respond]
Troparion.
11, sections 2 and 3 (Deuteronomy 32/ 15-21 and 22 38) seem follow
. 2 of this the even- anti
III 3, vv. 2- follows No.
Ode VII (Daniel 3, vv. 26·(7)47) also follows No. 3., but the perisse is v. 48.
284 SIMON HARRIS
Example 1 .
•
, ~:O! rt.' KJ. p~_ , I. O(C
J~""'" 2.4-58 (1336)J361'.
I1 ._
., ",
"'11'.'" _ ••
• ... 11 ...
.
..",. _
~ ,
.. _KD"' ... r:;-tI
-
..,
wr~ "_ KQ.I.n..
, "", . ,....
K'"'0 v e'· c. ~ ... a
~_
...
I.
,
~ _
....
0(,._
DC. ~ ..
t E! t, T,. ~~-~. 1-
[Re.s po" d]
r:-
'1'
, £l l lidT:) it ~ r; r I1
,_ C
~.
BYZANTINE PSALMODY: AN INTERIM REPORT 285
Example 2.
Mode I
... ., I'
- .
~.
Lo...,..J. '95" ( ...:4. 14\h u"t.)
- - • - 1:\
,
I1 IJ
..,
.... .... \I -v
Mode 11
G- ro~t.ferl"A.1:Q.
~ ,.
- ..,
r:y. VII, f· IS6 v
..... ...
-
11 ., .., ...
--.
- --,.:
~
....
•
LAx.,a.. I. l&r
~
i""f"'!I"'\ '" - ,.....
.
., .., liI" ." .., -v
Mode III
r.,."'I,
GYott-ft. ... 'I" 4tcL
•
i· lsar
. - '"
...
1'"
•
...... .., ~
1.1
I~
y' ""'" 1\ "
La.na.. I. 18$'
.... _r.> ....
. ..
~
- \I\oo.U .,..-
Mode IV
Grot *.. 0. I:A. r.r. VII, f. 15""9 "f'
• • a--. . ......
I i r """"
La'iro. I. Its
~
, I , \ C
'"
, c , \1
,
286 SIMON HARRIS
Example 2. continued
Mode' Pl.
.... ...
v.
.
~.
j • •
£.sw..... I, '185
11
I
..
Mode I1 PI.
J
""
,
Mode III P1.
G ,...tt'''ftl'y~t:a. r,'y.I/I/, 1.1(3
:-
Y' r..
'-'
ll.
IJ ~
...
I
• . ~....oLI
~ A_ "'_ W-.-
L.o. vn, I. ,'a5 '10
r
~
W'"
'"
"
, , , Co h
\ ~ , ,
THE ENGLISH BENEDICTINE VERSION OF mE

HISTORIA SANCTI G REGORII AND ll-IE DATE OF THE
'WINCHESTER TROPER
(CAMBRIDGE, CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, 473)
DAVIDHILEY
In the following remarks I have made no attempt to present a complete sur-

vey of the transmission of chants for St. Gregory's office across Europe. Only
those salient points are noted which have implications for the date of the
one chant from the office in the 'Winchester Troper', As will become clear,
both the chant traditions and the dating of the Winchester manuscript need
more thorough investigation . The present paper therefore highlights a prob-
lem whose solution lies in the future.
The general picture

Few saints' days were given proper office chants at the time when the
Roman liturgy was adopted and adapted in the Carolingian Empire. Includ-
ing feasts of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the number is probably hardly more
than 20. 1
The chants for any other saint are likely to vary widely from source to
source, and tracing them and making sense of their patterns of transmission
constitutes one of the most interesting tasks facing chant scholarship,
St Gregory does not belong to that old established group. One sign of this
is that his feast on March 12 is simply not noticed in the Old Roman
antiphoner. Another symptom is that the selection of chants in the early
Frankish sources is variable. Of the twelve edited by Hesbert in Corpus Anti-
I On the one hand one may observe which feasts in the Old Roman office
books (see the text edition of San Pietro B 79 by Tommasi) have chants for both
Matins and Lauds (others have Lauds antiphons alone, or even fewer proper chants);
this gives some indication of situation as it might have been in the 8th-9th century.
The same feasts display some degree of uniformity from source to source in Hes-
bert's CAO: Lucy, Stephen, John Evangelist, Holy Innocents, Fabian & Sebastian,
Agnes, Purification BYM, Agatha, John Baptist, John & Paul*, Peter & Paul, Paul,
Laurence, Assumption BYM, Nativity BYM, Michael*, Martin, Cecilia, Clement*,
Andrew* , The saints marked * are of less importance and have fewer proper chants .
288 DAVIDHILEY
phonaliwn Officii, seven sources (Compiegne, the Durham ms., Ivrea, Mode-
na, Verona, St.-Maur-des-Fosses and Silos) have nothing at all. All this indi-
cates that no early archetype had been established.
Madeleine Bernard reviewed some of the main traditions in an article pub-
lished in 1977.2 The situation may be summarized as follows. Three groups
of chants turn up either as an individual group or mixed with chants from one
of the other groups and/or mixed with chants from the Commune Sancto-
rum:
1. A set of chants with texts in prose found in early German sources
(Hartker, Bamberg, also the fragments Vienna S.n. 3645 alleged to date
from the 9th century3). Magnificat antiphon at First Vespers: Beatus
Gregorius ab Anglorom, first responsory of Matins Mutato (et)enim.
I shall refer to these as the "old German" set of chants. There is a full set
of Lauds antiphons and three Matins responsories but very little else
that is proper. To fill out the full cursus one would have to sing chants
from the Commune Sanctorum, or compose new ones . So, for example,
in early South Italian sources (Benevento in CAO, MC 542 listed in
Bernard) we find a new set of nine Matins antiphons (beginning Beatus
Gregorius urbis Romanej also Hodie sanctus Cregorius migravit and
Beate Gregori sancte sedis for the canticles of Vespers and Lauds).
2. The prose office in the St. Denis antiphoner, to which I shall refer as
the "old French" set of chants. This has a full set of Matins and Lauds
antiphons but still only three Matins responsories. Magnificat antiphon
at First Vespers: Egregio beatitudinis, first responsory of Matins Iste est
de primoribus.
3. The verse office attributed to Bruno of EgisheimfToul (born 1002, Pope
Leo IX, 1049·1054).4 This is in Rheinau, and Bernard cites also a manu-
2 Madeleine Bernard: "Un recueil inedit du Xlle siecle et la copie aquitaine de

l'office versifie de saint Gregoire", Etudes gregoriennes 16 (J 977), pp. 145-159.
3 Bmno Stablein: Schriftbild der einstimmigen Musik, Musikgeschichte in
Bildern, 3, pt. 4 (Leipzig, 1975), pp . 182-3; Franz Unterkircher: "Fragmente eines ka-
rolingischen Chorantiphonars mit Neumen (Wien, Osterreichische Nationalbiblio-
thek, Cod. Ser. n. 3645 und Milnchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Vorsatzblatter in
Cgm 6943)", Codices manuscripti. Zeitschrift fur Handschriftenkunde 11 (Wien,
1985), pp. 97-109 .
4 Text edition AH 5 (1889), no. 64, p. 184.
SH BENEDICfINE THE H1STORlA SANCTl 289
Annecy and Rouen 13 .155, from )umieges, alpha-

betic notation). Viatcheslav Kartsovnik has described what appears to
be the earliest surviving source (St. Petersburg Q.v.1.30).5 Magnihcat
antiphon at First Vespers: Gloriosa sanctissimi, first responsory of Mat-
ins Fulgebat in venerando.
The situation
undoubtedly be possible fy other traditions ar-
eas ncluding combinations the three cited follow-
ing remarks concern only a group of chants found in some English monastic
sources.
Table I lists the chants as they appear in the Worcester compendium
(PalMus 12). On the right I have indicated whether a chant is borrowed from
one of the offices just mentioned, that is, the old French office and the one
by are no concordances the old German 0 Hie
in actually common German and French with
cli in Worcester different verse pieces
wh Iand which may as English, in bold
type. antiphon for 1st Vespers and the Matins antiphons are English,
as also are L-A4 and 2V-Am (but the latter uses a responsory text from the
old French tradition). Most of the responsory texts on the other hand are
those composed by Leo. Concordances with the old French set comprise the
MagniHcat Antiphon at 1st Vespers, three responsories and nearly all the
Lauds Probably the in the first use Leo's
respon where possible, adapt Leo's to the
monastIc Why he did antiphons for clear.
The there are no a\1 by Leo here.
Bernard reported Laudabile Rouen
1398 (U.155, from ]umieges). It may be a Norman composition, though, giv-
en Gregory's importance to the English, the piece is perhaps even more likely
5 Group "Cantus Inter-

nati Society in September 1 Kartsovnik is
preparing a large-scale study of Leo's of Ace Cloriosa sanctissimi.
290 DAVIDHlLEY
to be English, coming to Normandy as part of the vigorous interchange of li-

turgical materials between the two areas in the 11 th and 12th centuries. 6
Table I
WORCESTER F. 160 (PalMus XII) mentions borrowed from
"gens Anglica"
etc.
FIRST VESPERS
1V·A 8 Gaudeamus universi x
IV-R Propter intolerabiles * Leo
IV-Am 8 Egregio beatitudinis x old French
MATINS
M-I 2 Adoremus Christum Commune
M-A1 1 Glotiosa magnifid

M-A2 2 Instabat enim precibus
M-A3 3 &at cl pro omnibus x
M-A4 4 Exaudivit ergo x
M-A5 5 Ecce gens que prius x
M-A6 6t Nunc ergo nomen x
M-Rt Fulgebat in venerando Leo 1

M-R1V Beatus vir qui metuit
M-R2 2 Propter intolerabiles Leo 4
M-R1V Nec fecit proximo
M-R3 3 Videns ergo x Leo 2
M-R3V Quoniam domini est regnum
M-R4 4 Dum oraret Leo 3
M·R4V Quia misericordiam
6 The "miraculum" is recounted in the lesson Quodam tempore Traiano impera-

tor. See the edition of the Hyde Breviary by]. B. L. Tolhurst: The Monastic Breviary
of Hyde Abbey, Winchester, vol. Ill, Henry Bradshaw Society 76 (London, 1938),
Fa. 226v. It looks as if Leo's 7th Responsory, Sanctus papa Gregorius, was deliberate-
ly rejected in favour of this lesson and associated responsory. I am grateful to Chris-
topher Hohler for pointing this out to me, and for many valuable comments on
other aspects of this paper.
THE ENCLlSH BENEDICTINE VERSION OF THE HISTORIA SANcrt GRECORII 291
M-A7 7 Dominus de swnmo celo )(
M-A8 8 Quoniam non fuit dolus

M-A9 4 Quomodo multiplicasti )(
M-AtO Beatus Gregorius

M-All 2 Camales viriliter
M-A12 3 Ab adolescentia
M-R5 5 Orante beatissimo Leo 5

M-R5V Multum enim valet
M-R6 6t Vere felicem presulem Leo 6
M-R6V A domino factum est
M-R7 7 Laudabile miraculum (Rouen 1398)
M-R7V Omnia quecunque
M-R8 8 Hodie preclarissimus )( Leo 8
M-R8V Ecce vere Israhelita
M-Ac 4 Sancti spiritus dono )(
M-R9 Iste est de primoribus old French

M-R9V Hic est Gregorius
M-RIO 8 Hie in annis adolescentie old French
M-RI0V Hie itaque non sotum
M-RI I Electus et dilectus old French
M-RIIV T ercia ieiunii
M-RI2 4 o pastor apostolice )( (Leo 9 inc.)
M-RI2V Memoresto
LAUDS
L-A I 6t o admirabile old French
L-A2 3 Ad huius quoque spectat old French
L-A3 4 Eius quoque laudabile )( old French
L-A4· 8 Ipsius quoque glorie
L-A5 4 Laudemus dominum old French
L-R Amavit *
L-Ab 4 Hodie vas electionis old French
SECOND VESPERS
2V-Am 8 Iste est de primoribus (old Fr. text)
292 DAVIDHlLEY
The English pieces are given in transcription from the Worcester codex in
the musical supplement at the end of this artic1e. If one glances at their texts
one cannot help being struck by the frequency with which the composer re-
fers to the "gens Anglica". As is well known, the English were, at least in cer-
tain places and at certain times, very conscious of the fact that GregOty had
initiated their conversion to Christianity by sending his missionary Augus-
tine to England. It not surprising that in these office chants much is made of
the "special relationship" between England and Gregory.
In the older offices, England is mentioned sporadically. She does quite

well in the old German set: A. Beatus Gregorius ab AngJorum populis aposto-
Jus est appellatus (CAO 1630), A. Iste sanctus, dum pro co/Jjgendis (CAO
3433), A. Rogavitpontificem (CAO 4665) and R. Hoc beato Gregorio (CAO
6843).
To this the Italian sources add the antiphon Digne ministerium Sacrae
Sedis (CAO 2218).
Two antiphons in the old French tradition mention the English: Egregio
beatitudinis tu~ (CAO 2615) and Eius quoque Jaudabile (CAO 2624).
Least of all is Leo interested in England. None of his antiphons mentions
the English. One of his responsories, Videns ergo/Rome vir beatus (CAO
7862), tells how GregOty sees the Angle boys in the slave market, and R.
Hodie preclarissimus (CAO 6862) names him apostle of the English. Perhaps
this is why Leo's responsory texts were retained but his antiphons rejected.
As to the new English compositions, the special significance of the feast is

announced straightway in the Psalm Antiphon for t st Vespers, Gaudeamus
universi (in Worcester; in Peterborough M-A 10 is to be sing here, Gaudea-
mus universi becomes the MagniAcat Antiphon at 2nd Vespers). This may
contain echoes of the opening antiphon in the old French series Egregio
beatitudinis, itself present in Worcester:
English: old French:
Caudeamus universi Egregio beatitudinis tu~ prirconio

ecc1esie filii, triumphat un;versalis ecclesia,
ThE ENGLISH BENEDICfINE VERSTON OF THE HTSTORIA SANCfI GRECORlI 293
gaudeat speciaJius per te nobiliter instituta.

nunc Anglorum populus Ave, papa insignissime,
beatum Cregorium decus,
con versus ad Dominum, Ang/omm gloria,
cuius vita et meritum Suessorum hetitia.
in perpetuum. Sancte Cregori, terveni,
qucrsumus,
pro nostra omniumque salute.
There is one new responsoty, an interesting piece which, as we shall short-

ly see l is crucial to the dating of the "English" form of this office. It appears to
take its starting pOint the last responsory from office.
English: Leo:
o pastor apostolice, o pastor apostolicc,
o defensor ecclesie, Gregori beatissime,
confessor Christi, posce precamine
eruditor Augustini: incremcntum ecclcsiae,
presta nobis auxilium tuo rigate dogmate
Dominum Ihesum Christum. defensatae opere.
V. Memor esto congregationis tue, V. Memor esto congregationis
catholicae
adquisisti gratia Christi. dextera Dei tae
(Memor esto, being a quotation from Psalm 73, might admittedly be a

chance coincidence.)
For completeness'sake, it may be mentioned that, of the EngI ish "secular"

uses, York up a form of is offkc the 1 requITIng chants
from the Common. And not all English monastic manuscripts follow the spe-
cia1 English tradition. The diurnal Oxford, Jesus Co1lege 10, from Glouces-
ter, only Cerman French pieces, coinciding in choice with the
complete selection in, for example} Rouen 244 (from Fecamp: this represents
the mainstream Norman monastic practice a combination of the old German
I
294 DAVIDHlLEY
and French sets, with other pieces from the Common and one or two new
items).?
The music of the English office

As mentioned, the music for Leo's responsory texts is new. Either Leo's
music was not available or the English editor decided to go his own way. The
music he provided is actually more traditional than Leo's. The traditional
tones for the responsory verses are nearly always employed. And the first sec-
tions, the responds, employ traditional turns of phrase more often than Leo
does. The first responsOty may be compared in the two versions given in the
musical supplement. Standard phrases are marked according to the system of
Frere in Antiphonale Sarisburiense. The English piece uses the traditional
tone for the verse Beatus vir, but Leo does not. Leo's cadences are restricted
to D and a, while the English composer has a C- and an F-cadence as well.
The antiphons contain a few reminiscences of the old traditional melodies,
but there is much that is new. (The following features may be regarded as
more "modern": the frequency of the so-called "Gallican" cadences, the use of
both the pentachord and the adjacent tetrachord within the whole modal oc-
tave, the concentration on finalis and upper fifth as cadence notes.) In this re-
spect there is not much to choose between the English composer and Leo. In
the musical supplement the seventh antiphon is given from both series. The
English antiphon is modern in that it swings back and forth between C, d
and high g, and three of the four cadences are of the subtonal cadence, but
the opening is a traditional one. Leo's antiphon is not at all traditional.
"Gregorian" chant
It perhaps worth noting that Gregory is nowhere here cited as a com-
IS
poser of chant . There is nevertheless one moment where one of the
responsory texts comes close to doing so. This is in a responsory borrowed
by the English from the old French series:
Iste est de primoribus theologis unus, Cregorius Papa inclytus, Romulea
urbe editus, cuius doctrina fulget Ecclesia ut sol et luna. V. Iste est Cregorius,
praesul meritis et nomine dignus.
7 The York selection is tabulated, with much useful infonnation on the English
transmission, in Lilli Gjerh:1w: Antiphonarium Nidrosiensis Ecdesiae (Oslo, 1979),
pp . 164-165.
lHE ENCLlSH BENEDICfINE VERSION OF THE HlSTORlA SANCTl CRECORll 295
The verse quotes the start of the famous trape verse or introductory verse,
which one ~nds as a preface to the mass antiphoner from Carolingian times
onward:
Gregorius praesuI meritis et nomine dignus
unde genus ducit summum conscendit honorem
renovavit monimenta patrum priorum
dum composuit hunc libel/urn musicae artis
schoJae cantorum ann; circuli.
It has sometimes been speculated (by myself among others) that the insis-
tence on Gregory as the founding father of Latin chant may have been partly
due to the influence of such Englishmen as Boniface and Alcuin, filled with
just the same pious zeal as fills the antiphons of this Gregory offlce. Yet there
is no speCific mention in the English chants of Gregoty as musician.
The date of the English office

An obvious question arises: when were the English antiphons composed7
And the obvious answer would seem to be: after the office by Leo had
reached England, since Leo's office was apparently the starting point for the
English activity. Alternatively, the composition of the antiphons, on the one
hand, and the responsories, on the other, may have proceeded indepen-
dently.
To my knowledge, the oldest English source for any proper offlce chant
for Gregory is the famous 'Winchester T roper' with voces organales, Cam-
bridge Corpus Christi College 473. In this source we nnd the vox organaJis
for the twelfth responsory 0 pastor apostolice in its English form (no. 123 in
Holschneider's inventory.) As remarked above, this particular item 0 pastor
apostolice, appears to take Leo's Anal responsory as its starting point. (There
are very few organa for individual saints' offices in this source. 8 The single
8 Andreas Holschneider: Die Organa von Winchester. Studien zum altesten Re-
pertoire polyphoner Musik (Hildesheim, 1968). Inventory of the organa pp. 40-60 .
In the "Hauptcorpus" there are organa for 59 office items, mostly responsories. Apart
from 13 responsory organa forSwithun (nos. 153-165), there are only 14 pieces for
the Proper of Saints: nos. 1 14- 1 15 for Stephen, 116-119 for Innocents, 120-121 for
the Blessed Virgin Mary, 122 for Benedict, 123 for Cregory, 151 for All Saints, 152
for Iustus, 166 for John the Baptist and t 67 for Peter. There is also one added vox or-
ganalis for Denis.
296 DAVIDHILEY
item for Gregory stands out prominently.) It seems reasonable to suppose

(though it cannot be proven) that the rest of the "English" items for this
office were also already composed by the time the Winchester manuscript
was copied. But here we have a conundrum. The source is usually dated be-
fore the end of the t Oth century, and is thought to have been partly the work
of the cantor Wulfstan of the Old Minster, Winchester. 9 Leo composed his
office in the 10305 or later. If the responsmy postdates Leo's composition of
the whole rhymed office then the Winchester manuscript is later than usually
thought. OtheIWise, the incipits for the respond and the verse of 0 pastor
apostolice common to Leo's office and the "English" office are simply a coin-
cidence. (That Leo was referring to an older English composition seems less
Jikely.) A provisional transcription is provided at the end of the musical sup-
plement, which attempts to reconcile some structural differences between the
Worcester and Winchester sources of chant and organal voice, respectively.
Further discussion of the dating of the 'Winchester Troper' must clearly

await a concerted investigation of both text and music hands. It would also
seem appropriate to take up again the question of Leo's authorship of the
Gregory and other offices, for if the attributions are insecure, the matter of
dating is once again thrown open, or ceases to be a problem as far as the
'Winchester Troper' is concerned.
9 On both liturgical and paleographical evidence Holschneider (pp. 19-20) as-

signs the work of the scribe CCS 11 (who copied the organa) to the first quarter of
the t Ith centuTYj see a) so Holschneider's account of Wulfstan's activity pp. 106-109.
Alejandro Enrique Planchart, The Repertory of Tropes at Winchester (Princeton,
1977), vol. I, pp. 18 and 28-33 argues for the date ca. 996-1006 on partly different
grounds .
THE ENGLISH BENEDICfINE VERSION OF THE HISTORJA SANCfI GREGORJI 297
Examples
IV-A
i .-;j. . . . . ..;.
Gaude - a- mus u- ni - ver- si
r."
~ -:,. ......l":
ec - ele- si - e
~.
"" ""..
fi - li - i
.-
•••
gau~at
j~
... • •
spe- ci - a - li - us nWlC Anglorwn popu-Ius
, per be-a- twn (ire- gu - ri - um
71:- • • •
•cu ius vi·la .'
- et
. . .;A ...
;
m~ - ri- twn
con versus ad
i' ;
fuJ- get
do - minum
i' A •
in
,. •
per- po-tu- urn.
• • • • • II
lE
•
u 0 u a c.)
M-At
, .i- i· • ....
G1o-ri - u- sa magnifi-d
••
l" • ••••• •
v(}-IWltas Gre- go- ri - i
'1,
~ .:; .......; . .....-.. .. - ::;,-
.....
..-~
~.
... ••• , •• I1
IJuctwn relkli dit do - mi- nu tern - po - re COD - ti - nu - o. PS. Beatusvir.
M-Al
COD-sti - Iu- Ius a dn·mi-nn predi- ca - !or fiB - xi-mus.

• j ' •.
Ps. Quarcfremuenml
....
298 DAVIDHlLEY
M-AJ
• i
E - rat e - i pro om - ni- bus cu - ra gran - dis gm - ti- bus
; j •
.•. . ~ ~1'~
. ~••• ~p.
= • • • • •• • 11
~
o - ca - bat spe- ci - a - li - us pro An - glis gen - ti - !i-bus_ Ps. Dominc quid
multiplicali
M-A4
• • • .j~' ... • -9 - -
Ex su- di- vit er - go d<)-us n - ran - !em Grego- ri- urn
-.-. ?I . . • .-:
.
,'" ~'. •
et salva-vit per bap-tismum An-glo-rum ex - er- ci-tum.

..
~;1'; '- .-: ... ... .,.-. .Ps. Cum invocarem.
11
M-AS
;;: • • :--. ~
$5 • ~.
Ec- ce gens que

- ?•
~
~
prius co-Ie bat

;~
et
• !. •
i- do- la
......
mo~stra
nunc 0- r,i! ad lemplum UI:' i

--.. in ti-mo-re do-mi-ni Ps. Verba mea.
i
11
M-A'
_ i .... A:.9I. r.
• ~ .~ •• - -i i
.. ".
Nuncer-go Domendo-mi-ni Iau-de-mus mi-ra-bi-Ie
I ~ i • ;- - •• •• --;
qui di- re-Itit vi - as
if;
nlls- tras
•
u1-tra
• ;i)
ma-m
• •
.'
se-roi-tas.
~ ~.
Ps. DomiDe dominus
noSIer.
11
ThE ENGLISH BENEDICfINE VERSION OF THE HISTORIA SANcrJ GREGORII 299
M-A7
••
. .... •..
;;.- ; "
.
Do - minus de sum-mo <»10 per san-ctumGrego - ri-urn
'. ;.
11
di-la- vit fi - de- i do-nil An - glo - rum colle- gi-mn. Ps. In domioo
CODfido.
M-A7-Leo
.p .... - ... :- . ~ ,
Sex stru - xit in Si - ci - Ii - a vir c1a-rus m~nas- tc - ri - a
... -.' 4) :.- .....• • .;

. . ~ if;
. • • • • it !i
f •
et in
•
--- -- .-
- frd ur - bem sep- ti-mum in quo
i•
se fecit
•; •
rno-nadlmn. [E u 0 u a e.]
11
M-AS
•
-
j\ .'
Quo ni- am nlln
i- _g.o
fu - it
" ••• A .......
.". - ..
d.. - Ius in san-cto Gre- go-ri -
. 0
• ill j
i-de- .. IIIUle
- .
.., •
reqllies - cit
• * ••
Ps. DomiDe quis
•• 11
babitabit
M-A9
~ •.... ~? -••• iJ .......... .

Quo- mn·dll multi - pli - ca-sti tu - am deus gra- ci - am
• ij• • • • ,. • •
-
per be- a- tum fire- gn - ri-um gen- tern sal-vans An - gli cam
... .
ft- de-li
ft; •• 4* ....
banc mi-seri- cor-di-am
. . .- .....
' • • ........:. I;'
ut pos-sit ser - va - re
a.
tu - am
,c.
-
-- l ' ~
•de - VO-Ia
-....
t'*
iu - sli - ci-am.
j • j .,
PI. Dixit iniustus.

' ... 11
300 DAVIDHlLEY
M-AIO
* ..-, . .
Be-a- IUS Grego- rius
• . ' •• ~
a di- o-bus iuven-tu - tis
;' .. ?
su - e
..
.""1
t-.. ..... .;. ····I.

de-a Sill - du-it sine in-termissi - 0 -
P 'A•
ne
j
pla-I»rc:.
•
M • • • ....
Ps. Cancue...cancate.
11
M-All
~.,
Car-na-les
. .l;lr
•
••
viri-li-ter e-dornu-it
• • • •i('
• • ....
vorup.ta-tes
.. - .i! . , ~ a ...... -. .If'

et di- a - bo - [i-cas ex - pug- na- viI il - lu - si - o-nes.
?i ~ •• M ••
exultet.
-# •
Ps. Dominus regnavit
11
M-A 12
• Pi
-.. . ~.
pugoando COD-tra vi - ti - a
Ab a - dolescen-ti - a
.-••• ; ••' . • • •i . '

fa- ti-ga-ba-rur gra - vi ci- bo-rurn in - e - di-a.
~ ••••
Ps. Cancue...quia.
M-Ac
;i' .,. ~ i- - ••; .'• .L. _. ...(! M.. • . ;.

...., I rP. :z:s:
rI ....
Sanc-Ii spi - ri- IUS do - no di - fa.tus glo-ri - 0 - sus pon - n- £ex Ore-IO- ri - us
1*•• ' - l
•se - dem le- xiI
. ~ ~
.. j • •
a- pu - sto - \i-cam et
i" 1;,....
ad ft-
. '
dent Chri-sti
.. .IP.. ; l 4P. •
gen-1Cm con-va·tit
f ~~. I
An- gli-cam. E 0 U {1 a e.
THE ENGLISH BENEDIC1lNE VERSION OF THE HISTORlA SANcrJ GRECORJI 301
M-RI
·tf·c2-
of.
+
0" , P' - - - - --- -- - -- ",'J.
I!
Fm-ee
pO. ~....0 H
" "l~ So ~! ~
'~·.A
bat in ve - ne- ran do
.
du - ,bele - CUI
,~. ~ 'Il'.~
_---....- i-, ~;....... .
vo- loo - ta - ri - M PMU - per . IllS iux - la pre - cep - do.-mi - ni.
, ... "I;~ • ~ . . ." • .A. ., .. '" • • QIl ~ ... V"

Bo-.-tus vir qui me- III - it do-mi - Dum iD mm-da- lis c- ius cu - pit ni - mis.
~ lux ...
M-RI-Leo
cf· ()A-. - - - - - - - - , 4. Art
1, ~ •.,-.
~.•f. '.J ••' _.- ~;..
FuI - ge- bal in ve- DC - ran - do
pot.;»
du - plex de-
a...*- .' 5")<1ii
CUI Ore - 10 - ri
~
- 0
,~ .~i-i:~t ... oR •• poa. vs!

SO-Da - to - ri - M dig-w - !as se - CUD - dum ge - DUS se - CU - Ii
,~ t; l!~~:~~ ~ ...;F;" •
vo-loo-ta- ri- M PiW - per !as
~
• Q..d.:....---;.*-
--i- --
iux-ta
"9
* ,_
..
pre- cep - tmn
f.- -
do
>':& ~
~
-<U.~
".
,~ .... .#l ...
.-
Bc:-a-1Us
mi - ni.
vir qui ti - met do - mi-DIDII iD IIiaIHIa - lis e - ius

r.'. . . -.
,~ .. .~
cu - pit '. ni - mili. luxta.
11
302 DAVIDHlLEY
M-R12
~ •
0
-L-
J)aS- tor
....
a-pos- 10
• ...Li - ce 0 de- feD.sor
•
co-clc - si
.-."....
0 -
pas - tor
.. ~ ~ 1It. . . . ~.
a-pos- to - Ii - ce 0
~
..
de- feD.sor
.~~
co-clC - si
, ...... -. - ...,
, ..........
..Ii'f'It
e
e
"
Grego
(Jrego
-~
ri
ri
con-fes
. .. ..-. - ...
-~
cories • sor Chri
sor Chri sti
sti
e - ru· di-Ior
e·ru·di- tor
_.
... sti•
._.
• • gu- ~.
• •
-
Au ID pre sta DO bis au • xi
, .,. .., ..
Au
~~
gu- su'" . ID
.., .
pre sta
•
no bis au-xi
\' Ii !Un
..
pc:r
•
do - mi - num Ihe
~.
•
...
swn Chri slum.
, -
li
......... •••
wn per
~ ........- • ....
do- 'ini - nwn
•
Memor es - to
. .. •
con-
• gre-»- ti .
v
•
Memor es - to
-- .... •
______
~ ~ :i~ i): i:~.
,_ •••••• _. • 0...... • .......
o·!lis tu - .; 'Iuam ad- quisis . ti gra - ti· a Chri· sli ..-' -l
Pre - sta.
• •-:., --r~
Glori· a
•• , :.~, ••,
-~.. . ~
~"
.... -
/"::'. : . • ••••
... f'!-• ~ _".
.n •
pa - Iri et
• ~•• re
fi-li - 0
£"ao ~
• • " .... J . . . . ., ;'''-~
et spi-ri tu - i san· cto. Presta.
THE ENGLISH BENEDICfINE VERSION OF THE HISTOR1A SANCfI GREGORII 303
~-;. • _ j. ti'. r-~. ',.

•
y
• •• •• • ••
,"""
, ~.~ •••". r-A...,,· ~ ..,.... ..........
Ihe
-. . sum (]Jri
..,_. --- - ... ~

sum Cbri - stum.
IrA4
• . . ,..
; ;. ; •
.;
• ;a .-. ~ • • ;. S ~ . ~
' ..
Ip- si- us quoque! glo - ri - e as - cri - bi- tur quod S\Ie5oSO - rum glori- a
•
I.
U-
i-
na
•i ....
.. ----- -:
cwn sanctis hi!;
7 • .-; R .-. ;,!)
qui - t:s - c;en - ti - bus
• iJ
e- ius
~ r- ...••
pre- ci - bus
~
con -
•• •••• 11
sta - re vi - de Illr. Ps. Benedictus.
lV-Am
•
Is-
..
- •, ,..
le est
;
• ;it • ;-
do: pri-mo-ri - bus
.... j- .;i"••••
the- 0
r.
10 - gi!
~
;
u
.. .~
- nus
• .; ;
Grego-ri
.. - us
~ .,
l~? .: .. -; ? •
•
pa - pa in- c1i- IUS ro-mu- le - a urbe c - di-tus cuius doe - Cri - na
R • I;
-'•
fulget t:e-de-si- a
~ ... •
.;V,. -;
ut
. .... •
sol et
i
lu
")
- na.
• •• • • •
Ps. Magnificat.
11
"INCIPIUNT GLORIE CUM LAUDES."

CONCLUSIONS A(CAL REDACTION
GLORIA MELODY AND ITS COLLECTION OF ALTERNATING
TROPE VERSES IN THE Ms PARIS B.N. LAT. 1119
GUN1LLA IVERSEN
In the history of Gloria tropes the so-called "Gloria melody A" has a special
place. 1 Its close connection with the added trope verses and its "musical flexi-
bility" apparently made open the most unconventional arrangements,
we will see in the present study.
We shall examine the very special solution made by the person who put
together the repertory Gloria chants Saint-Martial of the
eleventh century. This repertory was written down between 1050 and 1063
in a manuscript now kept in Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, under the
shel latin 9, that a very well known and frequently studied
manuscript, which should not have many secrets left.
EVidently the cantor, or redactor, who put this repertory together har-
boured the ambition making useful, relevant presentation troped
chants for the liturgy in Saint Martial. And evidently, he was vel)' clear in his
distinction of the components he was working with. That is, the components
which scholars of today talk as , and "troped chants", "trope
complexes", meaning the units of a liturgical chants and their additions on
the one hand, and as l'trope verses", or trope elements'I, designating the
II
single verses ich coul be to a
1 double study of text and music of fferent versions trope gioria

sanctorum added to Gloria melody was presented the in collaboration
with Mme Marie-Noel Colette at the Cantm Planus meeting in Eger 1993. One con·
clusion of that study was that this Gloria in what we called its origi fOnTI!
with kernel nes to the opening Laudamus te, benedicimm

te, adoramus te, g/oriRcamus te, may be regarded a.. a "Anal composition", but one
which also constituted the basis for an ongoing process in which various other trope
verses could be added. Gunilla Iversen, gloria nctorum. Complete Com~
position or an Ongoing Process?", IMS Study Croup Cantus Planus - PapeI3 Read at
the 6th Meeting. Eger, Hungary 1993 (=Cantm Planus), ed. Lasz\6 Dobszay (Buda-
pest, 995), pp. 1·743 Marie-Noel "0 sanctomm". choix
de fonnules melodiquesi', ibid., pp. 745-762.
306 GUNIUA lVERSEN
We will also see what positions he chose to give to the trope-verses within
the chant. That is, did he use the added verses to provide an opportunity for
meditation upon the meaning of the preceding words of the chant? Or did he
use them to prepare the mind for understanding the following words of the
chant? And what did he call them?
The main collection of GJoria chants with tropes and rubrics
Let us first look at the Gloria sections of the manuscript. 2
Table 1. Paris RN. lat. 1119
fo1. 60-60v:
AD GLORIAM Psla
Rex apostolorum deus ... (mel. A)
fo1. 90 - 11 3v:
INCIPIUNT GLORIA CUM LAUDES
Gloria in excelsis - Amen (mel. A)
LAUDES DE NATIV(lTATE)
Omnipotens altissime verbum ... (1)
Laudamus te (mel. A)
ITEM ALlAE LAUDES

Laus tua deus ... (2)
ITEM ALlAE LAUDES

o laudabilis rex .. (3)
Laudamus te (me!. A)
LAUDES DE SANCTO IOHANNE EUANGEUSTA

o gloria sanctorum... (4)
2 An edition of the tropes added to the Gloria chant is under preparation by the
author, Clor;a in excelsis a I'epoque medievale. Sa presentation et son interpretation.
Etude analytique et edition des textes, Corpus Troporum, Studia Latina Stockholmi-
ensia. Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis.
JJINaPIUI\7 GLORlf I.AUDfS~; 307
ITEM LAUDES UT SUPRA

QUi indiges nullius ... (5)
Laudamu.'i (me!.
ITEM LAUDES
Laudat in exce!sis ... (6)
Laudamus (mel.
LAUDES I PAS CH A
Christe salus mundi .. (7)
Laudamus te (met. A)
Rerum creator ... (8)

Laudamus te (met. A)
Omnipotens pie rex ... (9)

Laudamus te (meL A)
LAUDES
tibi I celsis ... (10)
Laudamus te (s.n.)
UT
Rector ab potens . (11)
Laudamus te (s.n.)
LAUDES
Laus tibi ine ... (12)
Laudamus (s.n.)
lesu.
Regnum tuum solidum Psla
te sistit ...
IN ASCENSIONE DOMINI
Prudentia prudentium ... ( 13)
Laudamus (s.n.)
DE SECUNDA GLORIA
G/oria in excelsis - Amen (me!. VI.)
308 GUNIill lVERSEN
ITEM ALlAE
Decus aeterne patris ... ( 14)
Laudamus te (mel. VI.)
DE MINORE GLORIA
Gloria in excelsis deo. (mel. XI.)
Quod patris ad dextram ... ( 15)
Laudamus te
ALIAS
Sit tibi laus tria ... ( 16)
Laudamus te (s.n.)
ALIAE LAUDES
Angelico affatu ... ( 17)
Laudamus te (s.n.)
ITEM
Laus tibi sum me ... (18 )
Laudamus te (s.n.)
Sceptrum gloria sanctorum Psla
fo!' 113v-119v:
Collection of alternative trope verses (SeeTable 2)
fo!' 120-139:
G/oria in excelsis. (mel. VI)
Laus angelorum ... ( 19)
Laudamus te
AUAELAUDES
Avedeus summa trinitas ... 3
Et in terra. (mel. VI)
Lux vera rex angelorum ... (20)
Laudamus te
ALIE LAUDES
Gloria ... laudamus te (mel. VI)
Angelica iam pater ... (21)
3 Ave: Que ms
"INC1PIUNT CLORlE CUM LAUDES" 309
DE SECUNDA GLORIA
Ave deus summa trinitas ... 4
Et in terra pax (me1. VI)
Lux vera rex angelorum ... (22)
Laudarnus te
ALlAE
Quem glorificant sancti. ..
Et in. (mel. XI)
Pax salus et vita (23)
Laudarnus te
ITEM ALlE
Qua iugi voce affantes ...
Et in terra. (me\. XI)
Pax beata tuis ... (24)
Lalldarnus te
ALlE LAUDES
Quem dYes caelestes ...
Et in terra. (me!. XI)
Ut ministri domini. .. (25)
Laudamlls te
ALlE LAUDES
Gloria in excelsis deo (meI. XIV)
Qui deus et rector" (26)
Et in terra.
Quem laudant hUIl1ana.".
Pax - voJuntatis
Quae sociat homi
Laudamus te
Laudat excelso quem ...
ITEM ALlE LAUDES
Gloria - voluntatis (me1. XIV)
Credimus te una cum filio ... (26)
Laudamus te
4 Ave: Que ms
10 GUNJUA IVERSEN
Gloria in excelsis - Amen . XIV)

ITEMALlUM
Regnum tuwn sol
o summe bone prolem ...
lesu.
ALlUM
Regnum tut! solidum
Conditor generis humani ...
lesu. (s.n.)
Regnum cujus magnus ...

Per quem sublimatum semper ...
lesu. (s n.)
ITEM AUUM
Celsi c1emens Olympi PsJa
Manes tu perenne salvator ...
lesu. (s.n.)
Regnum tuum sol idum PsJa

Per te Christe sistit
lesu. (s.n.)
ALIUM
Regnum tuum solidum PsJa
Lumen aeterne qui ..
lesu. (s.n.)

rex gloriae qui es ...
Iesu. (s.n.)
Sceptrum regni nobile Psla

o rex gloriae qui es.
lesu. (s.n.)
"[NCIPIUNT GLORlE CUM LAUDE~' 311
ALIUM
Alma cuius potestas Psla
Pater domine nomen ...
lesu. (s .n.)
ALIUM Psla
Regnum tuum solidum
Decus virginum earumque ...
lesu. (s .n.)
ALIUM
Salve virgo virginum Psla
Maria virgo intercede .. .
Iesu. (s.n.)
ALIUM
Apostolorum princeps Petre ...
lesu. (s.n.)
ALlUM
Rex caelorum maris ... Psla
QUi venisti humanum ...
Tu solus. UT SUPRA
Iesu. (s.n .)
ALIUM
Sceptrum gloria sanctorum Psla
Deus aeterne rex clementissime .. .
lesu. (s.n.)
ALIUM UT SUPRA
Sceptrum cuiusnobile PsJa
Tuum benigne dominantem .. .
Iesu. (s .n .)
ALlUM
Regnum tuum sol idum PsJa
Unigenite qui semper vivis ...
Iesu. (s.n .)
312 GUNlUA lVERSEN
ALlUM
Rex omnis gratiae ... Psla
Cunctae tuae des ut ecclesiae ...
Cwn. (s.n.)
Gloria terra (me/. XIV)

Omnipotens rex sabaoth ... (28)
Laudamus tc
End of the main collection
(fo!. 39v empty)
(fol. 140-239v: proses)
fo!' 239v:
ALlAE LAUDES
Rerum creator qui pictate (29)
Laudamus te (me!. A)
can be seen from Table ,there on fol 60-60vJ first of Reg-

num prosula Rex apostolorum deus to lithe new·made apostle Saint MartiaC
ll
that is, the prosula attributed to Ademar de Chabanne. It is written together

with Ademar's special [ntro trope Saint Martial, Christi discipulus.
Our compilator eVidently chose to retain the modifications and innovations
made by his precursor Ademar de Chabannes, who in the period 1028 -29 or-
ganized the earlier trope repertory Saint Martial, as presented in the
manuscript Paris B.N. lat. 909 5
On folios 90 to 139 of Pa 1119, we find the main Gloria-collection. This is
followed by the large collection of proses Ailing up a hundred folios, entered
by another hand. After the last prose on fol 239v same hand has added
5 See .lames Grier, Libellus from St. Martial Limoges Wntten in the Time
of Ademar of Chabannes (989-1034)", Scriptorium 37 (1983), pp. t 78-204; idem,
u'Ecce sanctum quem deus elegit Marcialem apostolum': Ademar de Chabannes and
the ropes for the Feast of Saint Martial", the Moon: Festschrift Ditt-
mer, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen 53, Ottawa: Institute of Mediaeval MUSiC,
ed. Bryan Gillingham and Paul Merkley (1990), pp. 28-74; idem, "Scribal Practices
in the Aquitanian Versaria the Twelfth Century: Towards Typology Error
and Variant", Journal of the American Musicological Society (==JAMS) 45 (1992),
pp 374-427.
"INClPJUNT LAUDEs" 313
the rubric iae laudes" and the Gloria trope Rerum creator qui pietate in-
tended for Gloria melody A, as can be resumed from the neumes written by
mistake over the word Benedicimus.
Let us now look closer at the main collection of Gloria chants and tropes -
and As can be seen i 1 above, the has the
rubric Glorie cum laudes word "Gloria", in
ll
, , is
here used to indicate itself, and the , in
plural used in order to added verses/ ich we
call or IItrope plural form not as
one might have expected "laudibus" after the preposition IIcum" - is of course
bad Latin but makes good sense in spite of this, since this grammatic fault is
not very dramatic in an Aquitanian text from this period. 6
The redactor opens the Gloria-section by presenting the Gloria chant -
text and melody A without any addition, just the main chant - what he
might his "Gloria
A "Laudes de he places the
a!tissimc, followed dew; and 0
be10ngi Christmas cycle introduced by "Item
aliae laudes that is, "likewise other acclamations of praise".
ll
,
These three are the Hrst of a series of 13 trapes added to Gloria A, and
seemingly arranged according to the liturgical year, with the feasts of Nativi-
ty, John the Evangelist, Easter and Ascension speCifically indicated, and oth-
er tropes in between simply indicated with such rubrics as "item alie laudes",
"item supra", "item laudes ll
/litem ut supra"
, / / consis-
ural form.
for Ascension 13), Prudentia tium, we
secunda gl onging to the seen . Here
the another Cl namely Vatican I again I
without any additions, just the chant. After the rubric "item aliae" he gives
the trope Decus aeteme patris to be added to this Cloria melody. Then, un-
6 Jatin medieval Gunil-

la dulcis est cantica. ' Croup of Compositions to the
O~an I Cantus Planus Dobszayet 1990),
pp. 285; Lars Elfvin~L lcxicographique sur }imou-
sines, universitatis Stockholm Latina Stockholmiensia (Stock-
holm, 1972).
314 GUNILLA lVERSEN
der the rubric "De minore Gloria", "Belonging to the minor Gloria", he pres-
ents another Gioria chant, namely Vatican melody XI, here together with the
tropes Quod patris ad dexteram and Sit tibi laus. Then follow the tropes
Angelica affatu and Laus tibi summe without musical notation for the Gloria
cues. Again the rubric "Iaudes" must be interpreted as praises in plural, indi-
cating the series of trope-verses.
As we know, the medieval commentators generalIy talk about the Gloria
in excelsis as the "Jaus angelica", "Iaus angelorum" or "hymnus angelicus". In
West-Frankish trope manuscripts the words II\aus" and "\audes" are generally
used in connection with the chant, whereas in East-Frankish manuscript we
rather nnd the terms "carmen angelicum", and "versus", but never "\aus" or
Illaudes" to designate a troped chant or a trape (except in the Regensburg
trapers where "Angelica laus 'l is used in order to designate an untroped Gloria
chant)'? Actually, as Eva Odelman has pointed out in her study of the rubrics
in trope manuscripts, the word l'laus" often refers both to the Gloria chant
itself and to the chant and its added verses. In Winchester, the term I'Laudes"
refers to the troped chant, whereas in Nonantola, for instance, the word
"Laus" is used to indicate the Gloria chant with or without added verses. And
in the troper from Auch (B.N. lat. 1118)1 we find the rubrics "Laudes cum
tropis", and "Item tropus de laus". That is, "Iaus" here means the Cloria chant.
In his study of Gloria tropes Keith Falconer rather pessimistically states that
"it seems very unlikely that the term inology alone will ever lead to discover-
ies of any greatsignificance". 8
In speCific cases, however, even the observation of rubrics might have
something to tell us . So, for instance, the person who put the rubriCS and or-
ganized the collection of Pa 1119 seems to have been quite clear in his mind
that he wanted to designate nothing but the series of added trope verses as
fllaudes".
Immediately after these first eighteen troped chants, there follows, on

folio 113 verso l the collection which is our main interest here, and to which
we shall soon return. But let us just for the moment jump to f01 io 120 where1
the collection continues with troped and untroped versions of other Gloria
7 Eva Odelman, IJComment a-t-on appele les trapes?", Cahiers de civilisation me-
dieva/e 18 (1975), pp. t 5- 36.
8 Keith Falconer, Some early tropes to the Cloria, Princeton Univ. (1989), p. 7.
CLORlECUM LAUDES'" 315
chants, namely Gloria melody VI, which is again called "secunda Cloria", Glo-
ria melodies IV, Xl, and XIV: as can be seen in Table 1 above.
As for the rubrics, our redactor persistently uses the plural form to indicate
added IItaliae", aliae" iae laudes", "item aliae
On folio t 33, he presents a collection of seventeen Regnum-prosulas.

Three of these are already given in connection with thetropes to Gloria A, at
number 12 and
I
This way putting together a separate collection not un-

usual, the only remarkable thing about it here is the large number of pieces in
Pal119.
Also in the case of the prosulas, the rubrics are revealing. They are consis-
tly preceded by a neutral form name] ium", ium", a COf-
form 0 : bad but good sense and very unustlal trope
manuscripts. 9 This neutral form presumably refers to the opening word "Reg-
num", since the Gloria chant is treated as a feminine singular (e. g. JlGloria se-
cunda").
fter the as, a troped Cl chant is namel Omnipo-
tens rex sabaoth to melody XIV. This is the end of the main collection of
Gloria chants.
n all, the compiler has presen different prosulas and troped

aria chants, each troped chant cons of chan text and verses
combined in a completely conventional compositional unit.
collection ad libitum verses added Gloria A

So far, the way of arranging the troped chants resembles that in any other
collection of tropes, proper or ordinary. But in the middle of the collection,
from folio 113v to folio 119v; our cantor; or redactor, makes a remarkable in-
ovation. I have ound a si arrangement in any of the
manuscripts seen. Table 2.)
9 See e_ g. Gunilla [versen, "Aper<;u des manuscrits" in Corpus Troporum VII.

Tropes du Sanctus. Introduction et edition critique, Acta Universitatis Stockholmien-
Studia Stockholm 34 (Stockholm, 1990), 284-285, -335.
316 GUNlUA IVERSEN
Table 2. Collection of separate trope verses (Jaudes)

in Pa 1119 fo1. 113v-119v
1. Laus tua/ deus/ resonet coram te/ rex/

Laudamus te.
2. 0 laudabilis rex/ domine deus,
Laudamus te.
3. QUi indiges nullius laude,
deus trine et une domine,
Laudamus te.
4. Omnipotens pie rex/ quem laudat spiritus omnis,
Laudamus te.
5. 0 adonai, benedicte deus,

Benedicimus te. lo
6. Quem benedicunt mare et aque,
sol, luna, terra, stelle celi lucide,
Benedicimus te.
7. T e benedicit ovans angelorum celsa potestas
et mortal is homo te benedicit ovans:
Benedicimus te.
8. Cae10rum factor clemens et conditor alme,
Benedicimus te.
9. Quem polus atque pontum, tellus, veneranter adorant,11

Adoramus te.
10. Agmina quem metuunt submissis vultibus alta,
Adoramus te.
11. Quem adorant virtutes angelice,
ipsum prostrato nosmet corpore,
Adoramus te.
12. Te veneranter adorant cuncta catetva palaTUm
te tellus pe1agus laudat adorat amat,
Adoramus te.
10 Odonai ms
11 pontus stdlus ms
"1NCIPIUNT CLORJE CUM LAUDES" 317
13 . Pro nobis ]etum sumpsisti in pectore mortis,

Glorificarnus te.
14. Ut possimus consequi propitiationem tuam, 0 deus, precibus devotis,
Glorificarnus te.
15. Gloriflca caeIo quicumque redemptor in alVo,l1
Clorilkamus te.
16. Celitus eniteat tibi rex cui gloria semper,
Clorificamus te.
17. Reminiscentes
omnia tua,
deus, magnalia, -...
Gratias agirnus tib;.
18. Pax, sal us et vita omnium, deus, tibi gloria,
Cratias agimus tibi.
t 9. Ineffabilis trinitas et incomprehensibil is una deitas,
Cratias agirnus tibi.
10. Qui polum et arva

pontumque creasti,
nos audi c1ementer,
Propter magnarn gloriam tuarn.
11. Qui genus humanum cernens mersisse profundum,
ut hominem eriperes, es quoque factus homo,
Propter.
22. QUi super astra sedes ad dextram patris in alto,
rex eel i, famulis tu miserere tuis,
Propter.
13. Sanctam maiestatem tuam poscimus devote,

Domine deus, rex caelestis.
24. Caelorum sistis factor telluris et auctor,
25. Qui caelo resides mirabiliter cuncta disponens,
12. caelum ms
3 18 GUNIUA lVERSEN
26. Da pacem famulis et vitam beatam, 0 bone rex,

Deus pater omnipotens.
27. Cui omnis creatura famulatur, aeterne rex piissime,
Deus pater omnipotens.
28. Es tu principium cunctarum congrue rerum,
Deus pater omnipotens,
29. Cae1i terreque creator omniumque rex et redemptoT,

Domine, fili unigenite.
30. Omnipotens altissime,
verbum patris et genite,
Auxil iare domine,
Domine, RIi unigenite.
31. Tu quem venturum iudicem speramus,
ut iudices omnia, rex altissime,
Domine, RIi unigenite.
32 .Poscimus, ecce pater, pellas delicta potenter,

[esu Christe.
33. Tu pie, tu nobis miseris miserere, redemptoT,
[em Ch ris te.
34. Cuius est regnum solius, victoria, virtus,
tu famulis cunctis, tu miserere tuis,
lesu Christe.
35. Audi c1emens servulorum petimus preces,
qui regnas in aeternum,
lesu Christe.
36. Magnus et fortis atque terribilis,

Domine deus.
37. Patris aequalis paracliti quoque terribilis,
Dom; ne deus.
38 . QUi calcata infera attulisti cum triumpho gloria,
Domine deus.
39. Rex pacin.cus atque laudabilis,

Agnus dei.
40. Quem cecinit lohannes in c1auso viscere matris,
Agnus dei.
"!NClPIUNT GLORlE CUM LAUDES" 319
1. Non habentem maculam

A gnuS' dei.
42. Redemptor universi orb is,

Filius patris.
43. Arce poli residens dominus,
Filius patris.
44. 0 redemptor humani generis,
miserere omnibus quos redemisti,
Filius tris,
Redimeres creata sanguine tuo, aJtissime,

Qui tollis peccata mundi.
Domi deus,
redernptor Israhel,
peccata mundi,
47, 0 pie, tu veritas, via, lux, 0 bone redemptor,
toWs peccata mundi,
48. Vita sal usque tibi, celsi servator Olimpi,
toWs peccata mundi,
fortis irnmortalis,
Suscipe deprecationem nostram.
Vita, salus, bonitas, caritas, sapientia, Christe,
Suscipe deprecationem nostram.
51. Caelestium,
terrestrium
et infernorum rex,
QUi sedes ad dexteram patris, miserere nobis.
Protege servorum dementer corda tLIorum,
53. mediator, heros, tu iudex, liba, sacerdos,
54. 0 decus omnium,

tu so/us sanctl1s,
55. Cuncta regis, 0 tu pie Tex, et cuncta gubernas,
tu so/us
&
320 GUNlUA lVERSEN
56. Sit tibi laus honorque perpes, iubilatio, Christe,

Quoniam tu so/us sanctus,
57. Prolis 0 rutilis, patri coaevo,

Tu so/us dominus.
58. Tu pie, tu mitis, tu clemens tuque benigne,
Tu so/us dominus,
59. Tu mare, tu celsa, tu sanctos, tu regis arva,
Tu so/us dominus,
60. Eros poli, eros summa resides in arce,

Tu so/us altissimus.
61. Tu machine dominus, omnibus tu lux, via, sanctis,
Tu so/us altissimus.
62. Plebs tua tibi laudum carmina promit, sancte,
Tu so/us a/tissimus.
Psla Regnum tuum solidum

Manens in aeternum . . .
lesu Christe
PsJa Regnum eelsi deeus honoriAcandum

Rex pie Christe nostri
QUi bona tuae donas ...
Iesu Christe
63. Angelicis feratur manibus

laus nostra, sed coram te, rex,
Iesu Christe
64. Lumen aeternum,
karitas vera,
gloria patris,
unica proles,
lesu Christe
65. Tu rector mitis per secula cuncta manebis,
lesu Christe
66. Sator ubique potens, pie rector atque redemptor,
lesu Christe
UINap/UNT CLORlE CUM ~U.i.JLJ 321
67, Cuius sine manet sceptrumque

Cum sancto spiritu g!oria patris.
68. Solus et om ne bonum, quo nos faciemur in aevum
sancto spiritu gloria patris,
69. Exstat indeficiens per eon virtus honor
Cum sancto spiritu in gloria dei patris.
70. Da tu is pacem famulis

nobis quoque gloria
per cuncta secula seculorum.
71. Sit patri, sit nato semper decus omnis in aevo.

Amen.
72. Alme altissime,
qui regnas potentissime,
nostrorum sordes ablue
et indulge peccamina.
Amen.
we see Table our puts together: firstly differ-

ent verses to be added to the first acclamation of the chant, Laudamus te,
then he presents four verses to be added to Benedicirnus te; then four to be
to Adoramus te and so He creates a medieval "element edition",
In all, there are seventy-two separate verses/ "trape elements", and two
Regnum-prosulas in this early "element edition".
Ronnau observed this strange arrangement in his excellent study 0
Gloria tropes, but he only presented the twelve trope verses added to the
three first opening accJamations, leaving out the remaining sixty-two verses.
R(jnnau described it lieine Sammlung einzelner Tropusverse, zu-
n~chst den Eindruck von vier ineinander verschachtel ten T ropen macht".!3
However, not all phrases have four alternative verses; some have three, the
SU5cipe-phrase has two, whereas final Chri5J'te has six different
possible additions,
13 Klaus Ronnau, Die Tropen zum Cloria in excelsis Deo (Wiesbaden, t 967),
pp -66, p. er Gautier, Histoire la liturgique au Age,
Les Tropes (PariS, 1886), p. 258.
322 GUNlUA lVERSEN
In his study of Laus tua deus, Keith Falconer says that "Paris 1119 contains
a giant trape of some seventy four verses drawn from several sources includ-
ing a few from Laus tua deus". But he immediately makes the obvious remark
that "there can be no question of performing all the verses at once"/ and he
seeks an explanation for this arrangement in the Aquitanian practice of using
"wandering verses'/.14
No/ of course/ this is not /la giant trope". Examining these verses/ we can
also state that it is not the question of an economic way of presenting three
or four coherent trope-complexes belonging to the same Gloria melody. As a
matter of facti all of the trope verses used in this ad libitum-collection have
already been presented in the manuscript as parts of coherent Gloria tropes.
Our first question is therefore: Which verses from tropes already present-
ed in the manuscript did he choose for this collection~ And the second:
What textual effects might the redactor have wanted to achieve by his
choice of verses~
Table 3. Tropes on fo1. 90-113v from which

ad libitum-verses are taken:
Laus tibi domine (12) 11: 19/ 36, 37, 39, 42, 45, 49/ 57, 60*, 62, 63
Omnipotens pie rex (9) 8: 3,6/ 11, 14, 20,27, 31,44
Qui indiges nullius laude (5) 8: 4, 24, 28, 32,40, 52,55, 65
Rex tibi laus celsis (t 0) 7: IS, 25, 33, 47/ 53, 56, 68
o laudabilis rex domine (3) 7: 2,5, 18,23, 26,29, 35
Rector ab arce potens (11) 6: 8/ 9, 13, 48, 66,69
Angelico affatu(17) 5: 10 / 16 / 50 1 58,67
Laus tua deus resonet (2) 4: I, 30, 46, 51
Rerum creator omnium (8) 4: 41,43 1 71/72
Prudentia prudentium (13) 4: 17,38/64/70
Laudat in excelsis (6) 4: 7/ 12,22/ 34
Laus tibi summe (18) 2: 59/61
Omnipotens altissime (1) 2: 54/60*
Christe salus mundi (7) 1: 21
(* The trope verse 60, Tu macine dominus can be taken from either Laus tibi do-
mine or Omnipotens a/tissime.)
14 Falconer, pp. 27-28.

"INClPIUNT CUM LAUDES" 323
Let us all state that our has taken verses from

tropes added to Gloria melody A. Thus, he did not take any material from
the tropes Decus aeterne (14), Quod patris ad dextram (15),or Sit tibi laus
(16) which were added to melodies other than Gloria A. It seems quite evi-
dent that this Gloria melody was the necessary basis for his unconventional
solution.
72 chosen trope the ad libitum 29 are

four are elegiac whereas others texts or
shorter verses, like adonics taken Pru-
dentia prudentium. They are by no means taken in any discernible systematic
or logical order.
As already Ronnau stated r there are no feast-bound texts among these
verses. 15 They are indeed r'laudes praises, expressing a general laudatory in-
ll
,
vocation. Their general content makes it possible to use them for any feast of
the as can be seen ,our redactor has to use
any the trope 0 sanctDnLm (4) in the col-
lection. s not surprising, the verses of given in
this are closely tied of St John the
He many verses from the trope Laus tibi domine butr interest-
ingly enough, not its opening verse. Was that verse too closely "\
associated
with Christmas? From Omnipotens pie rex he took eight verses. From Qui in-
diges nullius lauder that iS r an Aquitanian version of the East Frankish trope
Ut possimus consequi to which we will return below, he took eight verses, 0 f
which first are also East Frankish four
Aquitanian vers
has expressively audatory invocations added to
the amations. The tied to the next chant
are directed to the the Trinity, first Father, to
ll
IIdeus r "rexll, to the creator of heaven and earth, etc. In the third part of the
chant, from Domine fili unigeniter the invocations to the Son and Redeemer
are naturally given most importance r whereas the final invocations are of
more or less doxological character. It is notable that all parts of the chant are
proVided with trope verses r and that there are so many verses suggested for
the the chant.
65-66.
16 For the studies on 0 gloria sanctorum, see footnote I.
324 GUNlUA lVERSEN
Although the majority of the separate alternative verses are followed by

the same words of the base chant as they are in the trope from which they
are taken, a certain number of them are given with another base chant cue.
The following verses have another base chant cue in the ad libitum col-
lection:
Verse in the ad libitum-collection: Trope in the main col1ection:

9. Quem polus atque pontum: Adoramus te in Rector ab arce potens: Qu; sedes
20. QUi polum et arva: Propter in Qui indiges nullius: Domine deus
21. Qui genus humanum: Propter in Christe salus mundi: Cratias
22. Qui super astra sedes: Propter in Laudat in excelsis: Qui sedes
25. Qui caelo resides: Domine deus, rex in Rex tibi laus celsis: Deus pater
caelestis
27 Cui omnis creatura: Deus pa ter omn;- in QUi indiges nullius: QUi tollis
po tens
28. Es tu principium: Deuspater omnipotens in Omnipotens pie rex: Domine fili
30. Omnipotens altissime: Domine, fili in Laus tua deus: lesu
unigenite
31. Tu quem venturum: Domine, fJl; un i- in Qui indiges nullius: Qui sedes
genite
35. Audi clemens servulorum: lesu Christe in 0 laudabilis rex: Cum
38. QUi calcata infera: Domine deus in Prudentia prudentium: lesu
44. 0 redemptor humani generis: Filius patris in QUi indiges nullius: Dom;ne 111;
48. Vita, salus, bonitas: .')uscipe deprecati- in Angelico affatu: Cratias
onem
62 . Plebs tua tibi laudum: Tu so/us a/tissimus in Laus tibi domine: Domine deus
What textual effect might our redactor have wanted to achieve through
the place of insertion into the chant? Are the added verses generally related
to the preceding part of the chant to give an opportunity for meditation up-
on the meaning of the preceding words of the chant? Or are they rather re-
lated to the following phrase to prepare the mind for understanding the
words which will follow~ Or both~
From a textual point of view, it seems that in this collection - as in West-
Frankish, Aquitanian, repertories in general - the importance of the trope
verse as introduction and preparation is absolutely predominant. Thus, the
verses chosen by our redactor for the opening acclamations are texts which
prepare the following phrase of the chant. They even paraphrase its words.
CLORlE CUM LA UDES;! 325
So, for instance, we see that the verses chosen to introduce the phrase Lauda-
mus te contain the words "Jaus", "laudabilis", '1laude", "laudat", and in the same
way, the redactor chooses for preference verses which verbatim introduce
phrases Benedicimus Adoramus Glorincamus te. (See 1.)
Of the 1 verses added the four ing acc1amations, 12 con-
tain a verbal allusion, anticipating the following phrase of the chant, whereas
only three are invocations in the style of general praise, and one, not Aquita-
namely poss;mus consequi, is exceptional, rather as a
Ut possimus (East Frankish version)

Gloria excelsis
et in pax hominibw;; bonae
Ut possimus consequi hoc,
deus, precibus devotis.
Laudanlus
Qui indiges nullius laude,
deus trine et une, domine.
Benedicinu1.' te,
Quem benedicunt et aquae,
sol, luna, terra, steIlae caeli lucidae.
Adoramus
Quem virtutes angelicae/
ipsum prostrato nos met corpore .17
As in general in East Frankish tropes, the particular verses refer back to the
of the preceding of the . This, must related
the fact tropes Gall other East Frankish are
mostly proper prosulas or at least formed in a tradition of prosula-technique.
7 An East Frankish version the trope found in Gallen, . MSS

484,381,376, 380 j Berlin Staatsbib1. MS lat. 11; London, Br. Ubr. MS lat. 19768,
and Oxford, Bodl. libr. MS Selden Supra 27. A more complete edition of the texts
appear CT edition preparation the author, footnote 2.
326 GUNJill lVERSEN
liEn tOllS les tropes propre aSaint Call sont en technique prosutaire as l'
dame Colette noted in a previous study.18

trope verse Ut possimus, which opens the East-Frankish version, re-
fers back to the opening words of the chant, and "hoc" alludes to the opening
words of the chant. The three following trope verses are formed as relative
clauses meditating over words f the chant wh have been sung,
here even echoing the verb of the preceding acclamation.
Reading the same verses according to the possibilities suggested by our

Aquitan redactor, we the fall ng version:
Ut possimus in Pa t t t 9
(Cloria in excelsis deo
et terra pax hominibus bonae voJuntatis)
Qu ndiges nul ius aude;

deus trine et une, domine,
Laudamus tc.
Quem benedicunt mare et aquae,

sol, lunar terra, stellae caeli lucidae,
Benedicimu5 te.
Quem adorant virtutes angelicae,

lpsum prostrato l10smet corpore
Adoramus te.
Ut possimus consequi propitiationem tuam j
o deus, precibus devotis

Clori/1camus te.
18 Marie-Noel Colette, "Jubilus et trope dans le Gloria in excelsis Deo", Re-

cherches nouve/Jes sur tropcs lilurgiques r Acta universitatis Stockholmiensia,
dia Latina Stockholmiensia 36, ed. Wulf Arlt-Gunilla Bjbrkvall (Stockholm, 1993),
pp. 1 19 p. 1 . CL Gunilla Bj6rkvalt and Andeas Haug, 'T ropentypen n Sankt
I
Gallen", ibid., pp. 119-174, pp. 154-157.

"INClPIUNT CLORIE CUM LAUDES" 327
In our Aquitanian version, the introductory phrase Gloria in exce1sis is not

written out Th of course, reRects general in Aquitanian tradi
tion, where the bishop's intonation is generally not written out in connection
with the troped chant and where the first phrase \vritten down is LalIdamus
te. can seen in Table 1, ourredactor consistently omits to give the into-
nation by the bishop for all the tropes added to Gloria melody A.
the Aquitanian version, verse QUi mdiges nullius laude leads the
singing of the words Laudamus tc. The verse Quem benedicunt mare et
aquae ... likewise prepares for singing of Benedicimus in Aquitanian
version, whereas it followed Benedicimus te in the East-Frankish versions.
The third trope verse, Quem adorant virtutes angelicae, is here placed to in-
troduce Adoramus te, whereas the same words are placed after and not before
Adoramus te in East Frankish manuscripts.
the usual itan version, as our redactor suggests, Ut possimus
is placed as an introduction to the last of the opening four acclamations, Glo-
rihcamus Here the word "hoc", which in is pOSition makes sense, has
been replaced by IIpropitiationem tuam", IVour mercy". "In order that we
might obtain mercy though pillos prayers, God, We glorify
Thee 11.
this version the trope} we have followed a conven ional pattern com-
bining these trope verses into a unit. Of course/ it might have been just as
possible make quite different combinations. I its 0 the present
study do not allow us to continue the investigation of the single possible
choices their textual effects, although material certainly invites fur-
ther experiments.
us the moment state that with is extensive collection 0 trope

verses - and with thiS large collection of Regnum prosulas, the cantor or
redactor provided large umber of possible ways creating new and
ever varying versions of the Angelic hymn.
Within narrow at same ime l1exibl frame the oria melo
dy A, he proVided the means for making every performance of the long and
invariable Cloria chant a constantly new experience for the singers and other
participants celebrating the mass in Saint Martial.
At the same time we can state that the somewhat controversial method
used in modern Corpus editiorls of proper tropes, presenting
the single verses alphabetically as separate "trope elements", is not new: it
was used already n the eleventh century, least by e of ollr ieval
328 GUNlllA IVERSEN
colleagues when he organ ised his collection of troped Cloria chants for the
liturgy in Saint tviartiaJ limoges.
he a beauti word by nam ng them not ele-
ments", "elements de trope", but: "laudes".
Cantus 1995 329
THE INTERACTION BETWEEN THE SYLLABIC

AND THE MELlSMATIC [N THE HYMNS OF THE STANDARD
ABRIDGED VERSION OF THE STICHERARION
ANNETTE JUNG
The on which the observations are manu-

script A 139 sup. was written the
scribe Leon Padras, while the hieromonk Athanasios supplied the musical no-
tation; it may have been influenced to a certain degree by the revisions made
to the repertory about that time by Koukouzeles. The manuscript represents
the standard abridged version of the sticherarion, the origin of which Strunk
places about 1050. This version has a fixed and uniform repertory and was
meant former types 0 which had a repertory
for a church in a particular tradition. The was ed-
ited i vo!. 11 in the of the Musicae
Byzan lidia Perria an
The is the musical I book which contain ichera,
i.e. the pieces of monostrophic church poetry that were intercalated between
the stichoi, the verses, of the Psalms; thus the name for an item of this kind
of poetry, sticheron, is a derivative of the word sticnos, 'a verse'.
A sticheron has an irregular structure, what we in Denmark call kncrk-
prosa, I translated 'broken . It consists of longverses unequal
length, number of vary from 4 longverse;
moreover, longverse can be two or more depend-
ing on 1 of the verse meaning of the is no
rhyme, meter is free. A often divided i sec-
tions by two-syllable words such as Oto. ~E9/00V. oBEV ete. regularly empha-
sized by an ornament or a melisma, shorter or longer. The final section is
often a supplication for intercession from an apostle or a saint, in order to
obtain God's mercy.
Generally, the melody of a sticheron is syllabic, with one note per syllable
closely the text, and ~genre is counted syl-
labic Nevertheless, longer f Singing on recitation
tone
The and meter invite degree of ornamen order
to stress important words or phrases in the context. One may therefore also
330 ANNEffiJUNG
find 2 or 3 notes to a syllable, or short fixed ornaments of 4-5 notes like

xeron klasma, kylisma, thematismos, or ouranisma. These ornaments are
marked with signs which have nothing to do with the flow of the melody,
but say something about the performance.
As the occurrence in the hymns of the very short, 2-note ornament, the
bareia-group, is very common, this bareia is well suited for an illustration of
the function these ornaments have in the structure of the hymns and their
close connection with the accentuation and the meaning of the text, even
though each ornament has a way of its own.
The bareia-group is marked by an oblique stroke (Ex. t, line 2), which may
be related to the descending movement of the melody in the ornament, and
which makes the group stand out among the neumes. The bareia occurs on
unaccented syllables immediately preceding the word accent, and the accent
may even be emphaSized by 2 notes or a diple put under the neume to indi-
cate length. This may be seen in lines 2, 4, 6 and t 2.
The words emphasized with an ornament are important words in the con-
text. The hymn in our example is sung on Sept. 8, the celebration of the
birth of the Virgin Mary, Theotokos, and the verb in line 6, 1tPOEA.llA.u9E,
marked with a bareia, refers to this event. The hymn describes her participa-
tion in the Incarnation in allegorical terms, but emphasizes the names for
Christ, in the genitive and accusative, by which her relation to him is made
clear (lines 2, 4, 5, 10 and 12).
The bareia also plays a part in the structuring of the hymn as the hrst ele-
ment of the cadences that divide the hymn into sections. In Ex. 1 it is found
in the main cadences in lines 6 and 14, the E-cadence bGaGFEE. In this case
the stress is on the antepenultima of the word in line 6 and the phrase in line
14. The bareia is, however, missing in the other E-cadence, aGFEE, in line 3,
but here the accentuation is different.
The two medial cadences both have a bareia as their first element, baGaa
in lines 2 and 13, and cabaGG in lines 4 and 5. The first of them Iinks the
day, 11 llJ.lEpa KUptoU (line 2), with the congregation/ 't1lv olKou~Evllv (line
13)1 to frame the content; the next links the metaphors for Theotokos with
the event of the day/ lines 4 with 5 and both ofthem with line 6.
The hymn is one of the rare hymns which has a stretch of recitation in it
(line 7), and it is obvious that such a recitation at the beginning of a new sec-
tion/ with its contrast to the slightly ornamented melody, has the same effect
as a long melisma, as it works its way towards the textual c1 imax and ends in
a short ornamentation that directs attention to the crucial word.
THE INTERACTION BETWEEN THE SYLLABIC AND THEMEUSMAT1C 331
Example 1. Ambr. A t 39 sup. fo1. Bv, Sept. 8, lohs. Monachos

, ,:/",?-
'~::I'" ::- vS
a S
w
..... a '"1 *
~[~Sl. baGF G FED
.J
u
.:. ... i:/'> \> >~/ ::;:
1] pa
""" G a
>~ .:.: .,..,. >'" ;:, ....

a ya). Al et (TOE ACl Ot •
D G
.... ~ ~f\ - \-=-", ,~ > > ";r

U/.. ,.' yap TOU f.l)(J) 'toa 0 VU!l qxnv *
G EFD g G
_ -;;- %. -;, " f\ ./ :>0 :>; > .• ~'
5 ~ KaL 1] Pl l ~AOC; 'tou AO "(OU 't'1lC; ~Q) ne; *
G be b ~ a GF EF
..;Y'r>-1oJ1"\ /.. _ \'" 7~ »
6 ElC ya o~po 0C; 7tpO E A1] )., U Of: '"
a be GE FG G bG aG FE E
.-
'--
........ -'to '\:\ r\ /,' '=' >.,
7~" K'al 1] Ka 'ta a va ).,ae; TtU All
'1 E E E E E E FG GEFG Gab a
-. ~"f"\. __ ,:;/';1
8 a 11:0 lCU 1] Of\ cl 0&
a be G E F Ga GF
(;0
.:/ > ?
1tpOl:; j,lE E 't1]v 0'0 Sov
9
E F Ga GF E G F E
':»/'-il"'l /:>; ,> ~ 1\

roc; 1:0 U j,lE 'f Cl A. OU *
GEG GF EFD
• ~Y 7~»
~cf 0 s '"
GFGa baGFG FED
-i; /.-7 >~ f):\ •• _. .:::---> > ,-("\ ¥
~ !Cm j,lO voV Cl aa XPl O'1:ov *
Gab a a G aF G
'- :;/ ~
..
\-,. >;./-..
.a
I.A w; 'tllV Ol
G b a
14 -
1tpOC; 000 "T]
a
....
a be
,:.;/ ():\ ">
pl
> .•
ex. v "toov
GF EF
J.lrov: -
332 ANNEffiJUNG
Just under a quarter of the stichera in the manuscript use longer melismata
of 6-10 notes or longer in addition to the other ornamentation. Some of the
me! smata are simply concatenation already eXisting shorter ornaments,
as, for instance, ouranisma plus thematismos, or xeron klasma plus thema-
tismos, in both cases taking advantage of their quality as a leading-on
ornament of thematismos.
Other me!isrnata are formulaic, with a name of their own, and may be
found in Koukouzeles' textbook mega ison Others again are anonymous but
stili (ormulaicj they recur regularly (as George Amargianakis has shown.
This does not mean, however, that long melismata are by nature formulaic.
Some are composed individual a free form for a particular sticheron, and
a few consist a series of repeated, elements simil to what may
found in other, more ornarnented styles.
long smata occur j of accentuation flow

of the text, but instead they make words of a particular importance stand out
against the text in general. The words are not necessarily found among
the nomina they ight any from KUplE the con·
junction yap ('for'), which the composer found suitable for his purpose.
The mel function as ordinary as i structuring the me1
ody, divide sections, are in transposit an occur itial
well as medial and cadential positions. In the initial position they generally
cover whole word; cadential they tend to fall on last syllable 0
the word.
Some of the longer, formulaic melismata can be divided into a beginning,
a m and end, it i possible some them change either
their beginning or their end so that they become more easily adapted to the
rest of the melody. And for some melismata mega ison in the redaction of the
manuscript 2458/ A.D. we told name, shape, regis~
ter in which they exist (although in practice some of these can be transposed
into another register).
Example 2 hymn Sophronios Christmas, Dec. and clear~
ly divided into two main sections by long melisrnata in lines t and 7. The
first of these is composed of small repeated ornaments, plus a cadence after
the signature wh cons of a combination of two ornaments
xeron klasma and epegerma. Both me1ismata stand at the beginning of a
section and cover a fu1l word, in line 1 an invitation to worship, in line 7
a O"T]Il£POV wh echoes stat I of old Church of Jerusalem,
Enmplcl. Ambr. A 39 sup. foL nr, Dec. 25, Sophronios
1 i'f0l
.,,r./ ,"... / ;:;;'.:'" _. ~"'>7\:!.;., 7~7oJ~~
~£ £ E E E E e E E E e EUn:
~ F EO F G FEFD FED C
-
..:.. '-w
"--5-
E E~'
\.:.:.
"''::;:: "f'\
F C 0
t;\
E"( I(U J.lo
/.,-- >1"1
vou anv ICO Pll no: po: "il.
EF 0 EF 0 G E F
-
/.0 ,. .... ..;/ >A /" :>
VE
E
»
,ClL
D
"
..-;.
EO
*
.u:mE. fiiL.r
2
t;\
:xpt
,.:..;
O"'CO 190
/.,. -
0 POl
..,/~-'"
Aa Ol .. 10
>
TOU y'£.v v'Il
- -
/.. >1"\
oal TOV I(U pl OV •
.:.:. \~ -=-.,/
C FE o FE F G EFE C 0 EF 0 0 EF GE FG
>
,,"'"
... " - L. \"';< > ~ ", :> ~" ,. » ,;;y >n ./ > >
J Ka 't~ 00l "au
/.lEV JlCl ItCl aall Ell VOL av, II :XO 0 pOl OE Cli "fE
A.COV ItpO 'tpE :XOU cn •
F E DEe EF G G G a FE 0 E F a FE DG G E F E 0
t._
4 ~
'L-l
El(
y'
itA TIT
~t'\ >
'toy Kal GUV E :X0v
"
,~» ... * 12
••1 -"
9 Kat 'tau Ta 13).t: E
'......
"".\.
, '7~ ~ ...---.:
1t0l co COli •
/.~
,..
a be a G aG F F a a a ~ G a cba
l / _. ?' /.
~ > ;::;/ >~v :>
...
\-> -
»/.--;;' / ::;/»)( &- ..........
'- ~:1" '" T -:::..- -?'>
>,-
Kill £'0 aE ~ av up vouv tE E ~ "Cl E 0 IX 1 QJ O'T}qI JlVT} 11~ O"ttl:l 0) ~
F E F a GF E FE 0 ~ J a Daaaa a a c baG G a cba
\"'" >n \~'7", - »,., /,. :::/ > ~ \ ~ ;:~I'\~; .... - ,;/
6 7n O'tE1. 7tp0<; KU "11 11 0'0) jJ.EV l4 n. 'to EV 0'01 -;E E VOV Jl" aTT} pL OV
DE C EF G aE F 0 0 F Ga a G a GFG a F EO C D G
-:-: », /'~ >../
1tap OE VE E £
FE 0 G GFEF E F'
.• /
L _l.
i7
~~
...,.....>- \" -;;-
_
~ \ ;';1"\ -~ \ r,; ./
;'>
/. ~ > .::: > >/::-
3 all !LE £ E po """'/0 ov. 15 lI('aL 7t0J<) /.lEA A.W; ).,0 XEl.l aell
a GG F G aF G a FGEF aEFED FED E F ab a GaG
~. ~
_ • ..!! .)'.. ~ ...~
S ~v~r"\ \~ /~ :;- ........ » -
t.-
8 A9' 7tpo«; 'tTJV 1)11 CA.E EJ,1 l6

:I' '" - --
Tt a XEl po 0 0 ~u "f0 oc; &x J,1a ).le; : -
EF G G Ga a F £ F aaGFG a FeE GO EP!FE 0 0
334 ANNEITE JUNG
with its processions to Bethlehem at Christmas (as has been suggested by

Christian Troelsg~rd).
The second melisma is called kolaphismos in mega ison. It is a fairly com-
mon melisma used in about one third of the me1ismated hymns, though as a
variant in hal f the occurrences.
In the textbook it is assigned to the first plagal mode and moves in a regis-
ter with a range from a to e, a fifth higher than a (Ex. 31A), but in the hymn it
has been transposed to the first authentic mode and is now, by means of an
introductory xeron klasma-group, brought to move in a register from a to 0,
a fifth downwards from the common starting point a.
The me1isma is divisible into a beginning, a middle, and an end, with the
bareia groups as lines of demarcation (Ex. 3/A). The first bareia marks the be-
ginning of the middle, the following belongs to the epegerma, and the last
follows the usage we observed in Ex. 1 and marks the end. These two parts
of the melisma are stable, but the beginning can be modified to adapt the
melisma to the structural demands.
Kolaphismos puts the weight on the last syllable of the word, in mega ison
as well as in practice in the hymn . One may therefore ask whether, from a
structural point of view, one should not see it as a shortverse with a leading-
on cadence, which in this case takes the melody back to the original first
plagal mode (Ex. 2, lines 7-8). This would be the same function as that ofthe
variation of the melisma in the middle of line 16, the last line of the hymn. In
lines 12 and 13 the combination of ouranisma plus thematismos functions as
a leading-on medial cadence, in both cases with the longest melisma on the
last syllable . In line 5 the thematismos thes-kai apothes is added to the medi-
al cadence as a leading-on element.
In contrast to kolaphismos, in chairetismos, another frequently used me1is-
ma, it is the end which may be modified. The chairetismos-melisma opens
the hymn in Ex. 1, line 1. It normally occurs in the 2. aut. and 2. plag. modes,
but all six initial occurrences in the sticherarion are in the 2. plag. In the
mega ison the melisma is framed in the leading-on element EFDG, the occur-
rence of which at the beginning of the mel isma is a guarantee that it will al-
ways occur in the same register GFGabaGFG FE. Therefore, when the melis-
ma occurs initially, the 2. plag. main signature is enlarged by an FD. This, in
combination with the last note of the intonation melody E and the nrst note
of the hymn G, forms the EFOG-element (Ex. 1, line t and Ex. 3/8).
The modification of the end consists in replacing the EFD preceding the
G of the first note of the following section by aD, when there are not
TIlE INTERACTION BETWEEN THESYL1.ABIC AND THEMEUSJVcATIC 335
Example 3.
A. Kolaphismos
Athens I v
1\'~
j
- KO
- \ -> -;;-
Aa q)tcr JlO 0 0 0 0 0
vl\'··
... ~ ~
o 0 ocr
~ /. > »
a be de d e edb c ebcbac b a
Ambr. A I 77r,
00-
L¥L
>~
..
/~ - \-1"'\ \AA. ~Js
O'T) J.1E E po o ---er 0
~ o OV
a G GF G aF G a FGE F aEFED FED
B. Chairetismos
Athens
::>
.. .
1\
•
7"» /.. h~ 7>,J > -.
~I""\-
.
... a
---pa X'cati1 at at at pE 'ttO" JlOC; 1(CXt---
o GF baGF F EFD G
Ambr. A 139 sup., Bv, line 1
.:.~ /.- P V>

a a at>
GFGabaGF G FED
enough syllables for the leading-on element in the text (Ex. 1, line 1 and 11),
in a cases the can also replaced by xeron klasma ornament.
The mel in Ex. 11 covers two-syllable word 1
I men
tioned above which represent a turning point in the meaning of the text. In
this place the position is also initial, but this time at the beginning of a new
section.
According Gisa H the chairetismos is also in asmatikon-
style, but not with the word XUtpE in the chairetismoi-genre that is part of
the Akathistos hymn. The emperor Leo VI has, however, in a personal and
336 ANNEmJUNG
elegant way utilized the melisma in a series of x(Xtp£ plus metaphors for Theo-
tokos, in an imitation of the chairetismoi-genre inc1uded in one of his stauro-
theotokia.
Melismated stichera fall on the great feasts, Christmas, Epiphany, Easter,
and Pentecost, but also on the celebration of the beginning of the Church
year Sept. 1. Then on the five feasts for Theotokos, and on feasts for mem-
bers of the Holy Family, the more prominent among the apostles, and im-
portant saints.
A high point is reached, however, in the triad ion with the Adoratio
Crucis-ceremony, the stauroproskynesis, placed at mid Lent on the Wednes-
day of the 4th week of Lent. Four highly melismated staurotheotokia by the
emperor Leo VI are sung accompanying the ceremony, and in one of these
Theotokos expresses her great agony at the cross with the words OLJ.lOl
'CEICVOV Ej.lOV ("Woe is me, my child"), in an abundance of long, elaborate,
melismata composed especially for that particular hymn - which therefore

comes very close to an aria of lament.
However, though the melismata may be appreciated by the congregation
as an embellishment of the music, comparable to the other embellishments of
the church and the service, they cannot be characterized by their aesthetic
value alone. Their function in the melody must also be taken into consid-
eration, together with their role in the broader interplay of compositional
devices.
Bibliography
Amargianakis, George, "An Analysis of Stichera in the Deuteros Modes 1-11",
Cahiers de J'Institut du Moyen-Age Grec et Latin Nos. 22-23. (Copen-
hague, 1977).
Hintze, Gisa, JlDas Byzantinische Prokeimena-Repertoire", Hamburger Bei-
trage zur Musikwissenschaft9 (Hamburg, 1973).
Strunk, Oliver, 'The Notation of the Chartres Fragment", Essays on Music in
the Byzantine World (New York, 1977), p. 68.
TroelsgArd, Christian, '1:T\flEpov and Hodie Chants in Byzantine and Western
tradition", Cahiers de J'lnstitut du Moyen-Age Grec et Latin No. 60 (Co-
pen hague, 1990).
Cantus Planus. Sopren, t 995 337
THE CHANT BACKGROUND TO ISAAC'S

CHORALIS CONSTANTINUS
THEODORE KARP
Within brief space I can offer only a condensed account of some of the prob-
lems to be encountered when investigating Isaac's use of chant in Book I of
the Choralis Constantinus. The valuable researches of Gerhard Patzig dem-
onstrated that the three books published by Formschneider, 1550-55, do not
constitute a liturgical unity and that Book I corresponds more closely to the
liturgy of the Hapsburg court and the Passau diocese than to any other. Sug-
gestions to the effect that lsaac had employed readings comparable to those
of the printed Passau Gradual of 1511 were unfortunately premature. The
topic of lsaac's knowledge of chant must be addressed from the beginning.
Assuming that Isaac had been trained in normal fashion at some church
choir, it would not have been necessary for him to have had access to any
specific written source for chant. Most of the repertory would have been fair-
ly well lodged in his memory. Furthermore, we need to recall that his experi-
ences in singing chant would have included the practice of his native region,
of Florence, and of the Hapsburg court. When searching for readings compa-
rable to those employed in his magnum opus, it is prudent to cast a fairly
wide net. Inasmuch as the Choralis Constantinus utilizes chant in an embel-
lished form, not all chants and not all passages will be equally revealing of
the forms in which Isaac knew this repertmy. What we must seek are passag-
es that contain sufhciently marked variants that forms will not be confused
with one another when present in embellished guise. Given the vicissitudes
of the posthumous history of the collection prior to publication, it is best to
keep in mind that the form in which Formschneider presents the series 0 f
Mass Propers is not necessarily indicative of the order in which Isaac com-
posed the music or even the patron or patrons for whom the music was in-
tended.
During the course of my work I studied the component movements of the
seven Masses included in Book I that cover the period from the First Sunday
of Advent through the Second Sunday after the Octave of Epiphany. I also
examined a few isolated movements from later in the Church Year that
piqued my interest for one reason or another. Each movement by Isaac has
338 THEODORE KARP
been compared to readings from a minimum of 20-30 chant sources. When

this minirnum nurnber disclosed the presence of marked variants the
chant readings; study was continued at greater depth. In some instances, a
hundred or more chant sources were consulted.
The basic results of this work can be summarized briefly.

I. Isaac is employing a Germanic chant dialect. This may seem a foregone
conclusion, hut verifkation of the assumption is only prudent. We
cannot assert that the versions of chant employed by Isaac are always
typical of German chant usage but only that one can locate German
chant sources containing readings comparable those employed.
On the other hand, the chant forms employed by Isaac often dem-
onstrate variants not characteristic of either Italian or French usage. For
exarnple, the setting the cornmunion Mirabantur omnes, utilizes
simple first-mode melody that had at early times served also as the
melody for an antiphon with the same text. Among later sources this
mel survives exclusively the German ic . For reasons
such as this, I normally weighted my comparisons in favor of Cermanic
sources.
1. The settings by Isaac do not remain consistently in accordance with the

readi gs of any the chant sources consulted, whether those created
before or during his lifetime or within a half century of his death.
3. The study was of sufAcient extent that it is quite unlikely that any
survivi ng source will eventually be discovered to correspond to the
readings employed by Isaac
4. One of the features that distinguishes Isaac1s use of chant from the
versions preserved in most sources the consistent curtailment of large
melismas in alleluias and tracts. Among Germanic sources, only Vienna
ONB MS 12865, a Premonstratcnsian source from northwest Germany,
demonstrates this late trait. It is course conceivable that chant
masters elsewhere m~de cuts in the melismas without notating this fact
in the books themselves.
Having provided a general outline of the main results of the study, ) will
treat tiny segment of the documentation. When one studies the opening
work of Book C the introit, Ad te levav;, one finds two distinct families of
readings for the opening intonation. The one given in modem chant books
begins with a downward leap h'om g to 111e other opens directly on the
THE CHANT BACKGROUND TO ISAACS CHORALlS CONSTANT/NUS 339
fourth below the final. Among Germanic sources, the second fonn of
opening is more frequent than the first. It is this form that is utilized in the
CraduaJe Pataviense, but it is the opposite form that is utilized by Isaac.
The introit Popu/us Sion, for the Second Sunday of Advent, also survives
with two major families of openings for this chant, each being dearly subdi-
visible into two. The families differ in their choice of reciting tone, while the
subfamilies differ in their choice of the opening melodic interval. Some
sources, such as Graz 807, which might have served as a model for Isaac's Ad
te Jevavi, could not have served him for Populus Sion. And other sources, in-
cluding Leipzig 391 and the CraduaJe Pataviense, that were inappropriate as
models for Isaac's Ad te Jevavi are entirely appropriate here.
The introit, Adorate Deurn, for the Third Sunday after Epiphany, also de-
serves comment. In this chant, the first and sixth degrees were both variable.
Since accurate transcription within the Guidonian gamut was not possible, a
multiplicity of notations survive. We can readily identify the family that Isaac
drew upon, but an examination of a hundred chant sources, both Eastern and
Western, has not yet disclosed an accurate counterpart to the incipit given in
the Formschneider print. Indeed, we must question vigorously the printer's
knowledge of chant and of Isaac's music. In the form known to Isaac, Adorate
Deum requires a b flat for each of the first two phrases, but not thereafter. In
the print, b flat occurs as a key signature throughout. This error was contin-
ued in the DTO with the result that we are presented with a seventh-mode
psalm tone having b flat.
The Alleluia Laetatus sum, for the Second Sunday of Advent is one of the
more instructive pieces of its kind. This chant is exceptional for several rea-
sons. It survived with two verses long after the later verses of other alleluias
had been eliminated. The two verses occur in the Graduale Pataviense and
appear in Isaac's setting. Each verse terminates with the jubilus of the aIleluia.
For this reason, many sources, including several of very early date, truncate
the concluding melismas. These, however, are attested to by numerous other
sources, beginning with the early Chartres 47. Without these melismas, the
modality of the chant is compromised.
This chant combines passages in first mode with others in third mode. Di-
astematic MSS disagree not only on the modality of the chant as a whole but
on the modal identity of key segments and on the intervallic relationships be-
tween these segments. Most often, the chant opens and closes on a, using b
flat and b natural as each passage demands. Other sources open and close on
e, some open on d and close on e, while still others open and close on d. It is
the last that is represented in the Solesmes editions and in Karlheinz
340 THEODORE KARP
Schlager's edition. This reading is documentable in a few Beneventan, Italian,

and Aquitanian sources, and is found in a solitary German source, Salzburg
a.Iv'14, from the late 14th or 15th century. It is this version that is employed
by Isaac. The composer sets a very brief AJleluia without any jubilus. The
melody rises to a minor Sixth, as is normal both in Germanic readings and in
readings from other regions. Isaac then sets the first verse without any con-
cluding melisma and overlaps this with the opening of the second verse in
such fashion that it is impossible to insert any intervening melisma. The no-
ticeable parallelism between the endings of the two verses encourages one to
infer that the second verse too was shorn of its melisma, ending simply on
the fifth degree of the mode, the degree that concludes Isaac's setting of the
opening AlIeluia.
The performance of the polyphony poses problems that brook no simple
solutions. One cannot insert the normal terminal melisma for the first verse,
and this makes questionable the action of inserting the melisma after the sec-
ond verse. Either one may return to the opening AlIeluia, amplified by the
proper jubilus or one may dispense with the return by performing instead the
well-known prosa, Regnantem sempiterna. As many will remember, the prosa
opens on the Ilfth degree, thus matching the close of the second verse in
Isaac's setting. Whereas early chant sources truncate the verse melismas at a
wide variety of points, later Germanic sources tend more and more to con-
clude just as does )saac.
The comparable lack of a centralized modality results in a variable trans-
mission for the AlIeluia Veni Domine, which shares its melody with thirteen
other chants. Isaac sets another of these, the better-known AJ/eJuia Paratum
cor meum. Here it is striking to note that lsaac treats the same melody in two
quite different fashions. Although Germanic sources tend to place the final of
the Alleluia on a, Isaac uses a version of the AJJeluia Veni Domine that is
based on e. Curiously he supports the Anal e of the opening section by a so-
nority based on a. Whereas Salzburg a.lV.14 presents a reading of Laetatus
swn that matches Isaac's practice, it is of no help with regard to Ven;
Domine. Here one must consult either Rome Angelica 1424 or the Pozsony
Gradual, Bratislava E.C . Lad 3. Whereas there was neither normal jubilus or
any substitute for it in Laetatus swn, in Veni Domine we And a brief continua-
tion follOWing the Alleluia that summarizes in vague fashion the essential
downward motion of the jubilus. Isaac's setting of Paratum cor meum places
the opening section, which had clearly been in third mode throughout the
early histOty of the chant, in first mode once transposed. The opening half
step has become a whole step, as con Armed by the harmonies, and the same
THE CHANT BACKGROUND TO ISAAC'S CHORALlS CONSTANT/NUS 341
interval is required for the cadence to the jubilus. When dealing with chant
sources it is risky assume that a ack of written accidentals is purposeful
account of the oral tradition. But onc can report that the readings of both
Salzburg a.Iv. 14 and Leipzig 391 are situated on a and lack written b flats,
By means of a broadly based search of German chant sources, one can
generally define the nature of source serving as foundation for Isaac's various
movements. Preliminary results indicate that f we are seeking a single base
source we are pursuing a phantom. Either Isaac consulted multiple sources or
he had recourse to his memory. This suggests that not even the single books
of the Choralis Constantinus were created in one sustained burst of creative
energy, but that their contents may have been collected over a period 0
time.
3 3
TONAL VARIANTS IN THE HUNGARIAN

ANTIPrION REPERTORY
GABORKISS
The examination of tonal variants of the melodic repertory found in early n -

tated sources, or treatises and tonaries belongs to the most intensively stud-
ied topics of mediaeval ism. These tonal differences interpreted, one
or another, in the context of the combination of the orally transmitted me-
odic material, showing the characteristics of an archaic tonal inking,
the theoretically conceived systems (octoechos, staff notation).
At the same time, the exam nation of the fferent modal assignments
according to traditions or the registration of their occurrences in the younger
layers of the repertory are less elaborated subjects. The preparat01Y work for
the edition of the Hungarian antiphons progress/' makes possible to
gain an overall picture of the different types and tendencies of tonal differ-
ences/ the distribution of them a fairly iform tradition, and the relation-
ship between them and other traditions. The work overlaps to a certain
exten with that of Dam Jean aire and is disciples/ 2 aims and direc-
tions of it however differ in that. We do not follow his historical conception
of the origin of tonal differences, and we do not limit our examination to the
small group of archaic antiphons. However, the application of new view-
points and the processing many Easter-European data could serve as a useful
contribution to the ier research in is field.
Against an examination of different modal assignments according to tradi-
tions question may wel be raised: can it an independent
aspect, separated from the question of melodic variants? The analysis of a
series of differently assigned, but regarding their melodic contour, identical
examples showed that from a methodological point of view such an approach
is not criticizable. While the closely-related variant forms of melodies often
1 See Laszl6 Dobszay, "Experiences the Musicat Classification Antiphons",

Cantus Planus. Paper'> read at the Third Meeting, Tihany, 1988 (Budapest, 1990),
,14
:2 e. g. Jean Claire, "Les Repertoires liturgiques latins avant ['octoechos. I. L'office
ferial romano-fra ,Etudes gregorienncs 15 ( (75); Alherto Turco, "Les repertoires
liturgiques latins en marche vers I'octoechos", Etudes gregoriennes 18 (1979), p. 177.
344 GABOR KISS
have different tonal assignments, differences of the same type may connect
to even regionally different melodies (Ex. 1).
Example 1. The relationship between tonal assignments and melodic variants

AI
STR (Kn 2)
, Vi, cl· mus st&lam I · jus no· rl · IIn· le ild · Q· ra · r. Do·mlnum. E· U· o · u · a· 8

OFM (BU 118)
-~h L'f : '
~-.-
E·u·o·u · a·Q
AnI. Monasl .
AnI. Rom.
_A_-.---_
\
BI
Jl. STR (Kn 2. MR 8) I I : .. .. .. .. ......................... .. ........... .... :~ .~.....::::::::.- -. _ _ _ .
. ---=-.C':. ~.
: 'r- c:-~--=------ ___-=+=:-f _~jf~~~::-c·~ · TI
'-. -----r~ ~ . :}.. 1;
" s.- men c.· cl . dil in ler· ram boonam ~ 81 ob · tu ' Ut lructum In pa. Ii . en . ti . a. ~ E· u . 0 . u . a . 8
11 OFM (BU 118)
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~·~·~f
~. ~-1"?---~7 ~ L ~.~ . . ... . . . . . . . ..~ . }. . . . I.....~ ... ! ...~.! E;-u. 0 ~ t...:..~
=cj
'-------~
E· u . o· u . it· 11
Cl
"
A
A
STR (Kn 2 SI r 7)
Vt· ni · 1t be-M' dj. cU pa·lris me· I
OFM (8U 1181

pal ' ej.
...... _ . / -
pI ·la rllgnum quod vobisJiaralum tsl ---
I
~.-+~~
ab o· ri . (11 ' ne mundi. E· u· o· u·a·.
-~~. ' .
.. ~---. 1-::--.-'- ~. ' -~-.:r:~

........
"
./
E· u:!· U· a· 8
A AnI . P:uavien5C
- :~. ~ ... ~~'''~~fl
~
:L~ ~L:-.....J) .
_ .~ JI
"
,~./
-- ~
E , u'O ' U' a ' 8
TONAL VARlANTS IN THE HUNGARlAN ANTIPHON REPERTORY 345
I. The relationship between modal variants and melody typology

The use of the Hungarian antiphon repertOYy categorized according to
formal, stylistic and historical considerations necessarily raised the question:
how the occurrences of the tonal variants are related to musical typology.
The answer can justify the correctness of the typology (made by Laszl6 Dob-
szay and Janka Szendrei) and furthermore, may throw light on the tendencies
or laws of the variants, and, indirectly, on historical questions - as a result of
the character of the typology.
The instances can be grouped according to the connection between given
modes. Claire's evolutionist conception based on archaic and small range
antiphons of the ferial office can not be applied to all such typical tonal transi-
tions. 3 Some of these rather emphasise the possibility of transition between
definite modes. In a large group of small range melodies we encounter fre-
quently the transition between the 1st and 2nd mode, which generally does
not go with changes in the melodic contour. While the small differences of
the melodies do not account for the differing tonal assignments, the real
ambivalence of the melodies can be proved statistically, when compared to
the typology. Namely, the instances occur in a definite group of types with-
out exception (Ex. 24). The common features of the given melodies are easily
generalizable from the skeleton forms of Ex. 3 representing the larger catego-
ries (Ex. 3). I would stress here the small range of the melodies, the important
role of the note f, which is confirmed by the strong e-f relationship ete.
These experiences are reinforced indirectly by the fact, that among the large
range melodies of the old layer using typical elements to confirm the upper
part of the ambitus, we do not encounter tonal ambivalences at all. It is re-
markable, that while the possibility of such transitions does not disappear in
the case of composed melodies still using traditional elements and formulas,
in the youngest layer of melodies their occurrences are exceptional (Ex. 4).
3 Jean C1aire, op. cit. C1aire's conception is subjected to thorough analysis and
criticized from several points of view by Liszl6 Dobszay in this volume, "Some
Remarks on Jean Claire's Octoechos", Cantus Planwi. Papers Read at the Seventh
Meeting, Sop ran, 1995 (Budapest, [997) p. 18 I .
I
.. The signs on the right side of the tables refer to the categories of the system.
In the musical classification referred to here, types represent different antiphon melo·
dies including their variant fom1s, strongly similar melodies constitute antiphon fami-
lies (represented by capital letters), and these larger categories are further divided
into subcategories (expressed here with numbers beside the letters).
346 GAB OR KISS
Example 2. Transitions between the 1st and 2nd modes

lncipit STR OFM BOH POL SCerm ARom
Prophetae t (2) 2 t 1 1 t
praedicaverunt
A porta i nferi 1 2 - t t 2
In patientia vestra 1 2 - 1 1 t
Deus a Lybano 1 2 t t 1 t t D,
Lex per Moysen 1 2 1 1 2 1
Bonum certamen 1 2 I 2 - -
Levahit Dominus 1 2 1 I - I
Levate capita vestra I 2 t 1 - t
Psallite Deo nostro t 2 1 1 1 -

-- - .. .
Deus Deus meus 1 2 t J - 1
Invocantem exaudivit 1 2 2 2 1 -
Lapides pretiosi 1 2 I I 1 1
I 2 - - 1 2 ID2
Laudemus Dominum 1
Abraham pater I 2 - 2 - 2
1(2) 2
. 1 1 1 1
Sacerdos et pontifex
In nomineJesu Christi 1(2) - 2 2 - -
Benedictus es 1 2 1 - - 1
Assumpsit Jesus 1 (7) 2 2 1-2 2*
Ascendens Jesus 1 2 - - 1 1
Unus est enim 1 2 I - t 2
Saneti per fidem 1 2 - - 1 2 1D3
Similabo eum 1 2 - - 1 I
Da pacem Domine 1 2 - 1 I -
Majorem caritatem I 2 - I I 1
In velamento c1amabunt . I - - - 1 2
Filii hominum I 2 - - I -
TONAL VARIANTS 1N THE HUNGARIAN ANTIPHON REPERTORY 347
Example 3. Skeleton forms representing groups of 1st mode

melody types
lDI~'~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~f~·~·~·~·~.~~~.~J~·~··~'~1~·11
Prophelae praedicaverunl nasci Salvalo _rem de Vir- gine Ma- ri - a.
10 3
~ • (.)
U,...
-0(.)
I • Cl
( ... 1.,• ',I.
)
Cl
• I •
• • '. • 1
ID4
f , • • '>z oc, (.) "
(. ., .......
oc, ! !:]2:"SOOIii S (.)
•
• • . . .11
Example 4. Distribution of 1st and 2nd mode assignments among
1st mode antiphons
Traditional Old layer of composed New layer of composed

melodies plus versed melodies
13% 15% 5%
The relationship between tonal assignments and morphological aspect is

much more plausible in the cases of the small range antiphons - examined
also by Claire - that hesitate between the 1st and 4th modes. Though in
these instances the tonal assignment is not a question of interpretation - we
are dealing with transpositions and definitely transformed versions - they be-
long to definite and coherent groups in the typology of both modes (Ex. 5).
A further observation emphasises the harmonic relationship between typol-
ogy and tonal variants. Among the melodies of the alternative tone we find
counter-references to the primary mode and these could well be inserted into
the system of this mode. It is especially obvious in the case of the antiphons
interpreted as 2nd or 8th mode melodies. The similarity of the differentiae
indicates not only the possibility of the transition from one mode to another,
348 GABOR KISS
but the cause of the formation of variants: the 5th-relationship between the
differentiae can not be maintained for the finals for technical reasons. In the
course of unavoidable changes, the variants become similar to the types of
the alternative tone; to formulate it in another way, they could hypothetical-
ly be inserted into the material of the other mode (Ex. 65 ).
Example 5. 1 st or 4th assignments of the same melody
Incipit STR OFM BOH POL SGerm ARom

Rectos decet 1(4) - I I 4 - IAI
Ut non delinquam I - 4-1 I - -
Clamavi et exaudivit me 4 I 4 1 - -
Speret Israel 4(1) I 4 I - -
IIlumina Domine 4( 1) - 4 4 4 1* 4B,
In matutinis 4( I) t 4 t 4 -
Quia mirabilia 4 t 4 t 4 -
Et omnis mansuetudinis 4 I 4 I - -
ExuItabunt omnia 4(2*) I - t 4 t 4B3
Appenderunt mercedem 1 4 4 4 4 4 1D4
A viro iniquo I 4 4 4 - -
In domum Domini 1 4 4 I \-4 -
Angeli Domini I 8 Tp Tp 8-Tp Tp lE
Martyres Domini J (4) 4 Tp 7 8-Tp Tp
Iste puer magnus 1(4) (7) 1 4 J 4
5 The signs of the last column in brackets refer to the hypothetical place of the
variants among the melodies of the other mode.
TONAL VARIANTS IN THE HUNGARIAN ANTiPHON REPERTORY 349
Example 6. Transitions between 2nd and 8th modes

Ai 8th mode melodies
Indpit STR OFM SOH POl SGerm ARom I

Sitivit anima mea 8 2 - - 8 2* I 8A
Contritum est meum 8(2) 8 R
Benediximus nobis 8(2) - - 8 - -
Exultate Deo 8 - ~
,
In tua justitia 8 - 2 8 4 8 8B2
Juste judicate I 8 - 2 8 2 - (2A 2 )
Visita nos Domine 8 - ~
Auribus percipite 8 - 2 8 2 -
Semen cecidit . 8 2 8~4 8* 8B3
patientia
I
BI 2 mode odies
Incipit STR OFM BOH POL SGerm ARom I
r--
Bencdic anima mea 2 8 -
Bonum est conAteri 2 8 2 2 - -
ICrcdi propter 2 8
T e decet hymnus 2(8) 8 2 2 2 8
Intellige clamorem 2 8 2 2 - - 2A 1
meum 8B I
Adjuva me 2 8 8 8 - -
Cantemus Domino 2(8) ( 4*) - - - -
Adspice in me 2 8 -"""~
Laudate Dominum 2(8) - 2 2 2 ( t *)

Laudate Deum 2 8
Some groups of antiphons show natural transpositional possibilities with-

out reference to or utionary order. first these
based upon a simple tetra ton kernel, which is tonally indifferent and can be
allocated onto different tones of the tonal system. As a consequence of this, a
given melody have its 1st, and 8th variants simultaneously
350 GABOR KISS
(similar cases are common in folkmusic practices). The ambiguity of the tetra-
ton motive sometimes shows itself within the same melody (Ex. 7/A). The dif-
ferent versions of the sources at the same time are not restricted to two differ-
ent assignments (Ex. 7/B).
Examp]e 7/A
• • • • •
I - sle pu· er
't f" •
rnagnam co· ram Do· rni . no ...
STR (Kn I)
fMI_ - or -I' or ~ . . ..... .. I··

Ip· si ve· ro in
,.,
I
va· num quer- ci . e· runl a· ni· mam me· am in . Ira· i· bunt...
POL (AnI. Cracoviense)
f /--1-1'1"- • • • A
1 • re • • 11
• • ,- • I
Example 7/8. An archaic group of antiphons
based on a tetraton kernel
Incipit STR OFM BOH POL SGerm ARom
A viro iniquo 1 4 4 4 - -
In domum Domini I 4 4 1 1·4 -
Angeli Domini I 8 Tp Tp 8·Tp Tp lE
Martyres Domini 1(4) 4 Tp 7 8-Tp Tp
Iste puer magnus 1(4) (7) I 4 I 4
Ipsi vero in vanum I 2 I 7 I -
The second group represents the transition between 7th and 5th, or in a
wider sense G and F mode. The melody frame of major character may be
transposed to either tone without a necessary change in the melodic contour.
Although we can not establ ish the primacy of either mode, several of the
transitions may harmonize with the preference of the F mode in the late Mid-
dle Ages (Ex. 8).
TONAL VARIANTS IN THE HUNGARIAN ANllPHON REPERTORY 35 t
Example 8. Transitions between G and F modes (transpositions)

N 7th mode melodies
Jncipit STR OFM BOH POL SCerm ARom
---
Caro mea 5 7 7 5 5-7 - 7AI
Me suscepit 5 -7 - - - - 7
Proprio filio suo 5 7 7 5 5·7 7 7A2
Voce mea 5(7) 7 7 - 7 7 7A3
Liberavit Dominus 5·7 - 7 7 7 - 7A4
Veniente sponso 5(7) - - - - - 7As
81 5th mode melodies

Incipit STR OFM BOH POL SCerm ARom
In conspectu angeiorum 5(8*) - 5 - 5* - SAl
Ecce jam veniet 5 - 5 5 5-7 5
Cum transiret Dominus 5 - 5 - 5-7 5 58:2
In sole posuit 5(8) 8 5 5(8) 8 -
Nazareus vocabitur (5) 5 7 7 8 -7 5 5C2
Ecce factus est (5-8) - 5 - 5 -
11. The relationship between tonal variants and traditions

After the separation of the variant problem and the matter of tonal assign-
ments questions remained open: that is, if it is possible to establish traditional
preferences, relationships between different uses, or whether or not the ex-
amination of tonal variants may contribute to the portrayal of the individual
character of a given rite _
We compared two very uniform, but, regarding their roots, very remote
rites - Esztergom and Hungarian Franciscan - with one another, then with
information from Central European traditions (for example, Bohemian, Pol-
ish, South-German, as can be seen in the tables, where the penultimate col-
umn shows the solutions of the Antiphonale Romanum ).6
6 A detailed description of the sources used for this work can be found at the
end of the article .
352 GABOR KlSS
The most consistent traditional difference presented itself in the case 0 f

transitions between 1st and 2nd modes. While the possibility of reinterpreta-
tion is clear not only from the typology, but from the sources as well, it is
striking that the difference between the Esztergom and Franciscan rite is
absolutely consistent (Ex. 2). (Though the Antiphonale Romanum [ARomJ
can not be regarded as a representative of any single use, its difference from
both the previously-mentioned rites is noteworthy.) This consistency shown
in the judgement of ambiguous melodies can be regarded as the prototype of
the relationship between tradition and typology, which, as a tendency, mani-
fests itself in other cases as well.
Example 9_ Consistently assigned antiphons

in the different traditions
Incipit STR OFM BOH POL SGerrn ARorn
Rectos decet
I I (4) - I I 4 - lA I
Ut non delinquam I - 4- I I - -
Clamavi et exauclivit me 4 I 4 I - -
Speret Israel 4( 1) I 4 I - -
lllumina Dom ine 4( 1) - 4 4 4 1* 4B1
In matutinis 4( 1) I 4 1 4 -
QUia mirabilia 4 1 4 1 4 -
Et omnis mansuetudinis 4 1 4 I - -
Exultabuot omnia 4(2*) I - I 4 1 4B3
Benediximus nobis 8(2) - - 8 - -
Exultate Deo 8 - 4 8 2 -
In tua justitia 8 - 2 8 2 8 8B 2
Juste judicate 8 - 2 8 :2 - (2A 2 )
Visita nos Domine 8 - - 8 2 -
Auribus perci pite 8 - 2 8 2 -
Caro mea 5 7 7 5 5-7 - 7AJ
Me suscepit 5-7 - - - - 7
Proprio filio suo 5 7 7 5 5-7 7 7A2

Voce mea 5(7) 7 7 - 7 7 7A3
Liberavit Dominus 5-7 - 7 7 7 - 7A4
TONAL VARJANTS IN THE HUNGARIAN AN11PHON REPERTORY 353
Namely, in some groups of antiphons it is remarkable, that the different

traditions or sources show themselves consistent even in regard to typology.
This be observed the cases of transitions between 4th, 2nd-8th or
5th-7th modes (Ex. 9). The observation suggests, that we should see not only
philological facts in the tonal assignments; but a musical consciousness be-
hind as
All of the instances together definitely show the individual configuration
of the Esztergom rite; which is strongly marked by examples characteristic
only mainly this tradition ( 10). in other cases, sources of the
rite show themselves strikingly uniform.7
Example 10. Characteristic points of the use of Esztergom

]ncipit I STR OFM BOH POl SGerm ARom
-- I --
AssumpsitJesus 1 (7) 2 2 2( 1) 2*
Virgo gloriosa I 2 - - 2( I) 2
Appenderunt mercedem 1 4 4 4 4 4
A viro iniquo I 4 4 - - -
Angeli Domini t 8 Tp - 8-Tp Tp
Martyres Domini 1(4) 4 Tp - 8-Tp Tp
Circumdantes 2 1 I 1 1 1
Domi ut 2 (3*) 1 - t (3*)
- --
Voce mea 5(7) 7
I
7 - 7 7
Liberavit Dominus 5-7 I - 7 I 7 I 7 -
-- 1"'-"""'--
Hym dicite 6 4 4 - I
4
I
4
At same time, in transitions between tones, preferences and

precedence manifest themselves, which are characteristic of wider regions. In
the case of typologically related 2nd and 8th mode melodies it is notewor-
thy, while the 2 mode versions 8th mel to be
secondary, the 2nd mode melodies take an 8th mode shape very rarely in
Central-European sources - as opposed to Franciscan codices (Ex. 6)_
7 alternatives of tables brackets generally refer to assignments found

in peripheral sources.
354 GABOR KISS
In the foregoing we have summarized first impressions of work based on

the examination of all the Hungarian sources and several Central-European
control-sources. The comparison of tonal variants with the musical typology
plausibly showed the relationship between them. At the same time the vari-
ants and the tonal assignments proved to be independently transmitted to a
certain extent. However, among the tonal variants, we found traits character-
istic of a given tradition. In the case of the Esztergom rite these may be re-
garded as coded in formation referring to a tonary in the background, which
might be and should be reconstructed in the future.
List of sources used for this paper

Hungarian sources (STR)
AntiphonaJe Strigoniense 1111 s. t 5. Esztergoffi, Bib!. Metrop. Mss.1.3 .
Antiphonale from Buda s. IS/ex. Bratislava, Archlv Mesta EC Lad.6.
Antiphonale from Pozsony (Bratislava) s.1S/in. Bratislava, Archfv Mesta EC
Lad 2.
AntiphonaJe from Pozsony (Bratislava) s.lS/in. BratisJava, Archlv Mesta EC
Lad 3.
Antiphonale from Pozsony (Bratislava) ct 487. Bratislava, Archfv Mesta EC
Lad 4.
AntiphonaJe from Pozsony (BratisJava) 1487. Bratislava, Archfv Mesta EC
Lad 4.
Breviarium notatum Strigoniense s.13. Praha, Bib!. Strahov. DE I 7.
AntipnonaJe Paulinorum s. 15/16. Zagreb, Bibl. Univ. MR 8.
Psalterium from Buda s.1S/ex. Esztergom, Bib!. Metrop. Mss.I.3c.
Antiphonale from Varad s.1S/ex. Gyor, Bibl. Semin. sine sign.
Antiphona/e Scepusiense s.1S. Szepes (Spis), Bib!. Capit. Ms.Mus.2.
Vespera/e from LeIesz 5.16. Sopron, Nat. Arch. sine sign.
Psalterium Blasii s.1S/in. Budapest, Bib!. Szechenyi Clmae 128.
Antiphonale from Zagreb s.tS/ex. Zagreb, Bib!. Univ. MR 1.
Antiphonale from Zagreb s.tS/ex. Zagreb, Bib!. Univ. MR 10.
Bohemian and Moravian sources (BOH)

Breviariwn nota turn Pragense s.13/ex. Praha, Bib!. Univ. XIV A 19.
DiurnaJe Pragense s.13/14. Praha, Bib!. Univ. IV D 9.
Antiphonale Arnesti de Pardubitz 1364. Praha, Bibl. Metrop. P 6/1,2.
Breviarium notaturn Olomucense s. 14/ex. Bmo, Bib!. Univ. R 625, R 626.
VARIANTS IN Tl'lE ANTIPHON 355
Polish sources (POl)

Antiphonale Cracoviense s.15. Krak6w, Bibl. Kapit. Ms. 47, 48.
Antiphonale s. 14. Wrodaw, Bib!. Univ. R 503.
Antiphonale 1505/t 506. Gniezno, Bibl. Arcidiec. Ms.95, 96, 97.
South-German urces (SGerm)

Bambergense 5.13. Staatsbibliothek
Pataviense s.15/1. . Univ. [ D 20.
Pataviense 1519 (i Erbe deutscher A~itte1-
alter Bd.25, ed. K. Schlager (Kassel, 1985).
Antiphonale Vindobonense 5.14. Gy6r, Bibl. Semin. Mss A. 2.
Hungarian Franciscan sources (OFM)
Franciscanum I s.l Bib1. Univ. Cod

Franciscanum II s. Bib1. Univ.
Franciscanum III s Bibl. Univ.
Franciscanum IV 5, Bib!. Univ.
Psalterium Franciscanum 5.14/1 . Bibl. Szechenyi
Cantus 1995 357
DER TRACTATUS DE TONIS DES GUIDO VON SAINT-DENIS
SIEGLINDE VAN DE KLUNDERT
Der tonis des Monchs von St-Denis Forschung

bis! on zur Verrugung. diesem
iiberhaupt wur-
Musikwissensch ich zum Teil 1 Zusam-
menfassend aus der Vorbereitung cincr Edition werden hier einige kurze Hin-
tergrundinformationen sowie in groben Umrissen der Inhalt vorgestellt.
Der Traktat ist, soweit bekannt, in einer einzigen Quelle Uberl iefert: Ms.
London, British library, Harley 281, fol. 58v-96v, einer nordfranzosisehen
ft musiktheoret Traktate aus der ersten des 14.
Oberlieferu Uekenlos unci und
ganzcn eine Ausnahme dritte Kapitel theoretischen
Teils, Angabe zu den der Kirehentone spate-
rer wurde.
Die Autorschaft geht aus verschiedenen Hinweisen hervor. Die dem Trak-
tat vorausgehenden und diesem wohl ursprilnglieh zugehorigen Hexameter
("Qui legis auctoris nomen per quinque prioraJ gramata pietoris, hie seribi
eelitus ora", fo!' 58v) weisen auf den verdeekt im Text enthaltenen Autoren-
name neinanderreihung alen der ersten ergibt
bzw. sein Inhal folgenden Werken Michel

Huglo, Inventaire, Comparaison (Paris, 36- 3 37;
Ders., "Guy de Saint-Denis"{ New Grove 7, S. 859; Erich Reimer, }ohannes de
Carlandia: De mensurabili musica. Kritische Edition mit Kommentar und Interpreta-
tion der Notationslehre, T eil l: Quellenuntersuchungen und Edition (Wiesbaden,
1972), S. 5-7; Anne WaIters [Robertson]' Music and Liturgy at the Abbey of Saint-
Denis (567-1567): A Survey of the Primary Sources, UMI [Ph.D.{ Yale University]
( 1984), Fritz Reckow, nto]ogie und Idee des
der Obergang ittelalter zur frOhc in der
Traditionswandel tionsverhalten{ Haug
Wachinger (TUbingen, 145-178; Anne Robertson,
of the Royal A Saint-Denis. Images Music
in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1991), S. 113·135{ 334-335.
358 SIEGLlNDE VANDE KLUNDERT
den Namen Guido. Auch das Explicit nennt diesen Namenj es enthalt zusatz-
lich Informationen bezUglich der Herkunft und des sozialen Status des
Autors C,Explicit tractatus de tonis a fratre Guidone rnonacho monasterii san-
cti Dyonisii in Francia compilatus", fo1. 96v). Eine Marginalie von spaterer
Hand zu Beginn des Traktats sowie die WiederhoJung des Explicits von der-
selben spateren Hand geben ebenfal1s Guido van Saint-Denis als den Autor
zu erkennen.
Externe Quellen, die die Existenz eines Musiktheoretikers namens GUido
in St-Denis bezeugen, sind nicht vorhanden . Die auf St-Denis Bezug nehmen-
den Nekrologien erwahnen den Narnen Guido zwar vielfach, jedoch ohne
nahere Angabe. Welcher von ihnen - wenn Uberhaupt einer von ihnen - der
Musiktheoretiker war, ist unrnoglich zu bestimrnen.
Die Herkunft des Autors ist somit lediglich aus in der Schrift selbst enthal-
tenen Andeutungen abzuleiten. Eindeutig wird der Heilige Dionysius durch
Guido als Patron angegeben (" ... ut patroni nostri precel1entissimique docto-
ris, beati scilicet Dyonisi , verbis in epistula ad Policarpum utar .. ,", fo1. 74r).
Weitere Indizien ergeben sich durch das Zitieren von Gesangen, die fUr den
usus von St-Denis typisch waren, im besonderen Cesange, die ausschlieBlich
zu Ehren des Heiligen Dionysius komponiert und aufgefuhrt wurden. Eben-
falls ergeben sich Bezugnahmen auf musikalische Cewohnheiten, die in !itur-
gischen QueJlen aus St-Denis nachgewiesen werden konnen, was in erster
Linie die Offiziums-diHerentiae und die Venite-Psalmodien betrifft.2
Eine exakte Datierung der Schrift ist nicht moglich. Die irn Traktat zitier-
ten theoretischen Quellen und Cesange ermoglichen einen terminus post
quem. Direkte oder indirekte Zusammenhange rnit dem Politik-Kornmentar
des Petrus de Alvernia (entstanden urn t 280-1290) und der Ars musice des
Johannes de Grocheio (Ende des t 3. Jh.) sowie die ElWahnung des Hymnus
Gaude mater ecc1esie aus dern vermutlich zwischen t 297 und 1299 kompo-
nierten Ludwigsoffi2ium lassen erkennen, dan der Traktat nicht vor dem
Ausgang des 13. Jh. entstanden sein kann.
Zur Feststellung eines terminus ante quem kommt lediglich die Datierung
der Londoner Quellenhandschrift in Betracht. Aufgrund der Charakteristiken
2. Der usus van St-Denis ist in sechs Quellen mit musikalischer Notation uber-
liefert: F-Pm lat. 384 (Graduale, fruhes It. Jh.), F-Pn lat. 9436 (Sakramentar und Gra-
duale, Mitte des I!. Jh.), F-Pn lat. 17296 (Antiphonar, 1140-1150), F-Pn lat. 1107
(Missale. 1259-1275), F-Pn Jat. 10505 (Missale, erstes Viertel des 14. Jh.), GB-Lva
t 346- 1891 (Missale, Mitte des 14. Jh .)
DER TRACTATUS DE TONIS DES GUIDO VON SAINT·DENIS 359
der Schrift ist anzunehmen, da8 das Manuskript bis spatestens Mitte des
14. Jh. verfaf3t wurde. FUr die Entstehungszeit bleibt somit ein Zeitraum von
ca. 50 Jahren offen.
AIs unmittelbare Adressaten werden die MitbrUder genannt, auf deren An-
frage hin der Traktat verfa8t wurde. Ihnen zuliebe sei das Werk in zwei Teile
gegliedert, so jedenfalls gibt es Guido an. Oer anspruchsvolle theoretische
erste Teil ist fUr die in Sachen Musik bereits vorgebildeten BrUder bestimmt.
Oer zweite TeiC ein Tonar, bezieht sich auf die Gesangspraxis und enthalt
hauptsachlich Notenbeispie1e, die fUr jedermann verstandl ich und zugangl ich
sein sollen. Bei der Betrachtung des Traktats mu8 stets besonders beachtet
werden, dal1 der Inhalt die Gesangspraxis von St-Oenis wiedergibt und auf
die konkreten Bedtirfnissen der BrUder dieses Klosters ausgerichtet ist.
Oer theoretische Teil ist eine Kompilation, die verschiedene Aspekte des
Begriffs tonus in extenso behandelt. In vier thematisch abgegrenzten Kapi-
teln werden die exakte Begriffsdefinition mit etymologischer Oeutung, die
Anzahl der ton; und ihre Bezeichnungen, die jeweiligen formalen Merkmale
sowie schlief3lich die Wirkungseigenschaften eingehend behandelt.
Oas erste Kapitel macht auf die dichotome Interpretation des Terminus
tonus aufmerksam. Die unmittelbar am Anfang zur Sprache gebrachte zwei-
fache Begriffsbestimmung bestimmt den weiteren Inhalt des Kapitels. Zu-
nachst wlrd diejenige Begriffsauffassung definiert und etymologisch erkl art ,
die das eigentliche und ursprtingliche Thema des Traktats darstellt, namlich
tonus als modus cantandi. Sie wird in diesem Kapitel nicht naher behandelt,
da eine Diskussion der verschiedenen Aspekte, die im Zusammenhang mit
dieser Interpretation von Interesse sincl, kapite1weise im weiteren Traktat
erfolgt.
Anschliel1end wircl cler Begriff tonus als eines der principia musicae oder
auch als concordantia und Basisintervall definiert. Da diese Auffassung einer-
seits fur die beabsichtigte Erorterung nicht von primarem Interesse ist, ande-
rerseits jedoch cler VolIstindigkeit halber erlautert werden mul1, behandelt
sie cler Autor im einleitenden Kapite1.
Bemerkenswert ist, daf3 sich Guido in seinem Wortlaut und in seiner Ar-
gumentation in diesem Abschnitt eng an die Ars musice des Johannes de
Grocheio anlehnt, ohne jedoch dieses Werk oder dessen Autor als Quelle zu
erwahnen. Ein praziser Vergleich beider Schriften weist in der Ausarbeitung
beider Lehren, die die Auswahl der sieben consonantiae und die Wesensbe-
360 SIEGUNDE VANDE KLUNDERT
stimmung cler Begriffe consonantia und concordantia betreffen, dennoch sub-

tile Diskrepanzen auf.
Im zweiten Kapitel wird die erste Interpretation wieder aufgegriffen, und
es werden AnzahL Herkunft und Benennung der ton; behandelt. Es fallt
besonders die dargebotene rnythoJogische Entstehungsgeschichte deT Kir-
chentbne auf: 3 Die mythologische Gestalt Szylla wird eingelUhrt und im Ver-
lauf des Textes so ausgedeutet, wie sie hauptsachlich bei Homer und Vergil
bekannt ist, namlich als furchterregendes Meeresungeheuer. Sie bringt anzie-
hende Melodien hervor, durch die sie unwissende Seeleute veTWirrt und ins
Verderben treibt. Auch erscheint Charybdis, die als Szyllas Schwester auf-
tritt. Sie solI van Szylla in einen Drachenkopf vetWandelt warden sein, urn
die Leute zu erschrecken und zu verschl ingen.
Das Besondere am zitierten Text ist die fUr die Musiktheorie bedeutende
und sicherlich fur ihre Zwecke erganzte Erweiterung der traditionellen
Version des Mythos: die van Szylla gesungenen Meladien klangen immer
wie Mustermelodien eines cler acht ton;, die wohl die lntervallcharakteri-
stiken des jeweiligen tonus enthielten. Sie waren mit den TextAoskeln
"noannoeane", /lnoioeane/l ocler /lnoeagis unterlegt. Dies schafft den Bezug
ll
zwischen dem Mythos Llnd den auf cler byzantinischen Oktoechoi-Lehre

basierenden abendlandischen Intonationsformeln und stellt somit einen Be-
zug zur real existierenden musikalischen Wirklichkeit her.
Der Autor versucht anschliel1end, den Inhalt des Mythos auf eine rationale
und wissenschaftliche Art zu begrUnden. Dies geschieht durch die Vorstel-
lung van Szylla und Charybclis als zwei gigantische Felsen im Meer. Die
Felsen enthalten zahlreiche Locher unterschiedlicher Crof3e, durch die kanti-
nuierlich Meereswasser hindurchflief3t. Dabei entstehen acht unterschiedli-
che Einzeltone, in denen je nach ihrer Aufeinanderfalge acht unterschied-
3 Der Mythos entstammt Guidos Angaben nach einem sehr alten Buch uber die
toni und ihre Herkunft. Guido kennt weder den Autor noch den Titel des Werks j es
5011 jedoch zeitlich nach Cuido van Arezzo entstanden sein: "Ut autem de octo tono-
rum arigine et eorum naminibus aliquid plenius videatur, sciendum est quod, sicut
repperi in quodam libello de tonis ac eorum origine antiquo valde, ubi et GUidonis
Micrologus cantinetur ... " (fol. 64v); lOA quo siquidem ilia, que ex predicto libello
antiquo hucusque de tonorum origine recitando magis posui quam asserendo, con-
scripta fuerint cuique auctori imputari debeant aut ascribi, certum nan habeo. Vide-
tur tamen potius quod alteri, qui post Guidonem fuerit, quam ipsi Guidoni, presertim
cum ibidem de ipso eiusque tonorum fonnulis fiat expresse mentio sub his verbis: .. ."
(fol. 65v). Ein Werk mit dem von Guido von St-Denis beschriebenen Inhalt ist heute
jedoch nicht bekannt.
DER TRACTATUS DE TONJS DES GUIDO VON SAINT-DENIS 361
liche Melodien erkennbar sind. Die Griechen sollen aus diesen Tonen und
aus den mit ihnen gebildeten Melodien die acht toni extrahiert und auf dieser
Basis ihre ganze Musiklehre aufgebaut haben. Dies erklart und rechtfertigt
laut Guido zugleich die Anwendung der griechischen Namensbezeichnungen
der tani.
Im dritten Kapitel wird jeder der acht Kirchentone im einzelnen be-
handelt. Nachdem zuerst die Obereinstimmung zwischen den authentischen
und plagalen toni durch die gemeinsarne final;5 und ihr Unterschied durch
den abweichenden Ambitus angesprochen sind, wird jeder tonus einzeln
besprochen, so wie er der RegeJ entsprechend im cantus purus Anwendung
findet; finalis, aHinalisund Ambitus sowie Mutations- und Notationsmoglich-
keiten werden diskutiert. Auf3erhalb der regelhaften Verwendung der toni
stehen die cantus irreguJares und die cantus mixti, die als Durchbrechung
bzw. Mif3achtung des Regelsystems besprochen werden.
Jedoch zeigt sich gerade an den Passagen, in denen auf die Handhabung
der Ambitusgrenzen in der frankischen Konigsabtei eingegangen wird, daf3
dieses Kapitel von spaterer Hand iiberarbeitet wurde. Die ursprungliche Fas-
sung ist nicht mehr herzuleiten. Ob die neuere Fassung der Intention des
Autors entspricht oder ob sie "fremde" Ansichten vertritt, ist mangels Ver-
gleichshandschriften nicht auszumachen.
Nach Abhandlung all er fachterminologischer und auf3erlich-formaler
Aspekte der tanus-Lehre befaf3t sich das vierte Kapite1 mit der Wirkungskraft
der tani. Auf iibergreifender philosophisch-physikalischer Ebene wird zu-
nachst der dabei zentrale Begriff passia animae, Seelenleidenschaft, er5rtert.
Hierdurch wird der Bezug zwischen den passiones animae uncl cler musica
hergestellt. Dann erst wird die Wirkungskraft der musica durch fachspezi-
fische musiktheoretische Quel1en belegt und durch Aussagen fachkundiger
AutoriUiten besUitigt. Es folgt eine Darlegung der hierbei auftretenden Proble-
me und ein detaillierter Wirkungskatalog der tani, wobei jeder tonus einzeln
besprochen wird.
Das Kapitel basiert Uberraschend doch eindeutig zum groJ1en T eH auf dem
achten Buch des aristotelischen Politik-Kornmentars von Petrus de Alvernia.
Hierdurch ruckt der Traktat in den Kontext der mittelalterlichen Aristoteles-
rezeption, besonders der Rezeption im Pariser Artistenmilieu. Diese Tatsache
la(h dem Traktat eine besondere Bedeutung fur die heutige Musiktheorie zu-
komrnen. Der Komplexitat des Inhalts wegen kann in diesem Rahmen nicht
naher aufdie Thematik eingegangen werden.
Bemerkenswert am vierten Kapitel ist zudem die Besprechung allegori-
scher Abbildungen der toni. Guido beschreibt und interpretiert acht Abbil-
dungen , die er derselben Quelle entnommen haben will, aus der er auch die
obengenannte Szylla-Geschichte zitiert. Jede Abbildung personifiziert einen
der acht ton;. Das Ergebnis seiner Interpretation der Symbalik lafh sich mit
dem Ergebnis van Guidos theoretisch-philosophischen Studien prablemlos
vereinen und soli dies auch bekr~ftigen.
Den phrygischen tonus illustriert Guido als stolz und sprunghaft reitend,
im sttirmischen Lauf mit borstigen Haaren, die vom Winde aufgerichtet sind.
Er veranlaBt laut Guido zu Wut und Raserei. Ges~nge in diesem tonus be-
wirken, weil sie bald hoch, bald tid klingen, beim Zuhorer einen heftigen
Schlag (percussio fortis). Oer mixolydische tonus, der weniger heftig ist abeT
immeThin einen Schlag bewirkt, erregt desha!b Barmherzigkeit und Mitge-
fohl, weil er so weit in die Hohe steigen kann, bis hin zum a superacuta. Da
nun laut Guido Cesange in diesem tonus gleich zu Beginn in die Hohe
steigen und weiterhin in der hohen Tonlage verweilen, wird dieser tonus
entsprechend der melodischen Gestaltung geflUgelt abgebildet. Jedoch nicht
nur geflogelt, sondern auch bewaffnet wie ein Krieger, der sich gelegentJich
harter und emster, gelegentlich schnel1er und unbekiimmerter, bald jedoch
hoher und gleichsam klagend (wie angeblich auch die verschollene Quelle
angibt) zeigt. Das Bild des klagenden Kriegers verkorpert nun den klagenden
Charakter des mixalydischen tonus, der wo hi hauptsachlich auf die hahe
T onlage zurUckzufUhren ist.
Der Iydische und hypolydische tonus bewegen den Zuhorer wegen des
angeblich haufigen Auftretens van Halbtonschritten in der Melodiebildung
zu Geschmeidigkeit und Ausgelassenheit. Oer hypolydische ist unter ihnen
der angenehmere und vergnOglicherei er EUhrt deshalb nicht nur zur Ausge-
lassenheit, sondern auch zur liebe. Wohl wei! das Herz nach der Heiligen
Schrift der Sitz der liebe im menschlichen Korper ist und in der christlichen
Symbolik ein vam Pfeil durchbohrtes Herz Gottes liebe bezeichnet, meint
Guido, daB ein von einer Lanze getroffenes Herz den zu liebe fuhrenden
sechsten tonus darstellen mull Diese Lanze, gleichsam Pfeil der Liebe, ist ge-
brochen, damit sie nicht die t6dliche Wirkung einer kraftigen Lanze bewirkt,
sondern, da sie abgeschw!icht ist, lediglich zu Verletzungen fi.ihrt und mit lie-
be infiziert. Der lydische tonus wird mit einem Schwan in der Hand abgebil-
det, weil die Melodien der Gesange in diesem tonus nach Guidos Aussagen
sehr passend mit der Su(3e des Gesangs sterbender Schwane verglichen
werden konnen. Da die Meloclien cler Gesange im Iydischen tonus zwar eine
besondere Schonheit besitzen, die Texte jedoch wahl auBerst sparlich mit
Noten oder Neumen versehen sind, wird dieser tonus im Gegensatz zu den
TRACTATUSDE TON1S DES GUIDO VON SAINT-DENIS 363
ilbrigen, jedoch seinem Auftreten entsprechend, zugleich kahl und unbe-

deckt
Auch hypodorische und hYDomixolydische die Guido
wegen der Gemachlichkeit ihrer melodischen Gestaltung sowie wegen des
beschwerlichen Charakters ihrer Melodien Trauer und Betrtibnis helVoITufen,
werden seiner Ansicht nach zutreffend allsgemalt: der zweite tonus h~1t cinen
Pfau in cler nem Pfci der Kehle getroffenen der
achte hal gezogenes Schwert.
Der dorische tonus, der gemeinhin als erhabenster angesehen wird, ist aus
diesem Grund, und - wie Guido hinzufilgt - wegen seiner Verwandtschaft
it der tugendhafter und det, als ubrigen.
ies laBt daran dan dem Kop Krone und
eine Fahne in cler Hand halt. Oer hypophrygische tonus, der ebenfalls einen
tugendhaften Charakter hat und einen ebensolchen bewirkt, wird im
Kontrast zum phrygischen, der zur Raserei fUhrt, als einfaltig, ohne zerzauste
Haare und gemachlich einem Maul reitend Seine Erschei-
nung wirkt Vergleich der des phrygischen al1sgleichend besanf-
tigend. Es ist leicht zu erkennen, claf1 dieses gemaf1igte Verhalten das tugend-
haftere von den beiden darstellt.
Jedoch konnten weder die von Guido beschriebenen, noch ahnliche Abbil-
dungen aufgefu werden, sie ich jemals existiert
haben, vorerst und MagI I da8 der die
Abbildungen zu seinen Zwecken erfunden hat, mul} in Betracht gezogen
werden, zumal seine Quel1enangabe auf1erst vage ist.
Oer T eil des T raktats Tonar. einer
gemeinen leitung, Crundlegendes zum Psalmintonation ent-
halt, erklart Guido in acht Kapite1n anhand van Beisplelen, wie Psalmodie
und Antiphon je nach tonus und manchmal auch nach meladischer Ge·
staltung reibungslos aneinander angeschlossen werden, welches Gloria Patr;
den Responsorien, Venite Invitatorien eines bestimmten
tonus wird. die Gesangsgattungen des ffiziums
und der Messe werden jeweils ein oder mehrere Beispiele in jedem tonus
angefohrt. Diese Beispie1e sind konsequent nach tonus geordnet, wabei die
Beispiele samtlicher Gesange eines bestimmten tonus Zllsammen jeweils ein
cigenes bilden.
Kommentierende Bemerkungen zur dargestellten Gesangspraxis stcigern
den Wert des Tonars. So ist Zll erfahren, daB die Initien und Medianten der
Offiziumspsalmodie, wie sie in St-Oenis gesungen werden, weitgehend an
eine allgeme und Rezitationstradition ieBen. Abweichun-
364 SIEGUNDE VANDE KLUNDER.T
gen gegeniiber anderen Br::l.uchen betreffen die mediatio-Formeln. Im vierten

tonus wird in St-Denis nur fur Ges::l.nge, die zur ersten differentia gehOren,
zwischen einem modus intonandi simpliciter und einem sollempniter unter-
schieden. Antiphonen, die den ubrigen funf SchluBformeln dieses tonus zuge-
ordnet werden, werden in St-Denis bezuglich ihrer mediatio offensichtlich
imrner auf eine Weise intoniert, die im Tonar mit simpliciter umschrieben
wird. Der Theoretiker hielte es jedoch fOr richtiger, wenn in seinem Kloster
auch fur die iibrigen differentiaedieses tonus eine mediatio auf zwei verschie-
dene Weisen gehandhabt werden wOrde, wie es seiner Meinung nach wohl
allgemein ublich ist.
Dasselbe gilt fur Ges~nge, die der dritten differentia des achten tonus zu-
geordnet werden. In St-Denis wurden die zu ihnen gehOrigen Psalmverse
offensichtlich stets auf gleiche Weise intoniert, w::l.hrend anderenorts laut
Guido zurecht auch fur solche Ges:inge zwischen einem modus intonandi
simpliciter und einem modus intonandi sollempniter unterschieden wird.
Zur Verbindung von \knite-Psalrnodie und Invitatoriurnsantiphon fohrt
der Tonar aus, dal1 bezuglich der tonus-Zuordnung einer Venite-Psalmodie
zwei Auffassungen existieren. Nach der einen Interpretation gehOren ein Invi-
tatorium und das dazugehorige Venite irnmer demselben tonus an. Das Veni-
te rnuf3 in bezug auf die tonus-Zuordnung gem:tf3 dem (nvitatorium, dem es
folgt, beurteilt werden. Die melodischen Charakteristiken der Psalmodie wOr-
den dann in einem untergeordneten Verh~ltnis zu denen der Invitatoriumsme-
lodie stehen, und ein und dieselbe Venite-Psalmodie kOnne unterschiedlichen
toni zugeordnet werden. Nach der anderen Interpretation besteht nicht un-
bedingt die Notwendigkeit, einer Invitatoriumsantiphon ein Venite im selben
tonus beizufugen. Die Venite-Psalmodie verh:1lt c;;ich eigenstandig und beh~1t
immer die aus ihrem melodischen Ablauf hervorgehende tonus-Zuordnung
bei. Sie kann im Prinzip mit Invitatorien in jedem tonus kombiniert werden.
Letztere Ansicht scheint in St-Denis bevorzugt worden zu sein.
Leider bietet die Choralforschung, vor allem im Hinblick auf die Venite-
Psalmodie und Invitatoriumsantiphonen, noch zu wenige Anhaltspunkte, urn
alle Bemerkungen im Tonar richtig deuten und werten zu kOnnen.
Dem Traktatteil sowie dern Tonarteil ist weitaus mehr Wissenswertes zu

entnehmen, als in diesern Rahmen vorgestellt werden kann. Der Tractatus de
tonis von Guido von St·Denis enth~lt, wie hier jedoch hoffentlich bereits
deutlich wurde, sowohl fur die Musiktheorie als auch fur die Choralfor-
schung viel neues interessantes Material; sein Inhalt wird sicherlich zu neuen
Untersuchungen anregen.
TRACTATUS DE TONIS DES GUIDO VON SAINf-DENIS 365
Guido von Saint-Denis, Tractatus ton is

Proemium pars
Capitulum primum:
Quot modis accipiatur tonus in musica et quid sit vel unde dicatur
Begr;ffsbestimmung des Terminus tonus
Die dichotome nterpretation erminus tonus:
A.I tonus als modus cantandi (gr. tropus oder tropOSi lat. conversio)
diverse Definitionen
etymologische Deutung nach tonando odcr intonando
8./ tonus als einer cler principia musicae oder concordantiae
I
namlich s concordant;a proportiolle sexquioctava consistens

Exkurs concordantiae und consonantiae Vertiefung der wei-
teren Traktat keine Rolle spielenden zweiten Interpretation:
allgemeine Bctrachtung Begri son us oder consonantia als
Sondcrform
Unterschied zwischen consonantia und concordantia
Anzahl der consonantiae und concordantiae
Erlauterung einzelnen concordantiae
tonus (etymologisch von gr. ptongos (Iat. sonus) oder tonando)
- semiton;um oder semitonus
-- semitonium maius
- semitonium minus
musica ficta (Exkurs)
- semiditonus
diatessaron
diapente
diapason
hierarchische Gliederung zwischen concordantiae und consonantiae
die tdeckunglj der concordantiae oder principia musicae durch
Pythagoras
Capitulum secundum:
Quat sunt toni et qUibus nominibus a musicis et philosophis appellantur
Anzahl, Herkunft und Benennung der toni
Festlegung der Anzahl der toni (in frtiher Zeit aus 4 zu 8 entwickelt)
- musikhistorische Hintergrtinde:
Einfuhrung in die Fachtermino)ogie (Tonbuchstaben, Solmisations-
silben und Tonstufen)
Anzahl und Funktion der finales und affinales
Entwicklung von 8 aus 4 toni aufgrund der finales
- mythologische Hintergrunde:
- Die Herkun ft der 8 toni
- Die Benennung der 8 toni
Exkurs aber die Zuverlassigkeit und Autorschaft der zu diesem Thema
herangezogenen Quelle
Bestatigung cler Anzahl und Benennung cler ton; aufgrund musiktheoretischer
Schriften
alternative Benennungen
Capitulum tertium:
De natura tonorum et distinctione eorum
Beschreibung und Verg]eich der toni

Generelle Obereinkunft zwischen authentischen uncl plagalen toni
Genereller Umerschiecl zwischen authentischen uncl plagalen toni
Inclividuelle Beschreibung def einzelnen toni (die Regel fur cantus pur;)
- primus tonus
- secundus tonus
- tertius tonus
- quartus tonus
- quintus tonus
- sextus tonus
- septimus tonus
- octavus tonus
Besprechung cler cantus irregulares (der Ausnahme fUr cantus puri)
Besprechung cler cantus mixti
TRACTATUS DE GUIDO VON SAINT-DEN] 367
Capitulum quartum:
De proprietate et effectu seu virtute tonorom
Die Wirkungskraft der ton;
die toni dispon Seelen der Zuhorer, pass;o-
nes ihnen und k<>n zur guten beitragen
osophisch-physikal des Begri ffes
zwischen passiones musica
cler Musikauffassung
tischer Seite
Ansatz zu einern detaillierten Wirkungskatalog: Darlegung cler Problernatik
Wirkungskata]og der einze1nen toni
tertius tonus
- septimus tonus
et sextus tonus
et octavus tonus
et quartus tonus
Die kompositionstechnischen Konsequenzen musikali-
Wirkungskraft
Secunda pars
Capitulum primum (. .. octavum),
in quo ponuntur exempla de primo (. .. octavo) tono
mit dazugehoriger
ffiziumsges:inge:
(nach fferenzen geordnet)
Responsorien
- Invitatorien
- Hymnen
Messegesange:
Introiten (nach eventuellen Differenzen geordnet)
- Gradualien
Alleluya-Gesange
quintus und sextus)
- Cornmunio-Gesange
Cantus Planus. Sopron, t 995 369
THE AKATHISTOS ONCE AGAIN

A STUDY BASED ON BALKAN MUSICAL SOURCES
SVETLANA KUJUMDZIEVA
For J~rgen Raasted

The Akathistos - meaning standing, not Sitting, when it is performed- is one
of the most famous Kontakion Hymns of the Eastern Church. The Synaxa-
rium (the book containing the lives of the saints) connects its origin with the
miraculous liberation of Constantinople from siege: once in 626, and twice
more in 677 under Constantine Pogonatus, and in 718 under Leo the Isauri-
an. 1 And because it was believed that the Virgin herself had saved the city,
the Akathistos Hymn became a song of victory in honour of the Theotokos.
Byzantine piety accorded it the foremost place in Marian devotion, and it has
held a unique place in Eastern Christian worship right up to the present. The
Akathistos Kontakion is the only one which escaped the liturgical reform of
the 9th century, by which the size of kontakia was reduced from 24 or more
stanzas to just 2: the prooemium and the Arst stanza .
The Akathistos developed an Office of its own. The first neumated chants
of the whole Office, actually designated as belonging to the Akathistos Of-
fice, are to be found in sources from the second half of the 17th century
onwards . This is the age of the early Renaissance or the so-called National
Revival on the Balkans, the time from which we have neumated records of
the entire orthodox repertory throughout the course of the church year, in
Greek and Slavonic. As is well known, during the Middle Ages the greater
part of this repertory was transmitted orally. The early Renaissance is thus of
great importance on the Balkans. It may provide us with a key for under-
standing, on the one hand, many aspects of the entire development of East-
ern Orthodox mUSiC, and on the other the transition from an oral to a written
(neumated) practice, from both the composer's and performer's point of view.
The chants of the Akathistos Office from the Renaissance onwards have one
and the same unvarying order in the manuscript sources, in particular in the
anthologies. It is, however, difficult to say when exactly the whole Akathistos
was established.
1 E. Wellesz, "The Akathistos-Hymn", Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae, vol. 9

(Copenhagen, 1957), p. viii.
370 SVETlANA KUJUMDZIEVA
The Akathistos Kontakion in Byzantine-Slavic music, in particular, has

been swdied by a number of scholars, such as Egon Wellesz,l who investigat-
ed its earliest South Italian neumated records from the 13th and first half of
the 14th centuries, Cabor Devai,3 who discussed its prooemia according to
five Byzantine manuscripts from the t 8th and 19th centuries preserved in
Hungarian libraries, and Antonina Filonov Gove,4 who compared the Byzan-
tine Kontakion with its old Slavonic translation in Slavic Kontakaria from the
11 th to the 13th centuries. s The present contribution concerns the presenta-
tion of the neumated tradition of the Akathistos and its music as found in Bal-
kan musical sources, and in particular its prooemia, with the introductory
chant for the whole Office. First of all I wish to recall some basic structural
aspects of the Akathistos Kontakion, and its liturgical background, in order
to appreciate those qualities which have ensured its preservation in its entire-
ty down to the present day.
Structurally the Akathistos consists of 24 stanzas (oikoi), numbered even

and odd, respectively short and long. Each long stanza bears the title "oikos"
2 Ibid. See also "The Akathistos: A Study in Byzantine Hymnography", Dumbar-

ton Oaks Papers9-10 (1956), pp. 141-175.
3 C. Devai, "Akathistos-Prooemia in Byzantine Musical Manuscripts in Hunga-
ry", Studies in Eastern Chant 1 (New York, 1966), pp. 1-8.
4 A. Filonov Gove, The Slavic Akathistos Hymn: A Comparative Study of a Byz-
antine Kontakion and Its Old Church Slavonic Translation, Ph.D . Diss., Harvard
University (Cambridge, Mass., 1967). The Akathistos in the practice of the Latin
church has also been studied. According to M. Huglo an ancient Latin version is
known (Cod. Paris, Bibliotheque Mazarine 693) from the end of the 11th or the
beginning of the 12th century. See E. Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and
Hymnography(Oxford, 1961), p. 196.
5 By the very beginning of the 14th century (around 1300) the Akathistos ap-
peared as a theme in fresco decorations in different orthodox churches, and has con-
sequently been studied by art historians. See N. Patterson Sevcenko, "Icons in the
Liturgy", Dumbarton Oaks Papers 45 (1991), pp. 45-49.
6 The stanzas are linked by an alphabetic acrostic. The first twelve treat of the
Incarnation and the Infancy of Christ, starting with the Annunciation (1st oikos) and
ending with the Flight into Egypt (6th oikos). It has been suggested that this is the
oldest layer of the Akathistos. The other twelve stanzas, probably a later addition, al-
ternate between the praise of God and his Mother. See: New Catholic Encyclope-
dia, vol. 1 (Washington D.C, 1967,) p. 228 .; Mother Mary and Archimandrite
Kallistos Ware, The Lenten T riodion (London-Boston, 1978), p. 54; Wellesz, 'The
Akathistos-Hymn", p. xx.
THE Ai<ATHISTOS ONCE AGAIN 371
and the short one "kontakion".6 One of the peculiar features of the Akathi-
stos is the addition to the long, odd-numbered stanzas of a salutation (cheire-
tismos) to the Virgin. The Hymn has 12 such salutations, known as Marian
acdamations.7 The latter serve as an unvarying refrain after every odd stanza
- "XatpE" or "Hail, Unwedded Bride". There is another refrain following the
short stanzas or kontakia: "Alleluia". The two refrains of the Akathistos may
have been motivated by the dual themes of the Hymn: the mystery of the
Virgin birth and the mystery of the manifestation of God.
The stanzas are preceded by an introductory prooemium (koukoulion) of
independent metrical design, with the Arst refrain "Hail".8 This prooemium
serves to link the Hymn with the Gospel passage on which it is based. 9 The
Akathistos has two prooemia: In...
'\HttPll2.X41 (To the Invincible Leader), a
hymn of thanksgiving to the Virgin for the delivery of Constantinople from
siege, marked in the sources as "kontakion", and nL1IPOOmxe.tY (Receiving
Secretly the Command), a prelude to the story of the Incarnation, marked as
"troparion".IO It has been conjectured by P. F. Krypiakiewicz that the original
prooemium was the second one, T6 Prostahten,ll which is found as an inde-
pendent hymn for the same Ofhce, designated "apo]ytikion", that is, tropa-
rion of the day.P It was replaced by T( Iupermaho, composed especially to
celebrate the victory of the city of Constantinople over the enemy, in all
probability in 532.13
From the liturgical point of view, it has been suggested that the Akathistos
Kontakion was originally associated with the feast of the Annunciation. 14 It
7 They are arranged in six metrically and grammatically parallel pairs. The accla-
mations emphasize the homilectic derivation of the kontakarion genre. Such litanies
of praise, modelled after Archangel Gabriel's greeting at the Annunciation, were pop-
ular in the homilies of Eastern churchmen since Ephraim the Syrian (t373) and ap-
pear in Greek panegyrics beginning in the first half of the 5th century. See Filonov
Gove , The Slavic Akathistos Hymn, p. 12.
8 It stands outside the acrostic.
9 Filonov Gave, p. 11.
10 Wellesz, "The Akathistos: A Study . .. " j see Cod. Vind. Suppl.gr.186, a Lenten
Triodion from the 13th century.
11 Wellesz, A History ... , p. 196; New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. I, p. 228; Filo-
nov Gave, p. 12.
11 Wellesz, "The Akathistos-Hymn", p. xxi.
13 Ibid.; Mother Mary, p . 55.
14 New Catholic Encyclopedia, vo!. I, p. 228 .
372 SVETLANA KUJWvIDZ1EVA
was included the Lenten Triodion, a book containing services from Lent to
Easter. Two main types of material were distinguished within this book:
1/ the cycle of the Psalter and other scriptural readings, and 2/ the cycle of
liturgical hymnography of canons, stichera, and sessional hymns. 15 The
Akathistos belongs to the second, non-Biblical type of material in the Triodi-
on, which as whole was composed over period extending from 6th to
the 15th centuries. 16 The hymn is considered to belong to the oldest stratum
of is material, Originating from period the 6th and 8th cen-
tury.l? At that time the Annunciation was still celebrated together with
Christmas: perhaps the Akathistos was sung on December 26, the Synaxis of
the Theotokos.18 It has been suggested that probably during the reign of the
Emperor Justinian (527-565) the Annunciation first began to be celebrated on
March 25, and that later than 718 the Akathistos was also appointed to be
sung on that day. By the 10th century, to judge by the sources, its place in
the iturgical calendar had still not been Axed. Cod. 266, the Typikon
of Constantinople, representing the ritual of the 10th century, tells us that
the Akathistos was sung either during the Vigil the Saturday the middle
of Lent, Of during the Vigil of the following Saturday.19 Cod. Paris Coislin
220, a Hirmologion from the 12th centut)', assigns it to Friday night of the
Fifth Week of Lent. 20 Cod. Ashbumhamensis 64 1 dated 1289, and the
Blagoveshchenski Kondakar from the first half of the 12th century, contain-
ing the neumated Akathistos Kontakion respectively in Greek and Slavonic,
assign it to the Annunciation March 25.21
I
15 Mother Ma!)" p. 38. According to the authors, Lent is an annual return to our
biblical roots, to the Old Testament. During Lent the scriptural readings are taken
from the Old Testament to far greater degree than at any other time of the year.
16 Mother MaI)', p. 40.
17 Ibid. was composed together with troparia the prophesy, said before
lesson at the Sixth Hour, followed by the oldest of canons, the Great Kanon of
St. Andrew of Crete, by a cycle of idiomela. (Information from Mother Mary,
p.40.)
J 8 Ibid., pp.
19 Welletiz, A History ... , p. 191.
20 Ibid., pp.
21 By the mid-9th century, when the Kanon gained in prominence, the Kontaki-
on was reduced a single stanza with introductory prooemium. was nserted
between the 6th and 7th ode of the Kanon. The nine odes of the latter were never
sLIng stright through: were usually intemlpted prayers ns after
ery three odes, giving the Kanon the appearance of a kathisma with a triadic
THE ONCEACA1N 373
~rhe earl iest extant neumated manuscript sources of the Akathistos, investi-
gated by E. Wellesz, are from the second half of the 13th and the first half of
the 14th century. They are notated with middle-Byzantine neumes. 22 It was
Wellesz who pointed out the earliest (albeit quite short) fragment of the
Hymn, in the above-mentioned Cod. Coislin 220. After a group of stichera,
Lent, and (from theotokia, words
stanza of the Komakion xP<J)'tOCl''tCt'tllC;''
the Angels") with archaic 262r).23
We! that the scri notation from ofthe
9th century,24 He ch music of the as very
melismatic, and stressed that it must have been sung in a melismatic style
during the whole period from the 9th to the 13th century.25 Wellesz also
found a close connection between the music of the Akathistos in all of the
sources studied by him. 26
The Akathistos was designed to be sung as far as its refrains by a soloist.
That early neumations found in the book
contain for psalts true that C. one
source Asmatikon type, with chants for : MS
division similar to the stasis. Only the Akathistos Kontakion was preserved in its en-
tirety. See D. Touliatos-Banker, "The Byzantine Orthros", Byzantina 9 (1977),
pp. 323-385.
22 Wellesz, ''The Akathistos: A Study ... "
23 Ibid.
24 History ... , p. 276.
26 manuscripts music of the

maho" oikos are exceptions are
Cod. B.VIf, written and 1230, in
thistos was included. (See Wellesz, A History,. " p. 305.) C. H91eg concluded from
this that Greek usage prescribed that the prooemium and the first oikos of the
Akathistos should be sung to two different though related melodies, and assumed
that the other oikoi were neither sung nor read in the services (after Filonov Gove,
p. 176). It might be suggested, however, that the oikoi could have been sung to the
same the first oikos, or so that their would not
be
Kontakaria with Istos represent type, In
addition! contain a repertory Asmatikon. See G Blago-
Kondakar: A Russian Manuscript of the 1 Cyrillo-
!
methodianum 11 (Thessaloniki, 1987), pp, 103·127.

374 SVETIANA KUJUMDZIEVA
Lavra r.1II from the J5th centuty.28 He observed that only the prooemium
and the first oikos of the Akathistos Kontakion were neumated (f. 59v-65v).
Floras characterized the style of the Akathistos pieces in Lavra r.lII as vety
melismatic, that is, in the same style as the Akathistos in the sources investi-
gated by Wellesz. 29
I have been unable to trace such a melismatic Akathistos in the sources
accessible to me with late-Byzantine notation from the 14th and first half of
the 15th centures compiled according to the new Jerusalem Typikon .30 The
first melismatic versions of the Hymn in the context of the late-Byzantine mu-
sical system, as far as I have been able to ascertain, are from the second half
or the 15th century. Their number increases in the 16th century; and from
the 17th centuty onwards, especially from its second half, they become quite
numerous. 31
C. Devai has discussed the two prooemia of the Akathistos which he had
found in manuscripts from the 18th and 19th centuries: Tr lupermaho by
28 C. Fioras, Universale Neumenkunde II (Kassel, 1970), p. 267. The source

holds a special place in Byzantine codicological literature. It is the earliest known
Asmatikon originating in the Balkans; all others are from South Italy. E. Wellesz
believed that the latter were written in the St. Catherine monastery on Mount Sinai,
and were brought from there to South Italy. (See WelIesz, A History ... , p. 269.) MS
Lavra r .I11 is neumated with middle-Byzantine notation. S. Eustradios dates it to the
15th century, a time when this notation was generally out of use, having been re-
placed by late-Byzantine notation after the liturgical reform about the end of the
13th century. (See Floras, op. cit.)
19 It has been suggested that the translation of the Akathistos from Greek into
Slavonic was made along with the HirmoJogion, that is, no later than the first half of
the 10th century (see Filonov Cove, p. 87). In the above-mentioned Blagoveshchen·
ski Kondakar only Tr lupermaho (BoJ6paHHol1 Boeaope) is neumated: space is left
for neumes in the text of To Prostahten (nOBeJleHHOe Tat/HO) but it remained un-
neumated (see A. Filonov Gove, The Evidence for Metrical Adaptation in Early
Slavic Translated Hymns, MMB, Subsidia, vo!. VI (Copenhagen, 1978), pp. 211-
246) . Examination of the paleoslavonic kontakia reveals a structure similar to the
Byzantine (see Myers, op. cit.).
30 I have in mind the following manuscripts: Sinai gr. 1257, Athens 2458, Palat.
gr.243, Theol. gr.185, Athens 899, Phi!. gr.194, Athens 2406, and Barb. gr.300.
31 I have studied musical manuscripts in Bulgarian libraries, in the libraries on
Mount Athos, the Vienna National library, and so on. See the bibliography in my
article "Versions and Redactions of Psalm 140", Musica Antiqua (Bydgoszcz), forth-
coming.
THE AKATHISTOS ONCE AGAIN 375
Joannes Kladas, highly melismatic with "te-re-re" passages, and the anony-
mous T6 Prostahten.3 2 He concluded that these pieces must have been tradi-
tional, widely accepted and commonly used. The existence of "te-re-re"
passages, or teretismata, is very typical of the style of the late-Byzantine mu-
sical system and especially of its kalophonic or highly melismatic style.
In MS Iviron 1120, dated July 1458 (the Treatise of Manuel Chrysaphes)
the Akathistos by Joannes Kladas is accompanied by the following statement:
"Akathistos composed by me, Joannes Kladas, the Lampadarios, imitating the
old Akathistos as closely as possible".B I have found the same inscription
above the Kladas Akathistos in many manuscripts up to the beginning of the
19th century. The redaction by Kladas obViously became very popular. The
question as which "old" Akathistos he had imitated must for the present re-
main open.
Two other redactions of the same melismatic version of the Akathistos
with the same prooemium Tf /upennaho and teretismata were written down
in the 15th century Mathematarion from the library of the Ivan Duichev
Center for Slavo-Byzantine Studies in SoRa - D.gr.201. The redactions, simi-
lar in musical respects to this one of Kladas, that is, using one and the same
intonations, are ascribed to Xenos Korones and Joannes Koukouzeles (Ex. 1).
These redactions did not become widely known. 34
In the sources from the post-Byzantine period (after the 15th century) the
stanzas (oikoi) of the Akathistos were included in the so-called Oikomataria
or Mathemataria (in the latter book we find them among chants devoted to
the Theotokos). In the principal chant book from that period - the Antho-
logy (Akolouthia) - only the two prooemia (rarely the first oikos) were
included. In all sources after the 15th century the whole Akathistos Offke is
assigned to the Orthros (Matins) service of Saturday, actually during the
night or Vigil, on Friday of the Fifth Week of Lent. 35 The same is prescribed
32 Devai, op. cit. (See footnote 3.)

33 After D. Conomos, The Treatise of Manuel Chrysaphes, the Lampadarios,
Corpus scriptorum de re musica, vo\. 2 (Vienna, 1985), pp. 32·45.
34 I know the redaction of Joannes Koukouzeles in one more manuscript, Xyropo-
tamos 287 from 1724. See r. e. L'tael1. Ta R1.flQYpgq>o. B~av't\,v1'\<;_J.l.o\)O't1(l1VrtOV
QPQc;, T. A. (Athens, 1975).
35 The Orthros service, like most of the liturgical structures in use in Byzantium,
crystallized into its present fonn during the 6th, 7th and 8th centuries. Not much is
known about the development of its liturgical features up to the 9th century. See
Touliatos-Banker, op. cit.
376 SVETUNA KUJUMDZIEVA
in the modern Typikon, where the chanting of the Akathistos Kontakion

comes the third, ixth ni odes of the Kanon. 36
As already rnentioned, the neumated chants of the complete Akathistos
Office were written down in sources from the second half of the 17th century
onwards. Three pieces prescribed for 0 arc neumated i the
thologies in one and t he same order: the two prooemia which have pre-
served designations as "troparion" and "kontakion" (T(5 Prostahten
most always precedes Tr [uperma/lO), preceded by the Morning Hymn
Theos Kyrios The Lord Is Our God).37 They are fol owed chants
during the Passion Week before Easter, opening with Al/eJuia. The Aka-
thistos Office chants are in the 4th plagal mode, the same as that prescribed
f Tr [upennaho in early m -Byzantine sources. They appear in
ferent redactions which I propose to discuss briefly. In doing so, I shall make
a sti on between two terms: livers and "redaction". By ion"
refer to a style of chanting (syllabic, melismatic, etc.); "redaction" refers to
realization the iven version , preserving styli parameters for
ample: a syllabic version of a chant in its "agioreitikon" redaction).
Theos Kyrios is a well-known chant from the Orthros, whose text is based
on Psalm 117, verses 27a and 26a. Its neumated tradition in all eight modes
back to 13 centmy. However, Them; Kyrios in the plagal
mode prescribed for the Akathistos Office is found for the first time in An-
ogies from second f of 1 century.39 was known
to have evoked feelings of an ecstatic, "mystical pleasure" or "r,oovf{, and
36 Typik (Sofia, 1980), p. 439. In the book by Mother Mary and Archimandrite
Ware ci above t is assumed that Akathistos Kontakion was transferred after
the fall of Constantinople in 1 . Gp. cit., p. 54.
37 Prooemia of the Akathistos may also be found, though rarely, in Hinno!ogia.
See for instance Xyropotamos 262 Doxastarion,Hirmologion from beg;
ning of the 17lh century, f. 206v. Stathis, op. dt., T. A.
~s The mean of these terms is discussed in my article "Versions and Redac~
tions". See also the bibliography cited there. The terms arc used E. lIiams,
John Koukouzeles'Reform of Byzantine Chanting for Great Vespers in the 14th Cen-
Ph. Dissertation, Yale University (1968)
39 In the Anthologies from the 14th century onwards various redactions of this
chant have been ncluded, as exam "Thessalol1ikeon", "Vatopeidinon", "Kalou-
gerikon", etc., on both rnelismatic and syllabic styles. See Touliatos-Banker, op. ciL;
E. Tonceva, "New Found Source of Medieval Music from the 13th Century in the
Mnnastery of Bachkovo n , Bulgarian 3 (84), 3-47.
THE AKATHISTOS ONCE AGAIN 377
----------------------------
.lIspiritual illumination" in both its performers and its audience. 4o Three ver-
sions of Theos Kyrios are displayed in manuscripts from the second half of
the centmy onwards: syl syllabo-neumatic, and ismatic 1 The
first two are anonymous; the third one is exegetical (interpreted) from the
end of the 18th century (after 1770) and/or the very beginning of the t 9th.
The syllab version quite short is so . "auvtop.ov" or
Jll-uKp6v/} (Ex. 2/A).
The syllabo-neumatic version could be defined as a "traditional" one, that
is, its origin back an earl time: some It IS ned as
Jlapxa'iov" or "1taAaiov" eold/).41 Its transmission is very stable (Ex. 2/B).
Two me1ismatic (exegetical) redactions are based on this IItraditional" ver-
sion: by Lampadarios, and an anonymous one ich I found
only in mansucripts originating from the monastery of Rila in Bulgaria, which
] call the J'Rila redaction. These two redactions are very similar to each
ll
other fol the bas intonational movement the J'tradition versio

11
(Ex. 2/8),
Neumations the prooemium Prostahten} wh in the Akathi-

stos Office fol1ows Theos Kyrios, are regularly found in manuscripts from the
second half of the 17th century onwards. like Theos Kyriot; this chant has
three versions. syllabic, abo-neumatic, mel smatic.
The earliest neumated syllabic version is known according to two Athos
manuscripts, j which i does not vary: Vatopediou 1493, a Sticherarion from
the - t 5th century 187v) and Dion iou
I a Mathematarion from
the 15th century (f. t 28) (Ex. 3/A).43 In fact the neumated chant T6 Prostah-
ten is syll version may round i theikia repertory. That
why performance in Akathistos 0 posed rm problems: the neuma-
tion of T6 Prostahten could have been taken from the neumated apo]ytikia
chants and inserted in Office.
40 Touliatos-Banker, cit.; the 4th plagal mode of Theos Kyrios was associated
with Akath Office because rule Kyrios was fol by apo\y-
tikion, sung in the mode of Theos Kyrios. Thus To Prostahten, serving as apolytiki-
on} adopted the 4th plagal mode.
41 term used William op. eft
42 MSS Rila 6/56, Duichev gr.355.
43 I am most grateful to Christian Troelsgard for supplying photocopies of these
manuscripts.
44 See the article by C. ·Troelsgard on Apolytikia in this volume.
378 SVETLANA KUJUMDZlEVA
As in the case of Theos Kyrios, the syllabo-neumatic version of T6 Pro-

stahten is the "traditional" one. It has only one redaction, which is very stable
in the sources. Comparison with the text given in the 13h century Lenten
T riodion Cod. Vienna Supp!. gr. t 86 shows that the structure of the text has
been preserved: where dots were written down in the early text, martyriai
appear in the later sources. The text consists of six verses divided into half-
verses with the refrain "Hail". The two half-verses are rounded off with the
structural tones of the mode: d and b, and the refrain establishes the Rnal
tone g. In musical respects, the second verse repeats the first one, the third
and the fourth are variants of the first two, the fifth is identical to the refrain,
and only the sixth is different from the others. The overall compositional
structure is AAAIA RB+R. This is valid for both syllabic and syllabo-
neumatic versions45 (Ex. 3/B).
The other prooemium, Tf /upennaho, also has three versions: syllabic,

syllabo-neumatic, and melismatic. like T6 Prostahten, Tr /upennano consists
of six verses with refrain . Some sources give both the refrains, "Hail" and "AI-
leJuia", others only "Hail".46 In musical respects the second verse repeats the
first one, and the other four are alike. The overall compositional structure is
AABBBB+R. This structure is similarto the structure of the early 13th century
version in the above-mentioned Cod. Ashburnh. 64, which reveals the fol-
lowing picture: AABAIBI~+R.47
The syllabic version of Tf Iupermaho appears in many redactions. The
earl iest one, like T6 Prostahten, is known from the Athos manuscripts Vato-
pediou 1493 and Dionisiou 570, this being the earliest known neumation of
Tr Jupermaho with late-Byzantine notation. The chant is identical in both
manuscripts (Ex. 4/A). There is a dose similarity between this redaction and
the melismatic ones of Kladas, Koukouzeles and KOTones respecting some
intonational movements (cf. Ex. 1). In all probability, the syllabic version of
Tf /upermaho was transmitted orally, in spite of the Athos sources, because
45 The chant has the same structure in Russian MS 10846, dated 1676, origi-
nating from the Skit Mare in Galicia. This Skit was a center where the repertory of
the so-called "Bolgarskij Rospev" (,Bulgarian Chant') held a central place. See E. Ton·
cc:va, Bolgarskij Rospev (Sofia, 1981).
46 See MS gr.61 of the SS. Cyril and Methodius National Library in Sofia, or
D.gr.299 in the library of the lvan Duichev Center in Sofia.
47 Wellesz gives the structure of this chant as follows: AA I BA2CD. See A His-
tory ... , p. 332.
~rl--lE AKATHISTOS ONCE ACAIN 379
after them we nnd it only in sources of the 17th century onwards~ The syllab-
ic re~actions from that time on have designations such as IiE1ClCA'TlO"tCXO"'tU(OV"
('church') and "&:ytOPEl'tlKOV" (,from Mount Athos'); some are associated with
the names of Balasios Hiereos and Petros Bereketes. The redaction desig-
nated as "church" in some sources is the same as the one ascribed to Balasios
in others. The "agioreitikon" redaction is a little than "church"
redaction, as also is its "Hail" refrain (Ex. 4/B)~ In MS Sinai t 480, an Antho-
logy dated 1625,48 the same redaction has the following ascription (f. 119r):
"Kontaklon, as t is sung Byzantium ll
•
The syllabo-neumatic version is of the kind we defined as "traditional". It is

anonymous and very stable in transmission. In many of the sources it bears
the designation ilapxo.'iOv" Cold'), Some manuscripts define it as "1tOAt'tl1(OV",
that is 'from Constantinople', a designation which appears for the first time in
the Anthologies of the 14th century .49 In many manuscripts the version is
also prescribed to be sung "OtX6PDV", that is by two choirs. Its systematic
neumation revealed in rnanllscripts from the begi of the 7th century
onwards50 (Ex. 4/C). A close intonational similarity exists between this ver-
sion and the late syllabic redactions of Tr /upennaho (cf. Ex. 4/B). The syllab-
ic ons are reduced form.
The redactions of the melismatic version are the most numerous. Three of
them - by Joannes Kladas, Koukouzeles, and Xenos Korones - were present-
ed . By the end of th and the very beginning of the 9th century
three others have appeared: by Petros Lampadarios, the "Rila" redaction, and
by Nanu, who signed himself as a "pupil of Petros Lampadarios" in manu-
scripts from the Hilandar monastery They are very mi to each other
) am most grateful to Christian Troelsgard for supplying a photocopy of this

manuscript.
49 D. Touliatos-Banker, The Byzantine Anomo5 Chant of the 14th and 15th
Century, Ph. . Dissertation, The Ohio State University (1979), p. 143.
50 It seems to be this version which was included in an earlier manuscript of the
end of the 15th or beginning of the 16th centulY, MS 1045 of the Panteleimonos
monastery on Mount Athos i it anonymous nd the inscription "dihoron". it
is the same version, regularly copied in manuscripts from the second 11alf of the 17th
century onwards, this record would be the earliest yet identified. See G. T. Stathis,
op. cH. (footnote 4. T. In my recent work at the Bad] an LibralY at Oxford
(May 1997), I found the same redaction in MS Canonici Cr.25 from 1729, f. 115v,
attributed to Joannes Koukouzelcs.
51 MS Hilandar HM SMS 565.
380 SVETLANA KUJUMDZIEVA
and follow closely the "traditional" version. Unlike the ear1ier melisrnatic
redactions these do not have teretismata, and are on the whole shorter.52
By the end of the 18th century the three pieces of the Akathistos offlce
appear in Slavonic in musical manuscripts originating from the monasteries
of Hilandar and Rila (see Ex. 2/B, 3/B, 3/C and 4IC). They agree with the
Greek copies in terms of their compositional structure and intonationa] fund
(see Appendix).
In conclusion we may summarize the results of this investigation.

1. In tenns of structure, the overall form of the Akathistos Kontakion has
not undergone change: the two prooemia ("kontakion" and "troparion"),
the two refrains ("Hail" and "Alleluia") and the 24 stanzas have been
preserved through the centuries.
2. In liturgical respects, the assignment of the Akathistos Kontakion has
changed twice: flrst it was sung on December 26, probably up to the
8th centulYj later on it was removed from that day and perfonned on
both March 25 and in the Vigil service on Friday during the Fifth Week
in Lent. The latter day for its Office has been preserved in the liturgical
calendar to the present: all sources after the 15th century consulted pre-
scribe the chanting of the Akathistos Office on that day.
3. The neumation of the Akathistos Kontakion has been included in
manuscripts from the 13th century onwards, from the Psa1tikon to the
AkolouthialAnthology and to the Oikomataria. Up to the second half
of the 17th century the melismatic version of Tf luperm~ho was trans-
mitted in the Psaltikon . Most often we find the redaction ascribed to
joannes Kladas. The other prooemium, T6 Prostahten, which served as
an apolytikion, and the opening chant for the Akathistos Office Theos
Kyrios began to be regularly neumated in the Anthologies from the sec-
ond half of the 17th century onwards. At that time, furthermore, two
other versions of the Akathistos pieces appeared: syllabic and syllabo-
neumatic.
Two more redactions in Greek of the melismatic version of Tf /upennaho are

52
to be found in Rila 6/63, Hilandar gr.104, and Xyropotamos 277. They are in other
modes: in 1st plagal mode by Georgi Redestinos, and in 3rd plagal mode ("varis") by
Anastasios Rapsoniodes. See the Appendix to this article.
THE AKATH1STOS ONCE ACA1N 381
4, Up to centmy; the labic versions the Akathistos chants

were usually transmitted orally. Its different redactions show the variety
of the syllabic kind of chanting. TIle redactions of /upennCiho
the designation "church" are the simplest and most reduced. They
might been for singing in smal churches was
J0rgen Raasted/s opinion on the matter 53 ).
5. The syllabo-neumatic version of the Akathistos Office chants is anony-
mous, is found one redaction, Designations such as "old"
manuscripts from the second half of the 17th century onwards indicate
it an oral istence before being written down. Here
have called it "traditional". This version testifies to two important things
already established by study other genres (such the Kekre-
garion ): aI that the transmission of the syllabo-neumatic kind of
54
chanting was very stable, and that chants sung in Constantinople

earlier times survived through the centuries and remained popular up to
the J 9th century (I am thinking of "politikon " redaction of [upcr-
maho).
6. The greatest composers are associated with the Akathistos chants:

Joannes Joannes Koukouzeles, Xenos from later
times Balasios Hiereos, Petros Bereketes, Petros Lampadarios. The
late melismatic redactions in Greek and avonic falIow the abo-
neumatic ("traditional") version They have preserved some characteris-
tic features of the early extant copies of the Akathistos Kontakion in
terms of compositional structure, tones of support and intonational
movement. Both versions and their redactions show that it was possible
for the text of the Akathistos to be interpercted different ways on
basis and within the framework of an established intonational fund. In
this sense the text the Akathistos a contraposita.
7. The neumated Slavic "response" to these Akathistos chants appears on
the Balkans by the end of the t 8th century in mansucripts from the
monasteries of Hilandar and Rila. It is in full agreement with the corre-
sponding Greek originals.
Private communication to author.

54 S. Kujumdzieva, Invocation Verses in BaJkan Orthodox Music (Based on MSS
from the 4th to the Beginning of the 19th Centwy), Habilitation ThesIs (Sofia,
1996).
382 SVETfANA KUJUMDZIEVA
8. The neumation of various versions and redactions of the Akathistos

chants is proof of the victo!)' of written practice over oral tradition on
the Balkans. The oral tradition started loosing ground from the 17th
century onwards, a process which ended with the adoption of the
solmization system and the establishment of the New Method of teach-
ing and learning Byzantine music after 1814.
Appendix. Versions and Redactions of the Three Pieces of the

Akathistos Offke in Mode PI. 4th
(according to MSS from the t 5th to the 19th centuries)
Theos Kyrios - fior rocnoll ( The Lord is Our Cod)

3 versions in Greek:
I. Syllabic:
1. "short"
2. quite short
11. Syllabo-neumatic:
1. "traditional" redaction (anonymous, identical in all sources)
1[1. Melismatic - exegetical redaction (interpreted, based on the
"traditional" redaction);
1. by Petros Lampadarios
2. "Rila" redaction
1 version in Slavonic:
Melismatic (only in Hilandar MS HMS 565 - close to the exegetical
redaction of Petros Lampadarios)
T 6 Prostahten - nOBeJleHHOe T8HHO

(Receiving Secretly)
I. Syllabic (among the apolytikia repertory)
H. Syllabo-neumatic:
1. "traditional" redaction
Ill. Melismatic - exegetical redactions:
1. by Petros Lampadarios
2. I'Rila" redaction
-
THE AKATHTSTOS ONCE AGAIN 383
2 versions in Slavonic:
I.. Syllabic - "Rila" redaction (found only in MS Rila 5/78)
11 . Melismatic - exegetical redactions:
1. "Rila" redaction (close to the exegetical "Rila" redaction in Greek)
2. "Hilandar" redaction (close to the exegetical redaction of Petros
Lampadarios)
Tf /upennaho - B030paHHoR BoeBOl1e (To the Invincible)
[. Syllabic:
t. Anonymous redaction in Vat. 1493 and Dion. 570 (= "short"?)
2. "churchll = Balasios Hiereos
3. "agioreitikod' (from Mount Athos)
4. by Petros Bereketes
11. Syllabo-neumatic:
1. "traditional ll redaction (by Joannes Koukouzeles;»
Ill. Melismatic by:

1. Joannes Kladas
2. Joannes Koukouzeles
3. Xenos Korones
4. Petros Lampadarios (exegetical)
5. "Rila" redaction (exegetical)
6. Nanu, pupil of Petros Lampadarios (exegetical)
(N. B. Two more redactions related to the me1ismatic version are in other
modes: by Georgi Redestinos in pJ. t mode, and by Anastasios Rapsoniodes
in pI. 3 mode ("varis").
1 version in Slavonic:
Melismatic (only in Hilandar MS 565 - close to the version of Petros
Lampadarios, 111/4 above)
Example 1. Tf /upermaho, MS D.gr. 201, 15th c. library of the Ivan Duichev Cent er, Sofia.
1. Joannes Kladas (f. 545r)j 2. Joannes Koukouzeles Cf. 543v)i 3. Xenos Korones (f. 542r)
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Example 2. Theos Kyrios
. Syllabic version:
L MS Gr.80, after 1770 (E. 1 Cyril and Methodius National library, Sofiai
2. MS Rila 6/67, 18th 52), library of Monastery.
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B/III. Melismatic version: I. Petros Lampadarios - MS Gr.SO (f. 184r)i
2. "Rila" redaction - MS Rila 5/78, the veT)' beginning of the 19th c. (f. 38v), Library of the Rila Monastery.
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Example 3. Prostahten
All. Syllabic version: 1. Vatopediou t 493, 4- 5th c. (f. t S7v) and Dion 570, 15thc. 128r);
2. MS 5/78 (f. 42r) - "another short"
8111. Syllabo-neumatic version: . 'Traditional redaction - MS Gr.61 (f.205v); ll
BIll!. Melismatic version: 1. MS Cr.RO (f. 185r)i 2-3. MS Rila 5/78 (f. 39v, 41r); 4. Hilandar
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Cantus • Sopron, 1995 391
HEBD OMA DAM A MONTE CASSINO:

QUELQUES ASPECTS DE L' OFFICE FERIAL
DANS L'ANTIPHONAIRE CASSINIEN
MONTE CASSINO, ARCHIVI ELLA BADIA, 542)
KATARINA LIVL1ANIC
La fameuse abbaye benedictine situee sur la colline cassinienne, et qui pro-

bablement a fondee par Saint Benoft -meme vers }'an represente
un point tres interessant et en meme temps tres complexe de )'histoire Btur-
gique et musicale du Moyen Age. Ce ha ut lieu, d'ou proviennent plusieurs
papes, grands erudits negociateurs ecclesiastiques des periodes mouve-
mentees du 11 e siecle, avait con nu le chant beneventain avant qu'il fat suppri-
me par le pape Etienne IX en 1058 au profit du gregorien. Parmi ses manu-
scrits iturgiques et musicaux/ l'antiphonaire MC 5 est un plus anciens
temoins du repertoire de l'ofnce monastique. L'etude de que1ques aspects par-
ticuJiers de cette source nous aidera a connaftre son role son usage et les
l
raisons qui ont proflle identite.
manuscrit
L'antiphonaire 542 des archives de l'Abbaye de Monte Cassino I est un
manuscrit en minuscule beneventaine/ fortement lacunaire: son contenu
s'etend duquatrieme dirnanche I'Avent jusqu'au Saint, Ainsi mes-
nous prives du Triduum paschaJe et probablement des pieces de chant les
plus inAuencees par la liturgie beneventaine. II s'agit vraisemblablement d'un
manuscrit pour les de la hiema}is dont partie complementaire
n'a pas ete conservee.
Quelques interventions dans le texte du manuscrit attirent l'attention. Ce
sont incipits des psaumes ou repons brefs sont temps temps
I Mauro lnguanez, Codicum Cas;;nensium manuscriptorum cataJogus, 3 vo!.

(Monte Cassino, 915- ), vol , p. 203; Andrea Caravita, codici e art; a
Monte Cassino, 3 VD!. (Montecassino, 1869-1870), vo!. I, p. 279; Ferretti, «( I mano-
scritti musicali gregoriani dell'Archivio di Montecassino n, dans: Casinensia, Miscel-
lanea studi cassinesi pubMicati occasione del XIV centenario de/la fondazione
della badia di Montecassino (Monte Cassino, 1929), p. 199.
392 KATARlNA UVUANIC
rases, ou simplement ajoutes ulterieurement par une autre ecriture qui n'est
plus beneventaine. Le manuscrit a · donc servi, et a donc rec;u au cours du
temps les traces des nouvelles habitudes liturgiques.
La notation de eet antiphonaire represente un stade classique de la no-
tation beneventaine dans sa recherche de la precision diastematique. 11 s'agit,
dans I'histoire de cette notation,l de la troisieme periode caracterisee par les
sources de la deuxieme moitie du 11 e et du 12e siecle. L'expression precise de
la hauteur des tons etant le parametre le plus important, les neumes y ont per-
du certaines nuances rythmiques (quilisma, lettres signincatives). Les pages
de notre manuscrit sont pourvues de plusieurs instruments de la diastematie
qui facilitent la lecture: de la ligne F coloree en rouge, des clefs ajoutees ulteri-
eurement et du guidon. L'ecriture reveJe bien les habitudes typiques: le tractu-
Ius dessine tres souvent clans une forme ondulee, I'oriscus isole tres present, et
la riches se des formes liquescentes.
Les questions modales clans )'office fttial

Le choix d'un ·segment dans un grand repertoire liturgique peut ressembler
~ une deCision artificiel1e, ~ un critere externe destine a simplifier le chemin
dans le labyrinthe. D'un recueilliturgique medieval, il nous semble que nous
ne percevons le contenu que ~ travers un miroir comme embrume par un (sou-
vent tres bel) aspect exterieur. Ses pieces de chant sont notees dans une peri-
ode relativement courte. Cependant, son contenu est une sorte de « make
up », le resultat de la real ite I iturgico-musicale accumulee et « Altree » dans
un processus tres lent, compose des usages oraux et ecrits. L'anciennete reelle
de ces strates sur une meme page, est inegale, quoique leurs amplitudes
fussent « homogeneisees » par une meme ecriture calligraphiee. La raison fon-
damentale de cette recherche etant le langage modal de I'antiphonaire cassini-
en et surtout sa place entre les traditions beneventaine et gregorienne, il nous
a semble incontournable d'etudier, dans ce fonds, un repertoire coherent, plus
anciennement atteste, et done, probablement aussi plus archai'que au regard
de ses choix modaux. 11 s'agit de J'offke feriaJ.3
1 La periodisation proposee par T. F. Kelly dans le volume XXI de la Pa/eogra-

phie Musica/e (Solesmes, 1992), pp. XVII-XVIII.
3 Cf.]. Claire, « Les repertoires Iiturgiques latins avant I'octoechos. I. L'offke
ferial romano-franc »), Etudes gregoriennes XV (1975), pp. 5-192.
PER HEBDOMADAM A MONTE CASSINO 393
Dans )'antiphonaire Monte Cassino 542, ce fonds (pp. 50-69) est articul~
de la mani~re suivante. Prenons I'exemple du lundi, feria secunda:4
MATINES
I'antienne et le psaume* invitatoire
l'hymne*
6 antiennes
3 r~pons avec leurs versets
LAUDES
5 antiennes
le capitule*
lerepons bref*
I'hymne*
le verset*
I'antienne ad Benedictus
PETITES HEURES5
les antiennes
les capitules*
le repons bref*
le verset*
VEPRES
5 antiennes
le capitule*
le repons bref*
l'hymne*
le verset*
!'antienne ad Magnificat
4 Les pieces avec I'astensque figurent dans le manuscrit seulement par un incipit.
Une liste complete de toutes les pieces du MC 542 sera contenue dans la base de
donnees CANT US dirige par Ruth Steiner.
5 Seulement dans les forrnulaires du dimanche et du lundi.
394 KATARINA LIVUANJC
Le langage modal dans l'ofAce ferial de notre antiphonaire sera observe

sous deux aspects: d'un cote on confrontera le MC 542 au « dictionnaire mo-
dal » du tonaire conserve dans la meme abbaye (le manuscrit 318, Monte
Cassino, Archivio della Badia). L'autre angle de notre analyse sera I'etude de
la modalite de quelques timbres melodiques typiques pour les antiennes de
l'office feria1 clans J'antiphonaire cassinien.
Le ton aire
Le MC 3 t 8, de Ia fin du 1 t e siecle, contient divers traites et - ce qui nous
interesse davantage - deux tonaires. Le premier des deux (p. 128-156) est une
copie du Tonarium Odonis de J'ltalie Centrale. Le deuxieme (p. 245-289),
beaucoup plus riche, est un temoin du tonaire romano-beneventain de l'Italie
du Sud.6 Curieusement, ces deux tonaires se distinguent par le choix des
teneurs du troisieme mode: le premier enchafne les antiennes de dominante
DO avec une diHerentia commen~ant par un SI. Le deuxieme tonaire est plus
fidele a la tradition beneventano-cassinienne: la dominante des antiennes est
le SI (tres rarement le DO), ainsi que la corde recitative du psaume, indiquee
clans les diHerentiae.
VOici donc la liste des differences dans 'es deux tonaires du manuscrit
MC 318. Nous prenons comme point de depart le deuxieme tonaire, plus in-
fluence par les repertoires regionaux et representons le premier tonaire dans
J
la colonne de droite, en perturbant deliberement I'ordre de ses differentiae.

Cette disposition permet de reperer facilement les formules communes aux
deux tonaires. Les numeros attribues aux differentiae du premier tonaire sont
celles de leur ordre dans le manuscrit MC 318.
6 Michel Huglo, US tonaircs. Inventaire, analyse, comparaison (Paris, 1971),

pp. 185-224.
PER HEBDOMADAM MONTE CASSINO 395
2e tonaire l er tonaire
1er mode
I diff. a a C F Ca Gf I diff. a a C F Ca Cf
2 C F Ca
3 C CF Ca
4 C F Ca a a C GFFO
5 C F Ca a a e
6 h a e
7 a G h a G a
8 a G h a Ch a
9 a a C CF Fe G
10 a G h a aC Ca
11 a a C F CF D 8 a a C F CFF D
12 a a G F C Ga 5 a a C F G Ca
13 C F GF a a G
a a G
a a G
a a G DE
a a F
10 a a G F GF Ga
'le mode
F F E ED CD D
2 F F ED FE CD D
3 E ED CD
F F F
1 h a ac a a GB
2 h h ch ah a Ca 4 h h ch ah a Ca
3 h h c a cc h 1 h h c a c h9
2 c c c a c ha
3 c c ch ah aG
c a c G
11 et 13 de inci-
pits appartenant a
de la doxologie est
9 La recitation du 3e mode est sur SI.
396 KATARINA UVUANIC
4e mode
I a aG a aha C EFE
2 a a a aha G E
3 a a F Ca G E
4 a G h a Ca a
5 a C h a G FGF
6 a C h a GF EFE
7 a G h a GF E
8 a a a aha C EF
9 a aG F Ca C EFE
10 a G h a GC E
II a C a ha G E
a aG
a ha GF E
2 a aG
a ha GF EFG
3 a aG
a ha GF DE
4 a aG
aha G aG
5 a a a a aaa G
6 a a a a Ca a
7 aG a h G E
8 a G a h G EF
9 a aG a ha GF EDD
Se mode
c c cl h c a c c cl h c a
2 c c cl h c aG
3 c c a c cl c
4 c d c h ch a
2 c c d h c ac
6e mode
I a a GF Ca G F
2 a a G a G F
3 a a GF Ca G Fa
a a a F Ca G F
HEBDOMADAM MONTE CASSINO 397
7e
1 d d e d c hha 4 d d e d c hha
2 d d e d c h t d d e d c h
3 d e c 2 d e c
4 cl e c
5 cl d e d ch a
6 d d e d e c
7 d e e 6 d e c
B cl cl e d ch ah
9 cl d e cl ch aha
3 d e de
5 d d e d de cd
7 d cl e d cd d
Se
1 c c c ha c aa Gto
2 c ha a
3 c c h c a GaG 4 c c h c a GaG
4 c c h c ah G
5 c h h
6 c h a
7 c c h h a GaG
8 c c ha c aG aC
c ha aaa
2 c c h a c cd
3 c c h c a GC
5 c h a
6 c c a c d c
est interessant constater qu'un de modes, notamment

Jes modes plagaux de MI et FA n'ont aucune formule melodique en corn·
mun dans les deux tonaires.
differences psalmodiques rencontrees les antiennes J'office
ferial de l'antiphonaire MC 542 sont les suivantes:
L.a teneur de la psalmodie sur DO.

11 Nous indiquons par une lettre les differences du MC 542 qui n'existent pas
dans le deuxieme tonaire du MC 318 (pris comme reference a cause de sa prove-
nance regionale), tandis que les differences portant chiffre., correspondent aux
memes diff. clans le deuxieme tonaire du MC 318.
398 KATARINA UVLlANIC
I er mode
A a C G aC
B a a C F G a
C a C h a Ca a
a G GF 0
2 e rnode
F F E EO CO 0
3 e mode
a ac a G
4'-' mode
A a aC a aha G E
5 e mode
c c a
6 e mode
2 a a G a G F
7 e mode
cl d c hha
8 e mode
A c c a c cl a
B c a c
C c c ha c a C.
L'antiphonaire possede un nombre beaucoup LIS restreint differences

que les tonaires Cites, et la p!upart cl'entre elles sont propres au MC 542. Les
anticnnes 1 4e et sont presque un accompagnees
differences inexistantes clans le cleuxieme tonaire. Mais quelques-unes ren-
voient aussi au premier tonaire:
FER HEBDOMADAAl CASSINO 399
Antiphonaire MC 542 l e rtonaire MC318

1ermode, diff. A ler mode, diff. 4
1ermode, diff. 11 ler mode, diff. 8
5e mode, diff. 1 5e mode, di ff. I
7e mode, diff. I 7e mode, diff. 4
8e mode, diff.6
8e mode, diff. I
pparaftre que clans le MC 5 plus

au qu'a celui que ses relation tonaire
de la meme abbaye sont assez faibles.
Ce des accord entre I'antiphonaire, manuscrit destine a la pratique, et le
tonaire, texte theorique, peut nous mener aux conclusions Ies plus diverses:
un des deux manuscrits n'a peut etre pas ete ecrit pour Monte Cassino; les
deux sources n'ont pas ete copiees a partir d'un meme « original» (ecrit) ou
d'un (oral); ou bien, assez probable, foret:,ment
en avec les autres les usages prescrits theo-
rie toujours ete suivis ique quotidien choeur
de ienne. La variete forrnules musicales une
«grille speculative, qui est le done pas trouve une reHexion
dans la memoire des chanteurs. Mais, les tableaux des pieces de chant dans
le tonaire, ne furent-ils qu'un outi! mnemotechnique dont la fonction n'avait
pas d'importantes repercussions sur la realite du chant? Oans ce contexte, I'an-
tiphonaire cassinien connrmerait ce conAit etemel entre ce qui fut eerit et ee
qui fut vraiment chante.
Quelques observations langage modal

Si frontons le repertoire nes feriaies grandes
families construites a partir des cordes DO, RE et MI,12 nOllS observons
quelques habitudes interessantes, propres a j'antiphonaire MC 542. Ce travail
12 Cf. la methode d'analyse etablie par Dam J. Claire dans son travail cite (( Les
repertoires iiturgiques latins avant I'octoechos. I. L'office feria I remano-franc »,
Etudes XV [1975], pp. Claire etudie le anti-
ennes dans les timbres melodiques trois fa-
milies construites DO, RE et MI. les
de la modalite » (une seuJe teneur
modal) qui se definition selon modes
sont determines par deux poles qui sont la dominante et la finale.
400 KATARINA UVUANIC
ne pr~tend pas ~tablir une etude detaillee de tous les timbres melodiques
extra its du meme repertoire par Dom J. Claire, mais seulement donner quel-
ques exemples de I'univers modal d'un manuscrit gregorien provenant d'un
contexte culturel beneventain.
Dam la famille des antiennes provenant de la corde ~O, nous rencontrons
une predominance du timbre suivant:
E:
t
,- t
. t
• •
, e. t
~ • • i • . I t ~
R(- II€ - l,. [)O· HI- NO UI - AI1 1\)- . .411. ( l) 0 U A f
Certaines pieces de ce groupe, qui notent une finale sur RE, pourront etre
definies en protus.
t
:
bO .11,-
,
~f
• • - .' t
- f"U - G-( - uH
• .' .
fA - c.lUS
i. '.
f~
•
1.)0 - &\ S .
I ,• • , •
0 U A
~
~
··I~
It' U
Un nombre de pieces en RE, rentre dans la categorie du 2e mode de

l'octoechos.
f • • , • i
• • I\!, • • • ". • •
"
.. • .1 • , , 't
- r,
! 11
QA LlO - &t5 bO- HI -IJE Au. XI- L1 • uH oE ii.,-bu -LA.Tt- O·NE ~ V 0 v A t
O'autres antiennes composees autouf de la corde RE seront dans certains cas

transposees sur un LA, flxant ainsi leur finale sur un SOL (le 8c: mode d'octo-
echos) .13
te •i • • " . • •••
.• _ '~
,. a,-- -. - - . u. +.
IN yE - RI -TA ·Tf: iuA HE: 00 N r IJ (" . €. U 0 U A £
La relation interessante du demi-ton MI-FA, dans les melodies en MI,

trouve sa realisation dans l'antiphonaire cassinien de trois manieres diff~r
entes:
13 Cest un des timbres melodiques du mode de RE presentes (le groupe H) dans

le travail de Dom J. Claire. Cf. Etudes gn:goriennes XV (1975), p. 94 .
PER HEBDOMADAM A MONiE CASSINO 401
aJ le MI-FA est ecrit sur le SI-DO. La difference psalmodique de ces anti-

ennes sera celle du 5 e ou du 8 e mode. 14
.. . , ...,
E •
•
... ythN!I
f • •
b€u5
."
11-1
'.
~lltiJ.
• I,· u
•
0 u
I
A C
• I-
iE ~ILC(T
• • I, .. • . • • • • • •
£
•
• • • ' I'
t j
'~T£Ll" G£ ClAI10R(11 ","ut'! I [)OttllJ~ . £. IJ a u A (
bl le MI-FA est transpose sur le LA-SI be m 01. Le MC 542 donnera une

large predominance au 1er mode dans ce cas.
• -et.• . I··· I~' I

(
• • it t
• FIIJ ~S
•
d le MI-FA n'est pas transpose. Ces antiennes se rapprochent du 1 er mode
et du 4e mode.
l
• I
, .~
tI'-US
•
AI)
,
TE:
• • • •I•
b~uS .
1• • • ,N ' . I
~ 0 U ~ E:
tL""O~ "'" IJI AT
'"
Dans ce dernier, un nombre d'antiennes dans le MC 542 presente des ca-
dences remarquables qui remplacent la formule plus habituelle FA RE FA M I
• • • .' • ••
I
• •
par la formule FA RE RE-MI MI.
E
•.? •
S', Po ~T
, ,'J •
•ISRA(:L ,IJ •
OOHIIJD_
I' • I • ". • ,.. ..
C 1.I D u A €
• ~
Pourrait-on voir dans cette formule le reAet de l'habitude beneventaine qui
hesite souvent de monter les MI aux FA, les SI aux DO? 11 s'agit probable-
Ces antiennes appartiennent

14 a un meme timbre du mode de MI dans l'analyse
de Dom J. Claire (le timbre N).
402 KATARINA LlVUANIC
ment cl'une formule « atavique » dont il faudra encore etudier I'usage et l'eten-
due r~gionaJe.
L'antiphonaire MC 542 temoigne de ce stade de la reforme liturgique du: a

Monte Cassino le chant beneventain fut supplante par le gregorien. Quelques
sondages montrent aussi que le langage modal de son office ferial ressemble a
ce1ui des manuscrits proches de sa region (Benevento, Biblioteca capitolare,
ms. 2Jl; Roma, Biblioteca Vallicelliana, C 5 et Roma, Biblioteca Vallicelliana,
C 13! de Norciaj ainsi que des antiphonaires romains: Biblioteca Apostolica
Vatidana, Archivio di San Pietro, B 79 et surtout London, British Library,
add. 29988): le choix des diHerentiae est souvent semblable entre le MC 542
et le Ben 21, la cadence FA RE RE-M) MI est aussi presente dans les manu-
scritde Benevento et Norcia, le classement modal de certains timbres melo-
diques montre Ies m~mes usages dans cette regIon geographique. Cependant,
la 5i;militude des sources ne doit pas toujours signiner leur parente. L'offlce
ferial est sans doute l'espace du: la notation musicale rencontre ses propres
limites d'une fac;on presque paradoxale: ses possibilites de nuances interpreta-
tives; fixent d'une maniere assez rudimentaire la riches se des Aexions vocales
darys une declamation des textes des antiennes et des psaumes. La similitude
physique des sources ecrites ne doit clonc pas toujours signifier une parente
des traditions orales clans lesqueJJes ces manuscrits ont servi.
Dans ce contexte, notre antiphonaire 542 n'est qu'un signe panni d'autres,
delcette divergence entre la real ite musicale prescrite - comme eIle aurait pu
ette conc;ue clans le tonaire cassinien - et la realite ecrite - transmise par
I'antiphonaire - et encore, tres probablement, de la realite chantee a Monte
Cassino postbeneventaine,I5
15 le tiens a remercier vivement a Mme Marie-Noel Colette (Ecole Pratique des

Hautes Etudes, Paris) pour ses precieux conseils durant ce travail.
VATICANA LATINA 5319:

WITNESS TO THE EIGHTH-CENTURY ROMAN MAss PROPER
lAMES McKINNON
Vaticana Latina 5319 is, of course, one of the three so-called Old Roman
graduals that survive; the others are Bodmer 74 and San Pietro F 22.1 I single
it out in my title primarily by way of presentational convenience; the three
manuscripts have substantially the same repertories, even if Vaticana Latina
5319 is more complete than the other two, and less tainted by late Gregorian
insertions. 1 The three manuscripts, the earliest of which dates from the later
11 th century, present the Mass Proper as it was sung at the time in the city of
Rome. The repertory of this Roman Mass Proper is virtually identical to that
of the standard or so-called Gregorian repertory. The texts of the two are the
same, they are similarly assigned throughout the liturgical year, and the mel-
odies, while displaying considerably different surface characteristics, are un-
arguably related.
It is most defInitely not my aim in this brief paper to attempt an explana-
tion of that melodic relationship, the question that Willi Apel labeled liThe
Central Problem of Gregorian Chant".3 But it will help to introduce my own
topic if I summarize briefly the historical framework in which most Western
chant scholars see the larger subject. Traditionally it was thought that the Ro-
man Mass Proper was created under the supervision of Pope Gregory the
Great, who reigned from 590 to 604 . More recently some have come to
bel ieve that the later 7th century and earl ier 8th was a more likely period for
this development, but in any event all agree that the Roman Mass Proper was
in place by the middle of the 8th, when it was transmitted north to the
Carolingian realm, there eventually to become notated in the version we
know as Gregorian chant. The task, therefore, facing Western chant scholars
is the immensely difficult one of trying to determine which extant melodic
version, the Old Roman or the Gregorian, is closer to the Roman original of
the mid-8th century. Mine today is the much simpler one of showing that
1 More fully, the manuscripts are: Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS lat-
in 5319, 12th century; Geneva, Bibliotheca Bodmeriana, MS 74, 1071 AD; and
Rome, Archivio S. Pietro, MS F22, 13th century.
2 On the subject of "late Gregorian insertions", see note 17 below.
3 See the article of that title, JAMS 9 (J 956), pp. 1 \8 -27.
404 JAMES McKINNON
the repertOty of the three extant Old Roman gradual SI late as they are, is
identical to that of mid-8th-century Rome, a time and place from which we
have no preserved manuscripts.
Some might say that there is no need to argue the point, that one simply
assumes this identityl even while holding that the melodic style of the Ro-
man chants must have evolved to some extent over the period of more than
three centuries that they were subject to oral transmission. But it happens
that this assumption was questioned in this very venue at the meeting of
l
Cantus Planus held in Eger two years ago; hence my rising to its defense. It is
an assumption of fundamental importance to chant studies; if I after all 1 we do
not know even the texts of the 8th-century Roman Mass Proper, then all
hope of gaining some insight into how that splendid musical and liturgical
monument was created is irretrievably lost.
I begin the argument now feeling not unlike someone about to demon-
l
strate that the circle is round. The central reason why we assume that the
repertory of the Old Roman graduals is identical to that of 8th-century Rome
is simply that it is identical also to the early Frankish repertory, as we know it
from the six early unnotated graduals edited in Dom Hesbertls Antiphonale
Missarum Sextuplex. 4 Take the introits of Lent (Table t, where the second
half of the season is given as representative of the whole). The column under
the heading "Vat lat 5319" provides the introit incipits of that manuscript.
The headings of the next two columns give sigla for the two other Old Ro-
man graduals; the dashes in the columns below indicate that the introits of
these manuscripts are the same as those of Vat 1at 5319. Next there appear
sigla for five of the Sextuplex manuscripts; the reason for the omission of one
of the six, the Monza codex, is the obvious one that the manuscript, a canta-
torium rather than a gradual, has no introits. Dashes, again, are used to
indicate the same introits as Vat lat 5319. The ··O/S" under the siglum of the
Rheinau gradual appear when that notOriously eccentric manuscript simply
omits a date in the liturgical calendar; one notes that whenever it includes a
date, the introit is the same as that of Vat lat 5319.
This sample of the Mass Proper, the introits of the second hat f of lent,
i1lustrates the identity of the Old Roman and early Frankish repertories. The
sample l numbering 25 chants from a total of some 570 in the entire Roman
Mass Proper, is representative of the whole. There are exceptions. it is true;
4 Rem~-Jean Hesbert, Antiphonale Missarwn Sextuplex (Brussels, 1935)1 hereaf.

ter given as SextupJex.
VAllCANA U,llNA 5319 405
Table 1. Lenten introits (from 3d Sunday to Holy Thursday)

Vat lat HI 9 S Ptr Bod 74 Rheinau Blandin Compt- Corbte SenUs
F22 ~gne
Quad IIIOculi mei - - - - - - -

Mon In deo lau- - - 0 - - - -
dabo
Tu Ego c1amavi - - 0 - - - -
Wed Ego autem in - - - - - - -
dno
Thur Salus populi - - 0 - - - -
Fri Fac meum - - - - - - -
dne
Sat Verba mea - - - - - - -
Quad IV Letare hier - - - - - - -
Mon Deus in - - 0 - - - -
nomine
Tu Exaudi deus - - 0 - - - -
Wed Dum sancti- - - - - - - -
hcatus
Thur Letetur cor - - 0 - - - -
Fri Meditatio - - - - - - -
cordis
Sat Sitientes - - - - - - -
venite
Quad V ludica me - - - - - - -
deus
Mon Misere, - - 0 - - - -
conculcavit
Tu Expecta - - 0 - - - -
dominum
Wed Uberator - - - - - - -
meus
Thur Omnium que - - - - - - -
fee
Fri Miserere,
tribulor
- - 0 - - - -
Palm Sun Domine ne - - - - - - -
longe
Mon ludica - - - - - - -
domine
Tu Nosautem - - - - - - -
Wed In nomine - - - - - - -
dol
Thur Nos autem - - - - - - -
406 lAMES McKlNNON
these have their own value and will be dealt with presently, but the over-
whelming majority of the two repertories are a perfect match. When one
considers the dates of the Frankish manuscripts, the two earliest of which -
the Rheinau and Mont Blandin graduals - are from the turn of the 9th centu-
ry and thus within mere decades of the transmission of the Roman chant to
the North,S one can only conclude that the Roman repertory given here in
the three left hand columns is the Roman repertory from the time of that
mid-to-Iater 8th-century transmission.
Unless, that is, one wishes to claim the reverse, that the Frankish repertory
was transmitted south to Rome. This, of course, defies a wealth of literary
evidence describing the process of the Roman transmission at this time. 6 Let
me cite just three particularly apposite items from this material. The first is
the famil iar passage from the letter of Pope Paul I to King Pepin in which he
responds to the latter's request for Roman liturgical books. "We have sent", he
writes, "to your most excellent majesty as many books as we could find; they
include an antiphoner and a responsorial. .. "7 We have here an explicit refer-
ence to chant books being sent from Rome to the Carol ingian court some-
time between 757 and 767, the dates of Paul's reign. (The terms "ant iphoner"
and "responsorial", incidentally, were used at the time for both Mass and
Office books.)
The second passage, less well-known, comes from a letter of Bishop Heli-
sachar, liturgical advisor to Louis the Pious, written in about 820. Helisa-
char's concern was with the Office rather than the Mass; he found it distress-
ing that the Office was sung differently in the various ecclesiastical centers of
the Carolingian realm. He determined that a single ofRcial antiphoner must
be compiled, and in order to do this properly he assembled as many chant
books, Roman and Frankish, as he could find. In examining these he noted
that they prOVided a unified repertory for the Mass, but not the Office. In his
own words: "While they differed among themselves very I ittle with respect to
5 For the dates see SextupJex, pp. xii and xv.

6 Most often cited, perhaps, from this abundant material are the many referenc-
es to the adoption of the cantus romanus in the Carolingian capitularies, and the
two colorful narrations about the difficulties the Franks experienced in mastering the
Roman manner of singing: that of John the Deacon and that of Notker of St Gall.
There exists, needless to say, nothing of the sort about a contemporal)' Roman adop-
tion of Frankish chant.
7 Direximus itaque excel/entissimae praecellentiae vestrae et libros quantos repe-
rire potuimus. Id est antiphonale et responsale ... (MCH, Epist Merv I, p. 529).
VA~nCANA 53J9 407
the chants of the Mass ... few were found to manifest unity with respect
to the chants of the Office." s Helisachar could be said to have been making
same observation as in 1 at Table And I ca as
someone who attempted naivete construct lar tables the
extant Old Office antiphoners the earl northern exemplars,
that I experienced a measure of Hel isachar's frustration; the discrepancies
were so great as to render the task impossible. Thus the Roman and Frankish
repertories were by arge in the 9th century, while
Office were
The third example, the least well-known, may be the most telling. It in-
volves the city of Metz, where the great St Chrodegang established a schoJa
cantorum of cathedral can that was iversally acknowledged the
foremost Fran exponent the cantus romanus. Chrodegang's slIccessor
ilram, who reigned from 8 to 791, left us a document in ich he
details extra payments to clergymen for performing specialliturgical tasks. 9
Among these tasks are numbered the Singing of five chants, long Lenten gra-
or tracts~ provide n Table, ich gives I iturgical occasion
then the inClplts provided three Roman manuscripts,
Angilram's document and the six Frankish manuscripts of Hesbert's Sextu-
pJex. Four of the chants manifest the expected continuity between the Ro-
man and Frankish aSSignments, but the Good Friday does not All three
Roman have habitat Good tract, borrowed,
apparently, Quadragesima Sunday, all northern manuSCTl begin-
ning with the mid-9th-century unnotated graduals of the SextupJex(the Rhei-
nau and Blandin graduals provide no tract), and extending, as it turns out, to
OO's of Cregorian manuscri have the Frankish ace-
Eripe But Bishop Angilram us that Roman habitat
R Sed quamquam in grada/i cantu ... discordale possent, in noctomaJi

in unum concordare mnt. Epist V,
I . For
background document, see Michel aniements l'anti-
phonaire gregorien au [Xc siecle: He[isachar, Agobard, Amalaire", Culto cristiano,
poJitica imperiaJe caro/inga. XVII/ convegno intemazionaJe di stud; su/Ja spiritualita
medievaJe 1979), pp. O.
The was and by Andrieu, IIReglement
d'Angilramne Metz (768 1) Hxant les honoraires de ques fonctions litur-
giques", Revue des sciences religieuses 10 (1930), pp. 349-69.
10 Amalarius of Mctz cites Qui habita t as the Good Friday tract in his Liber offici-
IV 34 4
, , I
ndebted Dr Franz PraBJ for reference
408 lAMES McKINNON
was still sung at Metz in the later 8th centut)'; he tells us, too, that the assign-
ment of this chant to Good Friday in the 11 th, 12th and 13th-century Roman
graduals attests to its similar assignment in 8th-century Rome.
Table 2. Angilram's Payments

Assignment Vat Lat 5319 Angilram Sextuplex, etc.
Quad tract Qui habitat QUi habitat Qui habitat

Palm Sun tract Deus deus meus Deus deus meus Deus deus meus
Wedgrad Domine exaudi Domine exaudi Domine exa~di
Good Fri tract Qui habitat QUi habitat Eripe me
Holy Sat tract Laudate dominum Laudate dominum Laudate dominum
There is an additional category of evidence that completes our rounding

of the circle: any number of rubrics in the early unnotated Frankish graduals
tell us that these books were copied from Roman manuscripts. There are at
least five examples of th is.
1. Several early Frankish manuscripts begin with a short preface, the key
words of which are GREGORIUS PRESLlL COMPOSUIT HUNC L1-
BELLUM MUSICAE ARTlS [Gregory compiled this little book of the
musical art]'ll Now whatever our own views on the Gregorian ques-
tion, the point here is that Frankish scribes believed themselves to be
copying a book complIed by a Roman pontiff.
2. We know that the Franks added an additional Sunday formulary to the
Roman repertory - that beginning with the introit Dmnes gentes - and
inserted it into the liturgical year as the 7th Sunday after Pentecost.
The rubric for this date in the Blandin gradual reads: ISTA EBDO-
MATA NON EST IN ANTIFONARIOS ROMANOS [This week is
not in the Roman antiphoners]'12 We have thus the testimony of a
Frankish scribe pointing out a difference between his manuscript and
what he had observed in its Roman exemplars.
3. There are certain rubrics in the Frankish manuscripts that could apply
only to Rome, but were copied none the less . The most obvious of
11 See Sextuplex, pp. 2-3.

12 Ibid., p . 180.
5319 409
these are the daily indications of the Roman stational churches; all the
Frankish graduals indicate, for example, that the third Mass of Christ-
mas is to be celebrated at St Peter's in the Vatican. 13
4. an a-liturgical
retained in the manuscripts even
ished with chants. happens, for example l
Advent. There liturgy on this Rome

the pope's the long ordination ceremonies
that extended into the previous Saturday eveningj hence there are no
chants for the date in the Roman manuscripts. The Franks, however,
eventually furnished chants forthis Sunday, but continued to copy the
obsolete Roman rubric. 14
5. The final example is a rubric so altogether irrelevant that some might
retention amusing. Saturday before was
at Rome because set aside this distribute
poor; the early manuscripts provide following
the date: SABBATO QUANDO PAPA
ELEMOSINAM DAT is IIvacant" when our pope
gives alms].15 The appearance of the rubric in a Frankish manuscript
can be explained in only one of two ways - either it was copied from
Roman manuscripts or the pope was accustomed to spend the Saturday
before Palm Sunday distributing alms throughout the Carolingian
realm.
then, we can in our assumption Old
provide us with repertory at the 8th-
of the cantus to the North. this
from ming between the Old early
Frankish repertories, and the certain knowledge that the Frankish repertOty
was dependent upon the Roman and not the opposite. The most obvious ben-
efit we derive from this knowledge is, as mentioned earlier, the possibility to
study the mid-8th-century Roman repertory in the hope of discovering inter-
nal evidence that might help to explain the steps involved in its creation. But
there benefit as well I in the study 9th-
developments.
15.
15 Ibid., pp. 86-87.

410 lAMES McKINNON
We have observed that the Roman and early Frankish repertories were vir-
tually identical, but with exceptions, for example, the new Frankish tract
Eripe me that we noted above. To confine ourselves to introits, we know that
the Roman repertory transmitted to the North contained precisely 144
chants. We know this because in comparing the Roman and Frankish sources
we note 144 common introits, assigned, moreover, to the same dates in the
liturgical year. But there are four introits in the Roman manuscripts that do
not appear in the Frankish graduals. We must assume, then, that they were
added to the Roman repertory after the time of transmission, and this is
borne out by the nature of these chants, for example, Deus israel and Roga-
mw; te domine, the introits, respectively, for the Roman nuptial and funeral
masses, liturgical occasions that postdate the 8th century.16 But more interest-
ing, I think, are the introits added by the Franks, numbering six. They were
added, as were the Roman examples, primarily to accomodate new liturgical
occaSions, for example Omnes gentes, mentioned above as the introit for the
added 7th Sunday after Pentecost, and Benedicta sit, the introit for the new
Carolingian festival of the Holy Trinity. 17 The opportunity that the study of
such exceptional chants provides can only be hinted at here; it has to do with
16 The other two are Benedicat te hodie, Ordinatio episcoporumj and Elegit te
dominus, Ordinatio pontincorum. These fall into a different and more puzzling
category than the chants for the muptial and funeral masses; there is an overall lack
of continuity between all Roman and Frankish liturgical formularies for episcopal
and papal ordination.
17 The other four are: Memento nostri, 4th Sunday of Advent j Probasti domine,
Octave of St Laurence; Narrabo nomen tuum, Vigil of Ascension j and Sicut Fu; Nata-
le pontiicorum.
Consideration of these chants also yelds an important argument for the central
thesis of this paper. Such 9th-century Frankish additions to the Roman Mass Proper
are not to be found in the Old Roman graduals, thus testifying once again to the
purely Roman content of the core repertory of these documents.
An entirely different categoIY of chants are those referred to in the opening lines
of this paper as "late Gregorian insertions". These chants, such as the Gregorian alle-
luias and sequences of Bodmer 74 can be said to mix like oil and water with the Old
Roman chants that surround them; they stand out clearly with their Gregorian melo-
dies. One assumes their presence to be the result of the well·known outside influenc-
es upon the Roman liturgy of the t t th century. Again, what would be damaging to
the thesis of this paper would be the appearance in the Old Roman graduals of 9th·
century Frankish chants like the tract Eripe me and the introit Benedicta sit, particu-
larly if they displayed the typical Roman melodic style.
VATlCANA L<\TINA 5319 411
observing how they compare in melodic stability or instability with the bulk
of the repertory, tram; itted as it was from Rome, and how this comparison
Agures within the famous debate over the oral and tran ission of
Cregoria ant. 18 it turns out that there considerable potential benefit
in establ ng the roundness of the circle, put it another way, in the re-
invention of the wheel.
18 I here, of course, to the controversy represented most notably by Helmut

Hucke, a Historical View of Crcgorian Chant", JAMS 33 (1980),
437-67; Leo Treitler r "Homer CregOl),: The Traf1smission of Poetry
and Plainchant", MQ 60 974), 3-72; David Hughes r idence the Tradi-
tional View of Transmission of Cregorian Chanf' JAMS 40 (1987), pr 77-
404; and Kenneth Levy, "Charlemagne's Archetype Cregorian Chant", 40
(I pp. 1-30.
iminary analysis of 9th-centmy Frankish additions a much higher
incidence of mel instability than one nds in of the Mass Proper rep-
ertory.
£
413
CELEBRATING CHRISTMAS IN PIACENZA

IN
BR/AN M0LLERJENSEN
May 1 the Piacent canon died. According to will he

donated a piece of land to the cathedral chapter 'I to make books", ad /ibros
faciendos, as we read in his obituary found in two Piacentinian manuscripts. 1
Ribaldus' donation made it possible for the chapter finally to meet the
cathedral's awaited for a set of books. date in
this obituary ote indicates that the of the important book in
the "Ribaldus-collection" Piacenza, Bib!. Cap. c. 65 (= Pia 65) - also known as
liber Magistri, 11 Libra del Maestro or even as liber Officiorum,l as some mu-
sicologists prefer to name it - commenced in 1142 in concurrence with argu-
ments adduced Domenico Ponzini 3 David The
demand books from beginning erection new
cathedral in 1122 and from the fact that lohannes Archidiaconus around the
same time had accomplished a liturgical reform, Ritus Placentinus - two
events that seem to derive from Pascal papal 1106 Guastalla,
the of wh Piacenza as as the Emilian of Par-
ma, Reggio, Modena and Bologna were liberated the dominion of the
archbishop in Ravenna. 5
1 Identical obituary in 65 fol 442 and in Piacenza, Bib!. Cap. c. 51 fol 279:
"Obiit Ribaldus huius eeclesiae canonieus et sanete Anastasie presbiter cardinalis qui
dedit nobis terram de Pradegio ad libros faciendos MCXLlI". "Ooe per fare e mante-
nere i Iibri ChoTO et explained local P. M.
Campi in d; Piacenza (Piacenza, ), vol. 1,
2 E.g. . Huglo, Les Tona/res (Paris, 1 I), p. 174, . Merkley, Italian Tonarics
(Ottawa,1988),p.144.
3 Ponzini's arguments in 11 Libro del Maestro. Codice 65 de/la Biblioteca Capito-
Jare, ed. A (Piacenza, ), p. 8.
4 Western Plaincnant Handbook
5 U.-T Blumenthal, early councils Pope 1100-11 (Toronto,
1978), p. 52: "Concilium apud Guastallam, cap. 2: In hoc concilio constitutum est ut
Emilia tota cum suis urbibus, id est Placentia, Parma, Regio, Mutina, Bononia, num-
quam ulterius Ravennati subiacerent" "
414 BRIAN M0LLERJENSEN
The key manuscript to the understanding of lohannes' reform 6 is Pia 65, a

manuscript 452 folios large, which seems to contain the entire repertory of
chants for the episcopal liturgy of the cathedral. Its two largest parts, and
those which are most important for the study of the reform, are the gradual-
section ending with the troper-sequentiary (fol 149-253v) and the antipho-
nary (fol 262-435v). To my knowledge few attempts have so far been initiat-
ed to investigate Ritus Placentinus, which may be described as a local modifi-
cation of the Ritus Romanus. Therefore, a detailed description and a pro-
found study of Iohannes'liturgical achievement is still a desideratum. 6Ia
I f we for the moment accept Ponzini's 1963 description of parts of the re-
form, augmented with the details and arguments I have presented elsewhere,?
as indications of intentions and ideas in the reform, it seems to be a reason-
able hypothesis that the repertory of tropes and sequences in the troper-
sequentiary of Pia 65 represent a conscious selection made by lohannes .
Given this hypothesis, the next steps would be to study the liturgical entire-
ty, which was created by his combination of assignments in the gradual and
his selection of tropes and sequences, and to investigate theological ideas and
themes expressed in this selection.
The mass is not only a ritual act but also a cultic experience in terms 0 f
time and space. I f we regard its I iturgy as the tool for creating the proclaimed
reality, evoking the past action for the present congregation and identifying
the church with the place where the imitated act was first performed,s we al-
so have to consider the interaction of text and music in the selected pieces in
relation to the I iturgical framework outlined in the gradual. In what way
might this interaction enlarge or emphasize certain theological ideas or dog-
mas? Will an analysis of literary, J iturgical and musical aspects of the tropes
and sequences enable us to discover or display some criteria for lohannes se- l
lection?
6 Cf. A. C. Quintavalle, Miniatura a Piacenza. [ Codic; dell'Archivio Capita/are,

con una nota sulla liturgia piacentina e la paleografia di D. Ponzini (Venice, 1963),
p.87.
Ma The chants of the antiphoner are indexed in "Piacenza, Biblioteca Capitolare
65 . Printouts from an Index in Machine-Readable Form. A CANTUS Index", Musico-
logicaJ Studies LV/2 (Ottawa, 1993).
7 Local saints in Piacenza, a paper read at the 2nd International Medieval Con-
gress in Leeds, July 12 1995.
8 Cf. C. C . Flanigan, 'The liturgical context of the Quem quaeritis trope", in
Comparative Drama 8 (1974), pp. 45-62.
CELEBRATING CHRISTI\1AS1N PIACENZA IN 1142 415
In this paper it is my intention to treat such questions in detail as regards

the celebration of Christmas in Piacenza in 1142. Since a profound analysis
of the entire Christmas liturgy would demand much time and space, this pa-
will be fined to main aspects and themes the three Christmas
masses: missa gallican missa in , missa in nativita domi-
ni nostri, as the rubrics in Pia 65 name them. Texts from other parts of the
Piacentinian Christmas celebration will be included only in a few particularly
relevant cases.
"Hodie" stating the rituall/hie et nune"

Let us start the reading with the sequence Hodie puer natus est for the
ad gaJ/icantum. As first of the selected texts the Iitur-
t incl large of quotations from and notations the pre-
vious and following texts in the celebration.
Hodie puer natus est nobis
canat
l'Today church child unto or "Today child is

born unto us, sings the church": the syntactic connection of the temporal
adverb hodie is somewhat ambiguous, but its pOSition as the vet)' nrst word
the sequence is importan As in other elements and se-
quences 9 th adverb under! the et nunc the feast,
and it appears more than once in the texts to each of the Christmas masses in
Pia 65.
Step by step the aspect of presence in the celebration of the birth of
is ollll in the Placent after its ficant ion in
introit scietis Vigil which is only intro the Pia
65 gradual and in Hesbert's Antiphonale Missarum SextupJex 10 beginning
with hodie.
Hodie quia dominus salvabit vos
et mane videbitis gloriam eius.
(''Today you will know, that the Lord will come and save you,
and tomorrow you will see his glory.")
Cf. C. BJC:'lrkvall-A. ''Tropentypen in Sankt len", Nou-

velles sur Jes tropes /iturgiques, Ed. C. Bjorkvall-W. Arlt, SLS 36 (Stockholm, 1993),
pp. 123-130.
10 (Bruxelles, 1935)
416 BRIAN M0LLER JENSEN
The next hodie~step comes in the introit to the ad gallicantum mass Domi-
nus dixit in the last of its three sentences, ego hodie genui te ("l have born
you today"), and it reappears in the identical alleluia verse which was sung
immediately before the sequence Hodie puer natus est nobis.
lam fulget oriens,
iam praecununt signa,
iam venit dominus visitare nos:
LUX FULGEBIT (HODIE SUPER NOS,
QUIA NATUS EST NOBIS DOMINUS,
ET VOCABITUR ADMIRABILIS DEUS, PRINCEPS PACIS,
PATER FUTURJ SAECULI, CUJUS REGNI NON ERITFINIS).
(Now the rising sun glitters, now the signs hasten on before, now the Lord co·
mes to visit us: THE LIGHT WILL SHINE UPON US TODAY, BECAUSE
THE LORD IS BORN TO US, AND HE WILL BE CALLED WONDERFUL
GOD, PRINCE OF PEACE, FATHER OF THE COMING WORLD, OF
WHOSE REIGN THERE WILL BE NO END.)
Supported by the trope's anaphoric use of iam, an extended third hodie-

step appears in the beginning of the introit to the mass in aurora, Lux fulge-
bit hodie super nos. These words are a non-biblical introduction to the in·
troit's indirect quotation of Isaiah 9.6,11 a verse which, slightly altered, makes
up the important Christmas introit Puer natus est nobis for the missa maioras
well.
While absent from the troped introit Puer natus est nobis, the adverb
hodie reappears in the first alleluia verse Laus tib; Christe quia hodie cum
magna luce descendisti ("Praise to you, Christ, because today you descended
with the great light") as well as in the second, Dies sanctificarus, with the al·
tered wording quia hodie descendit lux magna ("because today descended
the great light"). The two formulae both continue and enlarge the opening of
the introit Lux fulgebit in their combination of hodieand the light metaphor.
However, the absence of hodie in the trope and introit to the main mass
only apparently diminishes the temporal aspect, since the choice of Ecce
adest de quo as the trope to Puer natus est nobis in fact amplifies this point of
view. The anaphoric use of the demonstrative adverb ecce ("See! Beholdl") in
11 ParvuJus enim natus est nobis. In both these introits the noun parvu/u5 is
changed: in Lux fulgebit to dominus, which underlines the christologicaJ aspects of
the prophecy, and in Puer natus to puer; to make the birth of Christ present to the
congregation.
CELEBRATING CHRISTMAS PJACENZA 42 417
both the introductOty and the Anal element of the entire composition
strengthens aspect presence and thereby paves the to the
explicit formulation of hie being nativitati magnae,'
"the important birth of Christ", which is stated in the first stanzas of the se-
quence Christ; hodierna pangimini.
The hodie-steps in the texts of the masses reach a final peak in the very
antiphon Vespers was to sung only die. Anaphorical-
used four in th which even quotation of Christ-
mas invitatory, Chr;stus natus est nobis, the position of hodie helps to empha-
size today's celebrated event and its consequences in four concise sentences:
Hodie Christus natus
hodie apparuit,
hodie in caelis canunt angeli, laetentur archangeli,
hodie exultant iusti dicentes;
Gloria in excelsis deo, Alleluia.
(Today is born; the has today the sing

in and the archangels rejoice; today the righteous jubilate singing:
Gloria in excelsis Deo, Alleluia.)
The frequent appearance and significant use of hodie in the texts celebrat-
Christmas might be summarized following by the American
poet]im
Now is blessed,
The rest
11
lbe identification of Puer and Ouistus

Return the first sequence, we that the church is Puer
natus est and in following stanzas the are asked praise
IItheir king comes to save us", and will ask reigning to un-
do our sins and as a mighty king make the stars of Heaven accessible to us"
(4a-b).13
12 Wilderness. The lost writings ofJim Morr/son (New 1988), p. 6.

13 The two couplets 3b and 4a seem to be unique to Pia 65, cf. Analecta Hymni-
ca (= AH) 53.28- 30. Were they inserted to emphasize further the light metaphor
the theme, sequence selected first mass7
418 BR/AN M0LLERJENSEN
The sequence is obviously identifying the newborn child and Christ the
heavenly king. This identification is the important gospel of the entire Christ-
mas celebration, beginning with the invitatory Christus natus est nobis, but
how is it expressed in the texts of the gradual? and in what way do the se-
lected tropes and sequences add Piacentinian touches to this message?
In the introit to the Vigil the word dominus was used to describe the
child; in the introit Dominus dixit to the mass ad gaJlicantum Cod's adopting
words, which in its original context was uttered by the king of the Israelites
as he acceded to the throne, are put in the mouth of the child: "The Lord
said to me: You are my Son, I have born you today",14 This implies that, ac-
cording to the Old Testament context of this introit, the newborn child is
endowed with his royal insignia, and, seen in their christological context,
these words reveal God's acknowledgement of the child's true identity and
power. The sequence Hodie puer natus est adds to the picture by confessing
that the church has received the message and accepts the identification as it
expands the name used in the invitatoTY, Christus, and invokes the child as
lesus Christus in the last stanza, which is formed as a prayer for the participa-
tion in his hirthday:
Da digne nobis frequentare
natalitia tua semper, lesu Christe.
With a christological allusion to the first creative words spoken by God in

Genesis Fiat lux/IS the sequence then announces the newborn child as Lux
nova in 3a, stating that lithe new Iight now illuminates the earth and dispels
our darkness".
The outcome of the flght between light and darkness aptly fills both trope
and introit of the mass in aurora: the above-mentioned anaphoric use of iam
in the Introductory trope element indicates that the metaphorical aspect of
the words denoting Iight as iam fulget oriens in the trope is equivalent to lux
fulgebit hodie in the introit, and both expressions announce the coming of
the Lord, domint15, as celebrated in the mass at dawn . In the main mass the
light metaphor appears only in the two alleluia verses, and since this mass is
celebrated in daylight their verbs are put in the past tense, which seems to
emphasize the fact Christ has indeed appeared with and as the light.
Fresh nuances in the identification and further connotations to the bib! ical
writers Isaiah and John the Evangel ist are included in the extended trope
14 Ps. 2.7
15 Gen 1.2.
CELEBRATINC CHRlSTMASIN PIACENZA IN 1142 419
composition Ecce adest de quo for the main Christmas mass: the present
child born and given unto us is to be identiAed with the child promised by
the prophets the 0 Testament, and so with saviour announced by
John the Baptist, as the final element combines his words and the prophecy
of Isaiah.16 This identification of puer and dominus Christus is consolidated
in sequence Christi hodiema pangirnini, the puenlm and
infantulus in couplets 4a and 4b obviously signify the same child as auctorum
omnium dominum in 7a and Christum dnminum in 8b, whom king Herod
wants kill.
Finally, the abovementioned last antiphon to Vespers in ipso die, with its
verbs in the past tense, confirms the Anal fulfillment of the promise expressed
in the two with tense used the in to mass, veniet
salvabit, as we may observe in the identical structure of its first two lines:
Hodie Christus natus est,
Hodie apparuit.
Mission and consequences

With this aspect in mind we return once again to the selected trapes and
sequences, to study h the coming 0 Christ his mission also
consequences are interpreted.
The predominant theme is of course salvation. The Hrst sequence com-
bines two main in the troit the mass couplet 2b, qui
nos sa/vare advenit ("who comes to save us"). The aspect salvation is en-
larged through a number of verba agendi with Christ as the real subject: e.g.
illustra , pe1Jit, Jaxet, t, and de/eat. its present on the
celebrating congregation invokes Christ to let them return to fructuosam
nos tram patriam in Paradise (8 b).
In trope oriens Pia 65 offers an nteresti text, compared
to other versions of the trope. Instead of illuminare nobis 65 has visitare
nos but it keeps seven notes to sing these five syllables. The choice of visitare
indicates an an personal presence, and it so supports the frequent
appearance of hodie in all the Christmas texts.
Furthermore, visitare endows the anaphoric use of ecce and the infinitive
liberare in the· trait to main with more mate Th
16 loh 1.29 and [s 9.6.

17 R. Jonsson et ,Corpus Troporum l. du propre de messe
Cycle de Noel, SLS 21 (Stockholm, 1975), p. 115.
continues in the following tropes to the Arst offertory verse and to the Agnus
Dei: with a connotation to the lohannine understanding of Christ's divine
and human nature in his coming from Heaven to earth,lS the relative clause
qui de caelis ... visitare in the paraphrase trope Magnus et omnibus metuen-
dus dominus repeats the inAnitive visitare, and the last element of the Agnus
Dei trope with its tTinitarian formulae finishes with the prayer subveni et Jibe-
ra nos C'come to our help and liberate us").
The three expressions in the first sequence peJ/it nostras tenebras, nostra
Jaxet facinora and de/eat nostra crimina point to the specific significance and
contents of the expectations in the abovementioned infinitives. And the last
element in the introit trope Ecce adest de quo explicitly identifies the child
with lithe lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world", Ecce agnus dei,
eeee qui tollit peccata mund;, an expression which points to the identical pre-
sentation of Christ in the laudatory G/oria in exeelsis deo, to be sung later in
the mass, and even to the prayer expressed in the Agnus Dei, before the com-
munion.
The coming of Christ and the hope of salvation offer the church an op-
portunity for singing and rejoicing, as we may observe in the frequent use of
verbs like canare, personare, gaudere, laetari, exultare, adorare, pangere, psal-
Jere, la uda re, gJorificare, and nouns like Jaus and gaudiwn. In the first se-
quence the congregation exhorts the angels to sing their praises to Christ: in
the folloWing texts it may be observed how the two units approach each oth-
er to form one united group. Thus, in the final element of the Sanctus trope
they share the praise:
Tibi omnes angeli et archangeli,
tibi omnis tua sancta proclamat ecclesia:
BENEDICTUS QUI VENIT IN NOMJNE DOMINE.
(To you all angels and archangels and your entire holy church cry out:
Blessed be He who comes in the name of the Lord.)
In this way the word order ecclesia - angel; in the opening stanzas of the
chosen sequence for the first mass, Hodie puer natus, chiastical1y matches
angeli - omnis tua sancta ecclesia in the last element of the Sanctus trope to
the third and main mass. Seen as a poetic stilistic device, the two formulae
taken together seem to form a ring, encircling the celebration of the three
masses.
18 ef. Joh 1./- 18.

CELEBRATING CHRISTMAS IN PIACENZA IN 1142 421
Musical observations in tropes and sequences

The interpretation seems to indicate a certain textual coherence in the
celebration of Christmas, which may be supported by some musical obsetva-
tions. 19 Both the selected sequences are written to the very old and well-
known melody Mater,20 which might be interpreted as a deliberate choice by
Iohannes to provide a certain melodic uniformity and to underline thereby
the textual contents.
When we look at the various direct and indirect quotations of Is. 9.6 the
musical pattern is more complex than the textual. The verbal quotation of
the introit Puer natus est nobis in the first sequence is not matched by a simi-
lar musical quotation. Instead, the melodic structure of the words Hodie puer
natus est resembles the melody of the two first almost identical lines in the
above-mentioned Vespers antiphon Hodie Christus natus est (cf. Ex. t).
The opening syllables of the introit Puer natus est nobis run G-D D D-E-
D C, which is followed by the similar G-D D-E-D structure in the second
phrase Et filius (cf. Ex. 2). The upward leap G-D probably suggests the viva-
cious joy which is conveyed to the church by the message contained in the
introit. The jubilant joy is expanded and strengthened, as we find the melod-
ic opening CoD D not only in the introductory element Ecce adest de quo to
Example 1.
I
•
...?'
~. • • • • • •
Sequenlia Ho di e pu - er na - Ius est
Anliphona
-----."
Ho -
:-
di
• '"
e Chrf
•- •
stus
;
na
• •
tus est
-- • •-• • • • • • •
I , ,
• ~. •
Ho - di e $81 - va - tQ( ap pa - ru It
19 The Italian musicologist Piero Panzetti has kindly confinned some of my ob-
servations and even suggested others.
20 Cf. L. Brunner, "Catalogo delle sequenze in manoscritti di origine italiana ante-
riori al 1200", Rivista Ita];ana di Music%gia, vol XX (1985), p. 237 and p. 219. Cf.
also R. Cracker, The early medieval sequence (Berkeley, 1977), p. 160.
422 BRIAN M0UER JENSEN
the introit but also reappearing at significant points in the performance of the
entire trope composition: this is a Piacentinian combination of the wide-
spread trope complex Ecee adest de quo, the North-Italian Gloria-element
G/oria tibi Christe, and the unique element Eeee agnus dei. 11
From a musical point of view this combination of trope elements is hardly
to be considered a coincidence, since Gloria tibi Christe as well as Eeee ag-
nus and the second part of this element, ecce qui, open with the same dra-
matic melodic leap as the introductory element Ecee adest de quo (cf. Ex. 2).
This feature becomes even more significant as all three elements introduce
the introit Puer natus. '
Does such a coherent musical structure in the Christmas trope allow us to
attribute the unique element Ecce agnus dei or perhaps even the entire com-
position to lohannes Archidiaconus, or rather to another Piacentinian of this
period, lohannes Magister Scolarum?
What is more, the melodic phrase G-D 0 can be found as well in the
Piacentinian versions of the Mater melody used for the two Christmas se-
quences. The phrase seems to appear as a musical support to the text at some
significant points. In Hodie puer natus the change from the narrative style in
the first part of the sequence and the use of the third person singular for the
direct address Te petimus in couplet 6a, and the use of the second person sin-
gular imperatives in the following couplets, is underlined by the G-D D-E D
C structure which then reappears in Ut ;mpetres (6a2) and Ut de/eat (6b)22
(cf. Ex. 3). likewise the change in address from Maria to Christ is marked by
G-D 0 C D-E-D in lam domino in 7a and Ut tribuat in 7b.
In Christ; hodierna pangimini these melodic structures appear in 6a
Exiguo and in 6b Non ostrum. Though not quite as Significant, the musical
aspect even in this sequence underlines the textual emphasis that the Lord
seeks a humble dwelling instead of royal bUildings: Non ostrum elegit non
aurincum '" locum.
11 Cf. CT I, pp. 82-83, 100,83 and the PUER NATUS table, pp. 226-229.
22 The syntactical enjambement criminal Primae matris probably motivates the
omission of the G·O leap in the first two words of 6b2, which opens more smoothly
with the phrase D D-E D·D C.
23 For a wider interpretation of the Marian aspects of the tropes and sequences in
Pia 65 see my study "Beata Maria semper virgo in Piacenza, Bibl. Cap. c. 65", Liturgy
and the Arts in the Middle Ages. Essays in honour of C. C};f/ord FJanagan (1941-
1993), ed. N. H . Petersen-E. L. Lillie (Copenhagen, 1996), pp . 134- 167.
Example 2. Introit trope Ecce adest de quo
•• • •-•
I ~ ~
••
1
I'"
• I { •
Pu · er na tus.•. Et ft 6us
I
•• •r= I f
\ -
•GIo• . • . •a
• •
Ec · re adest.. If tI . bI
I I
•
,•
• •--..• • • • ••
7 • ...
• • •
Ec · ce a . gnus De I, - ec . ce qui 101 . It
...-. •
Example 3. The sequence Hodie puer natus est
•-- ••
I 1
i • • -
•-
•
(
•
6al Te pe 11 - mus 6bl UI de - le - at
I ,--. •
I
•
r-. • • • •r-. •-..• •
6a2 Ut im pe . Ires 6b2 Pri mae rna Iris
.... • ~
• •••
~
• ••• • • •
I (
i (
•
7a lam Do rnl no 7b Ut In - bu - al
Maria13
In Hodie puer natus this particular melodic feature not only marks the
change from third to second person singularj it even helps to introduce the
Mafian aspect into the Christmas mystery. In couplets 5a-b the two oldest
Marian dogmas are combined in the description of Maria as felixmater ... vir-
go semper intacta permanens/ Regem cadi faeta est, "the happy mother and
everlasting untouched virgin who gave birth to the King of Heaven".
The remarkable syntactic change of person in 6a also introduces a tripar-
tite invocation in the second half of the sequence: step by step we become
more daring in our addresses as we move from virgo sanctissima (6a2) to
424 BRTAN M0LLER JENSEN
Christe in Bb. Finally we venture so far as to invoke God himself as pater

sempiterne in 9a. Relying on Maria's obedience (obnixe fuisti creduJa), in con-
trast to the disobedient prima mater (6b2) we trust in her function as our
mediatrix (per te in 6b) in the salvation mystery. Considering that this Eva-
Maria typology appears as an equally prominent motive in lohannes' choice
of the sequence for the Purification QUi purgat animas,24 we might add theo-
logical arguments to account for his choice of Hodie puer natus est as the se-
quence to the ad galJicantum mass.
In the Piacentinian Christmas texts Maria is not mentioned by name prior
to the second element of the introit trope Eeee adest de quo for the third
mass. This element is a relative clause to the tlrst part of the inrroit and it re-
peats the combination of the two old dogmas in virgo Maria genuit. The posi-
tion as the syntactic subject in a subordinate clause in this trope indicates
Maria's position in the entire Christian hierarchy, and a similar interpretation
might be found in Pia 65's version of the famous dialogue trope Quem quaeri-
tis in presepe:25
- Quem quaeritis in presepe, pastores7 dieite!
- Christum natum infantem pannis involutum
secundum sermonem angelieuml
- Adest hie parvulus cum Maria matre eius,
de quo dudum vaticinando Ysaias dixerat propheta:
"Eece virgo concipietet pariet filium"l
Et nunc euntes dieite, quia natus est!
Instead of the Marian coloured text Adest hie parvuJus cum Maria matre
sua de qua ... , which most versions of the trope present, Pia 65 offers the
reading Adest hie parvulus cwn Maria matre eius de quo .. .. This reading ob-
24 C. M . Dreves' edition of the sequence in AH to.21 is based only on Oxford,

BodI. Douce 222 from Novalesa, disregarding the other 9 Italian sources for this
sequence (cf. Brunner, "Catalogo ... //, p. 256). See also H. M. Bannister's edition of
text and melody based on 6 manuscripts in "Una sequenza per la Purificazione di ori-
gine italiana", Rassegna gregoriana 11 (1903), pp. 69-76. This sequence is the subject
of a forthcoming study "An edition and interpretation of the Purification sequence
Qui purgat animas".
25 The above-mentioned identification of the newborn child and Christ is
evident in the Piacentinian version of the trope, as Pia 65 have the shepherds look
for Christum natum infantem, while the other versions read salvatorem Chdstum
dominum infantemjcf er I, pp. 173·174.
CELEBRATINC CHRISTMAS IN PIACENZA IN 1142 425
viously makes the child and not his virgin mother the essential figure in the
quoted lsaian prophecy Ecce virgo concipiet et pariet filium.26
Concluding remarks
However, the position of the Piacentinian version of Quem quaeritis in
presepe on fol 228v still puzzles me. It is written as the first of all the proper
tropes, but why is it left unnotated and incomplete without its usual base
chant Puer natus'? Why is it written without any rubric after the Kyries and
the Glorias but before the sequence Hodie puer natus est to the ad galli-
cantum mass;> The outlined musical structure of the trope composition Ecce
adest de quo may explain why this trape was preferred to Quem quaeritis in
presepe, which seems to have another less remarkable musical structure,27
but why is it then included in Pia 65'?
A performance of Quem quaeritis in presepe would have matched the
Piacentinian celebration of Easter morning, since the trope to the Easter in-
trait Resurrexi is the even more famous dialogue trope Quem quaeritis in
sepulcro (fol 234v-235). Such a choice of trapes, which would have empha-
sized the connection between Christmas and Easter, could have gained fur-
ther emphasis through the fact that the one and only Kyrie trope in Pia 65,
Archangel; Jaetentur and the same untroped Gloria were to be sung solely at
these two main events in the Christian liturgy.27/a
This puzzling question awaits its solution. But it does not seem to impair
the impression of a non-coincidental textual and musical coherence in the
Piacentinian celebration of Christmas as outlined in Pia 65. Focusing on four
main themes I have attempted to show how the selected tropes and se-
quences have been applied to strengthen and underline certain themes and
aspects: The frequent use of demonstrative words like hodie, jam and ecce
stated the liturgical hic et nunc as the celebration of the birth of the child in
the stable in Bethlehemi this ritual basis established the next steps in the
study, concerning the identity of this newborn child and how the texts with
26 Is 7. 14.
27 Cf. CT 1, p. 298.
27/aThis is the celebrated "Gloria A", melody 39 in the catalogue of 0 Bosse,
Untersuchung einstimmiger mittelalterlicher Melodien zum NG/oria in excels is deo"
(Regensburg, 1955). I thank Marie-Noel Colette and Gunilla Iversen for this identifi-
cation.
426 BRIAN M0LLER JENSEN
specific words and phrases identified him with the promised saviour Jesus
Christ. Finally, the interpretation of Maria as virgin mother and in the role of
mediatrix also helped to emphasize the theological dogma of the truly divine
and truly human nature of Christ in the celebration of the newborn child ac-
cording to lohannes'liturgical reform.
Let that for the moment be a sufficient introduction to my studies not only
of the relations between text and music in the Piacentinian Christmas cele-
bration but also to the entire repertory of tropes and sequences in Pia 65.2 8
More needs to be done and new investigations will probably reveal further as-
pects of lohannes Archidiaconus' Ritus Placentinus. Attempts to recollect and
analyze our past might be regarded as attempts to grasp the meaning of life,
since today is yesterdays reconsidered as I pass through i.nto tomorrow.
28 The project ''Tropes and sequences in Piacenza, Bib!. Cap. c. 65. A critical edi-
tion of the texts and an analysis of their literary aspects and theological Significance
in the liturgical refonn Ritus Placentinus" is financed by a grant from the Danish Re-
search Council for the Humanities.
CELEBRATING PIACENZA IN 1142 427
TEXT - APPENDIX
Missa ad Gal1icantum:
Intf Dominus dixit ad me:

mcus es tu/ ego
Ps. fremuerunt gentes, meditati sunt
era principium in die in splendoribus

ex utero ante Juciferum genui te
vs. Dixit dominus domino mea: Sede a dextris meis
donee ponam inimicos tuos scabulum pedum tuorum.
AI/el Dominus dixit ad me:
filius meus es, ego hodie genui te
Seq Puer natus est Mater

ecclesia.
2a simul Regis sui laudes

resonent caeli agmina qui nos satvare advenit.
3a Lux nova iam terras illustrat 3b Radiis coruscis resplendet

et nostras pellit tenebras mundus a summo eardine.
4a Regnantem iam Christum 4b Et eaeli sydera

nostra laxet rex potens faciat
Sa sola haec virgo Regem caeH sit

ntacta permanens viri cubilis
6a 1 Te petimus 6bl Ut deleat

supplices voce humillima, nostra fugans per te crimina
6a2 Ut impetres 6b2 Primae matris/
veniam nobis mortalibus monitis caelestis angeli
virgo sanctissima. obnixe fuisti
7a Christo Ut tribuat sancta

vitae paseua
pia carmina/ qui satiat animal
Sa Te quondam per maria 8b Eiecti paradisi

Christo duce pertransivit sede sacra tristes valde
tua turba et venit ad fructuosam te petimus, redde,
paciAuam Ierosolimam Christe, nostram patriam.
9a Pater sempiterne, 9b Per secula cuncta

fac nos gaudere tecum atque largire nobis
in caelesti regno aeterna praemia.
10 Da digne nobis frequentare

natalitia tua semper, lesu Christe.
Amen dicant omnia .
Off Laetentur caeli et exultet terra ante faciem domini, quoniam veniet
vs. 1 Cantate domino canticum novum, cantate domino omnis terra.
vs.2 Cantate domino, benedicite nomini eius,
bene nuntiate de die in diem salutare eius.
Corn [n splendoribus sanctorum ex utero ante Iuciferum genui te .
Missa in Aurora:
Trap lam fulget oriens,
iam praecurrunt signa,
iam venit dominus visitare nos:
lntr LUX FULCEBIT (HODIE SUPER NOS,
QUIA NATUS EST NOBIS DOMINUS,
ET VOCABITURADMIRABILlS DEUS, PRINCEPS PACIS,
PATER FUTURJ SAECULI, CUIUS REGNJ NON ERIT FINIS.
ps DOMINUS REGNAVIT, DECOREM INDUTUS EST:
INDUTUS EST DOMINUS FORTITUDINEM ET PRAECINXIT
SERVITUDINEM).
CLORIA PATRI ...
Crad. Benedictus qui venit in nomine domini,
deus dominus et illuxit nobis.
vs A domino factum est et est mirabile in oculis nostris .
AJ/d Dominus regnavit decorem indutus est,
induit dominus fortitudinem et precinxit servitutem.
Off Deus enim nrmavit orbem terrae qui non commovebituri
parata sedes tua, Deus, ex tunc a saeculo tu es.
vs. 1 Dominus regnavit decorem induit,

induit dominus fortitudinem et precinxit servitutem.
vs. 2 Mirabilis in exce1sis dominus testimonia tua, credibilia facta sunt
nimis do mum tuam decet sanctam, domine, in longitudinem dierum
corn Exulta filia Sion, lauda Alia Hierusalem:
ecee, rex tuus venit sanctus et salvator mundi.
"In nativitate domini nostri ad miss am maiorem"
"Fin ita tercia eantores vadant retro altare excelsa voce incipiant"
Ecce adest, de quo prophetae cecinerunt dicentes:
PUER NATUS EST NOBIS,
"Qui ante fuerint, respondeant"
Quem virgo Maria genuit,
ET FILIUS DATUS EST NOBIS;
"Item qui retro fuerint respondeant"
Nomen eius Hemmanuhel vocabitur,
CUIUS IMPERIUM SUPER HUMERUM EIUS
ET VOCABITUR NOMEN EIUS MAGNI CONSILII ANGELUS.
vs MULTIPLICABITUR EIUS IMPERIUM ET PACIS NON ERIT
FINIS.
"IlIi vero qui retro erant ante altare veniant et cum aliis simul cum omni deeo-
re dicant:
Gloria tibi Christe!
Gloria tibi} Sanctel
Gloria tibi, Domine,
quia venisti omne genus liberare!
Omnes gaudentes dieite} eia:
PUER NATUS EST .. .
GLORIA PATRJ C. .. ) EUOUAE.
Ecee agnus dei, ecee qui toll it peccata mundi,
quem Ysaias propheta praedixit:
PUER NATUS EST ...
"alia in kirie eleison tropi"
Archangel i laetantur, pastores annuntiant,
in choro angelorum omnes clamant:
KYRIE ELEISON, CHR1STE ELEISON} KYRIE ELEISON.
430 BRTAN M0LLERJENSEN
GLORIA IN EXCELSIS DEO

"Cantor incipiat et dicant omnes'J
ET IN TERRA PAX HOMINIBUS BONAE VOLUNTATIS
"A parte sacerdotum incipiat cantor"
LAUDAMUS TE, BENEDICIMUS TE,
ADORAMUS TE, GLORIFICAMUS TE,
GRACIAS AGIMUS TIBI PROPTER MAGNAM GLORIAM
TUAM· J
DOMINE DEUS, REX CAELESTIS, DEUS PATER OMNI-

POTENS,
DOMINE FIll UNICENITE, IESU CHRISTE,
DOMINE DEUS, ACNUS DEI, FILIUS PATRIS,
QUI TOLLIS PECCATA MUNDI, MISERERE NOBIS,
QUI TOLLIS PECCATA MUNDI, SUSCIPE DEPRECA TIONEM
NOSTRAM,
QUI SEDES AD DEXTERAM PATRIS, MISERERE NOBIS,
QUONIAM TU SOLUS SANCTUS, TU SOLUS DOMINUS,
TU SOLUS ALTJSSIMUS, IESU CHRlSTE
CUM SANCTa SPIRITU IN CLORIA DEI PATRIS. AMEN.
Crad: Viderunt omnes Roes terrae salutare dei nostri j

iubilate deo omnis terra.
vs. Notum fecit dominus salutare Sllum,
ante conspectum gentium relevavit iustitiam suam.
ALLEUIA,
vs. 1 Laus tibi Christe,
quia hodie cum magna luce descendisti; dicite domini, eia.
vs. 2 Dies sanctitlcatus illuxit nobis,
Venite gentes et adorate dominum,
quia hodie descend it lux magna super ten-am.
seq Christi hodierna Melody; Mater

pangimini omnes una
2a Voce simul consona 2b Quod verbum caro factum

nativitati magnae, exhibere se voluit.
CELEBRAllNG CHRISTMAS PIACENZA IN 1142 431
3a Mundo Quem redemit iam venerat 3b Nuntiat angelus pastoribus,

sede patris dominus. ingenti currunt gaudio.
4<1 Presepio puerum 4b Vagiens infantulus,

Maria in stabulum; a quo regitur omnis mundus.
Sa Vigilantes 5b Quem prophetae

pastores audiunt chorum cuncti precon olim;
Sa2 Angelicum in is Sb2 am apparens Quam
psallentem »Gloria laus declIs induit dominus, quem virgo
excelsis Deo«, mater pannis tegit.
Exiguo diversorio Non ostrum elegit auri-

qui arva condidit ac polum, hcum non rutilans locum.
7a genetricis exultabat 7b valde se simul

incontaminatus alvus, enixa ammirando retractabat, quid
est auctorem ium dominum auctu huiuscemodi veniret;
Sa Moni LIS somnis ab Sb Herodem impium fugeret,

ut in Egyptum qui Christum
[ugeret parvulo, dominum occidere
9a quoque ipsum adoremus 9b Nostris ut relaxet delictis

psumque deprecemur perhennibus donet bon is
simulomnes eterna secuJa.
Amen dicant omni
"ante euangelium antipho

Omnes patriarche preconati sunt te
et omnes praedixerunt te,
pastoribus i ostendenmt te,
i per stellam declaraverunt te,
omnes iusti cum gaudio susceperunt te
prosa Tui sunt caeli et tua est terra; domne, eia eia et eia:
off TUI CAELI ET TUA TERRA:
ORBEM TERRARUM ET PLENITUDINEM FUNDASTJ:
JUSTIT[A ET IUDICIUM PRAEPARATI SEDISTUAE.
prosa Magnus et omnibus metuendus dominus,

qui de caelis in terris dignatus est nos visitarej
deo gracias, eia, die domne, eia:
vs MAGNUS ET METUENDUS SUPER OMNES QUI IN CIRCUI-
TU El US SUNT.
TU DOMINARIS POTESTATI MARIS MOTUM AUTEM FLU·
CTUUM EIUS TU MITlGAS.
prosa Misericordia et veritas praeibunt ante dominurn, eia:
vs MISERICORDIA ET VERITAS PRAEIBUNT ANTE FACIEM
TUAM,
ET IN BENEPLACITO TUO EXALTABITUR CORNU NO-
STRUM.
prosa Tu humiliasti sicut vulneratum superbum,
humilem quoque exaltastij eia die domne, eia:
vs TU HUMIUASTI SICUT VULNERATUM SUPERBUM
ET IN VIRTUTE BRACCHII TUI DISPERSISTI INIMICOS
TUOS.
FlRMETUR MANUS TUA ET EXALTETUR DEXTERA TUA
DOMINE.
SANCTUS
Deus fortis
SANCTUS
Filius exeelsus
SANCTUS DOMINUS
Spiritus sanctus qui regnas in trinitate,
DEUS SABAOTH
T e laudat, te adorat, te glorifieat omnis ereatura tua.
PLENI SUNT CAELI ET TERRA GLORIA TUA;
Tu ergo salva nos, domine salvator, qui redimisti nos,
OSANNA IN EXCELS IS,
Tibi omnes angeli et archangeli,
tibi omnis tua sancta proclarnat ecc1esia.
BENEOICTUS QUI VENIT IN NOMINE DOMINI
OSANNA IN EXCELSJS.
AGNUS DEI QUI TOLLIS PECCA TA MUNDI, MISERERE

NOBIS
Qui sedes ad dexteram patris,
CELEBRATING CHRISTMAS PrACENZA IN 1 142 433
MISERERE NOBIS
GNUS DEI. ..
QUi es trinus in personis
et unus n maiestate,
subvcni et Iibera nos
AGNUS DEI ...
"Prosa ad postcorn ionern"

Viderunt fines terrae
salutare domini nostri Christi i
ideo cantate, psallite et iubilate ei dicentes:
V DERUNT OMN FINES TERRAE SALUTARE DEI NOSTRI.
DIE HEILIGE ERENTRUDIS IN DER NONNBERGER LITURCIE

IN SALZBURG
FUMIKO NIIYAMA-KAUCKI
1. Anmerkungen zur Geschichte des Stihes Nonnberg

Der hI. Rupert, der erste Bischof von Salzburg, brachte von einer Reise in
seine Heirnat, das Rheinland, au8er 2Wolf Cefahrten, die ihrn bei der Missio·
nierung in cler "Stadt Juvavia" (Salzburg) helfen sollten, auch seine Nichte
rnit. Diese Nichte, die hI. Erentrudis 1 errichtete urn 714 zu Ehren der Gottes·
mutter rnit anderen gottgeweihten Jungfrauen "in superiori castro" (auf dem
Abhang des Festungsberges) das Kloster Nonnberg.
Erentrudis war sehr frornrn und lebte voller Nachstenliebe in cler Nachfol·
ge Christi. Dies bezeugen rnehrere Quellen wie z.B die Conver~io Bagoario·
rum 2 urn 870, wo sie als "virgo Christi Erindruda" erscheint, die lungfrau, die
sich zu Christus gehorig fuhlt, oder "ancilla deo sacrata" in der Salzburger Ur·
kunde Breves Notitiae IV3 urn 798.
Erentrudis starnmt aus "adIige(m)" Geschlecht; "sie war aus frankisch-rnero·
wingischem FUrstengeschlechte entsprossen", wie Kaplan Caesarius4 irn Jahr
1 Der Name Erentrudis schreibt sich je nach Zeitalter etwas anders, z.B. irn
10./ 11. Jh. "Arindrud", urn 13/14 Jh. "Erindrude" oder "Erudrude", im 16. Jh. "Eren·
traud" und spater "Erentrudis".
2 H. Wolfram, Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum (Wien-Koln-Graz,
1979), S. 38f.
3 Sa/zburger Urkundenbuch (im folgenden: SUB), bearbeitet von W. Hauthaler
und F. Martin, 4 Bande (Salzburg, 1910.1923), Bd. \, S. 23.
4 Caesarius war lange Zeit Kaplan in Nonnberg. Ester! schreibt in seiner
Chronik (Chronik des adligen Benediktiner-Frauen-Stiftes Nonnberg in Salzburg,
[Salzburg, 1841], S. 39ff): "Die vorzuglichste davon ist vom Priester Casarius, der
viele Jahre Kaplan bey dern Stifte Nonnberg war,. denn urn das Jahr 1309-20, wo er
das Leben und die Wunder der heil. Erentraud schrib, berichtet er selbst schon 28
Jahre dort Kaplan zu seyn, und kommt noch als solcher vor bis zurn Jahre 1341. In
dieser langen Zeit scheint er sich ein nicht unbedeutendes Vermogen erworben zu
haben. Dieses alles verwendete er, urn entweder neue Stiftungen zu machen, oder
schon bestehende zu verbessem. Den 21. Miirz 1336 wurde dartiber eine urnstandli·
che Stiftungs Urkunde aufgefertiget, und vom Erzbischofe Friedrich Ill. am 1. Au·
gust bestatiget. .. ".
436 FUMIKO NIlYAMA-KAIJCKJ
1304 in seiner Erentrudis-Legende bzw. Caesarius-Legende 5 schrieb, und hat-

te, bevor sie nach Salzburg kam, schon Erfahrung irn klosterlichen Leben, ja
sie war wahrscheinlich sogar Vorsteherin eines Konvents gewesen. Das be-
zeugt die Salzburger Urkunde Notitia Arnonis 6 urn 788/ wo sie mit "Christi
farnula", einer Dienstbereitschaft, die sich aus ihrer Christus-Verbundenheit
ergibt, beschrieben wirdJ
Erentrudis stand laut dem Verbruderungsbuch von St. Peter in Salzburg8
urn 784 "Arindrud abbatissa" als die erste Abtissin dem Kloster Nonnberg vor
und leitete ihre Mitschwestern rnit mUtterl icher Liebe und Klugheit als eine
Meisterin des geistlichen Lebens.
Sie wurde kurz nach ihrem Tode, schon vor 800 unter Bischof Virgil (745-
784), heiliggesprochen 9 und uber Salzburg hinaus im ganzen siiddeutschen
Raum als Beispiel reiner Jungrraulichkeit verehrt.
2. Die Erentrudis-Verehrung
Die Erentrudis-Verehrung ist nicht nur mit Legendenerzahlungen sondern
auch mit mehreren Wunderberichten verbunden. Ein solcher frtiher Bericht
Iiegt schon im Jahr 1007 in cler Urkunde iiber den Neuaufbau der Kloster-
kirche im Jahr 1004 vor: Diese Kirche hatte Kaiser Heinrich 11./ da er auf die
FUrbitte der hI. Erentrudis von einer schweren Krankheit geheilt worden war,
aus Dankbarkeit erbauen Jassen.'O (m Jahr 1475 vollendete Abtissin Agatha
von Haunsberg 11 nach dem Brand von 1423 den Klosterkirchenbau . Sie er-
warb die Krone zum Haupt der hI. Erentrudis .12 Dann begann ein feierliches
5 Nonnberg, Archiv [VIII, 197 IJ.

6 Notitia Arnonis VII in SUB I, S. 13 . vg/. Canisius Lect. Antiq. VI, 1151-53 und
Barnage, Thesaurus, 1./1, 464 (Nonnberg, Archiv [VIII, t 72 I]).
7 Hierzu siehe]. Scherer, Die Erentrudis. Verehrung in Salzburg und das Ale·
mannische Cegensruck in Freiburg-Miinzingen, Theol. Dip!. (Masch.), (Salzburg,
1986), S. 25.
8 Verbriiderungsbuch: Stiftsbibliothek St. Peter Hs . A t I, vgl. K. Forster, Das
Verbriiderungsbuch von St. Peter(Graz, 1974), Faksimile, S. 21, Sp. Ca.
9 Als Oberschrift zum dritten Kapitel der Notitiae Arnonis drittem Kapitel steht
"sancta". Vg!. Anm . 6 .
10 V gl. Esterl, S. 17.
11 Sie hat aulSerdem mehrere Bucher schreiben und auch eine Orgel in der Kir-
che erbauen lassen . Siehe Esterl, S. 65·72.
DIE HEILlCE ERENTRUDIS IN DERNONNBERGER llTURGIE 437
Kirchweihfest, wo den Glaubigen mit diesem heiligen Reliquiar (dem Wirk-

samkeit gegen Kopfschmerzen nachgesagt wurde) Segen am 30. i und
4. September wurde. Der Nonnberg wurde zu diesem Zeitpunkt Pil-
gerzie1.
Das Fest der hI. Erentrudis wird jahrlich am 30. i als Depositio am
4. September Transl gefeiert Auch fruhen Kalendern aus 10.
Jahrhundert, wie z.B. Clm 6421, einem Freisinger Missale, oder Clm 8271,
aus Michelbeuern vom 12. lahrhundert, ist diese Tatsache immer wieder ange-
ftihrt. im Martyrologium van Peter! Salzburg steht )pso die . Ern-
J
drudis V." und ,,11 Nonas Sept. Translatio ssancte Erintrudis Virginis".13 (Vg!.
auch Weltenburger Martyrologium aus Jahr 045.1
2.1. Depositio
Erentrudis'Todesjahr ' ist unsicher, aber ihr Todestag im er-
haltenen Nonnberger Necrologium vom Jahre 1466 16 am 30. Juni verzeich-
net . Kal. Eodem die urbem Salisb. seu Iuuavium depositio
S. Erendrudis und einem nen Bleiblatte ihren welches im
Jahr 1624 bei der Obertragung ihrer Gebeine gefunden wurde, steht die In-
schrift I KI. . Deposit sce ERENTRUDIS RGIN1S o. Jun Beisetzung der
li
(
heiligcn Jungfrau Erentraud).17 SogaT auf Schri zwei

letzten Warter in Kapitalen und alles Ubrige in Minuskeln) entspricht dies
der die lahr 1 geschrieben als Erzbischo Balduin 041-
1060) Erentrudis ' Grab offnete ihr Ilaupt entnchmen 1ieB, urn cs in
einem eigens angefertigten Reliquiar aufbewahren und verehren zu lassen.
12 lm Nonnberg bef1ndet sich noch heute dn wunderschones, silbernes Busten-

reliquiar "zum cler Erentnrdi, das 1 die n Margaretha I Ge-
bing (I 1321) in Italien machen in dem ihr Haupt aufbewahrt wird.
13 Nonnberg, Archiv [VIII, 196 Af 15].
14 Nonnberg, Archiv [VII r 197 8].
15 neuer Untersuchung ihrer Reste Jahr 1 hat man festgestellt, dan
Erentrudis sehr kleiner und zierlicher, fast madchenhafter Gestalt gewesen sein mull.
Sie dUTfte nicht als hochstens 55 }ahre geworden sein. Siehe Nonnberg ATChiv
r
lVIII, ch 2l
16 Nonnberg, Archiv [6 106 VJ und Cod. 27 C I, vgl. Esterl, S. 8ff.
17 Esterl, S. 115 vg!. F. Martin, Neues van def heil;gen Erentrudis, Mitteilungen
der Ilschaft Salzburger Landeskunde LXVI 926), Archiv , 197
Ch 2].
438 FUMIKO NIIYAMA-KAUCKl
Am 30. Juni, dem Tag des Begrabnisses der hl. Erentrudis, wurde am An-
fang des 14. Jahrhunderts in Salzburg sogaT ein offentlicher Feiertag began-
gen.l!!
Ein Textzeugnis der Depositionsfeier befindet sich in cler Chronik der
Praxedis Halleckerin aus dem 16. Jahrhundert. 19
2.2. Trans]atio
Am 4. September wird die Trans\atio gefeiert, im Gedenken claran, daB
Erentrudis' Gebeine im J ahr 1024 durch Erzbischof Hartwik aus cler friiheren
Grabstitte in der Krypta in die neu erbaute Klosterkirche 20 ubertragen wur-
den . 600 Jahre spater im JahTe 1624 wurden die Gebeine deT hI. Erentrudis in
einen durchsichtigen Sarg gebettet und in eineT Prozession zur neuerrichte-
ten Krypta getTagen. Das wird folgendermaf3en berichtet:
... al1e Cebeine, mit Ausnahme des Hauptes, das schon friihher ist weggenom-
men, ... von den Frauen in Prozession ins Kloster getragen, . . . Auf Befehl des
Erzbischofs wurde ihre Cruft bereitet und am 20 . September ein 40 sttindiges
ununterbrochenes Gebet angeordenet. Den 21. Sep. erschien urn 2 Uhr Nach.
mittag cler Erzbischof mit der Domklerisei und alien Orclensgeistlichen, Bruder-
schaften und Zunften in cler Kirche auf dem Nonnberge, wo die hI. Cebeine
in einern durchsichtigen Sarge, den ein goldgestickter Atlan umhullte, auf
einem mit rathem Sammet bedeckten Tische standen, ... welche nun vier
Prister in Mef3kleiden in feierlicher Prozession van der Hofmusik begleitet
unter mehrern T riumpfpforten zur Pfarrkirche trugen, weil cler Dom noch
nicht vollendet war. Nach der Ruckkehr hielt cler neu geweihte Bischof
Chimsee, }ohann Christoph Graf van Lichtenstein, die Vesper ... 21
Das Fest der Translatio wurde vom Jahre 1024 bis zum Jahre 1782 in der
ganzen Diozese begangen, wobei alle 100 Jahre eine festliche Prozession ab-
gehalten wurde.
18 Nannberg, Archiv [VII I, 197 Ch 6].

19 F. Niiyama, Zum mittclalter/ichen Musikleben im Benediktinerinnenstjft Nonn-
berg zu Salzburg, Eurapiiische Hachschulschriften XXXVI/I 22 (Frankfurt/M., 1994),
S. 185.
20 Esterl, S. 17ff.
21 Esterl, S. I I sff.
DIE HEILlCE ERENTRUDIS IN DER NONNBERCFR L1TLlRCIE 4
lm Kalendarium des Missale, welches von Abtissin Diernud Ill. urn

1117 dem Salzburger Dom geschenkt wurde unci heute in cler 8ayerischen
22
Staatsbibliothek in Munchen die Signatur elm 11004 tragt, ist am 30. Juni
Festivitatis S. Erindrudis, am 4. September Translatio s. Erindrudis cingc
tragen. AhnJiche Eintragungen findet man im Kapitelbuch elm 15902 aus
Nonnbergi in einem Sakramentar aus dem 1. . (Vened B . Marcian
Cod. Iat. IIJ, 2235), im Antiphonale von St. Peter (Osterreichische National-
bibliothek av.2700)1 und anderen
3. t. Die MeBfeier
Die Mel1feier fur die hI. Erentrudis finden wir in mehreren Missalien schon
aus dem 12 Jahrhundert: elm 11004, Admont Stiftsbibl Cod. 18 aus dern
lahr 1180, Salzburg Universitatbibl. M 11 6, und tm Petersfrauener Graduale
zburg Peter a l . 23 Inuner wieder wird betont, daf3 hI. Eren
trudis Jungfrau und nicht Martyrerin ist, wie etwa:
de s Erudrude vt de virgine non martyre
Man findet diese fruhe Form der Me(3feier irn Salzburger Ordinarium aus
dem 12. lahrhundert (Salzburg Universitatsbib1. Cod. M 11 6)! f. 161 r:
Erindrudis v. Dilexisti iusticiam (mit Neumen) Per totum
Collecta ut sancta Lucia,
Lectio De uirginibus
Ev[angelium]. Simile est regum celorum.
Leider sind Nonnberg keine alteren isse mehr vorhanden Das

Kloster wurde im Jahre 1423 durch einen groI1en Brand fast vernichtet und
wenige Bacher ieben unzerstOrt. Die meiSlen dieser Bande wurden urn 1806
nach Manchen gebracht und werden heute in der Bayerischen Staatsbiblio-
thek verwahrt
Am Anfang Erentrudis-Verehrung wurden keine speziellen neuen Tex-
te fUr die Landesmutter geschaffen. Die notwendigen Stlicke wurden aus dem
Commune Virginum Obernommen.24
22 Nonnberg, rchiv [VI I 172 F8} Bcschreibung der Nonnberger Handschrif.

ten, Mitteilung der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek (Munch en, 1960),21. IL
13 142r Erundruis magnus Vu/tum tuum. Audi
24 Salzburger Missa/e aus dem Jahre 1515 (Friihdruck).
440 FUMIKO NIIYAMA-KALICKI
(m Cod. M 1lI 48 cler Salzburger Universit~tsbibliothek jedoch, dem soge-

nannten Radeker MissaJe aus dem Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts, und in ande-
ren Salzburger Missalien aus dem 14./15. Jahrhundert (z.8. Wien, Oster-
reichische Nationalbibliothek Cod. 1777, 1778 und t 4(23) befinden sich
konkrete Mef3-0rdnungen:
Depositio:
Eodem die depositio sancte Erndrudis uirginis: Dilexisti per totum ut infra de
sancta lucia. Collecta: Concede quaesumus omnipotens deus fidelibus sancte
erudrudis uirginis digne celebrare solemnia: ut eius et hie experiantur auxilia et
eternis effectibus apprehendant inp. lection De uirginibus. Sequentia: Plausu
leto iubilemus ... Ew.:25 Simile est regnum coelorum. decem virginibus. Secre-
ta: Suscipe quesumus domine honore beate Erndrudis V. P. complenda: Con-
cede quesumus omnipotens deus ... (14123)
Erundrudis Dilexisti iusticiam, Coli: Ser. campi ut de Sancta Lucia. GraduaJe:
Dilexisti in, AlIeluia Diffusa est, Offr.: Offerentur, Co.: Diffusa est, Lectio: De
ugibus pre [cep.], ew. Simile est reg. ce . dece. (1777)
Translatio:
In translatione sancte emdrudis uirgnis officium per totum ut infra de sancta
lucia: Colle: '" Oratio: Sancte erudrudis uirginis tue recolenda festivitas uos
tibi quesum .. . Lectio: Devirginibus seep. (14123)
In translatione erndrudis uirginis per totum ut super in depositionem eius. Oro:
Sanete erndrudis v. tue recolenda ... (1778)
Hier hnden sich erstmals eigens fOr die Erentrudismesse verfaJ1te Sequen-
zen.
In Salzburg, Universitatsbibl. M III 48:
Vox resultet novi carminis ante thronum Erundrudis virginis amatum sapientie
regum.2 6
25 Ew., ew. = Evangelium.

26 M III 48, f. 68r "De Sancta erndrude uirgine" (Depositio). Dies stammt aus
dem 13./ 14. Jh. (Chevalier, Repertorium HymnoJogicum Ill, 34810).
HElUGE ERENTRUDIS NONNBERGER 441
Eine andere in Wien, Osterrcichische Nationalbibl. Cod. 1777, 1778 u.

14123:
Plausu leta iubilemus
summa regi personemus
Erundrudis solemnia. (mit 12 Strophen)27
In erhaltenen Prozessionalien Jahr-

hundert 28 einzige Sequenz Incipit Sponsum zu nn-
den Belege fur diese nicht vorhanden
Erst im 19. Jahrhundert wurde eine eigene Mef3ardnung zusammenge-

stellt. 29
Introitus: "Mihi autem adhaerere Deo bonum est; Ponere in Domino Dea
spem meam: ut annuntiem omnes praedicationes tu as in portis filiae Sion."30
Der Text ist aus Psalm 72 und den letzten Satzen cler Caesarius-Legende
I,Laetare mater dabit Dominus augmen-

ta corona inclyta . I Hier diirfte die Be-
deutung Hallptreliquien cler inweisen.32
Alle anderen Gesange sind aus del' Commune Virginibus-Messe abernom-
men. Diese werden im heutigen Hochamt am 30. Juni gesungen.
27 15068.
28 Cod. 23 C 6, 23 C 23, 28 E 8: "dernach das ambt: Gaudeamus omnes singt
vor. alleluia vers 0 Erendrudis, .prosa: Sponsum virgi. mit der orgel auf 3 chor".
29 Es gibt im Archiv noch handgeschriebene Briefe von Abtissin Maria Mag-
dalena Erentrudis Klotz am 21. April 1882 und gedruckte Summaria (Rom, 1884):
Archiv [8 172 F2aJ unci [8 172 F 4]. SALlSBURCEN. Reformationis Officii S. Eren-
vertont.
3
in G. Predota , Kult der Heiligen,
Rupert- Virgil-Amand-Erentrud- Handschrihen,
Diss. (Graz, 1967). Siehe auch Scherer S. 62.
442 FUMIKO NITYAMA-KAUCKI
Messe S: Erentrudis virginis et Abbatissae. 33

Introitus; Mihi autem adhaerere den bonum est (Dilexisti)34 Ps. 72. Quam
bonus Israel, V: Gloria
Oratio: Sancta Erentrudis Virginis tuae recolenda festivitas
Ltctio; Epistolae beati Paul Apostl. Cap. I. (de virgini: Qui gIoriatur)
Craduale: Dilexisti justitiam (aus der Commune Virginis)
Alle1uia, V..' Benedictus Dominus (Diffusa est)
EvangeIium: Simile est regnum coelorum . ex Mi~sa: Dilexisti.
Offertorium; Afferentur Regi virgines
Secreta: Bonorum spiritualium sanctiHcator
Commun;o; Laetare mater nostra (Diffusa est)
P05tcomm.: Timentibus nomen tuum
3.2. Das Officium

In einem Salzburger Brevier aus dem lahr 1516 im gedruckten Teil des
Cod. 280 17 der Stiftsbibl. Nonnberg, f. 271 r wird z.B. ein Commune Virgi-
nium Officium fUr Erentrudis angegeben: namlich am 30. luni fUr das Fest der
Depositio:
Post collectam dicatur antiphona de sancta Erundrude ut de virgine non
martire.
und am 4. September fur das Fest der Translatio:

In translatione sancte Erundrudis IX lectiones facimus ut de virgine non rnarty-
re. Et earn anticipamus vel postponimus secundum even turn temporis propter
octavam sancti Augustini quia ta[i die semper occurrerit.
Ein anderes Zeugnis befindet sich in einem Brevier des Salzburger Domes,
welches jetzt in der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek die Signatur Cod.
Series nova 2854 35 tragt. Auf FoI. 377r ist zu Jesen:
In transIatione s. Erundrudis le[ctiones] facimus ut de virgine non martyre et
earn anticipamus vel postponarnus secundum euenturn temporis die . ..
33 Aus dem heutigen Nonnberger Programm.

34 Runde Klarnmern bezeichnen Herkunft aus dem Missa/e aus dern }ahr ] 515
und aus dem Commune Virginum.
35 P5alterium, Officium, geschrieben von Ulrich Schreier (Salzburg, 1476) .
DIE HEILlGE ERENTRUDIS IN DERNONNBERGER UTURGIE 443
f. 334r:
Post collectam dicitur antiphonam de s. Erundrude vt de virgine non martire
cum col Sancte Emndrudis virginis tue recolenda festiultas nos si que
mine reddat acceptos vt castitatis ipsus exemplis irradiati ad te bonorum omni-
studia dirigantur auctorem.
Doch in Nonnberger Handschriften 36 in dieser Zeit findet man mehrere

Orationen, darunter ne berUhmte Oratio:
Sancte enmdrudis 37 virginis tue recolenda festivitas, nos tibi, quaesumus,
mine, reddat acceptos. ut castitatis ipsius exemplis ilTadiati et ad te bonorum
omnium auctarum studia nastra dirigamus. Per Dominum.
d:
Prosit quesumus domine plebi tue, beatae erendrudis virginis tue.
nder:
Exaudi nos deus salutaris naster ut sicut de beate e. commemoratione gau-
demus ...
3.2.1. Die Entwicklung des Offiziums

Das Stift Nonnberg benotigte ein eigenes Offizium hir die hI. Erentrudis,
ne erste Abtissin.
Die alteste musikalische Quelle des Erentrudis-Off1ziums ist das Nonnber-
ger Antiphonar Cod. 26 E 1b der Stiftsbibliothek Nonnberg)8 In ihm findet
fOr Erentrudis Fest "de s Translatione Erendrudis" 4.
(f. 232r bis f. 234r).39
Vie1e der Cesange stammen aus dem fflcium der . Agnes bzw. aus
Commune Virginum, beide leiten sich eng von biblischen Texten und aus
Hohelied ab, eine Beziehung zum Jungfrauen-Evan ium (Mt.
1-13) herzustellen. Obwoh} dieser Codex in enger Beziehung zur Entstehung
cler ersten Lebensbeschreibung cler hI. Erentrudis vom damaligen Kaplan
urn 304 geschaffen wurde, man die T exte icht
Erintrudis- bzw. Caesarius-Legende, die als eigentliche Textvorlage for den
fflcillm-Text denkbar gewesen
36 7, Brevier aus dem Jh.

37 Manchmal steht "Beatae Eruntrudis" oder ,,0 Erentrudis" statt "Sancte Erun-
tmdis".
38 Cod. 26 E siehe Niiyama, S. 27-64,
39 Siehe Niiyama, S. 173 -184 (also zwischen In Decollatione S. }ohannis baptista
29. August In tivita S. ria Virgine am . September).
444 FUMIKO NIIYAMA-KAUCKI
Erst als im 19. Jh. die grol1e Erneuerungsbewegung innerhalb des Bene-
diktinerordens aufkam, wurde auf dem Nonnberg von Abtissin M. Magdalene
Klotz (1876-1890) der Auftrag gegeben, ein neues Offlzium fur die hI. Eren-
trudis zu erstellen. Mit cler Untersttitzung von Ftirsterzbischof Franz Albert
Eder OS8 erstellte der St. Peter Pater Gregor Reitlechner das Officium "aus
alten Quellen". 40 rn dieses neue Offizium flossen die Texte der Caesarius-
Legende ein, die noch heute am 30. Jun i gesungen wird.
Aus dem 1882 hergesteIlten Offizium wurde der Text fur die Translatio
nach Cod. 26 E 1b genommen, wahrend die Me10dien fast alle neukompo-
niert wurden. fm Prozessionale aus dem 16. lahrhundert sind sowohl Text als
auch Melodie identisch mit Cod. 26 E 1b.
Die Vesper- und Laudesantiphonen fur den 30. }uni "Depositio Erentrudis"
wurden in der den Modi entsprechenden Reihenfolge komponiert, im Cod.
26 E 1b liegt sie nicht vor.41
Flir Text und Melodie zu den Prozessionsgesangen der heutigen Vesper
dienen weitere alte Quellen als Vorlage, z.B.:
A: Sancta virgo Erendrudis intercede pro nobis
Das in den Prozessionalien Cod. 23 C I, 23 C 6, 23 C 23 befindliche

Responsorium:
R: Sancta erindrudis christi uirgo Audi rogantes famulas
ist vom ersten Responsorium ad Cantica libernommen (s. das Antiphonar
Cod. 26 E 1b).
Die heutigen Lesungen: V bis IX in Nocturno, also diesogenannten histori-
schen Lesungen, sind aus der Casarius-Legende tibemommen:
Erentrudis virgo Francigena ex noblli stirpe progenita, nepotis sancti Ruperti ...
40 "Ober die Neugestaltung des Salzburger Offiziums und der Eigenmesse zu den
Festen der Beisetzung und Obertragung der hI. Erentrudis, Jungfrau und l. Abtissin
Nonnbergs .... eine Bitteschrift, in der er das Offizium zu Ehren der hI. Erentrudis,
Jungfrau und Abtissin, das aus den altesten Dokumenten des Klosters auf dem Nonn-
berg in Salzburg scnon seit 13 }ahrhunderten mit FleifJ zusammengestellt wurde, un-
tertanigste vorlegte und dringend die Appropation des hI. Stuhles fur das neue Offi-
zium forderte ." (Eine Ubersetzung van Archiv [8 172 F 4], die vom Advokaten
Joseph Re ausgearbeitete und fur den in der Riten-Congregation die Sache vortragen-
den Kardinal Ledochowsky gedruckten Relation uber das neue Offizium S. Erentru-
di5 Virgovon 1884).
41 Siehe Niiyama, S. 180ff.
DIE HEILlGE EREr-ITRUDIS IN DERNONNBERGER UTURGIE 445
lm t 4. Jh. feierte man am 4. September feierlicher als am 30. ]uni. In

einem Nonnberger Brevier (Mottenbuch)42 aus dem 14./15. Jh. stehen die Ge-
sange wie im Nonnberger Antiphonar Cod. 26 E 1b. Bei der Depositio wurde
nur wahrend der Commemoratio Sci. Pauli eine Antiphon und eine Oratio
gesungen, nicht das ganze Offizium eingeschoben.
In Prozessionalien, die nach dem 16. Jh. geschrieben sind, kommt zuerst
Erentrudis' Depositiofest. Hier findet sich eine Antiphon, welche nur im Pro-
zessionale steht: Benedicamus ad honorem prolis pie Erendrudis eximie domi-
no. Bei der Translatio singt man wie bei der Depositio und wie bei der Kirch-
weihe.
Es ist noch ein weiteres Erentrud-Offizium uberliefert, in den Hss. Salz-
burg St. Peter b VI 3 aus dem 15. lahrhundert und Wien, Osterreichische Na-
tionalbibliothek 3761 Caus Mondsee, 1453 datiert) . Es wurde in den Analecta
Hymnica Medii Aevi Band V, S. 168, Nr. 58. als Reimofficium De sancta
Erentrude veroffentl icht.
Ein ancleres Fragment, das in Salzburg in cler Universitatsbibliothek aufbe-
wahrt wird und als Umschlag dient fur einen Mainzer Druck von 1847 (Bun-
desstaatliche Studienbibliothek Salzburg Sig.85 778 I: uAPOPHORETA":
Incipit historii De Sancta Erndrude virgini ad uesperas anti phone de laud.
Uirginei Aores .. .
Es ist dasselbe Officium wie in AHV.

Diese Offiziumsform findet sich in Nonnberger Quellen nirgends.
3.2.2. Yergleichende Darstellung des Offiziums

Vergleich der ursprlinglichen Fassung fUr das Translatio Erentrudis-Offici-
urn im Antiphonar Cod. 26 E Ib urn 132043 mit der Fassung des Cod. 23 C 1
und cler neuen Fassung von 1884:
41 Das Buch (Cod. 23 E 27) wird auf dem Umschlag als "Motten -Buech" (= Buch
fur die Mette) bezeichnet. Es ist aber ein Brevier.
43 Eine vollstandige T exte- und Melodieanalyse flndet sich in meinem Buch,
5.174-185 .
Cod. 26 E I b ProzessionaJe Ledochowsky 1884 44

Cod. 23 C 1
I. Vesper
A: 0 eternal is sponse virgini- R: Sancta deo M: Sancta preconia recolentes
tatis di/ecta erind
M: Sancta preconia recolen- A: Sancta preconia M: 0 aeternalis sponse
tes erindrudis
Matutin
1: Laudamus regem I: Laudemus Regem
Erindrude uirginis Erentrude virginis
L Nocturno
A: Dexteram meam et A: Dexteram meam et
collum 45 collum
cum re/ique 46 A: Po suit signum in faciem
A: Induit me Dominus
cyclade
A: Specie tua et pulchritudine
A: Adiuvaviteam Deus vultu
A: 0 quam pulchra est
R: Sancta erendrudis uirgo R: Sancta R: Sancta Erendrudis Virgo
iesu christi Erendrudis christ; Jesu Christi
R: Sancta erindrudis sponsa R: Sancta Erendrudis Virgo et
christi sidus 47
R: Pulchra facie R: Audiui uocem de celo
dicentern
R: Audiui uocem de ceJo R: Pulchra facie
44 Nonnberg, Archiv [VIII, 172 F4]: CORAM SACRORUM RITUUM CON-

GREGATION£,. Emo et Rmo Ono Cardina/i LEDOCHOWSKY Ponente SALZ-
BURGEN Reformationis Ofncii S. ERENTRUDIS V/RC. Restrictus pro Congrega-
tione (Rom, 1884).
45 Die Antiphon nndet sich im Cod. 26 E Ib bei Commune virginium f. 323v-
329r und teilweise bei St. Agnes f. 78r-8Iv.
46 Sehr wahrscheinlich wurden die selben Antiphonen wie in der dritten Spalte
gesungen.
47 Interessanterweise hat dieses Responsorium bei seiner neuen Fassung wieder
den urspli.inglichen Text angenommen, namlich "Sancta Erentrudis Virgo et sidus
aureum Christ praeclara ... " statt "Sancta Erindrudis sponsa Christi preclara ... " V gi.
Niiyama, S. 180.
DIE HEILlGE ERENTRUDIS 1 DERNONNBERGER 447
11. Nocturno
A: Ipsi sum desponsata A: Ipsi despomata
cum relique A: Christus circumdedit
A: lsta est speciosa A: Ista est speciosa inter
inter
A: Me! et lac ore eius
A: Cuius pulchritudinem sol
soli servo fidem
R: Deposcimus beata Ocposcimus itaque beata
erindr. Virgo Erindr
o laudanda sancte R: laudanda R: 0 laudanda sancte
erindrudis 4 sancte erindr. Erindrudis
R: Induit dominus R: Induit me dominus
Sancta deo dilecta uirgo R: Sancta Deo dilecta Virgo
christi erind. Christi Erind.
Ad Cantica
A: Sancta erindmdis uirgo : Sancta Erindmdis te
quaesumus
R: Sancta erindmdis christi R: Sancta Erindrudis Christi
uirgo Virgo
Simile est cdorum regnum 49 R: Simile celorum regnum
Offerentur R: Affercntur
R: Regnum mundi R: Regnum mundi
Laudes
A: speciosam A: Vidi speciosam
cum rel;que A: Veni electa
est speciosa
" Ornatam in monilibm
A: Tota pu1chra
Eilie regum B: Filie rcgum
11. Vesper
M: Aperi columba mea A: 0 dignissima christi sponsa
: Ferculum fecit sibi rex M: 0 sponse
Salomon
ieses Respomorium aus dem Benedikt-Offizium genommen: siehe Nii-

yama j 179 und 182.
49 Der Text vom Commune Virginium ubernommen, die Melodic
dings neu komponiert: siehe Niiyama, S. 180 3.
448 FUMIKO NIIYAMA-KALICKl
FOr die neue Ordnung wurden fast alle Gesange aus dem alten Cod. 26 E
1b Ubernornrnen. Es gibt jedoch einige Ausnahrnen:
Das zweite Responsorium der J. Nocturn besitzt den urspriinglichen Text:
"Sancta Erentrudis Virgo et Sidus aureum, Christo praeclara Audi preces
nostras". Als Antiphon Ad Cantica: "Sancta Erentrudis, te quaesurnus, ut nos
tuis pre<.:ibus semper Domino comrnendare digneris" ist ein anderer Text vor-
handen .
Das dritte unci vierte Responsorium sind vertauscht worden.
Die Antiphonen der 11. Vesper sind anders als die alteren.
Bei der Vesperantiphon Sancta preconia recoJentes erind. nndet sich ein
ahnlicher Text im Offizium der hI. Ottilie in einem rnonastischen Brevier aus
dern t 5. Jh., MOnchen Clm 24006. 50
Eine weitere Vesperantiphon 0 aeternaJis sponse hat in der alteren und
neueren Fassungen verschiedene Melodien:
(AF= Alte Fassung im Cod. 26E tb/ NF= Neue Fassung vom 1884)
o ae -ter-na - lis Sponse vir-gi - ni - ta-tis a - ma-tor -que

[
.. . . .. • .. .,..... .. . . . • :
• •J ,.
". •
praero-ga-ti - vae ca - sti - la -tis qUi dum qUl-OIS

(
NF __•___•___·_~_~-·_____(_______•__•____•____•__--.---.----~;?~-;?--___---
---
a- pe -n-res
)
?'"
50 Siehe Niiyama, S. 178f. Ob dieser Text ursprunglich fur die hI. Erentrudis oder
fur die hI. Ottilie geschrieben wurde, ist mir noch nicht klar. Das Erentrudis-Offizi-
urn des Cod. 26 E Ib konnte namlich fruher als das fur Ottilie verfa8t worden sein.
Wenn man Christ; famula in der dritten Zeile betrachtet, erinnert man sich an die
Bezeichnung cler hI. Erentrudis in den "Notitiae Amonis".
51 In der Neuen Fassung fehlt aperires.
DIE HEILlCE ERENTRUDIS IN DER NONNBERCER UTURGIE 449
Vlr-gt - ni -bus e-ciam coelestis re - gm Ja - nu - am san-ctis-si-me
, •• • ~ • t'" • 'r. . • • • • ••
sponse tu-ae E - rin -dru - de re - sera - sti a - e - u -la
NF
r
• ,
• • .. l?!.: -
(E - ren -
~
dis)
• • j • Jl:1 ;fi;
• • ) =c.
4. Heutige Feier
In unserer Zeit feiert man im Benediktinerinnenstift Nonnberg das Fest der

hI. Erentrudis am 29/30. Juni als das Fest der hI. Landesmutter.
Zur Pontif1kalvesper und dem Choralhochamt werden zur Konzelebration
der Abt von St. Peter/ und auch die Abte aus Michelbeuren und Herren -
chiemsee und andere eingeladen. Man singt das neue Offizium des 19. lahr-
hunderts .
Von der liturgiereform des II. Vatikanums ist die Translatio am 4 . Septem-
ber gestrichen worden. Deshalb wird heute am 4. September in der 104 t ge-
weihten und Erentrudiskapelle genannten Krypta, die uber dem Grab der hI.
Erentrudis erbaut worden ist, das Kirchweihfest mit dem Erentrudis-Officium
gefeiert.
Im Kloster Nonnberg befindet sich noch heute ein wunderschones, silber-
nes Bustenreliquiar /lzum Haupt der hI. Erentrudis (angefertigt 1316 im Auf-
ll
/
trag der Abt. Margaretha in Italien), das ihr Haupt birgt, Ihre abrigen Gebei-
ne enthalt ein Reliquienschrein, der am 21. Juni 1624 von der Gruft in die
Krypta verlegt wurde. Er liegt heute unter dem Altar des Schwesternchores.
Dieses Reliquiar wird alIjahrlich am 30. Juni unter feierlichen Prozessionsge-
s:ingen vom Schwesternchor zum Altar der Klosterkirche getragen, wie es in
der Hauschronik geschrieben steht:
Om Jahre 1624:) "Nach etlichen MusikstUcken hielt der neu geweihte Bischof
von Chiemsee, Jahan Christaph Graf van Lichtenstein die Erentrudis- Vesper,
worauf mit einem Tedeurn Laudamus abgeschlossen wurde. Am folgenden Tag

fand ein feierliches Hochamt statt."52
Zu diesem Brauch sind in Nonnberg im t 6. Jh. zahlreiche Prozessionalien

geschrieben worden, z.B.: Cod. 23 et, 23 C 6, 23 C 21, 23 E 27, und ein
wunderschones Chorbuch von M . Kyhenburg.53
Die fast 1300 Jahre alte Erentrudis-Feier des Nonnberger Stifts ist ein selte-
nes, wunderbares Ereignisl
Eine Cesamtausgabe des Erentrudis-Offiziums ist in Vorbereitung.
52 Estert S. 116; vgl. Scherer, S. 45.

53 Beginnt vennutlich mit PaJmsonntag-Prozessionsgesangen. St. Margaretha,
St. Erentrudis, St. Benedikt, St. Rupert und Maria-Reinigung mit groflen illuminier-
ten Initialen. Sehr saubere gotische Choralnotation; ahnliche Notation und Text-
schriften sind im Hymnar Cod. 35 C 15 zu nnden, das im selben Zeitraurn urn 1500
entstand.
Das Buch wurde 1988 von Antiquariat A. Klittich-Pfankuch (Braunschweig) in die
USA verkauft. Leider will der jetzige Besitzer anonym bleiben, deswegen kann man
keine Information erhalten. Doch aus der Stuclienkopie kann man feststellen, daO
das Buch im Nonnberg entstanden und dnes der schonsten und altesten Prozessio-
nalien ist. Bei groOen Initialen stehen ein oder zwei Wappen. Eines clavon ist sicher
von Abtissin Regina Pfaffinger von Salbemkirchen, die von 1505 bis 15 t 4 regierte.
Auf dern Einband 5teht M.V.K.-1591. d.h . Margareth von Kienburger hat 1591 das
Buch gewidmet oder neubinden lassen hat. Vgl. Antiquariat T euschert zu Rothalmun-
ster, Katalog XX (1989), Nr. 22. Die Autorin ware fur Auskunfte uber den Verbleib
dieser QueUe sehr dankbar.
Planus. Sopran, 1995 451
THE MUSICAL AND LITURGICAL COMPOSITION OF

VISlTA SEPULCHRIOFFICES
NILS HOLGER PETERSEN
I. Introduction
The many extant medieval verbal and musical texts of the short, but fa-
mous Quem Quaeritis Easter dialogue have in recent scholarship mostly been
seen as manifestations of an almost universal ceremony modified by localli-
turgical Especially its earliest (in and 1 centu-
the was surprisingly varied liturgical placements spite
of its very general use. This has caused some difficulties for modern scholar-
ship, which has tried to find an original, but - as it has turned out - highly
doubtful Leben" the ceremony_ An integrated part of liturgy
Easter Quaeritis dialogue at same time to
been its own some sense independent
At the same time the composition during the following centuries of almost
self-contained larger Latin music dramas (although also displaying some ties
the liturgy) among Visitatio plays containing Quem
Quaeritis at a place with liturgical items
as well as newly composed poetico-musical elements - seems suggestive of a
development from liturgy to art, from ritual to drama. The idea of a progres-
sion from liturgy to art is, however, highly problematic in view of recent
scholarship emphasizing ritual qual all these
During thirty much understand be-
ginning of the Latin music drama as a liturgical creation. Scholars like
O. B. Hardison, Johann Drumbl, C. Clifford Flanigan and Susan Rankin have
music drama covers a large of publications,

among them classical Karl O. B. as well contri-
butions by William L. Smoldon, Timothy Mc Gee, C. C1ifford Flanigan, GunilJa Iver-
sen, David A. Bjork, Johann Drumbl, Susan Rankin and many more. I refer in particu-
to a fairly recent discussion of this scholarship; C. Clifford Flanigan, "Medieval
n music-drama", The of Medieval Europe, Eckehard Simon (Cam-
bridge, 199 volume includes comprehensive bibliography the
time. See further n. 3, below.
1 Since O. B. Hardison, Christian Rite and Christian Drama in the Middle Ages
(Baltimore, 1965).
452 NILS HOLGER PETERSEN
in various ways contributed to an understanding of the liturgico-musical

meaning of the Quem quaeritis and other similar ceremonies.3
Shortly before his untimely death, C. Clifford Flanigan, in an interdisci-
plinary approach drawing on studies of anthropology as well as on more tra-
ditional liturgiological and literary scholarship, discussed in what way it
might be possible to talk about the Visitatio Sepulchri as art without denying
the fundamental ritual quality of the texts. In his view, the Visitatio Sepulchri
ofAces at least can be considered art for us. As they are not our rituals, we ex-
perience them as art when we experience them - since (in the words of
FIanigan) "all of them used the arts, i.e. the skills of their communities in
their service". Further, rituals in general share important attractive character-
istics with the arts. Discussing concepts by the famous anthropologist Victor
T umer, F1anigan especially points to the notion of "Row"
' " where we so focus on some events or objects that they seem uniquely real
to us, despite their violation of our every day common sense world. 4
Clifford Flanigan spent his last full term at the Copenhagen Institute of
Church History among other things starting a new project on the Visitatio
Sepulchri ceremonies. The main idea in this project - which I have contin-
ued alone since his death - is that the Quem Quaeritis ceremonies are a prod-
uct of what Flanigan and I called a "compositional impulse" manifested not
only in the more "artistic" forms of these texts, but also in the most "liturgi-
cal" ones. This compositional impulse, in fact, is at work much more general-
ly, also in the medieval liturgy to which these texts belonged. s Although
3 For O. B. Hardison see n. 2, above. I further refer to: Johann Drumbl, Fremde
Texte, part I (Milano, 1984), and to: C. Clifford Flanigan, "Medieval Liturgy and the
Arts: Visitatio Sepulchri as Paradigm" (henceforth Paradigm) . Edited after Flanigan's
death by the present author in Liturgy and the Arts in the Middle Ages. Essays in
Honour of C. C/if/ord Flanigan (t 941 -1993), eds. Eva Louise Lillie-Nils Holger
Petersen (Copenhagen, 1996). Susan K. Rankin, "Musical and Ritual Aspects of
Quem queritis", Liturg;sche Tropen, ed. C. Silagi (Mtinchen, 1985) pp. 181-92.
Susan K. Rankin, "Liturgical Drama", The New Oxford History of Music 11, eds.
Richard L. Crocker-David Hiley (Oxford, 1990) pp. 310-56.
I would also point to Margot Fassler, 'The Feast of Fools and Danielis Ludus: Pop-
ularTradition in a Medieval Cathedral Play", Plainsong in the age of polyphony, ed.
T. F. Kelly (Cambridge, 1992) pp. 65-99.
4 Paradigm (see n. 3, above), p. 30.
ViSITATIO SEPULCHRl OFFICES 453
the JJcompositional pulse" standard in liturgical scholar-

ship it has fact dealt by scholars of litur-
gy, especially those concerned with tropes J sequences, and hymns. I will here
first all refer to the musicologist Richard Crock er who stated that
... the Grcgorian repertory was the result of a unique combination of Roman
and Frankish tendencies; Roman tradition was characterized by an unusual
rigour and severity the assignment of and Franks demonstrated an
extraordinary urge towards fixation of and melody, ultimately in written
fonn. It was the combination of these two tendencies that resulted in the
unique status of the Gregorian repertory, seemingly disconnected from or-
dinary historical processes of change and development. 6
Even though Crock er does not use the word composition his discussion
touches upon consciously creative approach final shaping the
Frankish chant.
From very different points of view concerning the question whether the
dissemination chant Charlemagne's was (mainly) to an or
a written transmission, both Leo Treitler and Kenneth Levy, the main propo-
nents of these two opposite viewpoints, have used the word composition or
compositional characterize the chant emerging the CaroJingian litur-
gical reformsJ
Liturgy in the Middle Ages was, of course, not thought of as an art. How-
ever, musical literary artistic forms did emerge of iturgical con-
structions, particularly after the Carolingian reforms. The liturgy certainty
can also be read as a fundamental product of artistic creativity. This is
justiAed particularly si there many signs local compositional cre-
ativity in the shaping of liturgies carried out in connection with the reception
of IInew" material in need of being integrated into a local liturgical use.
5 refer to forthcoming study 'The Composition Visitatio Sepulchri ffie-

es: Towards a Understanding »Liturgyu and Drama« the »Liturgieal
Drama«". A preliminary paper was presented at the 30th International Congress on
Medieval Studies Kalamazoo 1995. Publication is in preparation.
6 Richard Crocker, of Roman Office", New Oxford of
Musk 11, pp. 146-73; see p. 221.
7 Treitler, "To the Editor", Journal of the American Musicological Society
(henceforth 44 (1 ), pp. .17; see 513. Kenneth liOn Gregorian
Orality", JAMS 43 (1990), pp. t 85-227; pp. 186, 190, and 2 t 7.
At this point I would like to take up a discussion by the German-American

literary scholar Claus CIUver on the interarts discourse which is of ultimate
relevance to the material with which I am concerned here. s
11. The Interarts Studies Discomse

Recently a terminology derived from semiotics and introduced especially
in literary studies has been brought to the study of the arts more generally.
According to this terminology, the "objects" of the scholarly enterprise - in
the case of this paper the ceremonies studied - are referred to as texts (no
matter which medium they use) and their interpretation is called a reading. A
text is seen as an individual realization of inherent possibil ities of one or
more systems of signs. The signincance of a text in this view depends on a
broad spectrum of codes that are activated during the interpretation. The
rules of the sign systems and the systems themselves are not stable, and it is
normally accepted that the potential of a text to dictate which codes are acti-
vated is limited. The changing readings are accordingly drawn into the con-
cept of the text, which must be re-interpreted or re-written, for instance in
every new generation, as it fits an understanding of a text as being more than
its own inner qualities . The process of re-contextualization has replaced the
idea of the history of the arts in this discourse .9
A significant premise for Cluver's account is that it has become increasing-
ly problematic in recent time to deAne what "art" or "artistic" means .ID He
discusses as an example the notion of sculpture, which is not at all well de-
fined when applied to contemporary phenomena, and is even less so when
considering objects from other cultures, put on display as sculptures in the
Western world although originally having very different functions. In conclu-
Sion, CIUver maintains that the concept of "art" is best understood as a cultur-
al construction. Whether a text is to be considered as literature, for instance,
is decided upon by the readers of the text; it is no longer seen as a question
8 Claus C1iiver, lnterartiella studier: en inledning, henceforth Cliiver, I Musemas

Tjanst, eds. Ulla-8ritta Lagerroth, Hans Lund, Peter Luthersson and Anders Morten-
son (Stockholm, 1993), pp. 17-47. This article - although written in English - has so
far only been published in the Swedish translation by Stefan Sandelin to which I
refer here.
To a certain degree Clifford F1anigan also used the tenninology and theoretical
ideas that form the basis for the interarts discourse introduced in Cluver's essay.
9 Cliiver, pp. 38-40.
10 CliNer, p . 22.
VISITATIO SEPULCHRl OFFICES 455
(only) of an intrinsic quality of the text independent of its culture and time. 11
Dennitions of art forms are created by the interpretive community which also
sanctions the criteria by which they are classi fied .12
In this Iight, then, texts appear as complicated sign structures no matter
whether the medium is literary, musical, pictorial, architectural, theatrical, or
whether the text should be considered multimedia!. In principle any text can
be the object of interarts studies in this way, although such a discourse will
normally be oriented towards the relations between two (or more) texts. As
an example of an interarts discourse, ClUver refers to Steven Paul Scher's dis-
cussion of a typology for the interrelations between music and I iterature, en-
compassing, among other notions, program music having a literary text as
the basis of an absolute musical composition (literature in music), verbal mu-
sic descriptively recreating musical sounds (music in literature) as well as vari-
ous forms combining musical and verbal texts in vocal music (music and !iter-
ature).13
At the same time Clover points to the limitations in all such typological
schemes. In most cases, for instance, it is important for the study of an opera
to go beyond a mere study of the libretto and the score. CIUver mentions
other so-called mixed media texts using more than two sign systems as for in-
stance the triumphal processions of the Renaissance, Brazilian carnival pa-
rades, any kind of song and dance performance, most films etc. In the context
of medieval1iturgy it would not be hard to think of several other parallel ex-
amples. Claver maintains that it would not only be difficult and pOintless, but
even potentially harmful to create a typology for the way the sign systems
are mutually combined in such texts, as such a typology has a tendency to
become exclusive. Further, such a typology does not incorporate the condi-
tions of text reception and the role of the reader. 14
In the other hand, he does /lnd it advisable to distinguish between multi-
media and mixed media texts on one hand and - even more important - to
keep these two types separate from the intermedia text. The multimedia text
consists of separable individually connected texts in various media, while the
11 CIUver, p. 23.
12 Cl Crve r, pp. 3 1-32.
13 Cluver, pp. 24-25. See also Steven Paul Seher, "Literatur und Musik - Entwiek-
lung und Stand der Forsehung", Literatur und Musik. Ein Handbuch zur Theoric und
Praxis e;nes komparatistischen Grenzgebietes, ed. Steven Paul Scher (Berlin, 1984L
pp. 9-25. It is also printed in a Swedish translation by Bo Svensson in I Musemas
Tjanst, pp . 273-89.
14 ClUver, pp. 26-27.
complex signs in different media that can be found in a mixed media text
would not appear connected or independent if detached from the context.
(CIUver mentions music videos as a form in between these two: the music and
the visualisation could be separated, but in most cases both rhythm and asso-
Ciations would then be lost). An intermedia text is a text that uses two or
more sign systems in such a way that the verbal aspects of the signs cannot
be separated from their visual, musical, or performance aspects. (As an exam-
ple Cluver mentions graphic forms with letters as points of departure). One
could think of initials in illuminated manuscripts. 15
Among the questions that arise in connection with a new terminology is,
of course, what difference it makes. As I will try to argue in the following,
what can be obtained in the case of the liturgical ceremonies, the focus of
this paper, is mainly - but this I bel ieve is a very important point - that new
questions are forced upon the traditional material, thus demanding that we
reconsider approaches that have become so normal as to seem above ques-
tioning.
Ill. Two Examples of Visitatio Sepulchri Texts

in an Interarts Discourse
Both the examples that I will discuss in the light of the terminology of
interarts studies are Visitatio sepulchri ceremonies. One is a possibly Danish
ordo ad visitandum sepulchrum from a t 3th-century fragment of a breviary.16
The other is a combined elevatio hostiae (the resurrection of the host) and
Visitatio sepulchri ceremony from a late twelfth-century Ordinarium from
the Cathedral of Soissons. 17 Both ceremonies in question are placed at the
15 Ibid, pp. 25-26 and 46-47 (n. 8 and 9),

16 Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen, the fragment collection, Egeskabene E 71. The cere-
mony is transcribed and discussed in Nils Holger Petersen, "Another Visitatio Sepul-
chri from Scandinavia" The Early Drama, Art, and Music Review 14, no. t (Kalama-
zoo, 1991) pp. 10·21.
17 I have dealt with this ceremony in some detail in the paper mentioned in n . 5
above. The ceremony is found in the ms. lat.889B of the Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris. See also the printed edition: Ritua/e seu Mandatum insignis ecclesia:: Suessio-
nensis, tempore episcopi Nivelonis exaratum (henceforth Rituale), ed. Abbe Poquet
(Soissons, 1856), pp. 108-11. The verbal text of (mainly) the Visitatio ceremony is
printed in LateiniKhe Osterfeiem und Osterspie1e, henceforth LOO, ed . Walther
Lipphardt (Berlin, 1975-90) vol. I, pp, 204-6, (no. 167). Comments in VI: p. 379 and
VII: pp, 119-20, See also Karl Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church 1-11
VISITATIO SEPULCHRl OFFICES 457
end of Matins after the last responsory Dum transisset, and both - as so
many of these ceremonies - take place in connection with a procession to
some sepulchre.
The Soissons observance, however, is embedded in a highly unusual larger
structure of processional commemorations of the resurrection during Easter
morning, containing three processions to the sepulchre. In the literature deal·
ing hitherto with the Soissons Visitatio this has - to my knowledge - not
been taken into account. The ceremony has basically been discussed the way
Visitatio ceremonies are usually treated: more or less sharply cut out of the
context, at the most taking into account the immediately surrounding cere·
monia1.
In the Soissons ceremony the first procession to the sepulchre on Easter
day takes place after the Dum transisset. . . The manuscript gives a very de ·
tailed description, mentioning bells, banners, candles, thuribles and four
crosses; boys, subdeacons, priests and all the rest of the clergy in the right or-
der, ending with the bishop in his full vestments, together with his chaplain.
When the procession arrives at the sepulchre, two deacons are already placed
outside the tomb at its window, one on the left and one on the right side .
Here the Easter dialogue follows in what, briefly stated, is a rather traditional
Quem quaeritis dialogue between the deacons in simi/itudine ange/orum and
two priests representing the Marys.
The chaplain - from the inside of the sepulchre - now hands the vessel
with the host to the deacon·angels, bells are rung and the cantor begins the
antiphon Christus resurgens. During the singing of this the host is carried in
procession back to the main altar of the cathedral, on which it is then placed.
Then the bishop begins the Te deum upon the sign of the cantor. The re-
maining parts of the procession, with banners and crosses, assemble around
the altar while the hand bells are rung. When the Te deum is finished all the
church bells are rung, and the incense which had been used for the host is
carried away in the choir by the bishop, the cantors, and priests.
(London, 1933) vol. I, pp . 304·5, and 624·25; E. Martene , De ant;qu;s eccles;re rit;-
bus, [.[V, henceforth De antiquis (Antwerp, 1736), IV, col. 499·503, the Visitatio
printed in col. 500. The musical text of the Soissons Visitatio (and parts of the ver·
bal text including the very substantial rubrics) is given in: Susan Rankin, The Music
of the Medieval Liturgical Drama in France and in England 1-1I (London-New York,
1989), vo!. 11, pp. 30·31 i comments in vol. I, p. 31 .
Most of the text printed in LOO as no . 167 was translated into Engl ish by
Cliff Flanigan and given with some few obselVations in Paradigm (see n . 3, above) ,
pp. 20·22 .
The second of the processions seems to have taken off very soon after
is, [ollowing an unspecified reading after deum. No an no
details are specified for this procession, after which a versus post Te deum
follows: Surrexitdominus vere. crhen the liturgy moves on to a traditional be-
inn of Lauds with the Dominus in adiutoriwTI, the antiphon Angelus
autem domini, and a psalm.
As in the first procession, this commemoration at the sepulchre leads into
congregational liturgical praise. The congregation first commemorates the
Easter events during a procession and then moves on to a hie et nunc cele-
bration.
The third procession to the sepukhre on Easter morni takes place to·
wards the end of Lauds, following the collect, while Dicant nunc Iudei (with
its anti-Jewish connotations) is sung, combined with the Surrexit dominus de
sepulchro instead its normal eluias. Another Gregorian Easter is
sung, probably at the sepulchre, but this is not made clear in the manuscript
Lauds then ends with the Dominus uobiscum, the Benedicamus domino and a
benediction by the bishop.
f will not go into the details of the ceremony as I have deah with it else-
where. I want to discuss what kind of a text we have to do with. Using the
term I have borrowed from Claus Cltiver (and others) it s in the first
place obvious that we have a multimedia text. On second thoughts, what we
have is in fact a mixed media text. Although we can, of course, separate the
verbal and musical text n noted manuscript, would most certainly be
an anachronism to think of the verbal text without the music or the musical
text without the words as coherent and meaningful entities in themselves.
Furtherl would claim that, a fferent we even have an inter·
media text, if we look at other involved media which both musicologists and
IiturgioJogists would tend not to notice: the performance text or in this case
the processional movements. Processions as l instance iff Flanigan has
made dear, 18 have their own Iiturgical grammar; based on movement towards
a goa1, an encounter with the divine, repeated similar movements, and nnal·
Iy, a communal or representationally communal character. In addition, the
procession also emphasizes the marked hierarchical structure of medieval
liturgy in general).
According to Angelus A. ing, the processional side of Carolingi-
an monastic mass 1iturgy had a symbolic function of making the authenticity
and authority of the monastic liturgy manifest, as the stational liturgy
8 Paradigm, p. 15.
VISITATlO SEPULCHRI OFFICES 459
showed the liturgy to be a city liturgy. In other words, it showed the monas-
tic liturgy as equal to an episcopal Jiturgy and ultimately to the Roman litur-
gy.19 Processions to sepu!chra domini, the Carolingian quotes of the Constan-
tine grave church in Jerusalem, and processions to west galleries in monastic
churches, formed parts of many such "symbolic" proceSSions, possibly even in
connection with some early Quem quaeritis performances. 2o The symbolic
feeling belonging to such a processional liturgy may well have been integrat-
ed into the solemnity and general1iturgical grammar and communal feeling
of the liturgical processions for centuries thereafter.
It would clearly be impossible to talk about the processional movements
without incorporating both the verbal and musical texts. Just as processions
had no practical function and were not simple embellishments, they are inex-
tricably intertwined with the verbal and musical texts that were parts 0 f
them, and these - in spite of their making sense on their own - were clearly
put together with the overall processional purpose in mind . This is certainly
the result of a careful reading of the processional ceremonies in the Soissons
Rite for Easter morning, establishing how the verbal and musical texts make
sense in the total liturgical context. 21
It follows that the part of the Easter morning ceremonial usually consid-
ered as the Visitatio Sepulchri office- the short Quem Quaeritis ceremony at
the sepulchre - at least in Soissons cannot be considered a textual entity of
its own. As an intermedia text it must at least include the rest of the morning
processions to the sepulchre. Even the rubrics of the manuscript make it clear
19 Angelus A. Haussling, Monchskonvent und Eucharistiefeier, Liturgiewissen-

schaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 58, (Munster [WestfaJen], 1973), esp . pp. 299-
307 and 170-72.
Compare also the account of the Roman stationalliturgy in John F. Baldovin,
The Urban Character of Christian Worship. The Origins, Development, and Mean-
ing of Stational Liturgy (Roma, 1987), pp . 105-66, esp. 166. See also Monchskon-
vent, pp. 191-95.
20 See Carol Heitz, Recherches sur les rapports entre Architecture et liturgic cl
I'epoque carolingienne (Paris, 1963), pp . 80-82 and 179·88 as well as Pamela Shein-
gom, The Easter Sepulchre in England (Kalamazoo, 1987), pp. 12-15, giving further
references.
21 I have attempted to show this in The Composition of Visitatio Sepulchri Offic-
es. Compare also my discussion of processions in my "Quem quaeritis in sepulchro?
The Visit to the Sepulchre and Easter Processions in Piacenza 65', [J libro del
Maestro. Codice 65 dell'archivio Capito/are della cattedrale di Piacenza (sec. Xll),
ed. Pierre Racine, forthcoming.
that the three processions are understood as belonging together, all having as
a main purpose the censing of the sepulchre.2 2
In the second example we have a fragment of a breviary containing the lat-
ter part of Matins, basically giving the same order as in Soissons (though not
nearly as many ceremonial details are given in the Danish manuscript). After
the Dum transisset a procession towards a sepulchre seems to have been
formed. At least the head rubric speciRes that there now follows what is
called
Ordo ad uisitandum sepulchrum more feminarum accedant qUiddam ad sepul.
chrum usum hunc incipientes23
Then follows a different but equally traditional Quem Quaeritis dialogue

at the sepulchre, where seemingly the deacons represent the {angels, priests
the Mariae, and where the priests enter the sepulchre to cense it, after the an-
gelic announcement of the Resurrection and a further angelic invitation to
come and see the place where the Lord was laid (the Venite et videte anti·
phon).24 Another announcement follows, this time by the priests (the Sur-
rexit dominus de sepulchri antiphon), while they proceed back to the people.
Here Matins is apparently taken up again, with Te deum, and the liturgy
thereafter moves on to Lauds. In a very condensed way the fragment still con·
tains information about Prime, Terce, Sext, None, and, atthe end of the frag-
ment/ the procession to the font of Easter Vespers. It seems that there were
no other processions to the sepulchre in the I iturgy reflected in the fragment.
This fact, together with the head rubric for the order of the visit to the
sepulchre - even though the manuscript does not specify the end of this or-
der, except through the rubric making it clear that the procession moves
back ad populum before the Te deum - seems to justify the considering this
Visitatio Sepulchr; ceremony as a text, as if it were cut off from the rest of
the Easter morning liturgy, although of course it is .wholly integrated into it.
22 Notandum vero quod ad s;mi!itudinem tr;um Mariarum ;ncensum hodie ad

sepulcrnm ter defertur.
LOO includes this passage in the excerpts from the ms. lat. 8898. It is quoted
here from De antiquis III c. 50 I (seemingly based on a different manuscript from the
thirteenth century with a few variant (corrected) readings, as the text of the ms. lat.
8898 is corrupt at the crucial sentence about the three processions to the sepulchre.
Compare LOO I p. 205 (line 41-46) to the rendering of the similar passage in Ritu-
ale p. 110 and see De antiquis I, the list of books.
23 Another V;sitatio Sepulchri(see n. 16, above), p. 16.
24 Ibid., pp. 16·19.
V1S1TATIO SEPULCHRl OFF! CES 461
Fol. "1r of the fragment Egeskabene E 71 (Rigsarkivet, Copen hagen)

What we have here is still an intermedia text, where the processional

movement is crucial for the understanding of the verbal and musical texts and
vice versa. The text seems to show a conscious movement out of the hie et
nunc I iturgy to a commemorational representation, moving back again into
the celebration here and now in the Te deum, much as the processions indi-
vidually seemed to function in Soissons.
The different but related examples here could of course have been dis-
cussed without using the terminology of the interarts discourse . The point
that I want to make, however, is that this discourse forces us to raise certain
questions that might not otherwise have been asked. In the case of the Dan-
ish ceremony the fragment itself seems to make its point very easily. In the
Soissons text - probably connected to the fact that the manuscript contains
so much information - the processional commemorational liturgy is in a
sense obscured by all the details, and by the fact that the first of the three
processions can also be read by itself as a kind of "functional" procession,
bringing the host back to the altar for the Mass to come.
Raising these questions about the texts and the media involved makes it
clear that we have much more than a text of a procession with one particular
function. The conclusions above show dearly that the musical and textual as
well as the liturgical composition of our "texts" cannot be separated. The
way, for instance, the processional commemoration in the Soissons liturgy of
Easter morning recurs three times is in itself an example of a kind of complex
"musical" compOSition with liturgical elements in the overall liturgy .
•
Zu GESCHICHTE UNO INHALT DES ALTESTEN

SALZBURGER LIBER ORDINARIUS
(CODEX M 11 6 DER UN IVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK SALZBURG)
FRANZ KARL PRASSL
Vorbemerkung: Langere Zeit sehan habe ieh mieh bei diversen 1iturgisehen
und gregorianisehen Themen mit dem Salzburger liber Ordinarius besehaf-
tigt. Ich tat dies, wie dies so liblich ist, nach der weit verbreiteten Praxis, aus
einem groBen Kuchen fur diverse Zwecke zunachst die Rasinen heraus-
zuholen. Doeh eine Erkenntnis lieB sieh nieht aufhalten: dieses Bueh gehort
in seiner Ganzheit in den Mittelpunkt einer grlindliehen Studie gerlickt, ist es
doch, wie zu zeigen sein wird, die codifizierte Grundlage einer weit verbreite-
ten liturgie einschliemich ihrer musikalischen Gestalt. Ein Forschungsstipen-
dium der Alexander von Humboldt-stiftung, sowie Entgegenkommen der
Hochschulbehorden und Geduld der Familie ermoglichten mir, im Studien-
jahr 1994/95 in Benediktbeuern und Mtinchen eine Edition dieses Buches vor-
zubereiten und seine Fragen, die im Laufe der Zeit immer umfangreicher und
komplizierter wurden, zu studieren. Im folgenden berichte ich Uber Altes und
Neues zu diesem Thema und gebe einen Einblick in den Stand meiner Arbei-
ten einschlieBlich von bereits vorliegenden Ergebnissen.
1. Der Liber Ordinarius und seine Inha1te

fm Jahre 1122/23 wurde die Klerikergemeinschaft des Salzburger Domes
in ein reguliertes Chorherrenkapitel umgewande1t. Die Lebens- und z.T.
auch die liturgische Praxis dieser jungen Chorherrenkommunitat wurde bei-
spielhaft fUr einen ganzen Klosterverband. 1 Die Liturgie des Kathedralka-
pite1s hatte dariiber hinaus normativen Charakter fur die ganze Diozesanl itur-
gie, sodan der Weltklerus - wie zahlreiche Eingaben an Provinzialkonzilien
im 15. Jahrhundert belegen - unter der Last eines monastischen Gebetspen-
sums stOhnte, wenn dieses oberhaupt auf3erhalb der Kloster ordnungsgemaB
vollzogen wurde. Eine liturgisehe Praxis} die eindeutig die Handschrift der
I Grundlegend dazu: Stefan Weinfurter, Sa/zhurger Bistumsrefonn und Bischofs-

politik im t 2. }ahrhundert. Der Erzhischof Konrad I. von Salzburg (1106- 1147) und
die Regularkanoniker, KHAb 24 (Koln, 1975).
464 FRANZ KARLPRASSL
Augustinerchorherren tragt, wird am Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts, etwa 60

Jahre nach cler Reform des Domstiftes in Gestalt des Liber Ordinarius greif-
bar. Der Hauptteil der Handschrift ist atis markanten liturgischen Grunden in
die Zeit nach 1181 zu datieren,2 der Terminus ante quem ist die Weihe des
zweiten Domes im Jahre 1198. Dem Gotteshaus aus Stein sollte auch ein
wohlgeordnetes geistiges Haus gegeniiberstehen. Oer Erneuerung des Kir-
chenbaus nach einem verheerenden Brand, der auch die meisten Codices zer-
stOrte, sollte eine grundliche Neuordnung cler Liturgie entsprechen, in der
die spirituelle Architektur des Tages-, Wochen- und Jahreslaufes auch in ent-
sprechenden Erkl~rungen dargestellt wurde. So wurde der Salzburger liber
Ordinarius nicht bloB eine Sammlung von Rubriken und eine Aufzahlung
von zu persolvierenden Gesangen und Gebeten, sondern ein Gesamtkompen-
dium der Consuetudo Salisburgensis, eine umfassende Darstellung all dessen,
was wann, wo, wie und vor allem auch warum im Gottesdienst zu geschehen
hatte. 3 So ist der Inhalt dieser Handschrift in sieben verschiedene Themen,
bzw. Aspekte zu gliedern:
1. t. Kalender:
Das Kalendarium ist weit mehr als eine Aufzahlung der zu feiernden Feste,
die zusammen mit ihren liturgischen Rangen angefohrt sind. Neben nekrolo-
gischen Notizen enth~lt der Kalendarteil vor al1em einen umfangreichen
Computus. 4 Jedem Tag desJahres sind 10 astronomische Angaben, wie magli-
che Neumondtage im 19 Jahrzyklus, Epakten, Sonntagsbuchstaben, Tier-
kreiszeichen usw. beigegeben. Eine eigene Tabelle informiert uber den Mond-
stand an jedem Tag im eye/us decennouenalis. Dem eigentlichen Kalender
schli.eBen sich umfangreiche Erklarungen und TabelIen zu kalendarischen
und astronomischen Berechnungen an, die vor allem zahlreiche Maglichkei-
ten aufzeigen, den Ostertermin richtig zu berechnen, sodaf3 man mit Metho-
2 Peter Wind, "Zum Skriptorium des Salzburger Domstiftes" (1122-1514),900

}ahre Stilt Reichersberg. Katalog der Landesausstellung (Linz, 1984),' S. 189-203,
hier 192.
3 Im Rahmen dieser Obersicht i.iber die Arbeit am Salzburger liber Ordinarius
verzichten wir auf Einzelnachweise cler von uns selbst erhobenen Daten. Diese sind
der kiinftigen Edition dann leicht zu entnehmen.
4 Zur Erstorientierung in diesen Fragen: Hennann Grotefend, Taschenbuch der
Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mitte/alters und der Neuzeit (Hannover, 13/1991),
bzw. Heinz Zemanek, Kalender und Chron%gie. Bekanntes und Unhekanntes aus
der Kalenderwissenschaft (Munchen-Wien, 51990).
ZUCESCHICHTE ... DES ALTESTENSALZBURCERLlBER ORDINARlUS 465
denvielfalt die Richtigkeit der Ergebnisse absichern konnte. Kronung dieses

Abschnitts ist die Tabelle des 532jahrigen magnus cyc1us Dionysii fur die
lahre 1064-1595, des dritten cler dionysianischen Zyklen. (Zum Vergleich:
1995 ist das 399. Jahr im 4. grof3en Zyklus, falls man noch julianisch rechnen
will.) Das Clberraschende am Kalender selbst ist: er ist nicht salzburgisch. Ne-
ben cler Analyse cler verzeichneten Heiligen geht dies auch aus einer Rubrik
iiber die Fastenquatember hervor, die gem~1I1 dem Kalenderteil nach germani-
schen Brauchen in der ersten Marzwoche zu feiern waren, was im Kommen-
tar des Antiphonarteils mit dem Hinweis auf die consuetudo Romana strikte
verworfen wird. Eine Gegeniiberstellung des aus dem Antiphonar- und Gra-
dualteil hypothetisch gewonnenen mit dem geschriebenen Kalender zeigt,
daB letzterer zahlreiche nicht salzburgische Feste enthalt, die auch im Laufe
der folgenden vier lahrhunderte nie in Salzburg heimisch geworden sincl.
Diese Feste zeigen z.T. nach Passau, zum gr6fieren Teil aber nach Freising,
wo die meisten di6zesaneigenen Heiligenfeiern innerhalb der Salzburger Kir-
chenprovinz festzustellen sind. Nach dem jetzigen Stand meiner Oberlegun-
gen geht)rt der Kalender, der knapp vor 1150 zu datieren ist5 und Salzburger
Nachtrage ab 1 t 81 enthalt, sodaf3 er integrierender Bestandteil des gesamten
Ordinarius wurde, in ein Kloster, das im Nahverhaltnis zu allen drei Dioze-
sen Passau, Freising und Salzburg stand, vielleicht eines am lnn.
1.2. Das Direktorium Antiphonarii.
Es enthalt die meisten Angaben zu den im Salzburger Dam ublichen OHi-
zien mit alIen dazugehorigen Zusatzen. Sind die Angaben zu den Gesangen
auBerst minutios auf Vollstandigkeit bedacht, so sind sie zu Lesungen und Ge-
beten mitunter recht summarisch und allgemein gehalten. Im Antiphonarteil
stehen auch die Angaben zu Feiern im Umkreis der Messe, wie Prozessionen
usw. Auch Besonderheiten der Mef31iturgie sind hier abgehandelt, und nicht
im Graclualteil.
1.3. Das Direktorium Gradualis.
Es enthalt die schematische Aufzahlung des Mef3propriums, der Collecta
und der Lesungen, sowie die Angaben cler zu singenden MeBordinarien, so-
weit dies fur einzelne Feiern ein konstitutiver Bestandteil der Gestaltung war.
Gerade hier ist ein Iiturgisches Element nicht durch einen Text, sondern
durch die Darstellung seiner musikalischen Gestalt in Form der Notation defi-
niert. Dies und andere wesentliche Aussagen zur Salzburger Liturgie durch
5 Vgl. Wind, a.a.O., S. t 92.

466 FRANZ KARL PRASSL
die Notation (z.B. Tonarangaben) veranlassen uns, die adiastematische Neu-

mennotation in der Edition wiederzugeben. Die Nichtdarstellung der Nota-
tion in zahlreichen Editionen von Libri Ordinarii ist zweifellos ein gravieren-
der inhaltlicher und methodischer Mange!.
1.4. Der Salzburger Mellritus.
Er hat Besonderheiten im Akzef3, sowie in den Offertoriums- und Kommu-

n iongebeten. 6
1.5. Die Liturgieerklarungen:
Sie sind ein Herzstlick des gesamten Buches llnd machen einen wesentl i-
chen T eil der Besonderheit des Salzburger Liber Ordinarius im Kreise dies er
Gattung liturgischer Bucher aus. Neben grundsatzl ichen Erklarungen von
liturgischen Elementen etwa im Rahmen einer doppelt angelegten Mef3er-
klarung lInd den Einfuhrungen in die Theologie der einzelnen Zeiten des
Kirchenjahres finden wir vor fast jeder bedeutenderen Feier einen eigenen
hinfuhrenden Kornrnentar. Die liturgieerklarungen schopfen aus drei Haupt-
quellen: aus dern Micrologus des streitbaren papstlichen Parteigangers Ber-
no Id von Konstanz, dessen Opus zu etwa 70% in den Liber Ordinarius in-
tegriert worden ist. Zweite Hauptquelle ist der Liber Quare, aus dessen 153
Quastionen t 35 exzerpiert worden sind. Zum dritten enthalt unser Ordina-
rius fast die Halfte der Summa de ecc1esiasticis officiis von Johannes Beleth?
Zu einigen Nebenqllellen gehbrt der Papst Gregor dem Groflen unterschobe-
ne Brief all Bischof AlIgustinus in England, in dem die hochst delikate Frage
traktiert wird, unter we1chen 13cdingungen und Umstanden ein Priester nach
einer polIutio nocturna zelcbrieren darf. Ein Ausschnitt aus der Conversio Ba-
goariorum et Carantanorum behandelt die Geschichte des Translatio Ruperti.
(, [5 kallll hier nicht allf Einzelheite"1l e"lIlgegangen werden. Uber Details infor-
mint: Dominik Daschner, Die gednlcklen MeAbucher SiiddeutschJands bis zur
Ubernahme des AlissaJe Romanum Pius V. (1570), RSTh 47 (Frankfurt am Main,
1995).
7 Dieses Buch ist elne typische Voriesllngsmitschrift, in der die kleinen Witze
des Herrn Professors aLlch nicht fehlen durften und somit die [hre hatten, in
Salzburg Bestandteil eines liturgischen Bllches Zll werden. So lesen wir ::.8. Longi-
wdo capi/Jonlm multitudinem peccatowm significat, oder (Iber die Verdorbenheit
des Klerus gemessen an den paradiesischen Zustanden im Urchristentum in einem
bildhaften Vergleich: Tunc erant lignei calices et aurei sacerdotes, nllnc vero c
contra est.
Zu CESCHICHTE ... DES ALTESTEN SALZBURGER LlBER ORDINARIUS 467
1.6. Die theologische Klammer:

Das Gesamtmotto der theologischen Deutung des liturgischcn Jahres ist
die Projektion der patristischen und vor allem von Augustinus verbreiteten
Lehre von den sieben Weltzeitaltcrn in den Ablallf der Liturgie. Jcdcr Ab-
schnitt des Kirchenjahres symbolisiert eine der Weltzeiten. Die crsten drel
Weltzeiten von der Schbpfung bis 1\1oses ~ind in der Zeit von Sertuagesima
bis zur Karwochc symbolisiert. Die O,tcrzeit selbst symbolisiert die ultima
aetas im Eschaton. In der folgenden festfreien Zeit sind die vierte lInd funfte
Ara, die David und das babylonische Exil betreffen, dargestellt. Die aetas
sota ist die Adventzeit. Diese Erklarung ist nieht in def gCI1.:mnten Kommen-
tarlitcratur enthalten, sondcrn findet sich in einer Reihe von osterreichischen
Libri Ordinarii des 12. Jahrhundcrts, die ieh bisher nirgends zuordnen konn-
te. Es scheint sich hier urn einen Topos zu handeln, der auch in gangigen Li-
turgieerklarungen nieht aufscheint, sondern Uber Direktorien verbreitet ist.
Dieser Kommentar beginnt rneist mit: Secundum sex aetates .'iaeclIli disponi-
tur ordo hystoriarum pcr circulum anni incipiens a scptuagcsima
1.7. Die Notation.
Alle Incipits von Gesangen sind rnit deutschen Neumen [)om-salzhurgi-

scher Pragung notiert. 8 Danebcn enthalt der Codex einen vollstandigen
Tonar: Am Seitenrand sind zu jeder Antiphon der Psalmton in romischen Zif-
fern und die Differenz in Form von Neumen angegeben. Das Glciche gilt fUr
die Introitusgesange. Da das Layout des Codex so angelegt worden ist, daB
in den mcisten Fallen flir cin Incipit einc ganze Zeile vorgesehcn wurde, sind
einzelne SWcke in betrachtlicher Lingc vorhanden, was vor allem im Cra-
dllalteil recht prazise lInd umfangreiche Schlusse auf die Notationspraxis irn
[)om zlllaBt, die auch charakteristische Differenzen zu Sl.Pcter aufwcist. Der
Textschreiber, ein saccrdos narnens Rudigerus, hat bcilTl Schreiben erfreu-
licherweise auch an die Notation gcdacht und genligend Platz fUr Mehrton-
nellmen, bzw. Melismen ge1assen Se1tene und wenig bekanntc Gesange sind
Illitunter auch vollstandig vorhanden. Dazu zahlt das Responsoriull1 sancti
Ambrosii ex persona sancte Jvjarie Uadis propiciator, von dem es in der Ru-
brik heiBt: Canunt etiam aliqui ad salutandum cruceIn. Das berOhmte Stiick
8 Eine Ubersicht uber Notationsformen in verschiedenen Salzburger Kirchen

bietel: Stefan Engcls, Das Antiphonal' von St. Peter in Salzbur;; Codex ONR Ser.
Nov. 2700 (12 }ahrhundcrt), Beitrage zur Ceschichtc der Kirchcnmusik 2 (Pader-
born, 1994).
468 FRANZ KARLPRASSL
ist hier im Mailander Oberlieferungsstrang als alternativer Gesang zur Kreuz-

verehrung ausgewiesen, der sich allerdings nicht lange gehalten hat, eine
sp~itere Randglosse vermerkt kurz und bUndig: uacat. Am Fest des heiligen Mi-
chae1 sind zwei der drei Alleluia ausgeschrieben, die mit dem Vers Concus-
sum mare und Adorate Deum omnes angeli.
2. Die Abschrihen
Oer Salzburger liber Ordinarius ist in zwei Abschriften erhalten, die eben-
falls konstitutiv fOr die liturgie zweier Kloster wurden. Es ist dies der Ordina-
rius von Ranshofen cl m t 2635 und der Ordinarius von Suben, der spater
nach Vorau kam und dort fur die Vorauer liturgie umgearbeitet worden ist,
der Codex 99 der dortigen Stiftsbibliothek. Oer Ranshofener Codex ist eine
vollstandige Abschrift, der Vorauer Codex enthalt nur Antiphonar. und Gra-
dualteil ohne Mel1ritus und Mel1erklarung. Ich nenne diese Bucher eine "redi-
gierende Abschrift", Zunachst ist es eine Abschrift, in der minutios jedes
Wort kopiert wird, solange dies ins neue Konzept park Oabei passieren auch
Fehlleistungen. Im Salzburger Urexemplar ist nach Folio t07 ein lagen-
wechsel. Fol 107vb endet mit der vorletzten Magnificatantiphon, die zur Hi-
storia lob gehort: Auditu auris audivi. Die nachste Lage beginnt daher auch
folgerichtig mit der letzten Antiphon dieser Reihe Quantas habeo iniquitates,
auf die sofort die Historia Tobiae folgt. Nun hatte aber der Schreiber an die-
ser Stelle etwas vergessen: die Regeln und Beschreibungen, wie man im
September die Historien lob, Tobias, Ester und Iudith zusammen mit den
Heiligenfesten alIe unter einen Hut bringt. Er schreibt dies auf ein Einzel·
blatt, das nun zwischen die zwei genannten Lagen eingeftigt wird, soda8 nun
optisch die letzte Antiphon aus der 10b·Serie Uber zwei Seiten von der gesam-
ten Historia abgetrennt erscheint. In der spateren Foliierung steht sie auch
nicht auf foil 08, sondern auf foIl 09. Genau in diesem optischen Zustand
wurde der Codex fUr Ranshofen und Suben abgeschrieben, sodar3 nun in
einem anderen Layout die Antiphon Quantas habeo iniquitates unmotiviert
und beziehungslos atlein auf weiter Rur steht. Die Abschriften sind aber auch
redigierend. Was offensichtlich typisch zur Salzburger Domliturgie gehorte,
wurde weggelassen. Dies betrjfft z.B. das Eigenoffizium am Fest der depositio
Ruperti, das weder in Ranshofen, noch in Suben rezipiert worden ist, oder
das Offizium des Thomas von Canterbury, das in Suben uberhaupt fehlt. Im
Ranshofener Codex steht ein eigenes Pankratiusoffizium fUr den dortigen Kir-
chenpatron, in Suben gilt dasselbe fUr den heiligen Lambert. Auch das Kirch-
weihformular erfahrt eine besondere Behandlung. Im Salzburger Ordinarius
Zu GESCHICHTE ... DES ALTESTEN SALZBURGER UBER ORDINARIUS 469
ist die Praxis nachweisbar, nach der im Dom die Kirchweihe am 24.9. und
das Rupertfest am 25.9. gefeiert worden ist. AuBerhalb des Domes war es
genau umgekehli, auch Nachtrag im Kalender verzeichnet es letzterer
Weise. Das Kirchweihfest hat zwei Vespern und die Kommemoration der Ge-
fahrten des heiligen Rupert Chuniald und Cislar. Das Rupertfest, das unmittel
bar das Kirchweihoffizium anschlieHt t hat Patronatsfest erste
Vesper, denn die zweite des Kirchweihfestes zog vor. In den spateren Brevie-
ren finden wir dafUr in cler umgekehrten Diozesanordnung keine zweite
Vesper von Rupert, son die erste von Kirchweihe. Ranshofen und
SubenNorau ist das Kirchweihfest jeweils vor dem heiligen Lambert einge·
reiht und der heilige Rupert erfreut sich seiner beiden Vespern. Detail
unterscheiden die Ordinarien we aber /lKleinigkciten",
Am bemerkenswertesten' sind die Anderungen im Subener Codex, der fOr die
Hausliturgie Chorherrenstift Vorau mit Rasuren und Oberschreibungen
umgearbeitet worden So in Angabe cler Suffragien ,B. der
Name des Patrons von lambert auf Thomas Apostel geandert.
3. Wurzeln undErgartzungen
E Hauptwurzel Salzburger Chorherrenliturgie trotz - si
ch er kirchenpol itisch Insisticrens auf sogenannte consuetu-
do Romana das, was vorher in Salzburg oblich war. Dieses Repertoire wurde
kritisch gesichtet und abernomrnen, auch libernornmen. Leider
kbn wir diesen ProzeH nur teilweise nachvol1ziehen. I Dommissale elm
11004 haben wir ein Liturgiebuch, das einen Zustand vor der Liturgiereform
zeigt, clann auf den Stand Liber Ordinarius in umgearbeitet worde
ist, es diesem irn Bestand identisch ist. sin cl h trotz Bear-
beitungen wenige, aber deutliche Unterschiede erkennbar, clann aber wieder
auch trappieren Gemeinsamkeiten z.R, den Rubriken. zburger litur-
giebucher waren zwar Teilquel aber nicht Vorlagen eine Abschrift
ohne Willen zu Neuerungen. Dabei gibt es auch RatseL Der Tractus Eripe
cler itLLrgie als nuperrimc compi]a bezeichnet. gibt
es aber keine Bclege. auch die Untersuchungen van Dominik Daschner
zeigen, gab es nirgendwo in der Salzburger Kirchenprovinz den bei Amalar
und wie von James McKinno zu horen war - bei Angilram bezeug-
ten Tractus QUi habitat an dieser Stellc, sondern immer nul' Eripe. Wir haben
hier eine offene Frage vor uns.
Ein breites llmfeld Salzburger Ordinarius den Ordinarien des
12. Jahrhunderts, die im Dunstkreis cler gregorianischen Reform stehen, und
z.T. nieht einmal konkret zuzuordnen sind. Diese Bucher tradieren mit glei-
chen Texten d Zuordnung Weltzeitenlehre zum liturgisehen Jahr und
haben viele eiche Rubriken. kon hier Beziehungsgeflecht,
andeutungsweise sehon in def Literatur vorhanden ist, aufdeeken. Es bedurfte
aber ner weiteren eingehenden Studie, diese Zusammenhangc darzustel
len zu wiirdigen. diese Cnlppe der Ijber Ordinarius Men
gotus, der just in jener Wiener Sammelhandschrift steht, aus der Ludwig
Fischer den Ordo L1teranensis lInd Weinfurter Consuetudines
Rodenses ediert haben (cvp 1 . Oer Ordinarills n dieser Salzburger Sam·
melhandschrift ist jedoch alien Anzeichen nach passauisch, vom Sequenzen-
repertoire her gesehen bt es Parallelen nur in Florian. Mit der dortigen
liturgie sind auch zahlrelche Differenzen ustellen/ sodal1 Rate-
spiel weitergehen mull Es ware aber vorteilhaft, diesen Faszike1 genauer Ioka-
I zu konnen. Er alter der zburger Ordinarius und enthalt
der Visitatio sepulchri Incipit des Osterliedes Christ erstanden. Damit
ist dieser Codex nun als altester Quellennachweis dieses Osterliedes anzu-
sehen. Die Visitatio chri bst ist keinem bei lipphardt edierten
Typen des "Osterspiel eindeutig zuzuordnen. dtirfen auch hier mit
einem Ratsel leben. Ein liber Ordinarius aus St. F10rian gehort ebenfalls in
diese Gruppe hat wiederum gemeinsame Rubriken m dem Salzburger
Ordinarius, die aber n im Ordinarius des Mengotus stehcn, sodaH meine
Vermutung, die Wiener Handschrift konnte eine Vorstufe der Salzburger
sein sehon
j diesem Grunde sich zusammengefallen ist. Wir mussen
wahrscheinl ieh also wieder einmal die berOhmte unbekannte Quelle X als
Mutter alles Seienden bemuhen.
Zu Erganzungen des Li Ordi gehoren in fur den
Salzburger Dom die Consuetudines Rodenses,9 die die Ablaufdetails cler Got-
tesdienste regein. Ich habe var zwei Jahren daruber in Eger gesprochen. Sie
korrespondieren zumeist mit den entsprechenden Angaben Liber Ordina~
rius, sodal1 hier van einer beweisbaren Konvergenz zu sprechen ist. Ordina-
rius und Consuetudo gehoren zusammen wie zwei Seiten einer Medaille. Die
Angaben des inarius, die sich den Consuetudines bestatigen, nd aber
auch ein weiterer Beweis fur die Salzburger VetWendung dieser nach Rolduc
lokalisierten Kanonikerordnung, die bisher nur aus palaographischen Argu-
menten ersch ossen
9 Ediert in CCCM 48, bzw. Fontes Christiani 1 1,1.2.

Zu GESCHICHTE '" DES ALTESTEN SA LZBURGER L1BER ORDINARJUS 471
4. Bearbeitung und Rezeption

Dcr Salzburger Ord weist zahJreichc Rasuren auf, entweder aber-
schrieben worden sind, oder aber auch Jeer blieben. Liturgische Anderungen
in einem Zeitraurn von etwa 300 Jahren sind hier dokumentiert. Den Urzu-
stand van etwa 90 man icherweise die ften , in de-
nen Gott sei Dank an anderer Stelle korrigiert worden ist, muhe10s rekon-
struieren. Es ware hier von zahlreichen liturgischen Details zu berichten, die
sich geandert hahen, was macht man mit Rupertfest in Kar-
woche. Interessanterweise sind nUT wenig neue Feste nachgetragen worden,
und in den spateren Abschriften sind inzwischen eingefLihrte Offizien selten
eingereiht n. Bei Anderungen von iphonen auch korrekt
die Tonartenangaben mitgeandert. Neben den I iturgischen Details gibt es
auch gravierende theologische Korrekturen. So wurden etwa Texte mit der
Lehre, dan in ErbsHnde empfangen , und moglicherwe nicht Leib
und Seele in den Himmel aufgenommen wurde, im Sinne cler Durchsetzung
cler auch heute iiblichen theologischen Ansichten getilgt. So ist dieser Ordi-
narius ausgewiesen als lebendiges das itbedi Anderungen
und theologischen Zeitgeist iiber Jahrhunderte wiederspiegeit.
Die Rezeption des Salzburger Ordinarius ist nicht nur in seinen Abschrif-
ten fbar. war - ist ausdrUckl genannt - auch noch zu Beginn
des 16. Jahrhunderts jene Referenz, nach der gedruckte Missalien und Bre-
viere erstellt worden sind, Seine Autoritat wird clariiber hinaus in Provinzial-
konzil herausgestell Auf cl verblo/fende Art wortl ichen Abschrift
von Rubriken hat bereits Lasz16 Dobszay hingewiesen.
Die RoUe der Notation

Man mu8 generell fragen, welche Information, oder welche Botschaft die
Notat von pits itteln L!ch denke, Bedeutung der rememo·
rativen Funktion der Neumen ist hier als sehr gering anzusetzen. Wichtiger
und entscheidend ist der Hinweis aufdas Wesen der liturgie, Diese ist grund·
satzl eine gesungene , daher die Darstel ihres anges wesens
maBig zu einer Gesamtdarstellung von Liturgie, Hier ist in einer Weise vor-
exerziert/ was Jahrhunderte spater VDn Pills X. par.'i tegra!is genannt werden
wird. Falle Mef10rdinariums ist ja ausschl ich die Kompos als
solche Unterscheidungsmerkmal unci Gestaltungskriterium. Aus diesen GrUn-
den ich auch al wicht an, in ner Edition die Notation gcnauso
darzustellen den ErfTeulicherweise haben Anton Hanggi Max
Lutolf rnit cler Edition des Codex Gressly hier einen blinden liturgiewissen-
schaftlichen Fleck erstmals beseitigt und der Frage der Musik einen gebuh-
renden Stellenwert eingeraumt. 0 Notation von Ubri Ordinarii zeigt Uber
konkrete Gebrauchswerte hinaus den Gesamtzusammenhang von Musik im
Gottesdienst. Sie ist ein ebenburtiger Parameter neben Tcxtrepertoire, Aus-
fiihmngsbestirnmungen, rituel1er Entfaltung und anderen Elementen Erst so
entsteht das, was man berechtigt ein Gesamtkunstwerk nennen darf, wobei
die Gesamtheit menschlicher Ausdrucksweisen zum Lobe Gottes genauso ge-
meint ist wie der Anspruch ~sthetischer Qual itat, die aJs Zeichen aul1erer und
innerer Wahrhaftigkeit des Gottesdienstes zu sehen 1St.
BEOBACHTUNGEN ZUM KURZTONAR DES

BERN VON REICHENAU
ALEXANDER RA US CH
Bern van Reichenau 1 ist der einzige Musiktheoretiker des Mittelalters (sieht
man van Frutolf ab, bei dem die Autorschaft allerdings unklar ist2), der zwei
Tanare verfal1te. Angesichts der FunktionaliUit dieser Textsorte (ein Tonar
bezeichnet ein liturgisches Buch, in dem cler Kantor vor allem Offiziums- und
Me8antiphonen, manchmal auch Responsorien uncl andere Gesange, prirnar
nach Kirchent6nen und Differenzen geordnet, vorflndet, urn das Saeculorum
amen dem jeweiligen regionalen Usus gemaf3 intonieren zu k6nnen) er-
scheint es geradezu als Widerspruch, wenn ein Autor gleich zwei Tonare
zusammenstellt. Bei Bern 16st sich cler Widerspruch zunachst insofern auf, als
hier zum einen der Volltonar mit Prolag (gekurzte Fassung bei CS 11, 62a-
91 b) und zum anderen der weniger bekannte Kurztonar mit dem van Gerbert
1 S. Alexander Rausch, Die Musiktraktate des Abtes Bern von Reichenau (ca.
978-1048). fd;r;on und Interpretation (Wien [Diss.], 1996). Dem Fonds zur Fbrde-
rung cler wissenschaftlichen Forschung in Osterreich (FWF) bin ich fur das von Prof.
Or. Waiter Pass (Wien) geleitete Projekt ,Mittelalterliche Musiktheorie in Oster-
reich" sehr dankbar.
2 Ein versifizierter Tonar wurde von Coelestin Vivell (ed.), Frutolfi Breviarium
de musica et Tonarius, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien
188/2 (Wien, 1919), S. 75-82 als Werk Frutolfs herausgegeben. Aufgrund derzahlrei-
chen Abschriften dieses Kurztonars (siehe die Liste bei Michel Huglo, Lcs Tonaires.
lnventaire, Analyse, Comparaison, Publications de la Societe Fran~aise de Musico-
logie I1J/2 [Paris, t 971 J. S. 286) verrnutet Michael Bernharcl, "Didaktische Verse zur
Musiktheorie des Mittelalters", Cantus Planus. Papers Read at the Third Meeting
Tihany, 1988 (Budapest, 1990), S. 232, daIS "Frutolf nicht der Verfasser der Verse,
sondern nur Abschreiber" sei; der Name Pilgrimus in der Handschrift Wien, ON8
Cod. 1367, f. t 39v sei "ohne Zweifel ein Verfassemame". Da8 damit Pilgrim von
Koln, der Widmungstrager von Berns gro{3em Tonar, gemeint sein konnte, scheint
mir doch zu weit hergeholt (siehe Gerhard Pietzsch, Die Musik im frzichungs- und
Bildungsideal des ausgehenden Altertums und fruhen Mitte/alters, Studien zur Ge-
schichte der Musiktheorie im Mittelalter 11 [Halle, 1932], S. 132 Anm. 5; vorsichti-
ger Ham Oesch, 8erno und Hennann von Reichenau aJs Musiktheoretiker, Publika-
tionen der Schweizerischen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft 11/9 [Bern, 1961], S. 46
Anm. I).
474 ALEXANDER RAUSCH
beigefugten Titel De consona tonorum diversitate (CS H, 114a-1 t 7b) vor-

liegt. Daf1 ein bedeutender Theoretiker zuerst ein groneres Werk schreibt,
urn es anschliel1end aus padagogischen Criinden selbst in einer KurzverSion
zu bieten, kennen wir ja auch aus anderen Bereichen der Musiktheorie, etwa
aus der Mensuralmusik (Marchetto von Padua, Johannes de Muris). Das
Denkmodell der Reduktion bestimmte lange Zeit die Forschungsmeinung
uber die Chronologie cler beiden Texte, bis Joseph Smits van Waesberghe
1979 argumentierte, der Kurztonar sei vor und nicht nach dem Volltonar ent-
standen. 3
Smits van Waesberghe diskutiert den ktirzeren Tonar unter vier Gesichts-
punkten: 1. biographische Oaten im Widmungsbrief, 2. Problematik des
Titels, 3. chronologische Reihenfolge, 4. rhetorischer Stil.
1.
Dem Widmungsbrief laf1t sich entnehmen, claf3 Bern auf3erhalb seines Klo-
sters weilt und von zweien seiner Monche, Purcharcl und Kerung, urn einen
exemplarischen Tonar mit den dazugehorigen Intonationsformeln gebeten
wird. Der Anfang "Bern[o] gratia Dei, etsi non merito, tarnen officio abba
r
L.. konnte als Hinweis darauf verstanden werclen, daB Bern 4 erst seit kur-
zem Abt auf der Reichenau ist. Daraus ergibt sich ein neuer Datierungs-
vorschlag, cler den zu spaten Ansatz Smits van Waesberghes ("um t 025/1)
korrigiert: der Text entstand wohl kurz nach 1008, dem Beginn seiner Regent-
schaft.5
3 Joseph Smits van Waesberghe, Bernonis Augiensis abbatis de arte musica aispu-
tationes traditae. Pars B: Quae ratio est inter tria opera de arte musica Bernonis
Augiensis, Divitiae Musicae Artis A. Vlb (Buren, 1979), S. 53-61.
4 So die authentische Namensfonn: die Lesart .,<B>erno" der St. Caller Hand-
schrih 898, p. 2 ist zu emendieren.
5 Der St. Caller Codex 898, der mil dem Tonar beginnt, "enthalt die Schriften
Berns in annahernd chronologischer Reihenfolge/l, weshalb Schmale zum selben Er-
.gebnis kommt: /lWahrscheinlich ist cler Brief zu Anfang der Regierungszeit Berm
geschrieben [... r'; s. Franz-Josef Schmale, "Zu den Briefen Bems van Reichenau/l,
Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte 68 (] 957), S. 73.
BEOBAGITUNCEN ZUM DES BERN VON RE1 475
2.
Oer von Gerbert stammende Tite! ist - obwohl das Verfahren, den Tite!
aus dem Textanfang zu erganzen, durchaus legitim ist und auch bei CS ",
91 b: "aliquid tibi scribere de varia psalmorum atque cantuum modulatione
[... rangewandt wurde - nicht gliicklich. Im Hinblick auf die Tatsache, daB
hier in der literarischen eines Briefs varl ich
den lieber Episto]a nennen. Urn dic !Iquos-
dam super consona diversitate compos crklaren,
bringt van Waesberghe folgendem Boeth Ver·
bindung: 6
Sed haec omnis diversitas ita et temporum varietatem parit et fructuum, ut
tamen unum anni corpus efficiat. Unde si qUid horum, quae tantam varietatem
rebus ministrant, animo et cogitatione decerpas, cuncta pereant nee ut ita di-
cam quicquam consonum servent.
o daB diese die "Que1le" Ausdruck

sei oder auch nspiration dafUr hatte,
vage und der Tatsachc, [ch urn
einen allgegenwartigen Topos C,Einheit in Versch auch
unwahrscheinlich. Es verwundert nicht, daB man analoge topische Wen-
dungen auch in anderen Texten findet, wie etwa bei Anonymus l (GS I), der
den hannonia-Begriff in diesem Sinne definiert.7 Die bei Smits van Waes-
berghe angefuhrten Passagen aus Bems Pr%gus (CS 11, 63a sowie 77b-78a)
sind tatsachlich Boethius·Zitate. 8
6 Boethius, De institutione musica I 2, ed. Cottfried Friedlein (Leipzig, 1867),

S. 188, 10-15.
7 Smits van Waesbeghe schreibt den Traktat De mensurando monochordo des
Anonymus I (CS I, 330-338) in seiner Neuedition (Bernonis Augiens;s abbatis de
arte mus;ca d;sputationes traditae. Pars A: Bemonis Augiens;s De mensurando mono-
chordo, Musicae Artis A / 1978]) Bern von zu; zur
Probl Autorschaft s. Rausch I te, S. 139- 15 ist se it
der und sachgeschichtl nzip der Fugung"
Riemann Sachteil, I'ieinrich Eggebrecht
S. 36
8 Boethius, De institutione musica I 1, ed_ Friedlein, S. 186, 3-4.
3.
Fur die von Smits van Waesberghe etablierte relative Chrono)ogie, nach
der der Kurztanarvor dem Volltonar einzureihen ist, existieren drei textimma-
nente Hinweise:
al die Intonatiansformeln fur die Me8antiphonen wurden fur die Epistola

de tonis neu komponiert und danach auch fur den VoIltonar verwen-
det., 9
b/ die wortlichen, ausgedehnten Zitate aus Pseudo-Bemelinus lO sind im

Kurztonar noch nicht varhandenj
d terminologische Details.!! Hier allerdings mun man anmerken, daB es

generell gefahrlich ist, sich in Fragen der Datierung bzw. chronologi-
schen Reihenfalge auf die verwendete Termino!ogie zu verlassenj der
Terminus subiugaJis wurde nicht van Pseudo-Bernelinus in die Musik-
theorie eingefuhrt, sondern erscheint bereits in der Musica en ch iria dis,
Scolica enchiriadis, Commemoratio brevis und verwandten Texten 12
- von I/neue[n] Werkzeuge[nT'13 kann man also nicht sprechen. Anderer-
seits lat1t sich nicht leugnen, da8 die Bezeichnungen der Psalmtondiffe-
renzen (differentia oder diffinitio) in den beiden Traktaten Ruckschliis-
se auf deren Chronologie erlauben: die Stelle im Kurztonar, wo Bern
9Zum Verhaltnis dieser versiculi zum Winchester-T rapar vgl. Huglo, Tonaires,
s. 278 Anm. I i in diesem Zusammenhang ist die von Oesch, Berno, S 29-32 verwor-
fene Hypothese eilles Stuclienaufenthaltes Berns in F1eury (im }ahr 999) wichtig: da-
zu Michel Huglo, "D'Helisachar a Abbon de Fleury", Revue benedictine 104 (1994),
S. 224 Anm. 71.
10 Ed. Michael Bemhard, Clav;s Gerberti. Eine Revision von Martin Gerberts
Scriptores ecclesiastic; de musica sacra potissimum (5t. Blasien, 1784), Bayerische
Akademie cler Wissenschaften. Veroffentlichungen der Musikhistorischen Kommissi.
on 7 (Munchen, 1989), Teil I, S. 8of.
t1 S. auch Wilhelm Brambach, Das Tonsystem und die Tonarten des christlichen
Abendlandes im Mittelalter(Leipzig, 1881), S. 45.
12 S. den Index bei Hans Schmid (ed.), Musica et seo/ica enchiriadis una eum
aliquibus traetatulis adiunctis, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Veroffent-
lichungen cler Musikhistorischen Kommission 3 (Munchen, 1981), S. 291.
13 Smits van Waesberghe, Pars B, S. 57.
BEOBACHTUNGEN ZUM KURZTONAR DES BERN VON REICHENAU 477
"admet les deux termes sans discussion", 14 laBt seine spateren Vorbehal-
te gegen den Ausdruck diffinitio noch nicht erahnen (CS 11, 76b-77a),
4.
Auf die Stilistik geht Srn its van Waesberghe streng genommen nicht ein,
sondern begntigt sich mit Beweisfiihrung, die Werke Bems van
chenau in rhythrnischer Prosa verfaBt sind. MUflten aber "besondere Stilkenn-
zeichen"15 nicht mit detaillierter philologischer Arbeit eruiert werden, gerade
wenn es urn die Feststellung Autorschaft geht?
Der fbau Tonars au(3erst klar. Wahrend def erste Teil Offizi
umsgeslinge auAistet, widmet sich der zweite Abschnitt den MeBantiphonen.
Anfang def einzelnen Tonarten fur Stundengebet stehen die lntona
tionsformeln Primum quaerite regnum Dei ... , gefolgt vom jeweiligen tonus
princ;pali~. Nun zitiert Bern meistens drei Antiphonen (beim 5. Modus sind
cs vier, beim sogar acht); insgesarnt flihrt er 30 Antiphonen des Oftlziums
an. Anschliellend wird fur jeden Kirchenton ein Responsorium mit vorange-
stelltem Gloria Patri Beispiel Im Mel1teil Anden wir mehr
doppelt so viele Antiphonen als beim Stundengebet, namlich insgesamt 64:
sechs oder (wie 2., und Modus) Introitus 5.
bildet wieder eine Ausnahme: vier und drei Introitus) sowie drei Communio·
Mogl icherweise spielt der symmetrischen Auswahl die Zahlen
symboHk l6 eine RoUe, denn indem der 5. Kirchenton einen Introitus mehr
erh:ilt, be1auft sich deren Zahl auf insgesamt 40. Falls vorhanden, rugt Bern
14 Huglo, Tonaires, 265 Anm. 3.

15 Smits van Waesberghe, Pars R, S. 59.
6 In vergleichbarer Weise, aber einem ganz anderen Gebiet der Musiktheo·
rie scheint Zahlensymbolik wirksam geworden zu sein, wenn Franchino Gaffurio
seine Theorica musice 492) 5 x 8 40 Kapitel einteilt; Waiter Kurt Kreyszig,
Franchino Caffurio's "Theorica musice" (1492). A Study of the Sources (Wien·
Stuttgart, in Vorbereitung), Kapitel 2. Zu Augustinus, vcn dem Gaffurio hier mogli-
beeinfluBt s. The Theory of Gaffurio. Transla
with Introductions and Notes, by Waiter Kurt Kreyszig, Music Theory Translation
( Haven-London, 993).
478, ALEXANDER RAUSCH
hier auch die Psalmtonendungen hinzu, da sie (im Unterschied zu den Offizi-
umsmelodien) "pauciores sunt et certiores".17 Das Neue in diesem Tonar sind
jedoch die von Bern komponierten versiculi (Primo pro culmine ... ), mit
denen er den Auftrag erftillt hat und die er einige Jahre spat er in seinen
grof1en Tonar Obernehmen sollte.
Vergleicht man die im Kurztonar zitierten MeBgesange mit jenen des spa-
teren Volltonars, so stellt man in der Zuordnung zu den einzelnen Kirchen-
tonen einen Unterschied fest. Der Introitus Sacerdotes tui steht in der
Epistola de tonis unter dem 4. Ton, wie auch bei Regino von PrOm (CS 11,
60b). fm Tonarius dagegen entschied Bern sich for den 3. Modl!ls, "contre les
anciens qui indiquent le quatrieme".IB In ihrer melodischen Variabilitat erlau-
ben die Antiphonen des Stundengebets mehr Moglichkeiten der tonalen
Klassiflkation, weshalb Bern im Kurztonar danim bemOht war, charakte-
ristische, eindeutige Beispiele auszuwahlen. Die nachstehende Tabelle ver-
gleicht sie mit dem Tonarius, den beiden wichtigsten Vorbildern Regino von
Prom und dem karolingischen Tonar in Bamberg lit. 5 sowie dem zeitgenos-
sischen Codex Hartker (St. Callen 390/391, Antiphonar und Tonar).
Eine auf den ersten Blick unscheinbare Stelle ober den Ambitus der authen-
tischen und der plagalen Tonarten wirh zwar keine sachlichen, aber rezepti-
onsgeschichtliche Fragen auf (CS H, t 15b):
Nam sicut unusquisque eorum [=authenticorum] a suo Anali incipiens novena-
rium limitem licenter ascendendo contingit, descendendo in sibi vicinum,
aliquando usque ad tercium sonum pervenit, ita inferiores in quintum usque
ascendunt, in quartum vero sonum descendunt.
Ahnlich legt Bern spater im Prolog zum Volltonar (CS lit 72a) den Tonum-
fang fest (eine Dezime bzw. Undezime fur die authentischen, eine Oktave
fur die plagalen KirchentOne):
Animadvertendum nunc est: cum omnis authenticus a suo finali incipiens licen-
ter in nonum sonum ascendat j non quod semper id cveniat, sed quod haec cius
scandendi sit potestas, & nonnisi in sibi vicinum & aliquando in tertium [ ... J
descendat. Subiugalis vero eius in quintum locum ascendat, in quartum aut em
nec non at quandoque in quintum descendat [ .. .].
17 Ep;sto}a 19(GSII, 115b).

18 Huglo, Tonaires, S. 277.
BEOBACHTUNCEN WM KURZTONAR DES BERN VON REICHENAU 479
Derartige Angaben zum Ambitus .regul~rer Melodien 5cheinen nicht 50

sehr aus einer bestimmten Tradition oder einern bestimrnten Text zu stam-
men, sondern im 11. Jahrhundert AlIgemeingut gewesen zu sein. Dies zeigen
kurze Passagen wie die folgende aus einern anonymen Modus-Traktat, der zu-
sammen mit Bems Prologus kopiert wurde: 19 "Omnis autenticus a suo nnali
ascendere valet in nonum sonum, descendere in tercium. Plagis in quartum
descendens in quintum ascendit." Aber auch in grof3e Traktate wie die Musi-
ca enchiriadis oder Hucbalds Musica fanden analoge Stellen Eingang, und
zwar in Form von Glossen (erst aus dem 11. Jahrhundert), die ja generell mit
dem Haupttext tradiert, manchrnal in diesen integriert und dementsprechend
rezipiert werden. 20
Die hier untersuchte Epistola de ton;s wirh aber noch ganz andere Fragen
auf. Im Hinblick auf die Textgestalt des groJ1en Tonars irritiert es, dafl die
Antiphonen Caeli aperti sunt und Claudus quidam dort nicht mehr zitiert
werden (letztere kommt auch bei Regino nicht vor). Falls es sich urn eine
bewuJ1te Entscheidung Berns hande1t, 1~f3t sich schwer ein Grund daftir aus-
findig machen. Falls nicht - Iiegt der Fehler bzw. die Ursache beim Autor, in
der Oberlieferung des Tonarius oder etwa bei einern Kopisten des Kurz-
tonars?
19 Ed. Alexander Rausch, "Die Handschrift Munchen, elm 14477 als musiktheo-
retische QueUe", Musik in Bayem 49 (1994), S. 22 .
20 Musica enchiriadis V, gloss. 7, ed. Schmid, S. 9 und Hucbald, Musica, § 38a,
ed. Chattier, S. 186.
Die 30 Offiziumsantiphonen in Bems

Epistola de toms
CAD Incipit Be Bt Reg Ba Ha Ht
1276 Adhuc multa habeo 5. 5.0 5.0 5.2 5.1
1293 Adorna thalamum 8. 8.1 8.5 8.0 8.0
1299 Aedifkavit Moyses 6. 6.0 6.0 6.1 6.0 6.0
1320 Alias oyes 6. 6.0 6.0 6.1 8.0 8.0
1350 Alleluia quem quaeris 5. 5.2 5.1 5.0
1375 Amen amen dieo vobis quia 8. 8.0 8.1 8.0 8.0
1400 Angeli eo rum 8. 8.0 8.0 8.1 8.0
1414 Angelus Domini nuntiavit 1. 1.0 1.0 1.1 1.0 1.0
1440 Antequam convenirent 1. 1.0 1.0 1.1 1.0 1.0
1473 Archange/e Dei 2. 2.0 2.1
1501 Assumpsit lesus discipulos 2. 2.0 8.0 2.2 2.0 2.0
1677 Beatus vir qui suffert 8. 8.0 1.1 8.1 8.0 8.0
1720 Benedictus Dominus Deus 6. 6.1 6.2 6. t 6.1
meus
1835 Caeli aperti sunt 5. 6.0 (8.) 5.3 8.5
1829 C1audus quidam 3. 3.3 3.0 3.0
1948 Credo videre 4. 4.4 4.0 4.3 4.2
2165 Deus adiuvat 8. 8.0 8.0 8.1 8.0 8.0
2367 Domine probasti me 3. 3.2 3.0 3. I 3.4 3.4
2390 Domine spes sanctorum 3. 3.2 3.3 3.3 3.0
2519 Ecce iam veniet 5. 5.2 5.3 5.0
2527 Ecce nomen Domini venit 1. 1.0 1.0 1.1 1.0 1.0
3084 Hoc iam tertio - discipulis 7. 7.0 7.1 7.0
3481 Jerusalem respice 7. 7.0 8.0 7.1 7.0 7.0
3462 Ite nuntiate 4. 4.4 4.3 4.2
3531 luste et pie 2. 2.0 2.0 2.2 2.0 2.0
3538 lustorum animae 8. 8.1 8.1 8.0 8.0
3686 MaIos male -agricolis 8. 8.0 8.0 8.1 8.0 8.0
4751 Sanctis qui in terra 4. 4.4 3.3/4.0 4.3 4.2
4810 Sapientia aediflcavit 7. 7.0 4.2 (8.) 7.1 7.0
4897 Si ignem adhibeas 8. 8.0 8.0 8.1 8.0
Cantus Planus. Sopron! 1995 481
ASPEKTE ZUM FROHEN TROPENSCHAFFEN IN FRANKEN
VOLKER SCHIER
Die Untersuchung der Tropenrepertoires abgegrenzter Regionen etWeist sich

zunehmend als gewinnhringendes Studienobjekt der Tropenforschung, zu-
mal die Quellenbasis an Troparen immer mehr erweitertwird. Die notgedrun-
gene Beschrankung in der "Fruhzeit" der Erforschung dieser Gattung auf
relativ wenige Quellen, die zudem auf nur wenige/ wenn auch fraglos wichti-
ge Zentren verteilt waren, wird in vielen Bereichen von einer Quellenbasis
abgell>st, die, wenn auch mitunter aus unterschiedlichen Epochen stammend,
einen mehr oder weniger "Aachendeckenden" Uberblick tiber Tropenprak-
tiken erml>glicht.
Dies trifft beispieIsweise fur die Praktiken der drei frankischen Diozesen
Bamberg/ Wurzburg und Eichstatt zu. Die kirchliche Organisation der franki-
schen Kirche zeigt sich seit dem Mittelalter praktisch unverandert. Zu den
urspriinglichen BistUmern Wtirzburg und Eichstatt/ beide Suffragane des Erz-
bistums Mainz, trat im 11. Jahrhundert, gegrtlndet auf pers()nliche Initiative
Kaiser Heinrich 11., das Erzbistum Bamberg hinzu.
Die Quelle Bodleian library! Selden Supra 27, ein Tropar-Prosar! ist in der
Wissenschaft bereits seit dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bekannt. Wie ein
eingebundenes Vorsatzblatt der Handschrift zeigt! bemUhte sich Henry Mar-
riot Bannister, im Jahr 1898 die Herkunft cler Quelle zu klaren. Hierbei be-
diente er sich ausschlieBlich der Sequenzen zu den Heiligenfesten. Obwohl
auch fur Bannister deutlich wurcle, clal1 im Aufbau zwischen dem Prosar- und
dem T roparteil unterschieden werden mul1te/ so wiesen besonders die
Sequenzen zu den Heiligenfesten klar auf eine Entstehung im sUddeutschen
Raum: Die Verehrung cler Heiligen Willibald! Walburga, Wunnibald, Janua-
rius/ Afra, Corbinian/ aber auch Gal/us/ ist im wesentlichen auf siiddeutsche
Bisttimer beschr~nkt. Die Zusammenstellung des Prosars cler Handschrift Bod-
leian Library, Selden Supra 27 erweist sich jedoch als derart charakteristisch,
dal1 der Entstehungsort der Quel1e allein auf der Basis cler Heiligenfeste auf
nur wenige konkrete Orte beschrankt werden kann: Oer Kult cler angel-
sachsischen Missionsheiligen WiIlibald/ Walburga und Wunnebald ist so·
wohl mit der Bischofsstadt Eichstatt als auch mit dem Benediktinerkloster
Heidenheim (in Mittelfranken) verbunden. Obwohl Bannister zu bedenken
482 VOLKER seHIER
gab, da8 alle genannten Heiligen auch im Kalendar cler Freisinger Bischofs-
kirche auftreten, (was besonders fur den Freisinger Lokalheiligen Corbinian
zutrifft) so scheint die starke Hervorhebung des heiJigen WillibaJd, der auch
durch nachgetragene Cesange im Anschlu8 an den Troparteil bedacht wird,
ein sicheres Indiz fOr eine Entstehung der Quelle an einem Zentrum der Ver-
ehrung des Eichstatter Bistumsheiligen.
Somit scheint eine Entstehung der Quelle Bodleian Library, Selden Supra
27 im Diozesangebiet von Eichstatt als gesichert. Ob sich die vermutete Ver-
bindung zum Kollegiatsstift Heiclenheirn, zu dem das Benediktinerkloster urn
das Jahr 790 umgewanclelt worden war, aufrechterhalten la8t, wird wohl zu
hinterfragen sein.1 Andererseits scheint eine endgOltige Klarung der Proveni-
enz vor dem Hintergrund der gewahlten Themenstellung kein vorangiges
Anliegen, la8t sich der verrnutete EinAu8bereich cler Quelle dUTCh die bisheri-
gen Erkcnntnisse ausreichend einschranken. Die Beobachtung, nach der
innerhalb einer Diozese die schriftlich Hxierten Gesangspraktiken, egal ob
von auswarts libernommen oder originar am Ort entstanden, in vielen Fallen
weithin einheitlich und stabil an alien wesentlichen Hauptkirchen auch ober
lange Zeitraume oberliefert wurden,2 kann als Hypothese auch for die Dio-
zese Eichstcitt angenommen werden. Dies trifft umso mehr zu, als da8 auf-
grund der charakteristischen HeiJigenverehrung cler QuelJe ein weltkirchli-
cher Hintergrund wahrscheinlich ist. Hervorgehobene Heiligenformulare,
sowohl innerhaJb des Prosars, wie auch des Prosars, die als typisch fur die
liturgische Praxis des Benediktinerordens angesehen werden konnen (ein
anderer Orden kommt aufgrund des Alters der Quelle im sliddeutschen Raurn
wohl kaum in Frage), lassen sich nicht aufzeigen. Der Hinweis auf den
"sanctissimus patron us" Callus auf Folio 78 (irn FormuJar In nativitate sancti
Calli confessoris), derals Hinweis auf einen monastischen Ursprung gewertet
werden konnte, rnu8 wohl vielmehr als ein konkreter Beleg for auswartige
1 Die Bedeutung des von WillibaJd und seinem Bruder Wunnebald gegrundeten
Eigenklosters Heidenheim scheint im Hinblick sowohl auf die Missionstatigkeit als
auch auf die kirchenpolitische Ordnung im suddeutschen Raum in der Wissenschaft
vielfach stark uberschatzt worden zu sein. Vg!. Friedrich Prinz, Friihes Monchtum
im Frankenreich. Kultur und Cesellschaft in Gallien, den Rhein/anden und Bayem
am Beispiel der monastischen Entwicklung (4. bis 8. )ahrhundert}, (Munchen,
21988), S. 256.
2 Vg!. Volker Schier, ,Yropriumstropen in cler Wurzburger Domliturgie. Ein Bei-
trag zu Form und Funktion cler Tropen im spaten Mittelalter", Kirchenmusikal;sches
}ahrbuch 76 (1992), S. 3-44; Ders., Tropen zum Weihnachtskreis in Bamberger
Handschriften des 11. his 15.}ahrlwnderts(Bubenreuth, 1994).
ASPEKTE ZUM FRQHEN TROPENSCHAFFEN FRANKEN 483
monastische Vorlagen gesehen werden. Ein Callus Patrozinium laBt sich

jedenfalls nicht fOr eine Kirche des 10. oder 11. Jahrhunderts im Bistum Eich-
statt nachweisen.
Wichtig einer Bewertung der Selden
27 die Dat Die formulare ieten brauch-
bare Ansatzmoglichkeiten fOr die Feststellung des Alters, so daB im wesent-
lichen auf palaographische Beobachtungen zurilckgegriffen werden mu~.
nell zeigt da~ Bann vorgeschlagcne und von Husmann 3
libernommene Datierung 1. Jahrhundcrt wohl zutreffen . Die
Textschrift zeigt genOgend Eigenarten, die deutlich auf die zweite Halfte des
to. Jahrhunderts verweisen. Zudem werden in cler Schrift insulare EinAiisse
deutlich, die sich gut in Obereinstimmung bringen lassen mit der FrUhge-
ichte des Bistums Anzunehmen ist demn daB die Ox-
Bodleian Library, Supra im Dritte1 . Jahr-
hunderts entstand. Demnach hatten wir mit dieser Quel1e einen der altesten
Tropare des siiddeutschen Raumes vor uns.
Da aufgrund aller Forschungen nicht erwarten da8 die

Tropen des Eichstatter Tropars vor Ort entstanden, sondern von auswarts
Obernommen wurden, obwohl es fOr neue und moderne Kompositionsformen
am Eichstatter Domstift im 10. lahrhundert durchaus Belege gibt/ 4 scheint
Frageste1lun interessant, auf we1che Vorbilder Vorlagen der Er-
ung des EichsUitter zu clieser iiberhaupt zurOckgegriffen wer-
den konnte.
AIs Beispiel sallen die Intraitustropen Weihnachtsmesse . Das

ular "In natalis Domi befindet auf den 61v-
63v der Quel1e. Insgesamt werden fOnf lnlroitustropierungen uberliefert, die,
3 Heinrich Husmann, Tropen- und Sequenzenhandschriften, RISM B 5, 1 (Mun-

r:hen-Duisburg, 964), S.
Oer Haserensis, ein gebliebener Eichstatter des
11. Jahrhunderts, berichtet in seiner Chronik der Eichstatter Bischofe uber die Kom-
positionen Bischof Reginolds (966-991), der als ,,optimus huius temporis musicus"
charakterisiert wird. Beschrieben werden seine Offizien fur die heiligen Nikolaus,
!ibald, Wunnebald und Corbinian, die offensichtlich durch nach-
traglichen von Melismenfolgen, Tropiemngen, zu-
satzlich ausschmuckte. Vg\. Stefan Weinfurter, Die Ceschkhte der Eichstatter
Bisch6fe des Anonymus Haserensis. Edition-Obersetzung-Kommentar, Eichstatter
Studien Neue Folge XXIV (Regensburg, 19R7)i MGH SS VlII, S. 253-266.
484 VOLKER seHIER
mit Ausnahme des dritten Tropus, durch eindeutige Rubriken C,alio modo")
deutlich voneinander abgesetzt sind.
Wenig spektakular scheint der erste T ropus des Formulars Laudernus om-
nes Dorninum IPUER NA TUS.
Laudemus omnes Dominum IPUER NATUS Nat III intr 1c

Praeter omnium puerorum lET FILIUS Nat III intr 2
Ex tempore quidem ICUIUS IMPERIUM Nat III intr 3
Crucis videlicet lignum lET VOCABITUR Nat III intr 4
Ex se natum sine matre IAMEN Nat III intr 5
Er stimmt im Aufbau vollig mit den beiden frtihen Sankt Caller QueJlen
Sankt Callen, Stiftsbibliothek, 381 und 484 aus dem to. Jahrhunclert, aber
auch mit cler siiddeutschen, mogJicherweise origjn~r Freisinger Quelle Wien,
Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, t 609 iiberein, die ebenfalls dem 10. lahr-
hundert zuzuweisen ist. Zur Oktav von Weihnachten verzeichnen ihn auBer-
dem die Handschrift Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, th. lat. IVo 11, die zu Beginn
des 11. Jahrhunderts im Umfelcl der St. Caller Praxis fur Minden kopiert wur-
de, und die Handschrift Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Msc. Lit. 5, entstanden
urn 1000 auf cler Reichenau.
Ocr T ropus scheint sich demnach in eine siiddeutsche-rh~tische Oberlie-
ferungstradition einzureihen, die unmittelbar auf sehr ursprungliche St. Gal-
ler Vorbilder zuruckgehen wiirdc.
Urn dies zu verdeutlichen, lohnt sich ein erneuter Blick auf die St. Caller
Tropenpraxis. In den jiingeren St. Caller Quellen St. Callen, 5tiftsbibliothek,
376, 378 und 380, die wohl alle erst zu Beginn des 11. lahrhunderts entstan-
den, la(3t sich der Tropus in dieser Form nicht aufzeigen. In dies en Quellen,
die eine deutlich Bearbeitung der alteren St. Galler Tropensammlungen zu
tatsachlichen Auffiihrungsquellen wiedergeben, ist der Folge der Binnenele-
mente (Nat III intr 2-4) das bekannte Einleitungselement Hodie cantandus
est nobis /PUER (Nat III intr 25) vorangestellt, das in den Casus Sancti Calli
des St. Caller Klosterchronisten Ekkehard IV. dem Monch Thuotilo zuge-
schrieben wird.5 Diese prominente Tropierung wechselt somit in St. Callen
als zentrale "Introductid' an den Beginn des Festformulars. Dies ist eine
Praxis, die in der Mehrzahl der Tropenquellen aus demdeutschsprachigen
5 Ekkehard IV., Casus sancti Galli, Hrsg. Hans F. Haefele, Ausgewahlte Quellen
zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, Freiherr vom Stein Gedachtnisausgabe 10, (Darm-
stadt, 2 t 980) S. 104.
I
ASPEKTE ZUM FROHEN TROPENSCHAFFEN IN FRANKEN 485
Raum bis in das 15. Jahrhundert nachweisbar bleiben wird. In der Eichstatter
Quelle findet sich der Tropus Hodie cantandus est /PUER an der dritten Posi~
tion innerhalb der Tropenreihe, versehen mit cler offensichtlich nachgetrage~
nen Rubrik I/Hermanni versus", die die Autorenschaft einem gewissen Her~
mann zuweist. Sollte sich dieser Hinweis auf den Dichter Herrnann von cler
Reichenau beziehen, so machen allein dessen Lebensdaten von lOt 3 bis t 054
deutlich, daJ1 es sich hierbei urn eine Fehlzuweisung hande1n muH.
Das Einleitungselement Laudemus omnes Dominum I PUER seinerseits
wird in den jiingeren St. Caller Quellen nicht etwa verworfen, sondern mit
den Elementen
Ineffabil is fortis lET FILIUS Nat III intr 7

Ante natus quam mundus /CUIUS IMPERIUM Nat III intr 8
Praecipuum sempiternum ISUPER HUMERUM Nat III intr 9
QUi creavit quicquid lET VOCABITUR Nat III intr 10a+
kombiniert, der Binnenelementfolge des zweiten Tropus in den Quellen

Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 381 und 484. Das urspriingliche Einleitungse~
lement dieser Reihe Hodie natus est Christus IPUER (Nat III intr 6) entfiel in
der redigierten St. Galler Fassung.
Gehen wir zyriick in die Eichstatter Quelle Oxford, Bodleian libraty, Se1-
den Supra 27, ~o sehen wir, daB die iclentische Binnenelernentfolge Nat III
intr 7 -1 Oa+, eriveitert urn die Elemente
Privilegio patris INOMEN EIUS Nat III intr 11

ludeis ac gentibus lMAGNI CONSILII Nat III intr t 2
Cuius potentissimus IPUER NATUS Nat III intr t 3,
die ebenfalls Teil der Elementreihe in den fruhen Quellen Sankt Gallen,
Stiftsbibliothek, 381 und 484 sind, als eigenstandiger zweiter Tropus ver-
merkt ist. Ein Einleitungse1ement war offensichtlich in Eichstatt nicht vorge-
sehen.
Dies wtirde "prima vista" bedeuten, dal1 bei der Erstellung der Eichstatter
Tropenpraxis auf Vorlagen zUrUckgegriffen wurde die die frtihe St. Caller
J
Praxis zu einem Zeitpunkt wiedergeben, in der das Einleitungse1ement des

zweiten Tropus bereits nicht mehr vorhanden war, die Redigierung in der
Form der jUngeren St. Galler Quellen jedoch noch nicht vollzogen war. Tra-
fe dies zu, so wiirde die Eichstatter Quelle Oxford, BodJeian libraty, Selden
486 VOLKER SCHIER
Supra 27 ein Zwischenstadium aufzeigen, fur das in den iiberlieferten St.

Galler Quellen kein Nachweiserbracht werden kann.
Relativiert werden mu8 diese Sichtweise jedoch, betrachtet man die origi.
nar St. Emmeramer QueUe Barnberg, Staatsbibliothek, Msc. Lit. 6, die wohl
urn das Jahr 1000 geschrieben wurde und schon zu einem friihen Zeitpunkt
in die Bamberger Dombibliothek gelangte. Die Binnenelementfolge Nat III
intr 7-12 laBt sich auch in dieser Quelle nachweisen, versehen jedoch mit
dem Einleitungselement Hodie aetemi patris filius /PUER (Nat III intr 106).
Diesem Tropus ist in der St. Emmeramer QueUe als "Introductio" zusatzlich
das Element Hodie lux versa effuIseratlPUER (Nat HI intr 105) vorangestellt.
Keines der genannten Tropenelemente fand Aufnahme in die Tropare der jiin-
geren St. Emmeramer Tropare Milnchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, elm
t 4083 und elm 14322, die vermutJich etwa 30 Jahre sp~iter als die Quelle Barn-
berg, Staatsbibliothek, Msc. Lit. 6 geschrieben wurden und beide einen stark
iiberarbeiteten Usus wiedergeben.
Als einzige weitere QuelJe iiberliefert die Eichst:ttter Handschrift Oxford,
BodJeian Library, SeIden Supry 27 die Einleitungselemente Hodie aetemi
patris filius /PUER und Hodie lux versa effulserat IPUER und zwar in beiden
Fallen aJs alleinstehende Tropierungen am Ende der Reihe der Tropierungen
zur Introitusantiphon. Demnach kann angenommen werden, daB neben dem
Zugang zu Quellen der St. Galler Tropenpraxis auch der St. Emmeramer
Usus rezipiert wurde. Die Aufzeichnung in der Quelle Oxford, Bodleian Li·
brary, Setden Supra 27 zeigt, daB die Eichstatter Kompilatoren offensichtlich
eine ausgleichende Haltung zwischen den Traditionen von St. GalJen und Re-
gensburg einnahmen. Kopiert wurden die Gesange, so die Quellenlage, wohl
primar aus einer Vorlage, die entweder direkt aus St. Gallen stammte, oder
aber die der St. Gallischen Praxis sehr nahe stand. Dies wird besonders bei
Tropen deutlich, fur die es in der St. Emrneramer Praxis keinen Nachweis
gab, etwa im Fall des einleitenden Tropus Laudemus omnes Dominum
/PUER. Konnte eine Tropenfolge sowohl in cler Praxis von St. Gallen wie
von St. Ernmeram nachgewiesen werden, so wurde offensichtlich die St.
Galler Vorlage an der Auffuhrungsnorm von St. Emmeram korrigiert, ohne
jedoch die St. Emmeramer Praxis vollig zu iibernehmen. Moglicherweise
kOnnte dies auch ein Indiz fur eine gewisse Unsicherheit der Kompilatoren
sein, bei kontrastierenden Aufzeichnungen beider vermuteter Vorlagen eine
QueUe als MaJ1stab auszuw~hlen. Die Binnene1ementfolge des zweiten
Tropus [nfeffabilis fortis lET FILIUS bis Cuius potentissimus /PUER scheint
diese Vermutung zu bestatigen. Es kann zwar nicht ausgeschlossen werden,
daB allein die Binnenelementfolge nach Eichstatt gelangte, allerdings stellt
ASPEKTE ZUM FROHEN TROPENSCHAFFEN IN FRANKEN 487
ein Tropus ohne Einleitungselement vor dem ersten Basisgesangsausschnitt

auch in den fruhen Quellen eine groBe Ausnahme dar. Auch wenn der St.
Galler Tropus nicht in Eichstatt gekurzt wurde, sondern bereits in der ge-
kurzten Form dort vorlag, so muB es Grtinde daftir gegeben haben, daB das
Einleitungselement, mit dem in St. Emmeram die Binnenelementfolge komp-
lettiert wurde, in Eichstatt nicht an die vakante Position gesetzt wurde. Ande-
rerseits drangt sich der Eindruck auf, daB in irgendeiner Form das moglicher-
weise originar St. Emmeramer Einleitungselement trotzdem im Eichstatter
Usus bewahrt werden sollte. Allerdings erweist sich die Realisierung als nicht
besonders glOcklich: Sollte die Position eines Tropus innerhalb der Tropen-
folge Rockschltisse auf seine Prominenz zulassen, so dUrften alleinstehende
Einleitungselemente wohl nur in den seltensten Fallen tatsachlich zur Auf-
fOhrung gekommen sein.
Die Betrachtung des Weihnachtsformulars der Quel1e Oxford, Bodleian

Libraty, Selden Supra 27 zeigt deutlich, dan die Tropenpraxis im frankischen
Bistum Eichstatt des spaten 10. Jahrhunderts sowohl von den Praktiken aus
St. Gallen und St. Emmeram in Regensburg inspiriert wurde. Aufgrund der
sp~r1ichen Quellenlage aus dieser Zeit kann zumindest fOr den Usus von St.
Gallen nicht ausgeschlossen werden, daB die Clbernahme nicht auf direktem
Weg aus St. Gallen erfolgte, sondern aus einem suddeutschen Zentrum, an
dem eine frohe Form der St. Caller Praxis Verwendung fand. So ist die Kennt-
nis der Tropenpraxis der oberbayerischen und schwabischen Diozesen, aber
auch der zahlreichen Kloster dieses Raumes, bei weitem nicht so fundiert,
wie dies inzwischen fOr die frankischen Diozesen gelten kann. 6 Dennoch
wird aus der existenten Quellenlage ebenfalls deutlich, daB an der Aus-
richtung nach St. Cal1en nicht gezweifelt werden kann. FUr die St. Emmera-
mer Praxis darf hingegen gelten, daB eine Kenntnis des Usus dieses promi-
nenten Klosters aus der Nachbardiozese Regensburg, von dem aus einige Kol-
legiatstifte und Kloster im Diozesangebiet von Eichstatt gegrtindet wurden,
im Bistum Eichstatt auf direktem Weg vorhanden war.
6 Vgl. Anm . 2.
ENIGMATIC NEUMES IN THE KONTAKION REPERTOIRE

AN EXAMINATION
BASED ON THE AKATHISTOS HYMN
NANNA SCHI0DT
Introduction
In order to introduce the problem addressed here, I began the spoken ver-
sion of this paper by presenting a Danish song, composed by Carl Nielsen in
1921.
Example 1
Jeg ved en l~rkerede
Muntert (ortorllende . CuI Niels~n.
rj fEll r
1. Jcg ved en lirr· ke - re . . de. leg
tfu iJ iJ.
si • ger ik . ke mtr. Den fin - <.les
J-Ll
pa en
$~ J p,RjJIJ If I1
he • de. et st~d. som in - gen
2. I reden er der unger, 4. Jeg lurer bag en s\aen.

og ungerne har dun. Der star jeg ganske n~r.
De pipper. De har tunger. Jeg ~kker mig pa taen
Og reden er sa lun. og holder pa mit vejr.
3. Og de to gamle Ia::rker, 5. For ra::ven han vii bide

de flyver ~t omkring. og drengen samle beer.
Jeg ta::nker nok, de m~rker, Men ingen skal fa vide,
jeg g~r dem ingenting. hvor Ia::rkereden er.
Harald Bergstedt
(Af Onkel spiller, 1921)
490 NANNA SCHI0DT
Just like our Byzantine composers, Carl Nielsen is now dead, so we cannot
ask him, and nor can we ask the Byzantines, how to perform their music. In
Sopron I performed the song in three ways: 1 1/ as a foreigner would sing it,
straight from the written music, plain, slow, and without text-expression j
2/ as a Dane would sing it, following the Danish song-tradition and Carl
Nielsen's own performance indications: "Lively and expressive"; 3/ in the
"jazzihed" version popular nowadays. Both tradition and Carl Nielsen's writ-
ten indications tell us that version 2 must be the /lright" one, but we do not
have this sort of knowledge about the Byzantine manuscripts from the 13th
century.
In his Handbook of Middle Byzantine Notation of 1935 Tillyard says: "If

the student is to appreciate and enjoy a Byzantine hymn it must not merely
be played over on the piano, but thoroughly mastered and sung with the
words and with due regard to rhythm and expression." I decided to obey
Tillyard and attempt the impossible: to sing a small part of the first Oikos of
the Akathistos Hymn. This paper is the outcome of that attempt.
Research has greatly helped Western scholars solve performance prob-
lems. We can also listen to how monks Sing in Eastern churches today, but it
is very important to experiment oneself, and to Sing the hymns over and over
again, concentrating on the full Significance of the neumes, the Creek text
and its meaning.
Wellesz says in h is book The Akathistos-Hymn: JlDuring the Symposium
on Byzantine Music and Liturgy in 1954 at Dumbarton Oaks, a Greek singer,
Basil Papadakis, sang the Proemium as I had transcribed it from Codex
Ashburnham./I One might ask why Papadakis did not sing it from the Byzan-
tine neumes. Or perhaps he did. r never heard, or heard of, Tillyard, H0eg or
WeIlesz singing Byzantine hymns themselves ...
I The following paper is an attempt to recast in written fonn a presentation

which depended in many ways on "live" performance, which included singing and
the simultaneous display of slides and posters . We beg the reader's indulgence.
ENIGMATIC NEUMES IN THE KONTAKlON REPERTOIRE 491
Material and method

A volume of the periodical World of Music of t 978 was devoted to Arab
art and music, all the articles being written by Arab scholars. My reading 0 f
those articles happened to coincide with my study of the melismas in the
Akathistos Hymn. ("Melisma" is Greek for /la sweet song".) Roaming through
those arabesque-like melismas, through the twenty-four hymns, page after
page, no two complete1yalike, it was inevitable that I should turn to the liter-
ature on Arab music in the hope of learning a little more about the Eastern
way of composing and performing mUSiC, and of understanding why the Byz-
antine composers should have lavished such incredible care on details of ex-
pression, which we have great difficulties in reproducing.
Concerning the arabesques, Cars ten Hf2Seg says in his introduction to the
Kontakarion (1956): liThe structure of the Kontakarion melodies is very dif·
ferent from what we nnd in the Hirmologion and the Sticherarion. It is based
on waves or groups of "Big Signs« or Hypostases which have no step value",
And he adds in a footnote: 'Transcription into modem notation - as neces-
sary as it is - disngures the Byzantine music, especially the kontakion melo-
dies, because our system does not have a semiography which can express or
explain these signs. Also we only know their approximate value - or, in fact,
we do not know their value at allt"
The Akathistos Hymn goes back to those centuries where Persian and
Arab culture exerted a strong influence on Byzantine culture, and vice versa.
Even if in conflict politically, they were affected by strong inter-cultural CUf-
rents. John of Damascus read and spoke Arabic, and had theological discus-
sions with Arab and Jewish intellectuals. In this context it seems legitimate to
suggest that the hymn discussed in this paper, taken from the Ashburnham
manuscript dated 1289, is in some sense the result of Byzantine-Persian-
Arab-Jewish intellectual and artistic cross-fertilization, Of rather: mutual inspi-
ration across hundreds of years. Ex. 2 is a timetable of the events which make
up the hymns' historical context.
492 NANNA SCHI0DT
Example 2. Timetable
330-1453 Byzantium
527-565 Justinian and Theodora
532-537 Hagia Sona built
526-547 San Vitale, Ravenna, built
6th century The Akathistos hymn (Romanos:»
626 The Byzantines defeat the Persian fleet
570-632 Muhammed
632-661 The orthodox Caliphs (inspiration from Persia)
661-750 The Omayyad period (Caliphs in Jerusalem and Damascus)
677, 718 The Byzantines defeat the Arab fleet
750-1250 The Abbasid period (Byzantine and Arab culture side by side in
Sicily since 827. Flowering of science, literature, art and musi-
cology.)
ca.900-1200 Rich culture in Andalusia, Spain. (Byzantine, Jewish and Arab
people side by side.)
1204 Byzantium captured by the Venetians (Roman Church)
1258 Bagdad captured by grandchild of Genghis Khan
1389 The Turks defeat Serbians and Bulgarians at Kosovo Polje
1393 Bagdad captured by Timur Lenk
1453 Byzantium captured by the Turks
1514 Muslim Persia conquered by the Turks
1529 Vienna resists the attack of the Turks
The Akathistos Hymn is said to have saved Byzantium when sung on the
city walls as the Persians attacked in 626, the Arabs in 673, and the Arabs
again in 718, the last time they attempted to conquer Byzantium. The hymn
has not remained unchanged since that time, but the days on which it is per-
formed are still the 25th of March, the day of the Annunciation, and the Sat-
urday of the Fifth Week of Lent, the Saturday of the Akathistos. If those two
days come too close in the calendar - which they often do - the latter day
wil1 prevail over the former. To sing this mighty hymn demands all the pow-
ers of the singer, especially after Lent. It could not be done twice in succes-
sion, as is recognized in the Typikon regulating the liturgical cycle.
The content of the hymn may be summarized as follows:

ENIGMATIC NEUMESIN THE KONTAKlON REPERTOIRE 493
Brief resume of the '24 Qikoi in the Akathistos hymn
Oikos 1. Gabriel is surprised at the message he is to give Mary

2. Mary knows she is a virgin and that a man is needed for her to
become with child
3. Mary cannot understand she can become with child through a
message
4. Mary obeys God's command and becomes with child
5. Mary visits Elisabeth, whose unborn child immediately recog-
nizes the unborn child in Mary's womb
6. Joseph is in doubt whether Mary has been with other men
Dikos 7. The shepherds hear the tidings that Jesus is born
8. The Wise Men journey towards the star
9. They present gifts to the child, a king even though poor
10. They inform Herod that a king is born
11. The Right to Egypt
12. Jesus and Simeon
Dikos 13. A wonder came from a virgin's womb
14. Jesus became man so that our thoughts might reach heaven-
ward
15. Jesus was both on earth and in heaven
16. As God he is untouchable, as man we can reach him
17. Nobody can understand the wonder of his birth
18. Jesus is both God and Man
Oikos 19. Mary is a castle where we can all find security
20. The mercy of God is greater than all our praises
2 t. Mary is the fire in the dark
22. Jesus tore to pieces our gUilt and trespasses
23 . The Mother of God is the living temple
. The 12 "Kaire": She helps us in wartime
24. Mary, Mother of God, help us in our misfortune
494 NANNA SCHl0DT
In the collection of essays referred to at the start of this section, in The

World of Ivtusic, Lois Ibsen al Faruqi makes the following comment:
''In Webster's Third New International Dictionary (1961) a musical orna-
ment is defined as »an embellishing note or notes not belonging to the essen-
tial musical harmony or melody and indicated by the performer for deco-
rative effect«. This is a culturally determined definition, which may be
adequate if one is applying it to most examples of art and music in Europe
and America, but it can only mislead the person who is seeking to understand
the role of ornamentation as used by the Arabs. In both Western and Arab
cultures ornamentation signifies a beautification of some basic or core ele-
ment.
In the West its role is that of an added luxury, a usually dispensible addi-
I
tion. It is considered advisable that the melody or theme be clearly recogniz-

able beneath the surface of the decoration applied to particular notes by
composer or performer. The underlying melody is in other words the main
substance of the musical composition or performance, the ornamentation on-
ly a subordinate and dispensible means for emphasis and variety.
Ornamentation plays a very different role in the arts of the Arabs. The
Arab artist has made his goal that of expressing himself through the manipula-
tion of abstract and stylized motifs. From these he creates compositions con-
veying a sense of never-ending design.
Ornamentation for the Arab artist, therefore, is not an addendum, a
superfluous or extractable element in his art. It is the very material from
which his indefinite patterns are made."
Carsten HJ{1eg expresses himself in very similarterms in his introduction to

the Akathistos hymn: lilt is not a melodic line of intervals decorated with sup-
plementary signs. It is the dynamic and expressive structures which dominate
the neume picture much more than the intervals."
As I understand it, the stem of the flower, that is the basic melody, is not
as important as the structure of the flower carried by the stem. In other
words : the basic skeleton melody is not as important as the meIismas and ara-
besques, the artistic components which cany the words of the hymns. This
picture is quite different from the one we are used to, for it means that the
words are not - as we normally suppose - blurred or clouded over by the
long melismas, but highlighted and held up for admiration on these chains or
festoons of flowers.
Example 3. Arabesque frame with fruit plant

(Mausoleo de Galla Placidia, Ravenna, 6th century)
It is to be regretted that we do not see the top if this plant, in order to see
how the plant develops. The leaves [the interval neumes] on the stems carry
the fruits [the ornaments - hypostases - arabesques]
496 NANNA SCHI0DT
Example 4. The Akathistos hymn, Qikos 1, line 18·26, followed by the first
of its 12 ICULpE exclamations. (Facsimile of Ashburnham 64)
The arabesques with the many hypostases ("big signs") are to be seen most
clearly over the repeated letters, e.g. in lines 22-23 and in the middle of the
kaire exclamation. When they are sung, the elegant "waves" are vet)' audible.
~
.-.....,
-..,;... JI\.
~-""'
";;'. ,
Cl - , ...
--------
Lo
l2
• , ,
-
2'f ~~
." . -- .-" ~
,/
- - - ... --=:.-
~
- • ">
C>IIt--;- ~......,
---- --.------ . -e~ c---- ..

~
~.:--~~
~
~~ ,,~ ~ ----- -=-~ =-
......... -
--
---. ..... ..
i
- ... -
--
• ...
-
11 . ••
(
1
<.
"7
:=»
.... --=- :--.-,-
-- - -...
~ -/"
$ J
~ E ~ M M
-
-- -- -----_-...
. . .~..---:;;p
.
-
"?"::. ~
-~ $'
c· ~ _~-c:.
"
.. -...7
-- .. 1~ • ~
~---
~ oC-
~ --'
-- --- .,. '"7

..,~ ~ ") ""7=-
...
c:lL-
--- --- ----_- -....... -

-
~J :
.::>"- ~ ~-.
--- .....
dL.--'-
- -rr ] ....Ji' ~-
~
.-
-=- .~? -..'" .
,- .....' ~ --'
~
OIL- __ .-
.,.~. J:: --
~--
e. -
~,
.-
., 4
.- - -..... --.-~
ENIGMATIC NEUMES IN THE KONTAKION REPERTOIRE 497
Example 5. The same part of Oikos 1 as in Ex. 4, but in Egon Wellesz'

transcription. The "waves" of the arabesques can be seen in this western tran·
scription, but the thorough, refined details of the neumes and their
combination are expressed only by letters and accent signs, which are almost
impossible to translate into actual singing.
n A e. ~ • A
c..- _.
"
~ 6) ~ (I .~ - ( • nQ • Cl • 'fa lttll!" - ,. • - •. au- 'fa • • ~6A) H.
'-- JCfdGt, ~~ "'-'\u ~ c.~ n~ J..t) 1fo~·.( '7f I (.t.. c
~ C>- le nAa ,,>-
r #If )i r ~ r ~ El P(Qd Ln] J m ./
I
:!jl )i J
i· , . na·u lIai I· aorc". - 'to" " • (6b) i~·'· ata· • • TO· 0
,., ' T ., 2...- ~/f'

o - . J?
>- ~ > f. 110 r ~ v ~ n ~
:@ F...mru m rrrreDJJ
5, A C I
4J JJJJJ ~J
11 tll , • •• , • I' I • I • • - I ' . I • I • I • ., 'to - • • 't a • • • •
n T
S"i o I
" "
• I ,
ftpO, av· 't'l) • '."~ 'tOt • a·.. - •
,g5" ~~~ L.<IL " ~~ -t. 0
~ ·,of 0 0 a
>-
. . . . . QlJ- ... .' .<1 • • ". • • la ~.
n • U· lA
498 NANNA SCHI0DT
Example 6. The same part of Oikos 1 as in Exx. 3 and 4, but in a version

published in t 992, where the melismas have disappeared. All 24 Oikoi are
published by Monk Photius in Oropos, Attica, with neumes as they are
written now, a transcription onto the Ave-line stave, a Danish translation and
an introduction.
I I I I
~ cJ
for-!_r. ckt I"le., 11A1Ut.·Cn.. de 0,", wi.. ~T1d Jor.~ tccftl'cle clef-te:
~.
I I
Or· SJ1n.g J
How can we perfonn these signs and letters from the 13th century, wheth·
er we have them in front of us as neumes or in transcription? Oskar Fleischer
says that for about 300 years learned scholars have tried to solve the enigma
of the Byzantine notation. The editors of the Monumenta Musicae Byzan-
tinae arrived at the solution exempl ified in Ex. 5, but difficulties and doubts
remained, as Carsten Hf6eg admitted.
In the article cited above, the Arab scholar says that we in the West have
no oral or lIinside" information about the Eastern tradition. One wishes one
were able to hear what Arab musicologists said in the period between t 000
and 1200 about Byzantine hymns, which they most certainly must have seen,
heard, and maybe even sung.
Using the published facsimile of Ashburnhamensis 64, dated 128 t I ana- I
lyzed the roughly 2000 signs in the first of the 24 Oikoi and its 12 additional
Kairetismoi (kaire exclamations). It turned out that 52 % of the neumes are
definable step signs with only step-value. 35% are enigmatic neumes with
both rhythmiC and expressive value. 13% are half enigmatic, half definable,
and have both step-, rhythmiC and expressive value. The results are tabulated
as Ex. 7.
Example 7.0 ikos 1: AYYEADO :7tpUYtomcrtl1a

with its 12 XULpE exclamations
Total number of well-defined enigmatic neumes partly

neumes neumes neumes known (Oxeia
and Pe taste)
Oikos 529 54.6% 34.4% 11.0%
XULP£ 103 55.3% 34.0% 10.7%
2 173 59.0% 31.0% 9.8%
3 90 45.5% 36.7% 17.8%
4 182 51.6% 36.3% 12.0%
5 162 52.5% 34.0% 13.5%
6 179 52.5% 34.0% t 3.5%
7 142 54.2% 33. t % 12.7%
8 117 48.7% 38.5% 12.9%
9 82 43.9% 37.5% 18.3%
10 96 50.0% 34.4% 15.6%
1t 84 48.8% 39.3% 11.9%
12 51 56.9% 33.3% 9.8%
IAverage 51.8% 35.1 % 13.0%
I also examined how often the single neumes occur in the first Oikos and
its 12 Kairetismoi. The results might be discussed in greater depth, but in the
interests of brevity they are presented simply as a table (Ex. 8).
500 NANNA SCHl0DT
Example 8. How many of each neume are found in the Ashburham 64

Oikos 1 and the 12 XaLpE: Ca. 2000 neumes specified
9 "k Ilown neumes,
11 2 "k now nIun known , 16 11 un known 11
/I
o~ I XI X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X8 X9 XIO XII XJ2

"kH 4- 23 2 8 4 7 7 7 5 7 2 3 5 2
- 76 18 27 10 19 23 23 15 12 10 12 10 8
> 82 18 35 8 28 29 37 31 16 8 13 9 10
• 22 4 9 4 7 6 6 6 4 4 5 5 2
,., 20 7 6 3 8 7 6 5 2 2 2 2 1
'11 • 10 8 I 3
23 5 6 2 II 4 6 2 2
r'\ 39 3 10 10 13 8 8 5 8 8 9 7 4
X I J 1 I I I 1 1
L. 3
ilk/uN 16 3 3 1 4 3 7 5 1 3 5 I
J
/ 42 8 14 15 18 19 17 13 14 12 10 10 4
-.
,"u" U 31 7 8 6 15 7 8 8 10 5 6 7 6
....... 2 2
11 51 7 12 16 14 15 16 10 17 12 13 9 4
r 26 2 8 I 13 13 13 8 4 4 2 5 I
vS 4 2 1 I 2 I
S 3 I 2 2 2 I I I
...... 15 6 11 I 5 5 6 6 2 2 3 I I
S 13 4 2 I I 4 3 1 1 I J
"./\ 6 1 I I 2 I 2 2 J I 1
\\. 8 3 1 I 5 3 5 2 1 I 3
V 1I I 2 2 4 2 3 2 2 2 3 3 2
~ 7 3 I 2 I 5 6 4 2 1 I I
J 1 I 3 I 1 I
-
vV
~
S 2
I
I
2 I I J J I I
2
ENIGMATIC NEUMESIN THE KONTAKJON REPERTOIRE 501
Example 9. List of the neumes in Ex. 8 with their names

The 9 "known" neumes
~ ~ ~ A
-:f!. 0 ~ 0 L~~ 0 I'"\. rl r 0 ' t;o fh 0 5 k~ t~ 0... [,lo-ph..r-o ""
The 3 "half known - hal f enigmatic" neumes
J /
Yc.tMt~ Ox~o.., Kov-~~ ~"'-'
- J-~~ :-: -.. -.; ___.J__. -.:._
_._---_._--_.__
. ' ._-,------
; J
The 15 enigmatic neumes
v If c.,/
J 2.. a.-k i. s m Ov. .JX p e. e., K ~ ~ tU'v\ a....
\\ \ 5 r
Y~o..s YY\Cl-o J.)o.x~o... 1t~ "e..rt"~e. ~orCjOt\.
S
J>c;e"rhA.s t OY\.
~
d{ 0 W"I Cl. Lo V\.. Strerto~
5 S
Jr-Ow\l k 0 V\
502 NANNA SCHI0DT
Dismssion
When this paper was read in Sopron I sang the last part of Oikos I (that is,
lines 18-26 in Ex. 4), on the basis of all the above information, as a starting
point for discussion. The performance was done - as far as it was possible for
a western voice - in the eastern way, with quavering of the voice and the use
of the hand to show the movements of the flow. While singing I also tried to
bring out the nuances of the single neumes called for in the Papadike, even
though this too is difficult for a western voice.
The English translation of the passage is: [A captain of the angels was sent
from heaven to say to the Virgin "Hail". And, seeing thee, 0 Lord, become
corporeal at the incorporeal voice,] he was amazed and stood still [repeated
3 times] and cried out to her: [Hail, thou through whom joy will shine forth.]
The possible meaning of the newne names denoting

nuances of perfonnance
Oskar Fleischer attempted translations of the Greek neume names from
the Papadike in 1904, as also Tillyard, H0eg, Wellesz and others have done
since. Explanations have been suggested as follows.
Petaste means the voice is broadened, while ascending one step.
Oxeia means that the voice is made sharp and short while ascending one
step. How precisely this is to be done is not further explained.
Hyperrhoe is enigmatic. One has to "gurgle" ones way down a third, like
water emptying from a washbasin .
Eafron means "descend a third very lightly" (presumably so as not to end too
low).
Kouphisma is enigmatic, or rather: partly enigmatic (perhaps therefore to be
counted with Oxeia and Petaste), because we know that it ascends one
step, but it also "holds the tone Iike a hand", whatever that may mean.
In MMB the Kouphisma is given as a trill.
Tzakisma, Diple, Kratema and Double Apostrophos denote prolongation,
but only the double apostrophos must dennitely have double the value
of a single apostrophos. The others are enigmatic. Fleischer translates
the non-Greek word Tzakisma with lIa brake", and proposes a bar. In
MMB it is given a half-prolongation.
Gorgon is, in my opinion, the most enigmatic of the neumes, very important
the arahesques. I means "vigorous". MMB is given as "acceleran-
Bareia means "depress", "weigh down".
Piasma means thick and richl/.
Apoderma, which always stands at a middle cadence/ is probably not a ferma-

but an stopping of voice. literal meani seems
to be to rip the skin off a fishll.
II
My inspection suggested that the four signs Psephiston, Homalon, Strepton

Tromikon include a common ingredient, namely big, snakelike
liS", Psephiston, which I propose indicates an "Eastern" quavering of the
Anti1cenoma, Parakeleima and Xeron Klasma also hold together groups of

ordinary step neumes and enigmatic neumes and give them a special
l
expressive ue.
Around the "big signs", or Hypostasis, the known and unknown neumes
are grouped with great precision, may be seen in 4.
The more a isma or an arabesque develops and the more we approach
the end of a hymn, the more frequent the "big signs" become, but combina-
tions refined details ntly owing conventions
of great subtlety.
A major problem in the preparation of the performance was the question
of speed and extreme contrasts possible were demonstrated in
the three versions of the Danish song at the outset of the presentation.) In
order to respect a11 the nuances of the various neumes and neume groups a
slow po be necessaty, ich, however, the danger the
How of the music may be destroyed.
Conclusion
Singing Byzantine hymns, especially meiismatic ones, makes special de-
mands the it voice control training and the repetition
l l the
hymns over and over again.
My own experience, supported partly by the meanings of the names of the
neumes, partly their written appearance, and partly by the istory influ-
504 NANNA SCHI0DT
ence from the East beyond Byzantium, is that an IIEastern or liAr ab" manner
ll
of singing is more probable than a "Western" one.

Many enigmas nevertheless remain concerning the performance of several
neumes, despite centuries of study, the analysis of theoretical and practical
sources, and actual listening to monastic singing. In particular, the names,
and consequently the meaning, of the "big performance-neumes" has
changed through the centuries, surely because of changes in performance
practice. It would seem therefore that each genre and period should be stud-
ied for itsel f, at the same time bearing in mind the continuity of convention
and tradition in all Byzantine art.
Bibliography
Oskar Fleischer, Neumenstudien, vol. 3 (Berlin, 1904)
H. J. W. Tillyard, Handbook of Middle Byzantine Notation (Copenhagen,

J 935)
Egon Wellesz, A Hist01Y of Byzantine Music and Hymnography (Oxford,

1949)
Carsten H0'eg, Introduction to Contacarium Ashburnhamense, MMB IV

(Copenhagen, 1956)
Egon Wellesz, The Akathistos Hymn, MMB Transcripta vo1. IX (Copen-

hagen, 1957) [Introduction and transcription]
Carl Grimberg, Verdenshistorien, vols. 5-11 (Copenhagen, 1959)
George Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State (2nd revised edition:

New Jersey, 1969)
"The Arab World", The World of Music, vo!. 1 (1978)
Ole Frederik Stjernfelt [Munk Fotiusl Gfifdens Hilsninger tif Cuds F$derske
[The Akathistos Hymn: Introduction, Translation into Danish, music
examples] (Attica, 1992)
"SUPER HYMNUM AVE MARIS STELLA BICINIUM SEQUITUR II
ASPEKTE NER O-VERTON 600
BERNHOLD SCHMID
Spatestens seit Tadeusz Miazgas Arbeit tiber die einstimmigen Credo-Melo-

dien von 1976 bekal1nt, dan cler Vertonung Credo nicht ten
vorgegebenes Material zurtickgegriffen WiTcl. 1 Schon VOT Miazga, irn Jahr
1970, hatte Siegfried Herme1ink eine Melodie detail1iert untersucht j 2 er
konnte nachweisen, inem Credo Codex em 6 der iversi-
tatsbibliothek Heidelberg (fo1. CXIlH.) eine Weise zugrundeliegt, die zu den
T exten In dich hab ich gehoffet, Herr, auJ1erdern zu Jesus ist ein safler Narn,
abeT zu ist erstanden gen . Von uber Melo-
clien, in denen Miazga praexistentes Material zeigen kann, werden aber nur
vier auch mehrstimmig bearbeitet, namlich die Melodien 50 + 2, 411 + 8,
479 und 54 aus 17. und 8. Jahrhundert. kommen dabei verschie-
dene satztechnische Verfahren zur Anwendung: Melodie Nr. 541 ist zwei-
stimmig in Terz- oder Sextparalle1en gestaltet, die drei anderen sind jeweils
mit General versehen und bis gesetzt. Nr. 5 kntipft
me10disch an das Te Deum an, die anderen drei Satze basieren auf Melodie-
material, das dem Weihnachtskreis zuzuordnen ist.4 Schlie81ich hat Kurt
von Fischer hingewiesel\ da8 in mehrstimm ita I ischen
1 Tadeusz Miazga, Melodien des Credo romisch-katho

lischen lateinischen Kirche. Eine Untersuchung der Melodicn in den handschriftli-
chen Oberlieferungen mit besonderer Beriicksicntigung der polnischen Handschrif-
ten 1 zusammengefal1t 350 j einzel Melodien werden 263ff
nach Vorlagen untersucht Ob seine . 350 geauf3erte Meinung, sich Praxis
der Erstellung von Credo-Melodien aus vorgegebenem Material uberwiegend auf
Polen beschrankt, haltbar ist, sei dahingestellt gelassen
2 Siegfried Henneli "Ein als Credomelodie Mf
ll
, (1970)/
S.160-165.
3 Die Nummern nach Miazga, Melodien, Katalog S 42ff j S, 343ff bespricht er
jewells knapp mehrstimmigen
4 Miazga, S. 272,274,278 und 280.
506 BER.NHOW SCHMID
Messensatzen des 14. und fruhen 15. Jahrhunderts t Credokornpositionen ein-

geschlossen verschiedentl ich praexistentes Material aus Ballaten etc. findet. s
t
Unabhangig davon, ob es sich urn einstirnmige Melodien oder mehr-

stimmige Bearbeitungen handelt, haben wir es mit einem vielschichtigen,
kornplizierten und schillernden, zudem bisher vergleichsweise nur wenig er-
forschten und beschriebenen Phanomen zu tun, weswegen es sinnvoll ist,
exemplarisch konkrete Falle vorzufilhren. Da man bisher nur von wenigen
mehrstimmigen Satzen uber Me10dien nach vorgegebenem Material weif3, sei
ein bis jetzt unbekanntes zweistirnmiges Credo vorgestellt t das noch dem 16.
Jahrhundert entstammt, also alter ist als die von Miazga aufge1isteten Falle (je-
doch junger als Kurt von Fischers Beispiele).
Die Handschrift Mus. Ms. 511 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek Munchen,
ein Chorbuch von 1596/1597 aus dern Benediktinerkloster Thierhaupten
enthalt auf fo1. 9v- J 3r ein zweistimmiges Credo,6 dem in der Oberstimme
der Hymnus Ave maris' stella zugrundeJiegt, was schon dem Titelblatt fol. 9r
zu entnehmen ist: Super hymnum Ave maris / stella. Bicinium sequitur. Es
handelt sich urn diejenige Version, die Stablein in seiner Ausgabe der Hym-
nen als Melodie 67 bezeichnet? Die das Ave maris stella enthaltende Ober-
stimme des Biciniurns ist bisher nicht in einstimmiger Uberlieferung nachzu-
weisen. Es konnte also sein, dal1 die Bearbeitung des Hymnus uberhaupt nur
in mehrstimmiger Form vorliegt. Nur der Textabschnitt "Ex Maria virgine, et
homo factus est" wird einstimmig vorgetragen; im Chorbuch flndet sich des-
halb bei der hier pausierenden Unterstimme der Verrnerk "Ex Maria Bassus
5 Kurt von Fischer, "Kontrafakturen und Parodien italienischer Werke des Tre-
cento und fruhen Quattrocento lt , Anna/es Musicologiques T orne V (Neuilly sur-
Seine, 1957), S. 43-59, bes. S. 50ff.
6 Martin Bente, Marie Louise Gallner, He/mut Hell und Bettina Wackernagel,
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Katalog der Musikhandschriften, 1. Chorbiicher und
Handschriften in chorbuchartiger Notierung, Kataloge Bayerischer Musiksammlun-
gen 5/1 (Munchen, 1989), S. 253f( das Credo Nr. 6, S. 254.
7 Die mittelalterlichen Hymnenmelodien des Abendlandes, Monumenta Mono-
dica Medii Aevi I, Hrsg. Bruno Stiiblein (Kassel-Basel, 1956). Vier Versionen sind
abgedruckt auf 5.40-41, 107-108 (mit Text "Lucis hujus festa"), S . 193-194 und
S. 238 CAve, Katherina"). Die Melodie ist vennutlich zisterziensischen Ursprung
(5.515,519) .
"sUPER HYMNUM AVE MARIS STELLA BrCfNIUM SEQUITUR" 507
tacee', Es entsteht der Eindruck, da8 die Einstimmigkeit als Auszeichnung, als
Hervorhebung cler enstprechenden Textstelle zu verstehen ist 8
Wie bere festgestel verbirgt sich Hym in der Obersti die!
verglichen mit den meisten Aufzeichnungen des Hymnus, eine Quart nach
oben transponiert ist, Verschiedene Quellen enthalten die Melodieiedoch in
der der Oberstirn des Credos; dne Aufzeichnung wurde
im folgenden Notenbeispiel zurUckgegriffen: Es handelt sich dabei urn die
Me!, 674,9 die bei Stablein den Text ,,Ave , Katherina/ / martyr et regina/ I
virgo digna! mitis benigna" tragt. rotz des abweichenden extes ha-
be ich diese Fassung ausgewahlt, cla sie nicht nur lagemaf3ig cler Oberstimme
des Biciniums entspricht/ sondern insgesamt def Version, die dem Credo zu
grundeliegt, nachsten kom Schl ich ist icht auszuschl , da8
die Version 674 auch rnit dem originalen Hymnen-Text uberliefert ist,
GegenUber dem Hymnus sind nur wenige Tone erganzt, Dies geschieht
hauptsachlich/ Ulll den untcrzubringen (vg!. den Anfang "visi-
bilium'1 Einfugungen geschehen als Tonrepetition (2,B. Anfang), uberbru-
cken Terzspriinge ("omnium") ergeben Wendungen, zur Klauselbil-
dung benotigt werden hesum") fal daB wo Hymnus kleine
8 Bemerkenswert ist in diesem Zusammenhang, da~ eine gro~e Anzahl einstim-

miger Credos im Cantus fractus-Stl gerade der in unserem durch nstim
migkeit hervorgehobenen Textstelle "et homo factus est" abbrechen (aufgelistet bei
Miazga, S. 144 unter VIII-XVI!)j auch andere Textkurzungen finden sich haufig (vg\.
Miaz:ga, S. 142 doch bcsonders fehlt Text der genannten Zu
Textabweichungen im Credo auf3erdem Ruth Hannas, "Concerning Deletions in the
Polyphonic Mass Credo", JAMS 5 (1952); Jitka Snizkova, "Niederlandische Musik in
bbhmischen Handschriften des Jahrhundel1s", Tijdschrift de Vereniging
VOOf Ncderlandsc Muziekgeschiedcnis XXXII (1982), . - Berm Konzil van Basel
wurden entsprechende Kurzungen als "Abusus" bezeichnet: "Abusum aliquarum eccle-
siarum, n quibus Credo unum Deum, est symboJum confessio fidei
nostrae, non complete ad j zit, Joaehlm Angerer, "Di
liturgisch-musikalische Erneuerung cler Melker Reform", Studien ZUf Erforschung der
Musikpraxis in den BencdiktinerkJostern des 15. }ahrhunderts Osterreichische
f
Akademle der Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Sitzungsberichte,

287. Band, 5. Abhandlung (Wien, 1974) S. 106,
9 Stablein (Hrsg.), Hymnenme!od;en, S. B8. Auf S. 519 berichtet Stablein liber
die .67 I, e auch C gesungen kan Beide transponierten Versio,
nen stammen aus Klosterneuburger Handschriften.
508 BERNHOLD SCHMID
Notenbeispiel
A 't't,
• • •
"•
..
the· ,,;
• • •
"0.,
•
•
• (B Ye, ""l rU !ltd lQ.,
,, • • • •
""Cll"
•
ch.
. tyr ,t
• •
l !no. -
•
re
•
ttr
-9 L
• • • •
o.l =
vi - iL - bi. - l~ - I.I.trI om - rH - lA"' e. t
et tu . rlt, v't SI - bl - t, - 101.." om - '1l - lA'" et &'1' - '" - - bi -

~\
"Cl, VII' . ~o cit· 0 cl~ - ~",a.,
I• •
11\0.,
•
at -
• • •
~u.t UI1\- pel'
•
'tIU- -
•
~o,
• •
- li - It",
I
Et UI !L- ""m d.o - nu:-n"m ]ht-~I.I.I'I'\ Chr;
. Lt - u..". Et U1 \,l- nl4m do ,.,., L- 1114,., 1~t . S14m CI1 ...\

"11 . tlS Lt be· ,,~ '''0. .
~ • ft,• •.
•
( ; J(
'.! •por •
Cllt -ll
• •ta.)
,stLLM f~ - l~· U.t11
•
IISUPER HYMNUM AVE MARlS STEIJA BICINIUM SEQUITUR" 509
melismatische Wendungen stehen (vgl. nstella" oder "virgo"), auch der anson-
sten syl1abische Vortrag des Credotexts von Melisrnen unterbrochen wird
("et [terre)", IIChristum").
Oer Text Credos insgesamt acht Abschnitte aufgetcil die je-
einem Durchgang die Hymnenmelodie entsprechen, Credo
ist ungebundene Sprache. Die Textabschnitte haben deshalb nicht aIle die-
selbe L:inge, wie es beim Hymnus der Fall ist, der aus Versen besteht. Es
wechselt som auch die der ischen eine regdrechte
Strophenelnteilung, die aufgrund achtmal Wiederholung der
Hymnenmelodie erwarten konnte, kommt nicht zustande. Die Folge 1St, daB
der Hymnus in der Oberstimme jeweils zwar sehr ahnlich bearbeitet ist, aber
nie identisch. (Das muBte nicht unbedingt so sein: Unter den einstimmigen
rhythmischen Credos, die Oberstimrne unseres iums ahnel gibt es
zahlreiche in trotz Janger T extabschn ie Me-
lodie in g]eichJangen, nur geringfugig unterschiedlich rhythrnisierten Stro-
phen gestaltet ist. 10)
Schon an Strophen erinnernden Einteilung/ desweiteren aufgrund
bin~Ten Metrums charakteristischen, syl1abisch skandie-
renden Rhythmen ist eine gewisse Nahe zu einstimmigen Credomelodien
nach Art des Cantus fractus unverkennbar.l1 Die Stellung des Credo-Bicini-
urns in der Handschrift verdeutlicht dies: Vor und nach unserem zweistimmi-
Satz der eine von Cant us fractus-Credos. 1
Die Klanglichkeit des verlauft icht. steht Das
Klanggeriist des ersten Abschnitts wird von geringen Abweichungen abge-
sehen auch auf die Teile 2 bis 8 ubertragen. Meist findet sich Gegenbewe-
Treten Parallelen dann handelt sich urn Terzen (vgl besonders
passus'l wahrend Sextparal1elen Sex ten kommen
uberhaupt nur als Durchgangsintervalle VOT. Dissonanzen sind aufgrund des
Satzes Note gegen Note meist nur clann zu finden, wenn auf Semiminima-
o Bernhold Schmid, Credo- Vertonungen Benediktbeurer Hand-

schrift Clm 5023", Musik in Bayem 33 (1986), S. loSH, bes. S. 109f zu Credo Miaz.
ga Nr. 32.
11 Zur Rhythmus- und Melodiebildung vgL Schmid, S. 106ff. - FOr das Ave maris
in der der Me!. weist Bruno Stablein isierte Aufzeichnungen
(vg!. Stiiblein, Tegernseer mensurale Choralschrift aus Jahr-
hundert. Etwas Greifbares zur Rhythmik der mittelalterlichen Monodie", Kongress-
bericht Utrecht 1952 [Amsterdam, 1953], S. 379).
12 Vg!. Bente U.3., Musikhandschriften, S, 253ff.
510 BERNHOlD SCHMID
ebene kJeine Melismen eingeflochten werden (z.B. Jcoe-JI i [et terraet) oder
wenn es zu einer Klausel rnit Stauungsdissonanzen kommt (z.B. "pro nobis").
Die Komposition bewegt sich also zwar sehr wohl innerhalb der Klanglich-
keit der Zeit, nOtzt aber die kompositorischen Mittel des spaten 16. Jahrhun-
derts nur aufs auf3erste reduziert aus. Insbesondere die Moglichkeiten cler Dis-
sonanzbehandlung werden kaum genutzt. Wollten wir zum Vergleich Lassos
Ad Duas Voces Cantiones von 157713 gegenilberstellen, so wilrde sich ein
Unterschied zeigen, wie er groJ1er nicht sein konnte.
Soweit zur Beschreibung des Biciniums. Es sei versucht, das Stock musikge-
schichtlich einzuordnen. Die Formulierung im Tite! Super hymnum Ave ma-
ris steJla la8t an die Moglichkeit denken, den Satz mit der Parodiemesse in
Verbindung zu bringen: Finden sich doch im 16. Jahrhundert die Ausdrucke
super ... bzw. ad imitationem hauhg in deren Titeln. Bei den verschiedenen
T ypen dieser Gattung denkt man jedoch zunachst nicht an die Verwendung
einstimmiger Melodien in nur einer Stimme wie in unserem Satz, sondern an
das Aufgreifen mehrstimmiger Satze und an mitunter komplizierte Verarbei-
tung, 14 so daB beim Credo aus Mus. Ms. 511 nur termino]ogisch (super) ein
Zusammenhang mit clef Parodiemesse besteht, nicht hingegen satztechnisch.
Eher Ia.Bt sich eine Parallele zu einem weiteren, jedoch deutlich alteren
Typus des Messensatzes sehen, namlich zum Chansonsatz des 15. Jahrhun-
derts, wo in der Oberstimme eines clreistimmigen Satzes eine vorgegebene
Me10die bearbeitet wird. Bei dieser Kompositionsweise werden aber stets
Me10dien in der Oberstimme verwendet, die derseJben liturgischen Gattung
wie der mehrstimmige Satz zuzuordnen sind: einem mehrstimmigen Gloria
liegt also eine einstimmige Gloriamelodie zugrunde, wahrend fremde Melo-
dien als Tenor einer Cantus firmus-Messe, nicht hingegen in der Oberstimme
eines Chansonsatzes, einbezogen werden. Au8erdem steht dieser Satztyp im
tempus perfectum, nicht im binaren Metrum. Auch hier ergibt sich also keine
klare Zuordnung.
Desweiteren ist zu erwagen, ob an das im spaten 16. Jahrhundert weit ver-
breitete Kontrafakturverfahren gedacht werden kann, bei dem vorgegebene
Melodien oder Satze neu textiert werden, ohne derart starke Eingriffe Uber
sich ergehen lassen zu milssen wie beim Parodieverfahren urn 1600. Die Kon-
13 Orlando di Lasso, Samtliche Werke, Hrsg. Franz Xaver Haberl-Adolf Sand-

berger, Bd. J (Leipzig, 1894), S. 1H.
14 Einen Extremfall des Parodieverfahrens zeigt Franz Kbmdle, IIUntersuchungen
zu Leonhard Lechners Missa secunda. ,Non fu mai cervo'I/, Augsburger }anrbucn 3,
Hrsg. Franz Krautwur<;t (1986), S. 93-159.
"sUPER HYMNUtvl AVE MARIS BIClNIUM SEQUITUR" 511
trafazierungspraxis des spaten 16. Jahrhunderts zeigt jedoeh, daB sich die Ein-
griffe in die vorgegebene Komposition aufein Minimum beschranken. AuBer-
dern wird dann in der Regel neugeschaffener Text unterlegt, der so gestaltet
, daB er praexistenten Musi anpassen aBt; in die
ika.lische age weitestgehcn verm . Bei unserem Bicini-
urn hingegen wircl praexistenter Text einer vorhandenen Melodie unterlegt,
die deshalb logischerweise Veranderungen Uber sich ergehen lassen mull, wie
dargestellt Vergleiche konnten eventuell mit altercn Kontra-
angestel werden, 4. und . }ahrhundert selten its be-
stehende Kompositionen mit ebenfalls praexistenten Worten neu textiert
werden. Unterlegungen vorhandener liturgischer Texte gibt es bspw. zu Lan-
dinis Questa fanciul/a: Dies ist der Fall beim Agnus Dei aus Guardiagrele,
di Maria codice Ic. 192v; Agnus ist
Oberstim unterlegt, ursptilngl dreistimm Satz jedoch
durch Weglassen des Contratenors zur Zweistimmigkeit reduziert. 15 Dies ist
auBerdem cler Fall beim Kyrie Nr. 110 (fol. 58v-59r) des Mensuralcodex
Emmera Bayerischcn Staatsbibl Mtinchen, Om 1 6 der
Kyrietext ier varn or vargctragen. Derartigc Bearbeitungen des
Questa fanciulla sind noeh am ehesten ITltt dem in unserern Credo angewand-
ten Verfahren zu vergleichen; der wesentliche Unterschied ist, daB bei Landi-
ni ein mehrstimmiger Satz umtextiert wird, wahrend beim Credo-Biciniurn
einstim Melodic nen mehrstimmigen eingeht.
***
Kommen zu einem Reslimee: iegt, i Satz van ein-

Faktur, dennoch igerma{3en vielschichti Zum ahnelt
15 Vg!. Giulio Cattin, Oscar Mischiati, Agostino Ziino, "Composizioni polifoni-

che del primo Quattrocento nei Iibri corali di Guardiagrele", Rivista Italiana di Musi-
VII, (972), S. I 72 (Ed.) 3 (Faks)
Vg I. u.a., MusikhandschriFten, . - Kurt Fischer, Kontrafaktu-
ren, zeigt u. a. an einem Credo von Antonio Zacara nach einer Ballata vom selben
Komponisten, wie einem vorgegebenen Satz ein praexistenter Text unterlegt wer-
den kann (vgl S. 47 unten: Quel1en; S. 50 ff: Bearbeitungsverfahren). In diesem Fall
die Bearbeitung jedoch w~iter beim Biciniull1 bzw. bei beiden
Kontrafakta Landinis fanciu/Ja, Umstellungen im Me10dieverlauf zu
beobachten sind, auOerdem werden einzelne Passagen aus der Vorlage nicht in die
Bearbeitung Obernommen etc. (v. Fischer, S. 54/55). Das Verfahren erinnert also
an die
512 BERNHOW SCHMID
die Oberstimme dem Typus einstimmig rhythmischer Melodien nach Art des
Cantus fractus. Die Tatsache, daB praexistentes Material - ein Hymnus -
zugrundeliegt, ist nicht weiter bemerkenswertr da viele einstimmige Credos
vorgegebenes Melodiematerial enthalten. Die Besonderheit des Satzes ist je-
doch r daB dieses Verfahren auch in der Mehrstimmigkeit angewandt wirdr
bzw., dan die bearbeitete Hymnenmelodie in einstimmiger Fassung magIi-
cherweise gar nicht existiert, sondern von vornherein in der Mehrstimmig-
keit auftritt. Die FormuJierung im Tite! Super hymnumwirft die Frage aut ob
das Bicinium im Zusammenhang mit dem Parodieverfahren gesehen werden
kann. Zu den ken ist auBerdem an die Kontrafaktur oder den Chansonsatz;
das Credo aus Mus. Ms. 511 laBt sich jedoch keinem dieser Satztypen eindeu-
tig zuordnen r auch wenn sich entsprechende Eigenschaften jeweils zumindest
ansatzweise in der vorliegenden Komposition diskutieren oder tei)s auch
nachweisen lassen.
Die alteste Schicht und Grundlage des Satzes ist der Hymnus Ave mans
stellar der sich so in die Komposition einftigt, daB er darin ohne den Hinweis
im Tite! des StOcks Super hymnum Ave maris stella wohl nur durch Zufall zu
entdecken ware, obwohl in der Mehrstimmigkeit nur wenige Tone gegen-
ober der Vorlage erganzt sind. Selbst in einer so peripheren Komposition wie
unserem Bicinium zeigt sich einmal mehr die Eigenschaft cler liturgischen Ein-
stimmigkeit r zum tragenden Material fur Stucke auch anderer Funktion wie
die der vorgegebenen Melodie zu werden. Insbesondere aber erweist sich
auch hier die Wandlungsfahigkeit Iiturgisch einstimmiger Melodien, ihre
Fahigkeit, sich mitunter bis zur Unkenntlichkeit l7 bearbeiten zu ]assen r so
dan sie ihres urspJiinglichen Charakters beraubt aJs Materialbasis in S~tzen
verschiedenster Faktur aufgehen ktmnen .
17 Dies ist gelegentlich beim englischen Diskant-Satz des 14. Jahrhunderts def
Fall, vgl . Bemhold Schmid, Der GJoria- Tropus Spiritus et a/me his zur Mitte des 1S.
}ahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1988), S. 154ffj dort weitere Literatur.
"sUPER HYMNUM AVE MARlS STELLA BICfNIUM SEQUITUR" 5t 3
Notenanhang. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Mtinchen,

Musikabteilung Mus. Ms. 511; fol. 9v-l 3r
J
tcr' . . ~; .
et tu - rlt '1'1 • ,~-
• L. - "'''',
El,,, "". nil." c/.o - mi.-"u.m )nc.-su.m Ch,.~
tl4m
, "
~~.
l: • j::
Et U f'Q.. tl"t . 110. - t~", le. O"'-I'\~ - CL se. - ft
2
Q.I'\ -
I -~ A-
u
,
. Et U' pG· h" "Go - tu", o.n - te 0." - rI, - a.
M •
.. mt" ch, l",

514 BERNHOW SCHMID
- ne I J)t, - IA.", ve. - .. "'''' cl, dt - 0 \It - t'0
-ctWo"" tri.
a.
J ~I.ltm om- t'll-
1er
ho - "" - I1e.S et pro - p ltr 110 - .$ helm Sa.
- mi • I1U et pro - pt.cr 110' stl'ClItI SCI. -
- te~ cAe. ~ sc.en· cJ.;t tle c.oc.· li s. Et ltl - co. .. - t'lCL - tl4\
• (14 - h"", . De - sctn-clit d.l. Cot - (~sJ et

r'\
,. L A
ut 'f elt Spl - I'l - tu. SCl" - do:

I L
" u
/' A
v _ tl4S ni ch.
VI'" - ~l - !'IC-
I
Ex MarLCl .Ba.ssus ta.ctt.

.,SUPER HYMNUM AVE MARlS STELLA BICINIUM SEQUITUR" 515
r
I
.~'
et ~o - ,",,0 {CL " . ({"'50 ut. Cry. - C.l -

I
u
IJ' Crl.l _ CoL -
- fi - 11.1.1.) t ti- Q.WI pro no - bis 514 b
ti'CLM pro no bi.s Su.b rol'l - t. - 0 '?~ - la.-
-l~
-io po..\. j",S e. t se.-pu.l-tu.s es.t:
Et ~c,. ~",r' re - ~11 h,r - ti - Cl eli - e

5
t.t re. - 51.1.r- tt . lId ter· l~ - a. cll - e. se. - eu.,,- d.14.,., seri -
- ra.s, Et CL -sce..,· cl.it In cot - Ll.I.m le .
pt 1.&.- 1"Q.j, tt CL - ~(en-d.~t ~"

coe • ll.l.m, se
l ,1h
- cLt1. ad. et .. - )( It- t-Clm pa. • t..l·~ : Et . - It-rl4l11 "t"-t\4.- nu
- det IlCl de - x te. - r Cl." pCL - trLs. Et l • ta- r ",,", ven-tl.l- rIU
est, . ell.m glo - r~· Q. 114 - c1~ - ca. - re Vl - \/os r.t ,,"or- tl.L - OS
est '1.1..11 ~lo - n - a. lU • d.~ - ca. - re. loll' yaS e.t mol" - t\4' os.
516 BERNHOlD SCHMID
- t"",
ra.- tt-eo f' - l~ -0 - ~~t. pro· et - d,t he.
fi ,l, o SI • """l a.d.- 0 - "'a. • t~r et con - glo- ..... - ,-
et ti. - II - 0 S~ - ."",t Cl - 0 - 1'0. - tlA.r ~t ton - ~lo- y,
• CCl - tu.!'.
- f~ - ra.-i!.lr.
,. l I u- U .... Y 0
1 Qui lo - (14- t&.l' ut P&'" pro- phe. - ten , '! -.. am oS Go" - delm eCl -
j
-
/- . -~
,. Q.1.l L to· C!.l-tI.lS ,\t jOty

-y
P"o-fhe. - t a.s: c.t "" - hA"" 5a.11 - ,ta.", C"'·

it.
• tho· ti - ccun c.t R - fO - sto - L, - (eLm le - - ctt
- tlto - Li - t.Clm &t R • po - st~ - l.i. - ,elm £t C C

"SUPER HYMNUM AVE MARIS STELLA BICINIUM SEQUITUR" 517
~i. • Cl..,.,: COH • f' - tt-or lA.. "",Lt" ba. - ph - \ma. Ut
t1l.Lm bQ,.· pt C - S,,",a. LI'\
re - "111- '4 - 0 • "'"' pet· ca. • to - I"I,U":
I'e - "",~s- si - 0 - ntm pee.- CCl - - to
E.t f.lI. • spe - cto o
vl - tq,1'n ven
~, - tCltn ven - tl.L - rL H- CIA"
- l'. A . ",eh I R "'.,: 11 R
- li R 11'1&11, A I\1tl'\ I 0-
i"
I.
-, _ 'f
m,.,.
.Ac
" - y-
." ttt .
51~ T3ERNHOLD SCHMID
Bayerische Sraatsbibl iothek Miinchen, Musikabteilung,

Mus. m~. 511, fo!' 9v-l Or
Die Wieclergabe erfolgt mit freuncllicher Genehmigung cler
Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek
"SUPER HYMNUM AVE MARIS STELLA B1CINIUM SEQUITUR" 519
Cantus Sopron, 1995 521
BYZANTINE PROSOMOION SINGING:

A GENERAL SURVEY OF THE REPERTOIRE OF THE NOTATED
STICHERA MODELS (AUTOMELA)
IRINA SHKOLNIK
In dmrch music of period, dating

century, general kinds of hy chanting were and
basic form was the idiomelon (Greek LOtOj!£AOV. WtC:X; - 'own, speciar i j!£AOV-
'melody'), namely a chant having a melody of its own, specially intended for
the one particular text and different from all the other chants. ldiomela did
not exist in psalmody, being characteristic only of the hymnody, for such
genres as heirmos, sticheron, troparion, kontakion and some smaller genres.
corresponding existed in the genres,
was (Greek 1tPOOOJ.lOtOV, 'similar to'). is kind
did melody of its composed on syllabic
melody of the idiomeIon. The
was for the hymnwri had to follow
possible details, so that the melody coincided entirely with that of the origi·
nal chant. At the same time the prosomoion singing Simplified the task of the
singer, who had only to reproduce the melody of an idiomelon he already
knew, not learning a new one.
The system of prosomoion singing was therefore an opportunity to use a
great Iy infinite) texts and only num·
ber 0 From the 9th the system ca tensive
use, services in honour and feasts with·
out thousands of The texts be
rather extenSive, for their melodies did not have to be memorised.
Idiomelon used as a model for prosomoia was called "automelon" (Creek
aUtoj!EAOV. autac; - town', j!£AOV - 'melody'). This term was not often used in
MSS. I n the rubric it was written: 1tpOC; to or 1tpOC; oj!OtOV - and then the title
of a model chant followed. In practice the word "prosomoion" was often ap-
plied model chant a ia themselves,
The the prosomoion umber of historical, ogical,
li usical questions hymnographic problem
522 IRINA SHKOLNIK
has particular aspects . We have studied the prosomoion system in stichera. 1

In our research we have tried to follow the histOty of prosomoion singing in
stichera from its origin to the later forms. We compiled prel iminary reper-
toire of the automela that amounts to t 20 chants, thus being four times more
than the standard repertoire. We gathered the evidence concerning the au-
thorship of the automela and examined the cycles of notated model chants.1-
The present paper considers the sets of notated automela contained in
Byzantine MSS from the 13th to the 18th centuries, a"d particularly in the
13th century MS from St.Petersburg in which we fou;.d the earliest preserved
cycle of the model stichera. We shall also analvse the melodic versions of the
automela contained in the two early cycles at our disposal.
According to the chantbooks and Typika (the books regulating the church
order) the repertoire of stichera-automela became more or less stable in the
9th century. About half the automela were being taken from the daily Octo-
echos, the other part being idiomela of the Menaion, Triodion and Sunday
Octoechos. The genres of the automela can be seen from Table 1. These are
different kinds of stichera depending on their content and liturgical use:
1. stichera idiomela for different feasts,
2. stichera which we call autornela because they open the cycles of stiche-
ra prosomoia, as explained above,
3. stichera of the Sunday Octoechos: anastasima (Resurrection stichera)
and theotokia (devoted to the Mother of God),
4. various daily stichera depending on the devotion of a day:
a. stichera katanyktika (penitential), sling on Mondays and Tues-
days;
b. stichera staurosima and staurotheotokia (devoted to the Holy
Cross and to the Mother of God), sung on Wednesdays and Fri-
days;
I As far as we know, only the PhD. by N . Schidlovsky has been devoted to pro-
somoia, namely to the 49 prosomoia of Lent, notated in the Sticherarion MSS at the
time of the Studious Typikon . See; N. Schidlovsky, The Notated Lenten Prosomoia
in the Byzantine and Slavic Traditions, PhD . diss. (Ann Arbor, Michigan-London,
1974).
2 I. Shkolnik, Vizantiiskaya Stikhira V-XII Vekov: Muzykal'nyi i Liturgicheskii
Aspekty [Byzantine Stichera of the 5-12th Centuries: Musical and Liturgical As-
pects], PhD. diss. (MoscQwConservat01Y, 1994), pp. 142-161, Supplement Ill.
BYZANTINE PROSOMOION SINGING 523
------------------------
c. stichera martyrica (devoted to martyrs), sung every day except
Sundays;
sticheron nekrosimon (devoted to the deceased), sung on Satur-
days.
stichera taken automela belonged to non-notated repertoire

The daily Octoechos, the main source for the autome1a, was never notated,
because chants llsed every day were very well known by heart. The automela
as open model ichera the in most inlportant
festal services. Being well known by heart, these chants were as a rule not no-
tated in Sticheraria. Among the 47 autome1a shown in Table 1, ahout 30
were notated before the 13 century.
Many centuries after the automela were introduced into Byzantine church
practice they were brought together in the octoechos cycle and written
down chantbooks. cycle was com led for idactic purposes/ ot be-
ing an obligatory part of a manuscript. Occasionally the cycle of automela ap-
peared in MSS from the 13th century, being more frequently notated until
hnal n the ird quarter of the th century the alltomel took their perma-
nent place in the Heirmologion compiled by Petros Peloponnesios, the lam-
padarios of the Great Church of Constantinople.
We exam the of notated autolnela in following sources from
the t 3th to the 18th centuries:
1. of Russian Nation library (St.Pctersburg)/ Greek,
No. 674, 13th century, H. lr,Sr, where we found the earliest set of no-
tated automela known from Byzantine sources. The cycle contains 26
automel the opcn ng part/ namely automcla of first nearl
all of the second mode are unfortunately lost. The considerable number
of the automela contained in this MS (namely t 9 chants) appear here in
earl known notated versions. n our dissertati we deCiphered
the whole automela-cycle from this Sticherarion j three extracts are
given in the Supplement to the paper (Examples 1-3).
2. of Athos Vatopedi onastcry No. / 14th century,

H. 185v-187r. 3 Thecycle is an addition to the Sticherarion, written by a
3 information kindly offered Christian T roe I to we

here express our gratitude.
524 IRINA SHKOLNIK
different hand, which seems to be not later than the 14th century. The
cycle of automela consists of 23 chants.
3. Anthology of the monastery of St.Catherine on Sinai, Greek, No. 1250 .
Late 15th century, 24 automeJa are placed on ff. 152v-158r.
4. Fragment, probably, of an Anthology. Russian State Library, fund 181,

No. 73. Late 16th -early 17th century. The beginning of the automela
set is lost; the sequence of chants starts with the third mode.
5. MS of the Athens National Library, Greek No. 917. Collection of
chants and autograph by the melode Akakios Chalkeopoulos, written
about the year 1600. It contains 20 automela.
6. Heirmologion by Petros Peloponnesios. The third quarter of the 18th

century. We need not indicate anyone particular source because the
content of the chantbook is invariable.
All the automela from these sources are put together in our Table t. With-
in each mode the chants are given in alphabetical order. In the left column is
the general numbering of the automela across all the sources examined. For
every source we also give the ordinal numbers of stichera as they follow in
the MS. In the right column we mark with a cross the more frequent autome·
la. Each of them is found in several sources and thus they form the standard
repertoire of the automela. Crosses within the circles mark rare automeJa
which form the marginal part of the repertoire. On the whole in the six exam·
ined sources we found 47 stichera, among them 27 standard and 17 marginal
automela. The twenty most frequent models are marked in the column with a
double cross.
From the Table it can easily be seen that in all the given MSS the reper-
toire of the automela differs in number, content and order of chants. The
number of chants diminishes conSiderably from the 13th to the t 4th century.
The earliest MS, RNL 674, contains 26 stichera, so even without the opening
part of the set, which is lost, the number of the automela is more than in
any later source. The original number of chants in MS 674 must have been
about 35.
Such a difference in the number of automela accounts for the fact that MS
674 appears to contain some features remaining from the Studious Typikon
of the 9th- t 2th centuriesj according to its service order the prosomoion sing-
ing in stichera had been much more widely used than in the later Jerusalem
Typikon j the number of models had been much greater. For example, the
autornelon .1EU't€ &1tIXV'tEC; 1tteJ-r01., given in MS 674 (No. 40 in the. general
BYZANllNE PROSOMOION SINGING 525
series) is used only once in thelerusalem Typikon (see Table 1), while in the
Studious Typika the chant appears several times as an automelon. 4
The sources of the 4th- th centuries ive 25 automelai the number
characteristic for the Jerusalem Typikon, where the repertoire of models was
and
The automela, as seen in Table 1, become more or less similar in the sets
only the 13th tury. Though in MSS from the 1 century
later the order of stichera sometimes coincides, we can hardly say that there
existed some model cycle of the automela , reproduced in later sources.
As already mentioned, repertoire the consists of rnore
less standard and marginal parts. As seen in Table I, no single MS contains
whole standard th may compiled only the sum
the sources. The marginal repertoire, found in every MS, depended on the
individual choice of compiler. The number marginal stichera sharply
diminishes from the 13th century and gradually decreases later. In the earliest
MS 674 the marginal stichera form half the set i the MSS Vatopedi 1493,
1 and RSL con three margmal stichera each; MSS Athen
917 and Petros Heirmologion give only one marginal sticheron each. Obvi-
ously, repertoire the became more and more standardized.
BeSides, the repertoire was being corrected. For centuries in Byzantine
service some model stichera were used, ich had been taken for automela
by mistake, being in fact the well-known prosomoia. In our sources we found
several such "false" models, which we call "secondary automela". The MS
1 gives as as three autornela Nos. 26, 47
the general series in Table 1). These mistakes are not merely the particular
feature this MS; are also found in the earliest Creek Typikon Stauroll
43. 5 False autome1a were widely used later, as it is seen from the fact that the
automelon No. xrupo\~lQ}~q>QPCX; L'tCt\~p~ was taken over
the Russian church practice. These "mistakes" were later e1immated.
4 See, for example, Euergetides Typikon in A. Dmitrijevsky, Opisanije litur-

rukopisej, chranjashichs}a bibliotekacll pravos/avnogo vostoka
scription of the liturgical MSS Kept in the Libraries of the Orthodox East), Va!. I,
T\)1tll(a (Kiev, 1895).
Sce the Easter matin stichera in e edition by . Dimitrijevsky, BogosJUjenije
strastnoj i paschalnoj sedrniz VD sV.!jerusalirne IX-Xv. (Divine Service of the Pas<;ion
Easter Weeks in Jemsalem the 9th· 10th Centuries), (Kazan, I
526 IRJNA SHKOLNIK
Table 1. Cycles of stichera automela in notated

Byzantine manuscripts
Abbreviations:
v. Vatopedi 1493 m. r. marginal repertoire
S. Sinai 1250 s. r. standard repertoire
P. P. Petros Peloponnesios
autornelon Its liturgic use, service hook RNl V. S. RSL Ath. P.P. m. r. s. r.
674 73 914
1st authentic mode

I. nil V£"6cpTij.H)t martyrikon - 2 2 - 2 2 ++
~aptlpec; Wed., Fri. - Parakletikon
1 . TiIlv Ot\pavl.(J)v theotokion Sun. evening apo· - 1 1 - 1 1 ++
'tIlYjLQ't(J)V stichon - Parakletikon, 6th week
of Lent Sun. evening- Triadion,
Staur. 43- Easter Monday
evening
3. wn'toU~~ov automelon Sept. 8, Nativity of - 3 3 - 3 3 ++
9a6jLll't~ 111nl'Y1\ Mother of God, M V 71
fl1t; ~(J)%
2nd authentic mode
4. otlC<K;'toB idiomelon Dec. 20, Xmas fore- - 5 5 - 6 4 ++
E-owa9li feast - Sticherarion, M V 168
5. uO'te tIC toU ~i>- automelon Friday in Easter - 4 4 - 4 ++
).00 tE v£KpOv Week evening, apostichon - Tri-
odion
6 . noi.()U; e~tidv idiomelon, automelon, June 29 - 13 6 - 5 ++
O-rtJljLIlOl v St. Peter and Paul- Sticherarion
MV 113
7. 1:tlX1>p6)&t1't(J) 8th anti phone of Passions- 2 +
~1CpaL;ov Sticherarion, T riodion; stauro·
simon Wed., Fri., ainoi -
Parakletikon
8. Tliiv It£KpaYI1£v(J)v katanyktikon Mon. moming- 1 +
J..LOO Parakletikon; 3rd Sunday after
Easter - Pentekostarion
3rd authentic mode
9. 'Bolt£pl VOV UjL vov katanyktikon Sun. and Mon . :2 7 +
evening apostichon - Para-
kJetikon
BVZANTINE PROSOMOION SINGING 527
automelon its liturgic use, service book RNL V. S. RSL Ath. P.P. m. r. s. r.
674 73 914
10.M£yld.TI'toU 1:'t£1>- martyrikon Sun. evening 6 7 +
~ l:w Kllpl£ it apostichon - Parakletikon
lIuva/.l.lI;
II.M£yal.'l 'fmy Itap- martyrikon Mo., Fri. evening- 7 +
~v Parakletikon
12.I.1:a'UpOCp(Xv~ staurosimon Wed. moming- 4 8 I 6 ++
M(I)~of$J Pentakostarion
13.TIi\ -ro~ 'tOi\ nekrosimon for the burial of 3 +
I.1:a~ :too monks - ER 278,287
.116 v6pelJIE
4th authentic mode
t 4. "'B&"K'w.; staurosimon Wed. morning- 5 7 10 9 9 ++
(1)J.£l6lO1V Parakletikon; Staur. 43-
automelon apostichon Easter
Monday evening
15.tl9d.()v 8lxlq)'l)cnv katanyktikon Sun., Mon. 8 10 12 3 11 11 ++
evening apostichon-
Parakletikon
16.K6p1.£ ciVEl.06\v Ev anastasimon Sun. evening- Pa· 13 +
1:lil I.1:auptj) rakletikon; Staur. 43 - idiomelon
for Easter Mon. apostichon
17:0 £~ -u'Vio'tOU autome1on June 29, St. Peter and 6 8 11 10 10 ++
d.1'j6Et~ Paul, ainoi MV III
18. ~Od,oy O:ft't'tTl'tov staurosimon Tuc. evening 9 +
apostichon - Parakletikon
19.'01; "fEVVIX10Y Ev automelon April 13 on Kyrie 7 9 9 8 8 ++
IlQp'fOOl. v ekekraxa M V 90
1st pi agal mode
lO.K-6pl£ ciIlap'tavOlv katanyktikon Sun, Mon. evening 4 12 +
OU 1tUOOIlUl apostieh. - Parakletikon
l1.K-6plE EltlM(I)$- staurosimon Wed. moming- 11 +
a211MO 1tOU: Pankleti kon
ll. w061E Jt6u:p 6ElMpo- idiome1on, autome1on 11 15 +
pE 9£OOOolE January 11 St. Thcodosios -
Sticherarion, MV 117
2r051Emwp idiomelon, autome1on 5 +
~aKTIv £~ilp£~ September 1 St. Symeon-
Kl.il1lllCll MV 3, MV6
24.T6\y E1U"(El(l)v manyrikon Sun., Thur. evening 12 13 +
u!tCi\l't(Jo)y - Parakletikon
25.XlXlpolC; aolC1l- automelon Dec. 5 St. Saba on 10 12 12 13 ++
~~6\v Kyrie ekekraxiI - MV14
528 IRINA SHKOLNIK
automelon Its liturgic use, service book RNL V. S. RSL Ath. P.P. m. r. s. r .
674 73 914
26.Xalpou; b prosomoion on the automelon 14 secondary
~co~ No.25. September 14, 15 automelon
l:tll~ Exaltation of the H. Cross,
aposti chon.
2nd plagal mode
27. Ai ft'(YEAlKat automelon December 20, 14 14 18 16 16 ++
!tpOltOpEll£a8ctlli'Il- Christmas forefeast, ainoi-
vaJL£u; MV 176
28.'Ap1)anEA~II:6)v theotokion Sun. evening 15 +
ftvu~vfla~v apostichon - Parakletikon
29.'BI( Y!lcnpoc; prosomoion on the automelon 19 15 secondary
£ttX9t1~ No.3D automelon
30.'H a1t£YII(J}(Jf!tV1l idiomelon of Wed. in Easter 15 15 +
/ila 'tov ~l.ov Week - Sticherarion, Triodion;
Staur.43 - automelon for the
same day
31.M£tajk>A'; tiOv theotokion Mon. evening 23 23 +
9Al~£y6)V apostichon - Parakletikon
32.ME·1:6:VOLIlV 0011: let katanyktikon Sun. evening 7 17 +
1C't1'l).I!ll apostichon - Parakletikon
33:m.tlV alto8E~vOl automelon June I, Nov. I, 13 16 13 ++
St. Kosma andDamian - MV 73
34.npEajklalC; tflC; theotokion Fr. evening 25 +
T£lCo6m-tc; 1:£ apostichon - Parakletikon; Sat.
XPICY'It of deceased - T nodion
35.l:-u E' 6 9£6c; tiJi6)v theotokion Sat . moming- 24 +
Parakletikon
36.Tpl~ anastasimon Sun. moming- 16 17 6 14 ++
ftV£~ XP1CYui'l Parakletikon; Staur. 43 - Fr. in
Easter Week - .linoi
3rd plagal mode
37.Ka..t~vT)oav1EC; martyrikon T ue., Fr. eveni ng - 17 17 +
1tttVt6)V Parakletikon
38.()\)d·u 1C6)- staurosimon Tue., Thur. evening 16 24 8 18 ++
Atl~Eea - Parakletikon
4th plagal mode
39. 'A.J!t1:ptltoc; nekrosimon on Sat. - 22 +

UIWpx£l Parakletikon
40.AEi}1£ IiJtavu," autome)on of Cheesefare Friday 26 +
Itl(J10l (Stt.Fathers') - T riodion,
Sticherarion (rare)
4 1. KUpt£ £I xal anastasimon on ainoi - 21 21 12 19 23 ++

ICpl11'\Pi.cp Parakletikon, Pentakostarion
BY2ANllNE PROSOMOION SINGINC 529
-
automelon Its liturgic use, service book IRNL V. S. RSL Ath. P.P. m. r. s. r.
914
42.'0 li"fY£l~ Iou anastasimon on ainoi - 19

Kupu: Parakletikoni Staur. 43 - Cr.
Saturday liturgy
43.'Otv 'EOB11 staurosimon Wed., Fr, morning 21 21 23 10 24 ++
1tap{£lIclaoa - Parakletikon; Staur. 43
during Passions
44 I1tlp-roptC; milnyrikon Tuc" Fri. evening- 20 20 '" 11 22 t,,+
Kilpl£ Parakletikon; evening 5th

week of Lent~ Triodion I
I
45. Tt UI1W; KaA£- martyril Mon., Fri moming- 19 19 22 9 17 ++
CJCIlIlEV Parakletikon;
Fri. 1st week of Lent, morning-
I
Triadion
46. wO 1tOp(l- automelon Sept. 14, Exaltation 18 20 20 I +
~O\) Iluuj.lo,toc; of the HCrossainoi-MV 108
I
tO~CIl~V I
4l\>t6v
47. t<rilltapa- prosomoion the automelon

..............................
lsl 20 sc<.Cund;, ry
Ml;,Oll ea6j4Q't<X; No.46 automelon
rh 1l'\101Tplou .
tppllCtoll
I
I
17
+ 3 secondary automela
We now proceed to the musical examination of two representative

automela-cydes, contained in the RNL 674 and Sinai 250.6 Even a
superficial shows the style of the automeIa in sources not
homogeneous. Some melodies are simpler, more monotonous and even ele-
mentary, for example, in sticheron "HeEAQV MlCp~ (see 1).
Other chants, such as I1.ialiiO' Ko:l\.tOQ)~£Y (Example 3) are rather developed
resemble idiomela of Sticherarion. This difference is probably due
fact that some of the stichera are earl and have a simpler and more
archaic while others are contemporary to the assicaI of the
late 7th-9th centuries, thus being close to in melodic style.
The melodic version of Vatopedi 1493 is close to that of RN

6 Later
versions are derived from the ones in way which needs a special corn·
mentary.
530 IRINA SHKOLNIK
A comparison of the melodic versions of the MSS 674 and Sinai 1250
shows that they are very different (see Examples 1, 2, 3). Nevertheless, the
melodies contain certain similar features. The final tones of the lines, and
therefore the modal composition of the stichera are similar in the two MSS
(see Example I, lines 2, 3, 41 7); in line 7 the cadence is given on the authen-
tic pitch in one MS and on the plagal in the other one. The opening parts of
the lines are sometimes also similar. The ambitus is mostly the same. The
melodic composition of the two melodies also coincides: lines 5 and 6 are
alike in each version.
The same picture can be observed in Examples 2 and 3. In Example 3 the
melodic lines of the versions often coincide, but at different pitch levels (see
the first line: ~ :~). The structure of the sticheron a b b c c d de, being rather
rare in the Byzantine hymnody, is present in both versions. Thus, the two
versions of the automela are not different chants, their melodies go back to
the same original.
How then are we to explain such a considerable divergence of two melod-
ic versions of one and the same chant, the degree of discrepancy being quite
impossible for Sticherarion chants? The most natural answer may be found in
the oral transmission of the automela. On the other hand, the analysis of
other hymnographic genres, also orally transmitted, for example, stichera
anastasima, notated only from the 14th centuryl -does not reveal so great a
discrepancy. The later histOJY of the automela melodies, which is beyond the
scope of the present paper, tells the same tale.
The analysis of modal and melodic pecul iarities of the automela shows
that the 13th-century version is less archaic and closer to the Sticherarion
idiomela, while the 15th century version, by contrast, contains more archaic
features, characteristic of stichera before the 8th century.
To illustrate this we shall first compare the final cadences in two versions
in the 1st plagal, 2nd plagal and 4th plagal modes. Both MSS contain archaic
final tones, not characteristic to the classical octoechos? They are shown in
Table 2/A in comparison with classical cadences, used in the Sticherarion and
other chantbooks.
In Table 2/8 we show the final tones in the automela of the 1st plagal, 2nd
plagal and 4th plagal modes ir the MSS 674 and Sinai 1250. The numbers of
7 The paper Archaic Features of the Octoechos in the Sticherarion Chants was
given by the author at the MUSICA ANTIQUA meeting in Bydgoszcz, 1994. (In
print.)
BVZANllNE PROSOMOION SINGING 531
Table2lA
modes classical final tones archaic final tones
1st plagal D G
2nd plagal E G
4th plagal G b
Table2IB
+ archaic cadences stichera present in both MSS
Nos. of the auto- final tones correlation of the final tones in
mela (see Table 1) the stichera present in both MSS
RNL674 Sinai 1250 RNL 674 Sinai 1250
1st plagal mode
20 D -
21 - G+
23 G+ -
24 G+ -
25 - G+
2nd plagal mode
26 a+ G+ + +
27 E -
28 - G+
30 E -
32 E G+ - +
33 E -
34 E -
35 G+ -
4th plagal mode
38 G
39 G
40 -
42 b+ + +
43 b+
44 G - +
45 b+
46 -
532 lR1NA SHKOLNIK
stichera are given according to the general numbering on Table t. The archa-
ic nnal tones are marked with the small crosses. Only four stichera are pres-
ent in both sources (they are marked with brackets); so we cannot compare
all the cadences in the parallel versions, but rather summarize the general use
of classical and archaic cadences in each source. The result can be seen on
Table 2/e. The MS Sinai 1250 has no classical finalsi all the cadences are ar-
chaic. The MS 674 shows equal numbers of archaic and classical cadences, if
we take all the three modes. In the parallel versions (automela Nos. 26, 32,
42/ 44) the correlation is the same.
Thus the MS 1250/ though being of later date/ contains purely archaic
cadences in three plagal modes while the earlier MS 674 has apparent traces
of redaction or at least of the attempts to revise the archaic final tones accord-
ing to the norms of classical Byzantine modality.
TabJel/C
mode MS No. of stichera classical cadences archaic cadences
1st pI.
674 3 I 2
1250 2 - 2
674 7 5 :2
2nd pI.
1250 3 - 3
4th pI. 674 6 3 3

1250 4 - 4
These findings seem to be not only a particular case of deviation from the
traditional octoechos. MS 674 perhaps displays evidence of efforts to revise
the archaic modality in stichera, efforts which date before the 8th century
and thus predate the traditional Sticherarion.
The same traces of a revision can be seen through comparison of the me-
lodic style of the automela in two MSS. In MS Sinai 1250 the melodies are
more simple and archaic/ with a small number of the pure Sticherarion formu-
las. At the same time/ MS 674/ though having archaic features in the chants/
also contains a considerable number of formulas characteristic of the Stichera-
rion idiomela: see Example 2. In the first line of the sticheron 01>lCEn lCOA:oro-
~E9c:x MS 674 gives three Sticherarion formulas:
B¥ZANllNE PROSOMOION SINGING 533
FE DEF D E FaG
while the version in the Sinai 1250 contains no individual melodic formula .
The same can be seen in Example 1, line 7. The 674 has a typical Stichera-
rion formula
\.., -~,
""'. " ...." ~
;)
Fe Fg ed c
'tE - Aa<; a-1tO(Ao!-ult)
while MS Sinai 1250 gives simply a recitation. In Example 3, line 4/ MS 674

contains the formula most characteristic for the Sticherarion:
C bc(b) a
ay - yt - AO\)<;
At the same time MS Sinai has only a leap upwards .

The comparison of the two versions has thus provided us an opportunity
to grasp the historical development of the automela-melodies. Analysis of the
melodic versions contained in other sources mentioned should not only con -
firm our demonstration, but also shed a new light on this stable yet flexible
genre of Byzantine chant.
Example t
~ (
('1nt1~ r
~d -
(\ I't"HI
>-
I
1'1
('I lttl .. 0 C
1\ I TlTI
I IIIII 11 " I II" I
I" "
I f\
fI
~tttll '& J\ •~... '-I:tTI! I 11 11 I 11 11 I I 11 I I 11 III I
(I v
J
~
Iol
><
\ II111 I .,-J 11 \ l 1
I" "
11" , 1111 , I" !I 1\
~( 0() .~ Jr
~ ~~ 0
" ::1,\. f\
~
{I o (
~ w I
J • <
3 ~ JJ
(
11=" .....
~) ~
I
d It ~(\
,.. ~ (
fI{ffil ~
1\ '>.1(\
0 ('
I -~Iol J ~ (I
~ ~ ~
0
J :1 ~ )\ f\
~ J :<
;>-
J ~
;>-
(\ I
~ )'\
~
~)\ 5 -et
~ J (\ 1\
......
3 (
~\ . I
~
(I
~ 1\ I -i.
~
(' I
,,- I ' :1(\
IJ n f\ 0
0
?J (\ ~I
.<. J~
'-01
0
:>
n -et
)fI
f I)
,.e.
'W
I
~
(\
.gLa
~
-BJ" ~
~ l~
.f\
\
J
~/
.~ (\
<0
~)JI\ ~ ... \
./
...
0
ri W ( 61)
j (
J -/ :1 (\
~
....,I
I
J o()(\
~
" j J
~ )J"
1/
..-
Cl.
J :0 LJ
-. .
toe
;>-
,.---..
v
od J
~ J
f\ I W-+-l
13
~
.
J ~
J~ ~\
J ... .-<
~ J
J .... ..
61)
t
N
<> J
. J
~ J
.
Cl.
'0•
~ 0
"" 0 ~
Il"I
'-0 '\J :..::
r- ll'\ v U"\ r- 0
"<t-
r-
o
\0 N r- N \0
ll'\
~I
U"\ \0 N
I.() .- N ..... 0
~ ll\ ~
r- 0
N r- ll'I
\0 '-0 C\I
BVZANTlNE PROSOMOJON SJNGING 535
Example 2
-, ::. :>
~ :::>1"\ -, c....- ,,'-' ~
/.. ,,,,;:
1
c.- c..... "- -,-
a1J
L-
r ~? ':>
J 1 J l ; J 1 j ID) J l Lj J
<::::. 1 j
;./
Example 3
536 IRINA SHKOLNIK
_ c:...-J'~ ~
6.)J ~OA - 1..d

T
•
U -
U fJ'td.
~\I
J
l 1
6 - \10 -
El 1
~~ - ~~.
( T r
4. . J
~
1
= ...'" .,.. -
r Q Cl I
c.-J
1
\....~
0 l
7. x~t ~£'-~o- y~ 'td xa -pCo- ~a - 'ta·
-, -v'-"
T ! fl !
SOME PRINCIPLES OF RHYTHMIC ORGANIZATION

IN BYZANTINE MUSIC
(A STUDY BASED ON lHE BYZANTINE-RuSSIAN
HEIRMOLOGION)
MARINA SHKOLNIK
The problem of rhythm in liturgical chant is one of the most topical in

musical byzantology. In the neumatic notation of the 10th and 11 th centu-
ries were few rhythmic designations, namely the so-called kratemata (Greek:
1Cp<l'tTJtata, from the verb ICpa'tEID - 'hold, keep'), which sign i fled double
duration. The oldest Byzantine table of neumes 1 contains three kratemata:
Table 1
~ ':),:)
~ = ~ +
'-'
diple dyo apostrophoi mega kratema
(double oxeia) (double apostrophos) I (ligature of diple and petaste)
[n the oldest sources with the so-called Chartres notation there was also
the sign for the shortened duration, namely gorgon (letters r or fJ),2 but it
was used more or less systematically only from the t 4th century. Other
neumes of the Byzantine notation also had certain rhythmic meanings, but
this knowledge was only orally transmitted.
In the 2nd half of the 16th century Hieronymos Tragodistes made a re-
markable attempt to adapt Greek rhythmical system, together with Byzantine
notation and modality, to Western notation and musical theory . His theoreti-
cal ideas remained only an experiment. 3
1 Sticherarion fram Mt. Athos, Lavra r 67, lOth century Folio with the table of
neumes, taken fram this MS and kept in Chartres, later disappeared in the fire in the
2nd World War. Before that the list was published several times. See, for example,
E. Wdlesz, A History of Byzantine MUSic, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 196 I), p. 273.
2 Ibid.
3 Hieronymos T ragodistes, Ober das Erfordernis von Schriftzeichen fur die
Musik der Criechen, Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae. Corpus Scriptorum de Re
Musica, Vol. 111, Hrsg. Bjarne Schartau (Wien, \990), pp. 44·47, 54·66.
538 MARINA SHKOLNIK
The full specification of rhythm appeared in Byzantine notation only in

the 19th century, in the reformed notation called in Byzantine tradition the
New Method. Special neumes, named gorgon (yopyov), argon (apy6v) and
haple (a1tA,,), together with their combinations, designated all the possible
rhythmic details:* Unfortunately, this system appeared too late to be useful
For the deCiphering of the old Byzantine chant: by the late 18th-early 19th
centuries most of the melodies were rewritten in the ornamented musical
style called "exegesis".5 Thus, the late Byzantine rhythmical system is of but
small help in understanding the earlier principles.
For nearly a century the problem of Byzantine rhythm has been variously
treated in musical Byzantology. The rhythms in the first decipherings made
by H. J. W. Tillyard in the 1910s and '20s look very whimsical. 6 rn the year
1935 the Copenhagen school put forward the revised system of transcription
that dominated until the 1960s. The system is presented in all the published
transcriptions of Monumenta Musicae ByzantinaeJ The eighth-note (»)
duration was taken as the "chronos protos"; kratemata then meant the
quarter-note (J), the sign of klasma C) denoted the dotted eighth-note (».).
Rhythm as a whole was rather monotonous and at the same time irregular.
The MMB system was criticized by Oliver Strunk, Jf1rgen Raasted and
other scholars. Their view was that it was better not to write down rhythm at
all than to do it in an incorrect way. Some scholars began to write down only
neumes with the pitch letter-signs underneath. Others, not being satisfied
with musical writing that was hard to read, continued to deCipher rhythm in
an individual way.
Gradually there came an understanding that, beside the double duration,
there was also hal f duration; in fact two notes of a half length each were
mostly indicated by "dyo kentemata" - double point or double short strokes
added to the main neume. This step forward in transcription appeared in
4 Xpucrav9D<; apx,. ~tPpCtX\.O\). SE{Qpll'tt1(OV uha !fic;.J! 0 ucr tIC ilQ , 2nd ed. (Athens,
1977), pp. 82-83, 180.
5 The traditional understanding of exegesis has been studied and fully demon-
strated by Cregory Stathes. See, for example: r. s. I't~9TJ. 'H ~it"fTJQ!c;_:rA(J vaAat&~
~Qsav'tlviki!Tl~lQY~cpiW; (Athens, 1978).
6 H. J. W. Tillyard, HA Musical Study of the Hymns of Casia", Byzantinische
Zc:itschrift XX. (Leipzig. Berlin, 1911), pp. 421·485.
7 Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae. Strie Transcripta, vols. I-IX. (Copenhagen,
1936-1960) .
SOME PRINCIPLES ORCANlZATlON 539
several publications and was con~idered at the conference at Hernen Castle

in 1986. 8
At the same time, many principles of rhythmic organization in Byzantine
chant have remained unknown up till now, and rhythmic transcription is still
a matter of individual musical taste. We have tried to take a further step in
the of Byzantine means of comparison Byz-
rhythmic
constitutes comparative the
Byzant Russian Heirmologi ,9 Our research that
the tradition, being conservative, retai 17th
century the essential features of early Byzantine chant, namely the main
characteristics of the notation, the modal organization, melodic formulas, the
melodies themselves. In the 17th century the Old Rus znamenny notation
acquired pitch signs and can therefore be transcribed. After the schism of the
Russian church, which happened in the second ha1f of the t 7th century, the
oral ived among 01 up to today.
In church of the i the second hal f centu-
ry was introduced. borrowed from through
Pol Ukraine, this called Kievan. zna-
menny chants were transcribed into Kievan notation, so the rhythm of zna-
menny chant was exactly documented for the flrst time. It is important to
remember that this documentation took place nearly two centuries earlier
than in the Byzantine tradition, and that Russian znamenny chant had not
yet undergone serious stylistic changes. Therefore the Russian 17th century
rhythm great help in the main principl early
Byza ic organization the rhythmic particu-
lar
theoretical treatises second half of the ex-
plain notation, we miC system
ny chant:
8 Byzantine Chant Congress Held C-:astJe in

( . A. Bredius ernen [Holland],
. Problemy Znamennogo Rospcva Vekov
(Na tiiskogo i [The Problems Reconstruc-
tion Rospev from to the 17th centuries on the
Byzantine and Russian HeirmoJogion)J, Ph. D. diss. (Moscow conselVatory, 1996).
540 MARINA SHKOLNIK
Table 1
Duration Russian neume Byzantine neume Kievan note
main duration J krjuk L petaste L.-/ lit
(Byzantine J) stopitsa L ison '-
double duration a statja diple
-::::. ~ ~
(Byzantine J)
-
half duration JJ
golubchic apostrophos with
(Byzantine )}) borsij
?;
dyo kentemata ? . .,'-t
quarter durat~ trjaska ,,/"'"
(rare) )I )
seisma
" ,t-> ,~~ ..
As it is seen from the table, znamenny rhythm was based on the divisible
correlation of the whole, ha! f and quarter durations, so chanting was strictly
measured. The same can be heard in the chanting of modern Greek Church.
The melodies are divided into small nonequal bars; in some chantbooks these
bars are even written down as short strokes. EveI)' melody can be conducted
according to its melodic structure.
The Russian Old-believers tradition brought to us the regular rhythmic of
the znamenny chant. Tatiana Vladishevskaya described the remarkable cus-
tom of the rhythmic training by the Old-believers. At first they sang the
mel ismatic fragments many times on the syllables "ga", "je" with the exagger-
ated accentuation. After that they passed to the smoother manner. As the
final examination in the precise rhythm and tempo the chOir, having started
chanting together, was divided in two groups. Each group, going on singing,
moved away from the other so that the two choirs could no longer hear each
other. After about half an hour the choirs had to come together again, so that
the voices coincided in one and the same sound.! 0
The evidence concerning late Greek and earlier Russian church Singing
seems to be strong enough to suggest that the same strict rhythmic organiza-
tion was also characteristic of the old Byzantine chant.
In the present paper we shall examine the three main durations of the Byz-
antine and Russian chant as they are expressed in the notation. We calJ them
the main duration, the double duration and the half duration.
10 T Vladishevskaya, Russkaya Tserkovnaya Musyka XI-XVI Vekov [Russian

Church Music of the 11 th-16th centuries], Ph. D. habilit. diss. (Moscow conservato-
ry, t 993), p. 296.
SOME PRINCIPLES OF RHYTHMIC ORGANIZATION 541
The main duration, or the "chranos pratos" in the late Greek terminology,
was expressed in both Byzantine and Russian notation with the five corre-
sponding basic neumes:
Table 3
Byzantine
neumes J
L-
ison
e.-'
petaste -- (-;-:)
oxeia
.,
apostrophos
\
bareia
Russian
'-
J stopitsa
L -.-: :> \
neumes krjuk skameitsa zapjataja palka
The Byzantine neume "oligon", which had the same rhythmic meaning,
was not being used in the earliest stages of the Paleobyzantine notation and
was therefore not reAected in the Russian notation.
In the Kievan notation, as was shown above, the main duration was tran-
scribed by the half note. The Byzantine tradition did not know the staff nota-
tion; in recent scholarly transcriptions the quarter-note has been usually
taken as the main one. In practice durations were relative and depended on
the genre of a chant and its liturgical position. Nevertheless, the quarter-note
seems to express the actual sound of chants better.
All the five main neumes can be supplied with the dyo kentemata which
add one tone upwards to the main sound. We have already mentioned that
dyo kentemata are generally believed to shorten the main duration, dividi ng
it into two tones. This becomes apparent from the comparison of the parallel
variants of the same chant, where two notes regularly replace the chronos
protos: (Ex. 1).11
Further confirmation comes from the comparison with the Russian rhyth-
mic system where kentemata mostly designate two sounds within the main
duration:
Table 4
Byzantine
- -
CO :> •. c..:;) ,..;. \~ = .G
Russian 1.:-:. ): = j j
L:- J: (I st mode)
/..
J
11 See also: Rhythm in Byzantine chant, pp. 67-92,129·140 .

542 MARINA SHKOLNIK
The neumes with the added points received new names or special attrib-
utes.
Example 2/A, B shows Russian neumes with two points that are deciphered
in the staff notation by two quarter-notes. In Old Rus notation of the 12th
and 13th centuries the new meaning of two points gradually crystallized. In
certain neumatic contexts two points designated one high-pitch tone; the
neumes with the added points were called '1ight". Nevertheless, in many cas-
es the old two-sound meaning of the neumes was preserved.
The double duration signs of diple and dyo apostrophoi were used in the
Byzantine and Russian traditions, both as independent neumes and as parts of
neumatic combinations. On Table 5 we show the corresponding combina-
tions in the Byzantine and Russian notation. The combinations of the signs
diple or double apostrophos with oxeia or petaste are called "strela" ("arrow")
in znamenny tradition. The corresponding Byzantine combinations have dif-
ferent names (dyo/.~"/
apeso exo? ., /, anastama...,,... ~
.;;J
anatrichisma~y).
'./
~, ~,
Table 5
_/ _~ _/ _0/ ~ J .,.," /..
Byzantine notation: /1 // // // ;; ;; ./r'" c...--r /'-./'
v . h' // -
-:;v f f '»)/ ?") / ? , y?~ /" /0 J //./ ete.
Russlan . ~ "" ./'
· notatIon: #' .. - ' / •
,?)?")
?)
,..:..:;
?").
/.-
rv?"
~;/
-'l' ~
./ ~
~..
~
~. -;;v .,,"
,..1.
" . . . ;.--- --:;. ~
v
etc .
_7 /' / ,.
- ~;./ '?? ')j 7 ??7
The duration of such neumatic combinations is a matter of considerable

dispute in musical Byzantology. Usually the first tone of a combination has
been understood as double duration, the following tones being shorter:
Table 6
./
RhythmiC meanings of the Russian "arrows", known from the 17th century
chantbooks and manuals, helped us to correct the rhythmic reading of the
corresponding Byzantine neumes. Some of the original rhythmiC meanings
underwent changes in the 15th-17th centuries, but it is possible to recon-
struct the earlier readings. We applied these data to the paraJle1 Byzantine
SOME PRINCIPLES OF RHYTHMIC ORCAN1ZAll0N 543
neumatic combinations . The comparative meanings of the Byzantine, Old

Russian and late Russian neumes are represented on Table 7.
Table 7
.y
Byzantine ./ Y 0/ -7"' .~
/
" "7:J -;;-.14
-'l ?7 77 ??
Ij/~ ., 77 ¥~
---.-L ~ ~ ~ 1->.,:'-- ~ ~~
11/vJ)
Russian, ./ y -/ ......,./v
~
/' r
~~
t 2th-l 5th ,//
Jd
centuries '--"
~ 2./ ~
Russian,
"/
./
jJ
y t .1=1.#
Y
./
.z;
~
")):7
.. J,
':/ 3Jiit
f/
late 1 5th-17th
centuries
---t7-
~.
2.1~ Jw ~ ~
J-.U '-...../
4./
5.1 Jd1
........J
As may be seen from the table, Russian neumatic combinations with the
diple and double apostrophos keep within the double duration, the first
sound not being prolonged. We believe that the rhythm of the correspond-
ing Byzantine neumes was the same, so that the total duration of the conjunc-
ture with the diple was equal to the diple itself.
In Example 3 are the variants of chanting the group with the diple and
double apostrophos in Byzantine and Russian manuscripts. The rhythmic
framework of the neume is preserved from the Paleobyzantine to the late
Russian MSS. In the late Russian versions the rhythmic content of the group
is changed while the total duration and melodic line remain the same .
In many other cases the Byzantine rhythmic figure is fully preserved in late
Russian sources (Ex. 4).
The four-sound combinations with the diple in both traditions also keep
within the double duration, all the four tones being of the half duration: see
Example 5, the version of Saba 83. Other MSS give the two- and three-
sound neumatic combinations, but the total duration is the same.
As a result of our examination of the neumatic combinations with krate-
mas we came to the following conclusion. Kratemas were originally rhythmic
and non -sounding signs (Creek: CllpOOvat). They served as the hypostases for
the whole melodic unit sung on one syllable, not referring to any single
neume. This meaning, being formed in the Paleobyzantine notation, was pre-
served in the middle-Byzantine notation as well. Our conclusion is entirely
confirmed by the rhythmic norms of znamenny chant.
544 MARINA SHKOLNIK
The sign of bareia ( ), like the kratemas just described, is a kind of rhyth-
mic hypostasis. The meaning of the bareia as a rhythmic sign has not yet
been properly understood in musical Byzantology; it is generally admitted
that the bareia includes tones each having the main duration.
Our study showed that the bareia specilles the melodic group - which
makes up main duration; most often it implies two short tones sung down-
wards . Thus, the rhythmic function of bareia was very important. When two
descending apostrophoi were supplied with a bareia, they had to be sung
with half duration, while without the bareia both sounds had the main dura-
tion: (Ex. 6/A-C) .
In Example 6/A the apostrophoi are supplied with the rhythmic sign of the
bareia, therefore they are sung short. In Examples 6/B, C the bareia is absent,
so the apostrophoi have their normal length, which is confirmed in the MSS
E Ill. and Saba 83 by the added double apostrophos and diple.
The analogous Old Russian sign called "palka" ('stick') usually has the
similar melodic meaning of two tones downwards (see Ex. 3, 5); the rhythmic
meaning was already shown in Table 3.
The concluding part of our report is devoted to the klasma (see Table
8/A) . As already mentioned, the klasma has usually been understood as a Sign
of one and a half durations. The analysis of the melodic context of the
klasma 12 and the comparison with the Russian neume "tshashka" ('cup') leads
us to a complete revision of the former understanding of both the rhythmiC
and the melodic meaning of this sign .
Table 8/A
Paleobyzantine v
Middle-Byzantine - V
Russian V
In the early stages of the Paleobyzantine notation, as well as in the zna-

menny notation, the klasma was used standing by itself. In middle-Byzantine
notation the klasma was part of different neumatic combinations:
12 Greek name 1CA(l(Jjlt) is derived from the verb I(A(U:O - brake, fracture ,
SOME PRINCIPLES ORGANlZAnON 545
Table 81B
~ (-:,u) \~
chant manuals is transcribed of half

(Ex. 7).
klasma had meaning, as is analysis
of different stages notation: (Ex.
asma designates here two-sound descending or one tone
of the main duration, after which the descending leap or a 3rd follows; the im-
plication is that the leap has to be fil1ed stepwise:
Table 9
\ -v ::>1\ =>v .::>

.:) '-'
(')..; ')",) (\"'3 :»
, r l ~ DJ
In some cases the klasma only indicates the next descending step. (Ex. 9)
In general, the meaning of the klasma is close to that of the bareia: the
klasma as well as the bareia is a kind of hypostasis with rhythmic and melod-
ic meanings. Both signs are often found in versions of the same chant:
(Ex. 10).
the MSS Dionysiou Sinai 1256 g formula
Herent writing.
concerning ing of the klasma verify:
one any place in chant where the could not
mean descending movement demonstrated j its rhyth meaning can be
seen from the parallel versions of the same chant.
The klasma is often used in neumatic combinations with the non-sounding
hypostases already described, namely bareia, diple, double apostrophos and
kratema:
546 MARINA SHKOLNIK
The klasma is not an obligatory sign in these combinations (especially not

in middle-Byzantine notation); it must be understood as a reminder that from
this or that tone the melody turns down, the duration being shortened:
(Ex. 11).
In Example 11 it may clearly be seen that the klasma, while present in
some versions l is absent in others. Therefore the kJasma does not influence
the length of the formula: this is determined by other non-sounding signs.
The approach to the interpretation of the klasma suggested here helps to
c1arify the rhythm of many important formulas and cadences:
Table t l/A
modes cJ ?? v ') .. //
,/ c::..-
//
L
1:
@J @ J1 4l dJ
'-'"
-~~) c- (= 1st M. mode)
;@
:)J
4,~/1 ~
(// )
E er (J) J •I
We may also revise the previously accepted reading of xeron-klasma,
which turns out to be similar to the Old Russian meaning of the same neume:
TabJe t lIB
Byzantine
') 'Y
~
-m
'.!V
~v
Russian
W
c. ~u J>~~
-...-.- -:;:1...1 J.dJ
" , . , -j '-"
:JV
rr---'
j
{} .-;..V --J-.J- etc.
We have considered here the rhythmic meaning of the main neumes and
neumatic combinations in the Heirmologion chants. Byzantine notation also
contains more complex neumatic combinations, the rhythmic reading of
which is beyond the scope of the present paper. We believe that the general
rhythmic principles of Byzantine notation, suggested here, are also operative
in the melismatic genres, but the rhythmic of the ornamented melodic style
has very special norms which need further careful study.
SOME PRINCIPLES OF RHYTHMIC ORGAN1ZAllON 547
Example I. ~1l~C; :ilnEPlP~C; mode 1, ode 8

U u V
Prosody:
Ivir. 470
(1CclV)-'t£C; 'to~C; o.L - W-- Va.<:
9 ~ ~
Pb. 121 = Trinity = ~ J

E J
:>1"'\ L..)
J J
~
Sinai 1256
Dion . 172
¥J !; J
::>'r.• ~
r J
:lA
Ch.
~ J
L ~
r @ {1
~ L
~
+
e - ro B1> -- Bb - RH
Example 2lA. 'EY-.mlltULnp0!3?.twy mode I, ode 4
Cois\. 220 = E. 1.111 ~ ,. =>
,/ ~ .
(;v ?\.\le;u-~a.-'tt,
E. 1. 11 '" Ivir.470
j 11 D F-:\c;)
J ..
j
J
<=..)
J
Sinai 1256 c.:.Y
v ::>" U
~J e :>~
J r
Voskr. '" Ch. = No. L;.:- I-
JJY - X'b - r.'lli
Breslau n
.J.,
't- ' b
~J 19 J
Example 2lB. 'll~:tg)QqI~W mode 8, ode 6
Coisl. 220
~ . / ::>
~,
-
, 'S2C; 't~V ~po- ,+>11 'tiJY
E. y. 11 ;7 ~. c.:,) ::>u
J 1 i\
& r \
Voskr. \:J ':),
l:- e. u c::::...
R - RC) )K8 rrpO-pO-Ra
No. :;): c:... '- L L U
Grig. = L 407 v ':) : L '- L- V
L 408 L-
..., '- ::> : L. /0. v
Breslau
- "): HL- '): ~n
, .. 4'
~ii±'-...:,.;
1\
#+"
~
J lJ V [J~
548 MARINA SHKOLNIK
Example 3. 'Q.JPCJYtlaaulttt..MIl~ mode 1, ode 5

~ .. _-/ ?
'"Of:
YO~ -
Coisl. 220 C ~/ //,
U)J.. - "L"WV
~JJ,... 4~ ~ J
Ivir.470
Sb.617
, :G ::> ••
0'"
-.;/
//~
J
?:J/.
..)"
'J
...::>
c::.
J
L.
~
~
E. ..,. 11 ..:>J
-
--
/;'
±3 J
"/
c-
J
c
I> {J 4 9 J J
No . = Ch. ~
:>: ",/
"
..; L
L 407 /rr0 ro/-LUl1 - PI rJI'b T.ff
L. ...,. ,../' ...,
L 408
L ... /
+
Raz. 23
~ ....,
~ "
", M ~
t
.... ,.../ ' .~\
t
~ J1 \.....i 4!9 0 0
Example 4. NtVoov-ZpOUIlYO..llC; mode 1, ode 3
J ••
7)-" ~
Coisl. 220
NeO - oov
E. ..,. 1I Ld '"
//
No
~'~ D J
-~
,- '/
rUM
Voskr.
L 407
L 408
Breslau
~-
::.
-
.... --
0''- .....
,
.... ~ I-- '-

'n
~
~
~
'l" p~
= Raz. 23
~nJJJ l J
SOME PRINCIPLES OF RHYTHMIC o RCA NI ZAllON 549
Example 5 IQ~P~2: mode 3, ode 3

? // ")":)/
Esph.54 et; -
E. y. 111 ~~/ \ \
Coisl. 220 ") ., /" • «
J
y. IJ ::: ::», /'
=Sinai t 258
Sb.83
t1 r ::
Ivir.470
":):1 / '
Wash c:::..
49 J F
Sinai 1256 $st
= Pb. 121
No.:: Voskr
:: .J
L- ~LJ
-TBD-P)K8 ..-
Ch.
L!- ~u
L407 L:-:- ::;:v
L408 u
L 410, 4 t 4 etc. \
Rreslau =
\
Raz.23
'tt Jl:-!J
Example 61A. IIDu!PQql~lf\V &tEQ'COO'a~ mode 1, ode 6
) L- ,:))
B32 ~L - ~~y - epw-~£
Sb. 83 ,\, ~ :> :>,
Ivir. 470
~'l c.-Y \~?:I
~ lJ -tJ lJ:3
550 MARINA SHKOLNIK
Example 618. 'Qc; EiOEv 'Hautuc; mode 3, ode 7

Esph.54 :::. c.-- ~,:) •
= B 32 (~Ea)-1C6 - l:,ov-'t"Q.
E.y. 11l //
[;;1 ~
Ivir. 470 =
Sinai 1258
, -
/;'
J
tJ
j
;:)
J
..c:
Example 61C. Ku'tuyowy & 1tPQq>~l'tl; mode 7, ode 3

-;:.c...-" ?,) •
B32 = Esph. 54
(!)-~" - h.U- eo,s
Ey.1II
-
-~ ~.:> Co
Sb. 83 I ~,., 1 c..
,
..........
//
c..
Wash. -'r ~
~
J l) J
]vir.470 // ':::)
?
c..
Example 7. "~~~~ mode 4, ode 4

L• "-~
",. .... -;;. L.. b
L 414 e - ,UI1 - HO CJIO - BO
L 412 U -~
.... . - LJ Jp-
Raz. 23 ~)
.., -.....--::-
'l. "" .--::;. p L,. Mb
{l
...
\.f ~
~
~.
SOME PRINCIPLES OF RHYTHMIC ORGANlZA110N 551
Example 8. I6~ov crovE'tpi~1'\ mode:2 , ode 3
B32 /' V :> .........,-(. V .:l

Eo)'oIII (6 uva)-j.J.Lv ,: . &'0- et: - veCo oe:
?u
= Coislo 22
?
~
::> h=-:.. ::) ::> -
0 ~ ":)U ":) _.U ~u ::> -
.!J ~ "" ...
Eo)'oII
'"'
()
V
c.:. ')V
I"l
:31)
I
-.~
/ / :J
I
,U
~
, -
...... l"..
r-vir.470 ... l"

v- I
'"
ExampJe 9. ~p~~~2,<; mode 8, ode 1

V '::>
B 32 xpo-
~~
Esph.54
Ivir.470
=Sb.83
ExampJe 10. ~Et Sa).,aaat¥; mode 2 , ode 1

-0
~ ::J\-, :).:> ~ ::J
n "1'
Dion.172 ....
~
r' • T" I""
\.LI ,;
'"'
"
I
-0 (:;.) ":)?v -;>, r ::>

Sinai 1256 l ""
~
v
T I
I
L....J
"'\.
......
.. ....
,.....
I
60.- A.UO-OTls
552 MARINA SHKOLNIK
Examp1e 111hH>O<; ~£®lPJ.QY mode 5, ode 7

./
~I"\ /'\
c-
// 1'1
Ivir. 470
O~ll - 0't11
_'7
- PL- OV
Sb. 83 "'"
~ 1'/ //
;"'"\
t:..
_/
Pb. 121 :)x /,-
'"'
.// ~
Trinity
0
:)><
-:7
//
......
.// C-.
.:loo
v
• '-' 0
•
List of sources
B32 Mount Athos, St. Athanasios Lavra, Ms. B32 (10th c.)
Esph . 54 Mount Athos, Monastety Esphigmenu, Ms. 54 (early

11th c.)
Coisl. 220 Paris National library, Coislin 220 (early 12th c .)
E. y. 11 Grottaferrata, Badia graeca E. g. 11 (1281 A.D.)

E. y. /11 Grottaferrata, Badia graeca E. g. III (early 12th c.)
Ivir.470 Mount Athos, Monastery (viron, Ms. 470 (2nd half 12th c.)
Wash . Washington, library of Congress, Ms. M.,. 2156 (13th c.)
Sb. 83 Jerusalem, Monastery of the Greek Patriarchate, Collection

S. Sabas, Ms. 83 (11 th~ 14th c.)
Sb. 617 Jerusalem, Monastery of the Greek Patriarchate, Collection
S. Sabas, Ms. 617 (late 13th~early 14th c.)
Dion.t72 Mount Athos, Monastery Dionysiou, Ms. 172 (early 14th c.)
Sinai 1258 Mount Sinai, Monastery of St. Catherine, MS.1258 (1257

AD.)
Sinai 1256 Mount Sinai, Monastery of St. Catherine, Ms. t 256 (1309
A.D.)
Pb.121 St. Petersburg, Publ ic library, Ms. t 21 (1302 A.D.)
SOME PRINCIPLES OF RHYTHMIC ORGANIZATION 553
Trinity Cambridge (England), Trinity College, Ms.1165 (early

14th c.)
No. Moscow, Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts, Collection
381, Ms.149-tSO (12th c.)
Voskr. Moscow, Historical Museum, Collection of the New Jeru-

salem Monastery of the Resurrection, Ms. 28 (t 3th c.)
Ch. Mount Athos, Monastery Chilandar, Ms. 308 (early 13th c.)
Grig. Moscow, Russian State library, Grigorovich Collection (87),

Ms. 37 (early 13th c.)
L 407 Moscow, Russian State library, Troitse-Sergieva Lavra Col-

lection (304), Ms. 407 (1 st half 15th c.)
L 408 Moscow, Russian State library, T roitse-Sergieva Lavra Col-

lection (304), Ms. 408 (2nd half t 5th c.)
L 410 Moscow, Russian State library, Troitse-Sergieva Lavra Col-
lection (304), Ms. 410 (16th c.)
L 414 Moscow, Russian State library, T roitse-Sergieva Lavra Col-

lection (304), Ms. 414 (16th c.)
Raz.23 Moscow, Russian State library, Razumovsky Collection

(379), Ms. 23 (middle 17th c.)
Bresl. Wrodaw University library, Slav. 5 (late 16th-early 17th c.)

Cantus Planus Sopran, t 995 555
PRAGER QUELLEN ZUM HJRSAUER CHORAL
JANKA SZENDREI
Es Frage, ob es Tradition gibt,

als Hirsauer werden
ein ein musikal Variantensystem un eine
Notenschri auch auBerhal des Reformklosters und
fur die KJoster der Hirsauer Observanz allgemein kennzeichnend sind? liegt
ihnen ein Hirsauer liturgischer Stoff und eine Anordnung, das heil1t ein
Hirsauer Usus zugrunde? Oder war die Tatigkeit von Hirsau bloB beztiglich
der "Steigerung cler liturgischen Leistungen" ma8gebend,t die Liturgie selbst
wurde aber in den Klostern des Reformverbandes den lokalen Traditionen
tet, so daB Ilsamer Choral gesucht
wird?
Wir hier mit einem izierten tun.
Auf des Offiziums einen im genommen
selbstandigen germanischen monastischen Usus zustande, wie dies auf Grund
der Hesbertschen Cruppierung der Traditionen vielfach betont wird. 2 Die
deutschen Vorganger oder Vorlagen dieses Usus sind uns jedoch nicht be-
kannt und wir haben keine Kenntnis davon, ob sich die Hirsauer Neugrtin-
dungen und die die Reform annehmenden alten Klostergemeinschaften in
der gl zu dieser ten. Fest steht eine
uncl ein Hirsauer dem Sin ne nich , wie
sie spateren zentral Orden herausbildeten, die
lockere der Benediktiner sich als er-
wies. Liturgie der Kloster gemeinsame fwies,
gab es Merkmale, in denen sie sich unterschieden: Den Klostern war es nam-
1ich gestattet, ebenso die liturgischen Gebrauche und Kulten ihrer eigenen
Region, ihrer geographischen Umgebung zu vertreten. Die liturgische Tradi-
tion des Hirsauer Verbandes gestaltete sich in mehreren Schichten, in denen
cs gleichhleihende und sich nach lokalen Bedurfnissen unterscheidende Ele-
mente mnfassende Besti konstanten, das fisch
Hirsauer geh6rt zu den kunftigen ihrer
27 (nach Kassius
1 S. 412·413, vg!. F. Hirsauer", S. Moller,
S. 24-27.
556 JANKA SZENDREI
Erschlie{3ung kann der Bestand an Iiturgischen Buchern jedes Klosters der

Observanz beitragen.
Die Hirsau-Forschung karn in der jiingsten Vergangenheit in neuen
Schwung. Urn die Neunhundertjahrfeier der Weihe des Peter und Paul MUn-
sters entstanden wichtige - unter anderem liturgiegeschichtliche - Arbeiten.
Felix Heinzer lenkte die Aufmerksamkeit auf eine fur die Bestimmung der
Hirsauer Liturgie unentbehrl iche Quelle, indem er hinwies, daB cler seit
Hanggis Ausgabe zugangliche Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius 3 einen breiteren
Geltungsbereich hat und den Hirsauer Liber Ordinarius vertritt. 4 Seitdem
diente der ausfuhrliche/ mit Textincipits versehene Liber Ordinarius bereits
als Ausgangspunkt fur Andreas Haug beim AufAnden eines /,Hirsauer Tro-
pUS" 5 sowie fur Hartmut Moller bei seiner Analyse des Zwiefaltener Anti-
phonars Aug. 60. 6
fch kam mit cler Hirsau-Frage vor Jahren, bei Erforschung eines scheinbar
entfernten Themas, der Umstancle cler Einfiihnmg cler linierten Notenschrift
in Beruhrung. Wie anderswo schon berichtet,7 nahmen sich cler Guidoni-
schen Notenschrift auf sUdcleutschem Gebiet nur einige KI6ster der papst-
treuen Reformmonche im 12. Jahrhunclert an. 8 In diesem breiteren Kreis
bilcleten jene Instituti.onen eine Gruppe, welche die 5uddeutschen (sp~1t-
3 A. Hanggi.
4 F. Heinzer, "Oer Hirsauer", vgl. ders., "Buchkultur".
5 A. Haug.
6 H. Maller. Nach der grundlegenden Studie von F. Heinzer ("Oer Hirsauer")
haben sich weitere vorzugliche Arbeiten mit der ldentifizierung und Analyse der ver-
schiedenen Schichten und Gattungen der Hirsauer Liturgie befasst. F. Heinzer hihr-
te die Rekonstruktion des Hirsauer Hymnars durch (Liturgischer Hymnus und mona-
sUsche Reform: Zur Rekonstruktion des Hirsauer Hymnars, Vortrag in Erlangen im
Rahmen des Symposions anlaf31ich des 100. Geburtstages von Bruno Stablein, 1995,
in Druck) L. Kruckenberg hat den Hirsauer Sequenzenbestand identifiziert (Das
I
Salzburger Sequenzenrepertoire und die Hirsauer Tradition, Vorlesung im Rahmen

des KongreBes IIGeistliche Musik Salzburges im Mittelalter" 1996, in Oruck).
7 ]. Szendrei, Liniemchriften.
8 Die Feststellung bedeutet nicht, daB das suddeutsche Refonnmonchtum die
Guidonische Notenschrift im 12. Jh. uberall und obligatorisch ubemehmen soUte. Es
gab vide Kloster, in welchen die Jiturgische Bucher noch Jange Zeit mit usudlen
Neumen verfertigt wurden (Admont, Salzburg) - obwohl die liniennotation wahr-
scheinlich auch in diesen KI6stem bekannt war. Sie wurde in Traktaten benutzt,
oder in Fallen, wo das liturgische Material nicht aus der mOndlichen Oberlieferung
bekannt war, vgl. K. Schlager.
PRACER QUELLEN ZUM HIRSAUER CHORAL 557
Beispiel 1. Mtinchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek elm 12027,

vorderes und hinteres Schutzblatt: Fragmente eines Antiphonars aus
PrO g, 12. Jh
sanktgallischen) Neumen auf ien setzten. Sie waren alle Kloster der
Hirsauer Obselvanz irsau selbst,9 Prtifening,lO Zwiefalten,l Regensburg,
9 Dokumentiert durch Fragmente liturgischer BUcher, vg!. Stuttgart, WUrttem·

bergische Landesbibliothek Cod. Fragm. 53 (Antiphonarium 1 Jh.) Fragm
56 (Antiphonarium 12/ex .), vg\ Irtenkauf, S. 3 F. Heinzer, IIBuchkul tur",
S.277.
10 Miinchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek elm 23037, Breviarium Notatum OSB
12. aus Prilfening, fol 240, vg!. Schlager. Munchen, Bayerische Staatsbiblio~
thek, Fragm. im Einband van elm 12027, Antiphonarium OSB aus Prtifening, 12. Jh.,
vg\. E. Klemm, S. 79. Munchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek elm t 0086, Graduale
12. ., Regemburg oder Priifening
11 Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek Cod. Augiensis 60, Antiphonarium OSB
aus Zwiefalten 12. Jh., fol267, vg!. K. Hain, Tafel VIIi H. Maller.
1 Privatbesitz/ Fragmente eines Graduales wahrscheinlich aus Regensburg,
St. Emmeram, 12. Jh., vgl.]. Szendrei, LinienschriFten, S. 21, 23.
558 JANKA SZENDREJ
Ottobeuren, 13 Adrnont l4 etc.). (Vg!. Beispie11.)

Dieses BiId des 12. lahrhunderts wurde durch die identische Notationsart
mancher spaterer, ebenfaIls zum Hirsauer Kreis geharenden Kodizes ver-
starkt. I5 Es scheint also, daB dern Reformverband auf dem Cebiet der Noten-
schrift ein gemeinsames Bestreben, eine gemeinsame "Richtlinie", ja sogar
Lasung eigen war.16 Das Besondere an diesem Bi/d aus moderner Sicht ist nur
die Tatsache, clan der Cebrauch der liniennotation in den zu dieser Obser-
vanz gehorenden Klostern nicht verordnet war und in den Buchern der tagli-
ch en Liturgie eine ad libitum Verwendung fand. Die neue Notenschrift hat in
diesen K16stern die alte Notation keineswegs verdrangt, man bediente sich
ihr bei Bedarf nebst Verwendung der alten . Auch das Schicksal der Notations-
weise war einmal ig. Sie entwickelte sich nicht uberall organisch zu einer spat-
gotischen Notenschrift weiter: Es gab deutsche Klaster, in denen sie im vier-
zehnten lahrhundert mit einer Quadratnotation franzosischen Typs abgelast
wurde.
Zum Kennenlernen der groBten unci fUr mich aufschlunreichsten Samm-
lung der Hirsauer Liturgie unci des Hirsauer Cantus im weiteren Sinne gelang-
te ich ebenfalls auf dem Wege der Notenschriftforschung. Diese Sammlung,
die aus tiber zwanzig notierten, die gleiche Tradition vertretenden Kodizes
besteht stammt aus dem Kodexbestand des St. Georg Benediktinerinnenklo-
J
sters auf der mittelalterlichen Prager Burg. Sie befindet sich heute zum graB-
ten Teil in der Universitatsbibliothek zu Prag. 17 Die Notenschrift von Sankt
Georg war am Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts eine adiastematische deutsche Neu-
13 Munchen, Bayerische Staatsbibiiothek elm 9921, Traktatensammlung 12/in

Jh ., fol 4Ov.
14 Rochester (N.Y.) Eastman School of Music, SibIey Musical Library, MS 92
1200 (vonnals Admont, Hs. 494), Sammelhandschrift von Musiktraktaten wahr-
scheinlich aus Admont, 12. Jh., vgl. J. Smits van Waesberghe, Abb. 25, RISM B 1II4,
S. 183.
15 Melk, Stiftsbibliothek Cod. 109 (1056), 14. Jh., Maihingen-Augsburg, Furst-
Iich Ottingen- Wallenstein'sche Bibliothek und Kunstsammlung Cod. I, 2, 40 13,
13 . Jh ., Kassel, Murhardsche Bibliothek Ms. 40 theol. 5, 13. Jh., etc.
16 Die fruhen deutschen linienschriften des Hirsauer Kreises haben in paleo-
graphischer Hinsicht trotz der wesentlichen Obereinstimmung keine richtig kohe-
rente Gruppe gebildet vgl. j. Szendrei, Linienschrjften, S. 21-26.
J
17 V. Plocek, Zwei 5tudicn , Bd. I, S. 13-25, bes. 19·20 j ders. Cata/ogus, Bd. 1-11,
passim. S. 730: eine liste der St. Georg-Quellen.
menschrift18 und ab dem 13. Jahrhundert an eine gotisierte deutsche linien-

notation mit etwas reformiertem Zeichensystem.
Beispiel2la. Praha, Universitatsbibl iothek XIV C 20:

Antiphonarium aSB monasterii S. Ceorgi in castro Pragensi, 13 -14. Jh.,
fol. 38v.
Beispielllb. Praha, Universitatsbibliothek X]V B 13:

Antiphonarium aSB monasterii S. Ceorgi in castro Pragensi, 14. Jh., fo!' 37.
18 Praha, UniversWitsbibJiothek VI E 13: Breviarium ad usum monialium S. Gear-

gii in castro Pragensi conscriptum, 12/ex Jh., V . Plocek, Catalogus, Nr. 51, vg!.
Nr. 50.
560 JANKA SlENDREf
Beispielllc. Praha, Universitatsbibliothek XIII C 7:

Antiphonariurn OSB monasterii S. Georgi in castro Pragensi 13-14. Jh.,
fol. 126v.
'0"';-- \F-.·''11
c- . • .1. t. fl :1 -4 \1 · , . .J"..f......, .
it-··_-- v ~ " -----ft- ~r-v .......
. J. . . .\;o~~rtl-ct: ~m~nil;;tl-)V-ilh;II~I'. ·.~~

c-. ·--·;,--1 ~----.- ~
... 1'~T -'-JJ.!.-,---'-'--~'-~":" . -_. '. .. ... --',-.,.!-l
I .'. , __ ..
F"r-____
,
,.:..::-_=Il=C~1
. ,
-;-...-.1--)----,':;
• I
,~,_~ft~ ~~~-ft-~~~l!i H4!'!~ft_~~~~~~~,_PIt

--- .. --J .-_.,-._1 __ .• _r'l.r. .r.---- -r.=J
F-~~--:-. - ," ' . ~-:-~,~-'-i. ~ ·~- ,L:.~.=~ , ~~ ~, . \:J
!fttltfn UllltVmttu '. OttUUt It'S U1C'O,mtn trio!
Wurde es sich urn das deutsche Sprachgebiet handeln, ware der Wende-
punkt in der Notenschriftgeschichte des Prager Klosters - die Ab16sung cler
usueIlen deutschen Neumen durch ejnen auf Linien gesetzten deutschen Neu-
rnenbestancl - eine ubliche Forme!' Doch in Prag hat man sich im Mittelalter
der auf gefarbten Linien l9 geschriebenen deutschen Notation mit Virga und
runder Clivis nicht mehr bedient. Mit seiner durch Jahrhunderte wohlbehiite-
ten Notenschrift-Praxis stand das St. Georg Kloster allein da. Es blieb ihr in
einer Umgebung treu, in cler jecle wichtige Institution, sei sie weltlich oder
eine Ordensgemeinschaft,20 rein Metzer, oder rhombische Notationen auf
19 Rote F· unci gelbe c·Linien : Praha, Universitatsbibliothek VI G 3b, VI G 5,

VI G lOb, VI G 15, VII C 16, XII C 3, XII E 15a, XII E 15b, XII E 15e, XIII C 4,
XIII C 7, XIII H 3e, XIV B 13, XIV C 20, XIV G 46.
10 Die Zisterzienser bilcieten eine Ausnahme, in dem sie ihre spezin.sche, gati-
sierte franzbsiseh-Metzer Neumenmischung behielten. Zwischen der gotischen Zi-
sterzienser Notation unci der St. Georger Notation bestand eine groile Ahnlichkeit,
obwohl sie in der Neumenzusammenstellung und in der Ausfuhrung nicht vbllig
identisch waren und eine unterschiedliche Vorgeschichte hatten (vg!. Praha, Univer-
sitatsbibliothek VI D 18 oder XIII A 6. Facsimiles: V. Plocek, Catalogus, Bd. II,
S. 818, 828). Die Zisterzienser Notation diente zur Fixierung einer diatonischen
Choralversion, Die zentralisierten Orden in der zweiten Halfte des Mittelalters
(Franziskaner, Dominikaner, Augustiner Eremiten, Coelestiner usw.) haben sich alle
zur Quadratnotation verpflichtet.
Metzer Grundlage verwendete. 21 Die Annahme in der Fachliteratur,2.2 wo-

die Notation mit Virga der Richtung der rhombischen Noten·
schrift entwickelte, erwies sich als nicht stichhaltig.2 3 Die St. Georger Neu-
men konnen sogar im 15. Jahrhundert VDn den Prager unterschieden werden
. Beispie1 . Ihre Forrnparallelen lassen sich bereits irn . 14. lahrhun
dert in deutschen Quellen, besonders im Kreis von Hirsau (z.B. Blaubeuern)
erkennen
Beispiel . Praha, Universitatsbibliothek X D

Neumenformen aus dem Processionale monasterii S. Georgii in castro
Pragensi J Jh.
Es w:ire viel1eicht eine Erkl~rung fur jene von der Umgebung stark abwei-
chende Notation des St. Georg Klosters gegeben, wiirde es sich urn ein deu·
tsches Kloster (mit deutschen Einwohnern) handeln. Diese Institution stelltc
aber bekanntlich eines der Nationalheiligtlimer des Prager Herrscherhauses
der Abtissinnen dem kOnigl ichen Hause bevorstanden und deren M
glieder aus tschechischen Adelsfamilien stamrnten. Die besondere Noten-
schriftkultur war claher mit ichts anderem, als cler starken Geltung, m
der sich aber die Grenzen hinwegsetzenden Wirkung der Benediktinerob-
servanz zu erklaren. Die Erscheinung ist icht nur fur Prag, sondern auch
den Hirsauer Verband kennzeichnend.
1 J.
Hutter; Stablein, 98· 206-207; Plocek, Zwci Studien, Bd. I
S. 23; vgI. J. Szendrei, "Choralnotationen/, S. 440-441.

12 V Plocek, Zwei Studien, Bd. \, S. 21.
23 Es gab im Kloster St. Gearg einige Kodizes und cinigc notiertc Eintragungen,
die mit Metzer oder rhombischer Prager Notation verfertigt wurden (Praha, Uni·
Cod. VI C XIV G 46) Aus palaographischcr Sicht sind
doch diese rhombische Notationen kaum van cler St. Georger gotischen Notation,
der Tradition des klosterlichen Scriptariums abzuleiten. Die Prager Notation
St. Gearg kann Arbeit der Kanoniker sein, die in def Liturgie Klosters tabg
waren, und die Schriftkultur der Prager Weltkirche vertraten (vg\. V. Plocek, Zwei
Studien, I, 23
562 JANKA SZENDREI
Es ist wahrscheinlich allgemein (obwohl nur stillschweigend) bekannt, daB

das Prager St. Georg Kloster in jener Zeit, aus der die liturgischen Kodizes er-
halten sind, einem starken Hirsauer Einflul1 unterlag, oder sogar der Hirsauer
Observanz folgte. 24 Einige Musterbeispiele dieses beruhmten Kodexbe-
standes erscheinen namlich stets auf den Quellenlisten, die das Vorhanden-
sein gewisser Elemente der Hirsauer Tradition registrieren und ihre Verbrei-
tung verfolgen wollen. Es sei lediglich auf die Quellengruppen Hesberts im
Corpus Antiphonalium Officii 25 oder auf die entsprechenden Quellenlisten
der Analecta Hymnica hingewiesen. 26 Trotzdem blieben die Kodizes des
Prager St. Georg Klosters bei der Erschlief3ung der gemeinsamen Hirsauer
liturgischen und Choraltradition praktisch unberticksichtigt. Z.B. werden die
Denkmaler des Klosters zu Moggio (auch af3erhalb des deutschen Sprachbe-
reichs) in der Fachliteratur als Zeugen der Hirsauer Iiturgischen Tradition
angefuhrt, wogegen die Denkmaler des Klosters St. Georg zu Prag nicht oder
kaum erwahnt werden, obwohl sie den von Hirsau beeinfluf3ten cantus planus
mil gut lesbarer liniennotation bewahren. Eine Erklarung rur diese Zuruck-
setzung bietet die Tatsache, daB die Prager St. Georg-Kodizes auch einen an-
deren, nicht-Hirsauer, doch sehr wertvollen lokalen Stoff in Flille enthalten:
spezielIe tschechische Schopfungen zur Erhohung des Clanzes der lokalen
Kulte, Tropen, Cantionen und Iiturgische Dramen. Die tschechische For-
schung hat seit Jangerer Zeit grof3e Krafte auf die Erschl ie[3ung dieses natio-
nalen Erbes gewendet 27 und dadurch vielleicht die Aufmerksamkeit von dem
in den gleichen Kodizes verborgenen anderen kulturellen Erbe abge1enkt.
So ist die Hirsauer Beziehung selbst in den auf dem Quellenbestand des
St. Georg Klosters beruhenden, sonst ausgezeichneten Abhandlungen Vaclav
Ploceks nicht erwahnt. Er bezeichnet das durchschnittliche CTE~gorianische
Material des Klosters aIs breites Repertoire "von mittlerer Qualitae'.28
Die Fachliteratur betont, daO der EinRuO der Hirsauer Reform auf Westboh-
24
men (Kladrau, Vilemov) beschrankt blieb (vg!. F. Machilek, S. 65.). Doch durfte das
St. Georg-Kloster sich dem Hirsauer Verband spatestens nach der Neugriindung und
dem Neubau angeschlossen haben, die die Abtissin Bertha (1145-115]), "secunda
fundatrix" nach der Kriegszerstorung in der Mitte des n. }ahrhunderts ausfUhrte.
Das Breviarium vam ausgehenden 12. Jh. (Praha, Universitatsbibliothek VI E 13, laut
Rubriken for Nannen geschriehen) ist bereits Hirsauer Typs.
25 CAD V, S. 412.
26 Vg!. z.B. die Quellenliste zum Hymnus Alma lux siderum, AH 51, Nr. 153.
27 D. Orel; Z. NejedlYi V. Plocek, Zwe; Studien; V. Plocek, Melodie; F. PokomYi
J. Fojtlkov3; D. Patier usw.
28 V. Plocek, Zwe; Studien, Bd. I, S. 16.
Ich wlirde mich vor jeglicher Bewertung haten, cloch ist es ein prachtvolles
Erlebnis, die notierten Kodizes des St. Georg Klosters unter der Leitung des
Rheinau-Hirsauer Ordinarius zu lesen. Der Kalender des Breviers aus dem spa-
ten 12. Jahrhundert (VI E 13)29 stirnrnt irn Grundstock genau rnit dem Kalen-
der des Ordinarius (Zarich Rh. 80)30 aberein. Unterschiede kommen aus-
schlier31ichim Fall der Lokalheiligen vor, rneist aber so, dan Prag etwas mehr
bietet (Ludmila, Quinque fratrum), den Zeitpunkt verandert (die Trennung
von Adalbert undGeorg), oder eventuell den Rang erhoht (Wenzel). Die spa-
teren Eintragungen der beiden Kodizes weichen selbstverstandlich ab. Durch
den Vergleich wurde klar, dan es sich hier nicht einfach urn die Ubernahme
eines alten saddeutschen Sanctorales handelt, die Heiligenfeste in dieser Zu-
samrnenstellung sind ja wahrscheinlich in keiner einzigen frahen Quelle zu
finden. Das Hirsauer Sanctorale reprasentiert eine bewuBte Auswahl aus der
deut5chen rnonastischen Tradition der Region, wobei diese Wahl nach den
Gesichtspunkten cler Ideologie der Reforrnbewegung getroffen wurde. Des-
halb konnte sie zur internationalen GeItung verhelfen, in entfernt gelegene,
nicht-deutsche Kloster transponiert werden. 31
Beispiel4. Kalenderfeste Septernbris aus dem St. Georger Brevier Praha,

UB VI E 13 (Ende des 12. Jh.-s, fol. 4v),32
verglichen mit dem Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius (Anfang des 12. Jh.-s,
Zurich Rh 80, A. Hanggi, S.18)und mitdern BreviervonPrtifening (t2.Jh.,
MUnchen, 8Stb elm 23037, fol. 5, von spC1terer Hand)
1. Egidii abbatis (rot in Prag). Verene v.;

2. Antonini mr. {fehlt in Prag);
6. Magni conf.;
8. Nativitas s. Marie (rot). Adriani rnr. Corbiniani epi (cler letztere fehlt
in Rh 80 und in Prlifening);
9. Corgon;i rnr. Translatio s. Kunegundis (die letztere nur in PraFening);
11. Proti et Iacincti. Felicis et Regule rnr.;
14. Exaltatio s. crucis (rot). Cameli; et Cypriani. Aurelii epi.(!)j
15. Nicornedis rnr.;
29 V. Plocek, Catalogus, Bd. I, Nr. 51.

30 A. Hanggi, S. 2-25.
31 Vgl. C. H. Brake!.
32 Vgl. Z. Hledfkova, "Kalendare", bes. S. 70-71, dies. "Svatojffske", bes. S. 75-76.
564 JANKA SlENDREf
16. v. Lucie et Geminiani rnr., Passio sancte Ludmile (die letztere

Eufemie
nur Prag, Eintrag des 4.
17. Lamberti epi et
20. VigiJiaj
21 Mathei ap. (rot);
22. Mauricii et sac. eius, Emmerami epi et rnr. (in Priifening ist Emmeram
an cler ersten Stelle)j
24. Ruperti epi. (nur in Prtifening)i
27. Cosme et Damiani rnr. (rot in Prag)j
28. WencesJai rnr. (rot in Prag)i
29. Fcstivitas s. lvlichaelis arch. (rot)i
30. ierollimi pr.
Abgesehen von cler tschechischen Schicht, scheinen das Material und die
Struktur cler Offizien des St. Georg Klosters auf den ersten Blick - mit ge-
ringen Veranderungen - dem Ordinarius (Rh 80) zu folgen. Die Anordnung
der Antiphonen und Responsorien stimmt im groHen MaBe iiberein. 3
BeispielS. Dominicae in Adventu Domini in Praha,

Universitatsbibliothek XIV B 13; Antiphonarium aSB, Georg, 1 Jh,
vergHchen mit dem Rheinauer Uber Ordinarius, ZUrich Rh 80,
Anfang 12. Jh., A. Hanggi
Dom I C,Dominica IIII ante Natale Domint)
RI Ecce dies venilmt VI In diebus iBis
v, Rorate caeli
AJ Ecce nomen Domini
Invl Dominum qui venturus est
3 Es gibt nur zwei Stellell. wo unterschiedliche U:lsungen bemerkbar sind: Das

unterzeichnete Invitatorium ist in Rh 80 Regem ventunlm Dominum, die Reihenfo/,
ge der ietzten Responsorien ist in den Quellen der Hirsauer Tradition variabel (z.B.
Karlsruhe Aug. 60 und Munchen elm 23037: RI Jntuemini, RI Annuntiatum, RI Egre-
dietur virga, Nascctur nobis, + Festina, Wien ONB Ser. Nov, 2700 und Z\1rich
Rh 80: RI lntuemini, RI Festina, RI Egredietur, RI Nascetur), vgL H. Maller,
S.22·23,
I. Noet.
al Hora est
v. Egredietur virga
RI Aspieiens a longe VI Quique terrigenae VI Qui regis
VI Tollite
RI Aspiciebam in visu VI Ecce Dominator
RI Missus est Gabriel VI Ave Maria
RI Montes Israel VI Rorate caeli
11. Noet.
al Nox praecessit
v. Egredietur Dominus
RI Ave Maria Vrrollite portas
RI Salvatorem expectamus VI Praeoccupemus
RI Audite verbum VI A solis
RI Alieni non transibunt VI Ego veniam
Ill. Noet.
ad cantica: a! Dicite filiae Sion
v. Ex Sion species
RI Ecee virgo VI Tollite
RI Obsecro Domine VI A solis
RI Laetentur cael i VI Ecce Dominator
RI [Ecce dies veniunt VI In diebus iHis]
Dom 11
RI [Jerusalem surge VILeva in cireuitu]
AI Leva Jerusalem
Invl Rex noster adveniet
I. Noet.
al Hora est
RI Jerusalem cito VI Israel si me
RI Ecee Dominus veniet VI A solis
RI Jerusalem surge VI Leva in circuitu
RI Ecce veniet Dominus VI Ecce Dominator
566 JANKA SZENDREI
11. Noet.
al Nox praecessit
RI Civitas Jerusalem VI Ecce Dominator
RI Ecce veniet Dominus VI Ecce Dominator
RI Sicut mater consolatur VI Deus a Libano
RI Ecce ab Austro VI Aspiciam vos
Ill. Noct.
ad cantica al Dicite pusiJIanimes
RI Confortate manus VI Civitas Jerusalem
RI Jerusalem plantabis VI Deus a Libano
RI Egredietur Dominus VI Deus a Libano
RI Rex noster adveniet VI Ecce agnus Dei
Dom III
RI Qui venturus est VI Ex Sion
AI Ante me non est formatus
Invl Ecce venit rex
I. Noct.
al Scientes quia hora est
RI Ecce apparebit VI Ecce Dominator
RI Bethlehem civitas VI Deus a libano
RI Qui venturus est veniet VI Ex Sion
RI Erumpent montes VI Laetamini cum Jerusalem
11. Noet.
al Bethlehem non es minima
RI Suscipe verbum VI Ave Maria
RI Egypte noli Rere VI Ecce Dominator
RI Prope est ut veniat VI Qui venturus
RI Descendet Dominus VI A solis
III Noet.
ad cantica al Ite dicite Johanni
RI Ecce apparebit VI Ecce Dominus noster
PRACER QUELLEN ZUM CHORAL 567
RI Veni Domine et noli VI A solis

RI Ecce radix Deus a libano
RI Docebit Dominus VI Ex Si on
Dom
RI [Non auferetur VI
AJ 0]
Inv. animo
I. Noct.
al [Scientes hora est]
Canite tuba VI is
Vicesima quarta Ego sum Dominus
Non auferetur VI Pu1chriores
RI Me oportet minui VI Hoc est testimonium
[I. Noet.
al [Bethlehem non es]
RI Ecce veniet VI Prope est veniat
RI Virgo Israel VI A solis
}uravi dicit Dominus VI A soBs
Non discedimus Domine Deus virtutum
Ill. Noct.
ad cantica al A terrae
RI virga VI Rorate cad
RI Intuemini quantus VI dominabitur
RI Annuntiatum est VI
RI ascetur nobis VIEcce
----------------
AJ o sapientia Adonay - 0 radix avis - 0 Oriens
- 0 rex - 0 rex pacifke manue! -
o GabrieJ Jerusalem - 0 num - 0 mundi
Domina
Der von Fel inzer auf Grund des Ordinarius Rh

te Hirsauer Hymnar ist in Prag mit Me10dien vorzufinden.
568 JANKA SZENDREI
Beispiel6.3 4 Hymni de tempore et de sanctis aus Praha,

Universitatsbibliothek XII E lSc, verglichen mit dem Hirsauer Hymnar und
mit den Rubriken des Breviers Praha, Universit~tsbibliathek VI E 13,
Ende des 2. Jahrhunderts zweiter Teil
l
Conditor alme siderum (Petre pantifex indite)

Verbum supernum prodiens Christe FiI i J~
Vox dara ecce intonat (Christe sanctomm decus atque
Veni redemptor gentium virtus / Vita)
(zwei Melodien) Magna canentes annua
Agnoscat amne saeculum Ave maris stell a
Christe redemptor omnium Fit porta Christi pervia
A solis ortus cardine Ex more docti mystico
Stephano prima martyri Clarum decus jejunii
Sancte Dei pretiose Audi benigne conditor
SolIemnis dies advenit Dei fide qua vivimus
(De verbum prodiens/ Qua Christus hora sitiit
Rex glariose martymm) Ternis ter horis numerus
Corde natus ex parentis Jesu quadragenariae
Hostis Herodes impie (Sum me largitor praemii)
(A Patre unigenitus) (Amorem sensus erige)
Quod chorus vatum Vexilla regis prodeunt
34 Die Hymni in Klammem stnd nur im notierten Hymnar des 14. Jahrhunderts
aufgezeichnet, sie fchlen in dem van Heinzer hearbeiteten Libel' Ordinarius wie
auch im Prager monastischen Brevier VI E 13. Die unterzeichneten Hymnen fehlen
Im notierten Hymnar des 14. lh,-s sie sind im Hirsauer Liber Ordinarius, und in den
f
Rubriken des Prager Breviers des 12. Jh.·s zu lesen, wo sie aber durchgestrichen, und
am B1attrande den Inizien der Hymnen aus dem Jahrhundert Kiammem)
von einer spiiteren Hand ersetzt (gebessert) worden sind. In diesen Fallen wurden
also einige charakteristische Hirsauer Hymnen, die im t 2. Jh, in Prag St. Georg exi-
stierten, im 14. Jahrhundcrt weggelassen. (Die Hirsauer Benedictus-Hymnen sind im
Kodex VI E 13 beim Translationsfest verzeichnet). Die Hymnenwahl des Winter-
teils in Praha, XII ElSe konnte ich mit Hilfe einer Vergleichsquelle aus dem 12. Jahr-
hundert nicht kontrollieren. Es bleibt also vorlaufig eine offene Frage, ob jene im
4. . im Wintertei feh drei Hirsauer Hymnen (Salvete martyrum, Jesus
refulsit omnium, Cantemlls cuncti) im 12 Jh. St. Georg bekannt waren oder nicht.
Das zitierte Hymnenrepertoire zeigt, daf3 der Hirsauer Hymnar im Brevier des
12. Jh.·s fast unversehrt erhalten, im 14. )h. aber einer Redaktion unterworfen und
it neuem Material versehen worden ist.
PRAGER QUELLEN ZUM HI RSAUER CHORAL 569
Auctor salutis unicus Uesu tuorum palma perpes

Rex Christe factor omnium martyrum)
Ad cenam agni providi (Deus deorum domine)
Te lucis auctor personent (En martyris Laurentii)
Aurora lucis rutilat Martyris Christi colimus
(Sermone blando angelus) Conscendat usque sidera
(Rex aeternae Domine) Quem terra pontus aethera
Vita sanctorum Deus o quam glorifica luce coruscas
(Martyr egregie Deo dilecte) (Magne pater Augustine)
(Sancte Georgii plebi tun sub- Assertor aequi
veni) Gaude visceribus
Festum nunc celebre o sancta mundi domina
Astra polorum super ascendit Alma Christi quando fides
Jesu nostra redemptio Christo caelorum ag:mina
Veni creator Spiritus Christe sanctorum decus angelorum
Uam Christus astra ascenderat) Tibi Christe splendor Patris
Beata nobis gaudia Alma lux siderum
Salve crux sancta Yita sanctorum via sp~
(Signum crucis mirabile) Christus qui virtus, sator et vocaris
Ut queant laxis Christe redemptor omnium
AI mi PIDPoo..a.e Jesu Salvator saeculi
(Deus sal us omnium credentium) Martine confessor Dei
Non fuit vasti sp.alli!m (0 rex benigne Domine)
Aurea tuce et decore roseo (Ave Dei sponsa)
Apostolorum pilliQ (Eia carissimi)
Jesu Christe auctor vitae Laus angelorum inclita
Votiva cunctis orbita (Plaudat laetitia lux hodierna)
Huius diei gloria (Andrea pie sanctorum mitissirne)
Unterschiede im Ritus - zwischen jenem von Prag St. Georg und dem von
Hirsau - entstehen dadurch, daB das St. Georg Kloster nach Erweiterung und
Bereicherung trachtet. Manchmal sind an Stetle einiger commune Losungen
eigene Satze geboten: Vor allem der Invitatorium-Bestand erscheint "modern i-
siert", mit neuen dichterischen Schaffungen bereichert. (FUr die Analyse des
Winterteils des Antiphonars stand mir aber nur die im Vergleich zum liber
Ordinarius urn ein anderthalb Jahrhundert jUngere Prager Quelle 35 zur Ver-
35 Praha, Universitatsbibliothek XIV B 13.

570 JANKA 5ZENDREI
fugung, so daB hier wahrscheinlich auch mit dem Zeitunterschied zu rechnen

ist.) Die reichen Prozessionen beicler - Prager und Hirsauer - Liturgien, wo
man den Geist von Cluny am deutlichsten spurt, und in derem Repertoire
auch mit franzosischem EinfluB zu rechnen ist, waren cler Analyse und weite-
ren Abhandlungen wert. Z.B.: Die in den Prozessionen der Weihnachtszeit
gesungene Antiphon 0 beata infantia,36 die im Liber Ordinarius vorgeschrie-
ben und in den Prozessionarien von St. Georg auch mit Noten zu lesen ist,37
scheint franzosischer Herkunft zu sein.
Die Forschung der interessantesten Fragen: der systematische Vergleich
der Text- und Melodievarianten, Tonarten, ja sogar der Tonarien von St. Ge-
org und Hirsau soil den tschechischen Kollegen uberlassen b1eiben. Fest
steht nur, daB sich die St. Georg-Quellen auch in dieser Hinsicht, auch hin-
sichtlich der melodischen Varianten des Grundrepertoirs einer anderen Tra-
dition anpassen als die der Prager Diozese. Die im KJoster gesungenen Melo-
dien geh6rten dem pentatonischen DiaJekt an, die konkreten MeJodievari-
anten wichen jedoch, soweit es auf Crund einiger Stichproben beurteilt
werden kann, von den - ubrigens ebenfaIls IIpentatonischen" - Melodien der
Kathedrale ab.
Beispiel 7.
a
• , • • • , • , t ,
• f
~o o...u..~
b
4. · • • • • • • •• ,
• I· • ' • • •
c
1 I
cl
'f • I• , . r I
• • • •
36 CAO Ill, Nr. 3994.

37 A. Hanggi, S. 54, 56, 67. Vg!. Praha, Universitatsbibliothek VII G 16 und
VI C lOb, ohne Foliierung.
PRAGERQUELLEN ZUM HJRSAUER CHORAL 571
a
r~ R I .' • •
I'"
~f'ec.kbo
b $. I • •
twr- ,
-r' .' .. ! '1 t
e ~ I • ~ ~FI, • • d. I 11' I ' " 'r .
~'Fe.d:A..bo n(..U...M., ~~~~ .-.v.a-w...
l~
I
d I ' • ' ~~ lE' C "" , • 11'" I.. 1&

a = Praha, Universitatsbibliothek XIV B 13 (St. Ceorg) fo1.20v.
b = Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 60 (Zwiefalten)
fo1. XV.
c = Praha, Universitatsbib1iothek XIV A t 9 (Kathedrale) fo!' 30.
d = Praha, Knihovna kapitulnf P 6 (Kathedrale) fo1. 111.
Ich bin Uberzeugt, daf3 die Forschungen der letzten Jahre nah an die kom-
plexe ErschlieBung oder zumindest an den Anspruch auf die ErschlieBung der
liturgischen Musiktradition der Hirsauer Observanz gekommen sind. Das
Kennenlernen jeder einzelnen Quelle stellt einen wichtigen Schritt auf die-
sem Weg dar. Die Tradition des Prager St. Georg Klosters, die mit einer
zusammengehorenden Kodexgruppe dokumentiert ist, konnte, als Hirsauer
Tradition zum Kennenlernen der liturgischen Gewohnheiten des Reformver-
bandes wesentlich beitragen.
572 JANKA SZENDREI
Bibliographie 38
AH = Analecta hymnica medii aevi, Hrsg. G. M. Dreves, C. Blume,
H. M . Bannister, 55 Bande (Leipzig, 1886-1922).
AH 51 ::: Thesauri hymnologici hymnarium: Die Hymnen des Thesaurus
Hymno]ogicus H.A. DanieIs und anderer Hymnen-Ausgaben. l. Die
Hymnen des 5.-11. }ahrhunderts und die irisch-keltische Hymnodie aus
den altesten Que/len, Hrsg. C. Blume (1908).
C. H. Brakel, "Die vam Reformpapsttum geforderten Heiligenkulte", Stud;
Gregoriani 9 (Rama, 1972), S. 241-311.
(AO III ::: Corpus Antiphonal ium 0 fficii, Hrsg. R. J. Hesbert, Bd. Ill: Invita-
toria et antiphonae (Roma, 1968).
CAO V Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, Hrsg. R. J. Hesbert, Bd. V.: Fontes
=
eammque prima ordinatio (Roma, 1975).
J. Fojtfkova, "Hudebnf doklady Husova kultu z 15. a 16. stoletl", Miscellanea
mus;co!ogica Band XXIX (Praha, 1981L S. 51-145 .
A. Hanggi} Der Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius (Zurich Rh 80, Anfang 12. Jh.J
(Freiburg [Schweizl 1957).
K. Hain, fin musikalischer Palimpsest (Freiburg [Schweiz], 1925).
A. Haug, "Ein »Hirsauer« Tropus", Revue Benedictine CIV (1994), S. 328-
345 .
F. Heinzer, "Buchkultur und Bibliotheksgeschichte Hirsaus", Hirsau St. Peter

undPauI 1091-1991,2 Bande(Stuttgart, 1991), Bd. 2, S. 259-296.
F. Heinzer, "Der Hirsauer »Liber Ordinarius«Ii, Revue Benedictine Tome CIl
(1992), S. 309-347.
Z. Hledfkova, IiKalendare rukopisu kLHtera sv. Jiff", Acta universitatis Caro-

linae - Philosophica et historica 2. Z pomocnYch ved historickYch VIII
(praha, 1988), S. 35-78.
Z. Hledlkova, "Svatojuske kalendafe doby abaty~e
Kunhuty", Acta universi-
tatis Carolinae - Philo50phica et historica 2. Z pamocnych v~d histo-
rickych]X (Praha, 1991), S. 61-81.
38 Kurztiteln mit Fettdruck.

PRAGER QUELlEN ZUM HlRSAUER CHORAL 573
J. Hutter t CeskJ. notace lI. Nota chora/is (Praha, 1930).

W. Irtenkauf t "Beitrage zur EinfUhrung cler Liniennotation slid-westdeu-
tschen Sprachraum urn 1200"t Acta Musicologica 32 (1960), S. 33-39.
E. Klemm Die romanischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek t
t
cif 1. Die BisWmer Regensburg, Passau und Salzburg. Tafel und Text-
band: Katalog der ilIuminierten Handschriften det Bayerischen Staats-
bibliothek in Munchen lilt 1. (Wiesbaden t 1980).
F. Machilek, "Reformorden und Ordensreformen in den bohmischen Uindern

vom 10. bis 18. JhJj, BDhemia Sacra. Das Christentum in Bohmen 973-
1973, Hrsg. F. Seibt (DUsseldor( 974), S. 63
H. Moller, Antiphanarium Kar/sruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek Aug. perg.

j
60, Farbmikronche-Eclition. Musik- und liturgiegeschichtliche EinfUh-

rung und Beschreibung der Handschrift von Hartmut Maller (MOn-
chen t 995).
Z. Nejedly, Dejiny husitskeho zpcvu, Nakladelstvl Ceskoslovenske akademie
v~d,I-VI. (1954-1956)
D. Orel, Hudebnf pNky svatovac!avske, Svatovac1avsky Sborni'k 11.3. (Praha,

1937).
D. Patier, ilL/office rythmique de sainte Ludmila", Etudes Gregoriennes XXI

( 986), S. a"l.'-<"
V. Plocek t Catalogus codicum notis mus;cis imtructorum qui in Bibliotheca

publica rei publicae Bohemicae socialittticae in BibJjothcca universitatis
Pragensis servantur 2 B~nde (Pragae, 1973).
t
V. Plocek t Zwe; Studien zur altesten geistlichen Musik in Bohmen, 2 Bande,

unter !v11tarbeit van A. Traub (Gicssen-Koln, 985).
V. Plocek, Melodie veIikonocn(ch slavnostf a her ze stfedovekych pramenu
v Cechkh, 3 Bande (Praha 1989) t
F. Pokorny, IINov~ objevene ofAcium sv.Vaclavu Hudebnf v~da 4 (1970),

lJ
,
S.407·430,
RISM B 1114 = The Theory of Music voT. IV. Manuscripts from the Caroling;-
an Era up to c 1500 in Great Britain and in the United States of Ameri-
ca, Descriptive Ca Part L by Ch. Meyer, Part 11. by M. Huglo
and N. PhiJlips (MLinchen, 1992),
574 JANKA SZENDREI
K. Schlager, "Neumenschrift und Liniensystem. Zum Notationswechsel in

cler Mtinchener Handschrih elm 23037': Musik in Bayem 29 (1984),
31
1. Smits van Waesberghe, Musikerziehung, Musikgeschichte in Bi1dern Ill,

Lfg. 3. (Leipzig, 969).
B. Stablein, Schriftbild der einstimmigen Musik, Musikgeschichte in Bildern
Ill, Lfg. 4. (Leipzig, t 975).
1. Szendrei, I/Chora1notationen Mitteleuropa"/ Studia Musico!ogica Acade-
miae Scientiarum Hungaricae 30 (1988), S. 437-446.
J. Szendrei, /lLinienschriften zwol }ahrhunderts auf siiddeutschern
Gebiet"/ Cantus Planus Papers Read at the Fourth Meeting Pees, Hun-
gary 3-8 September 1990, Hrsg. I Dobszay-A.. Papp-F. Seb6 (Buda-
pest, 1 S. 30.
A FRAGMENTARY CISTERCIAN ANTIPHONAL IN THE GETTY

MUSEUM ITS ILLUMINATION
ELIZABETH C. TEVIOTDALE
In 1983} the Cetty Museum purchased in its entirety the collection of illumi-
nated manuscripts assembled the German art collectors Peter lrene
Ludwig. Among those manuscripts is a group of nineteen leaves and four cut-
tings from a large-scale antiphonal. 1 Nearly ten years later} in t 992, the Mu-
seum acquired an additional leaves the same manuscript
Another leaf from the manuscript is now in the Cleveland Museum of Art. 3
Some cuttings, whose current whereabouts are unknown, were photographed
in middle this century} they were in private English collection,
and there are cuttings in the National Museum in Stockholm5 and in the
Kacmarcik Collection} Alcuin Library, Saint John's University (Collegeville,
I Malibu, Getty Museum, Ludwig VI 5. A. van Euw and

J. Plotzek, Die Handschriften der SammJung Ludwig, 4 vols. (Cologne, 1979-85),
vol. t I pp. 280-84. Much of the research for this paper; as well as my attendance at
the meeting, was possible through the financial of the
Staff Education Committee of the J. Paul Getty Museum.
2 Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum, MS 44. See "Acquisitions/1992/1, The
}. Paul Getty Museum}oumal 21 3), p.
3 Cleveland Museum of Art, 85.83. 1 am grateful to Stephen Fliegel for permis-
sion to examine this leaf.
4 The leaf now in Cleveland, painted initials, many pen-flourished inl
tials in collection of Eric when they were photographed Con-
way Library} Courtauld Institute of Art. All were subsequently purchased by Mark
Lansburgh. The leaf then went to Cleveland, but I been unable to trace
initials. See D. Turner, "List of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts owned
by Eric Millar", The Eric George Mi1Iar Bequest of Manuscripts and Drawings, 1967:
A Commemorative Volume (London, 1968)/ p. 11, no. 17. f would like to acknowl-
edge debt the Conway Library in out research this paper.
5 Stockholm, Nationalmuseum, B 1730-32. See C. Nordenfalk, Bokm~lnjngar
irAn medeltid och reniissans 1Nationalmusei samJingar (Stockholm, 1979), pp. 40-41.
I am grateful Abel permission to examine cuttings to consult Pro-
fessor Nordenfalk's files.
576 ELIZABETH C. TEVIOTDALE
Minnesota).6 I shall refer to the parent manuscript from which all of these
leaves and cuttings came Antiphonal", since the lion's share 0
the surviving portions are now n the Getty collection 1propose here to intro~
duce this manuscript and to examine its place in the development of the
large-scale illuminated antiphonal.
judge from the style of the painted decoration and the appearance of
the text script, the Getty Antiphonal was produced in northeastern France
the second half of the thirteenth centmy. It is apparent !Tom the presence of
an office for the feast of Saint Bernard that the manuscript was destined for a
Cistercian house. Thanks to the strict regulation of religious observance with-
n the Cistercian order and the consequent uniformity among the order's litur-
gical books, we can est the original extent of the Getty manuscript. The
surviving portions (about 100 leaves) probably constitute about 20% of the
original antiphonal. The pattern of sewing holes in the extant leaves and rem-
nants of an earlier foliation suggest that the original format was multivolume.7
The multivolume antiphonal J have just described was almost certainly one
a pair of antiphonals produced a set for the same monastety. nearly
complete series of initials from the companion antiphonal to the Getty An-
tiphonal is preserved in an album of manuscript cuttings put together in the
nineteenth centmy and now in the Hill Monastic Manuscript library in
Collegeville, Minnesota. 8 The itials in the Collegeville album are stylistical-
consistent with those of the Getty manuscript. Furthermore, the subjects
of the corresponding initials are often identical, with vety close parallels in
the presentation of those subjects. One was not a simple copy of the other,
however, for there are instances in which the art ists varied the iconography
for corresponding initials.
6 Two painted initials and several pen~f1ourjshed initials: see A. Stones and
J. Steyaert, Medieval lllumination, Class, and Sculpture in Minnesota Collections,
exh. cat., (M 1978), pp. 2- 7. am grateful to Frank Kacmarcik
for permission to examine these cuttings.
7 For an account of the evidence concerning the original extent of the manu~
script, see my "A Pair of Franco~Flemish Cistercian Antiphonals of the Thirteenth
Century and Their Programs of lIIumination", forthcoming.
8 CoJlegeville, Hill Monastic Manuscript Library, MS 8 (Bean MS 3). 1 am grate-
ful to Brother Eric Hollas for permission to examine this manuscript, and I would like
to acknowledge my reliance on the microfilm resources of both the Hill Monastic
Manuscript Library and the Dam Mocquereau Foundation Collection (Catholic Uni~
versity of America) in pursuing the research for this paper.
A FRAGMENTARYOSTERCIAN ANTIPHONAL 577
We have ample evidence from the high MiddJe Ages for the existence of
pairs of antiphonals/ one for each side of the choir and designed for simulta-
neous use in celebration of office. The example in and
place to the Getty Antiphonal and its mate is that of the antiphonals made
for the Cistercian nunnery of Beaupre (in modern Belgium) toward the end of
the thirteenth centmy.9
The very uniformity of Cistercian chant books that makes it possible to
surmise the original extent of the Getty manuscript makes the precise identi-
fication of the monastery for the phonals were destined diffi-
cult. Cistercian antiphonals rarely include feasts for local saints/ and the texts
and melodies of the chants are, in theory at least, not subject to local varia-
tion. of initials the Collegevil album does allow us to suppose
that the manuscripts were made for a female house: the initial for the first
Matins responsory for Christmas includes a nun in the expected scene of the
Nativity of .10The supposit that books were for a nunnery
is confirmed by the inclusion of a Magnifkat antiphon for Saint Scholastica
among the chants for the feast of Saint Benedict in the Cetty manuscript,
which gives the feast the manuscript) feminine slant.
The Getty Antiphonal is an early example of a large-scale choir book. The
1eaves are 48 cm high, a sure in the direction of the truly grand choir
books the succeeding centuries, The of painted initials occupy
the height of two, three/ or four lines of text and music (ca. 9 cm, 13 CID, 16
cm). They are therefore, good
l larger than initials other types of
manuscripts of period, even lectern The luminators may have
been entirely comfortable with the scale of the initials, for the figures are
generally smal1 relationship to Aelds proVided by the letter The
remammg space usual filled the iate -work is one of the
hallmarks of northern French illumination of the period.
9 Baltimore, WaIters Art Gallery, MSS W.759-62. Seventeenth-century inscrip-

tions these manuscripts ndicate two the volumes were use on side
of the where the sat that belonged on the prioress's See
A Descriptive Catalogue of Twenty Illuminated Manuscripts, Nos. LXXV to XCIV
(Replacing Twenty Discarded from the Original Hundred) in the Collection of
Henry Yates Thompson (Cambridge, 907), 61-62. am grateful to M. C
Randall for permission to examine these manuscripts.
10 HMML MS 8 (Bean MS 3), f. 25r.
11 CANTUS inventory of the surviving portions the Antiphonal is
now in preparation.
578 EUZABETH C. TEV[OTDALE
The Getty Antiphonal is not only remarkable for its size but also for the
ambitiousness its decorat program, which can be adduced from the
ng portions and the rich body of information contained in the Collegeville
album. In both the Getty manuscript and its mate, there are painted initials
only for Christological hagiographic feasts but so the commons
and Sundays. The first responsory of the first nocturn of Matins for each feast
is marked by painted initial j all the other chants introduced by
Aourished initials. The painted initials usually contain figural scenes, although
a few of the in ials for Sundays and commons are composed entirely foliate
and zoomorphic decoration. I know of no other illuminated antiphonal with
sllch a rigid program of decoration. In antiphonals with less elaborate decora-
programs, only feasts have initials containing figures. And
designers of laVishly illuminated antiphonals occasionally (but never, to my
systematically) succumbed to the temptation to supply painted
initial not only for the first Matins responsory but also for the first psalm anti-
or Magnificat antiphon of first Vespers.
The initials for Christological feasts usually contain a representation of the
event commemorated on that day, a practice for which there is precedent
among more sparsely illuminated chant books a strong tradition among
other sorts of liturgical books.1l The high incidence of narrative scenes
among initials for saints' feasts more remarkable, saints' feasts are
ten introduced in earl ier liturgical books by a simple portrait. In the anti-
phonals, feasts martyr saints are usual illustrated the commemorated
saines martyrdom. 13 The initials for confessor saints generally contain the
scene from the saint's I with the most extensive pictorial tradition, 14 There
is one exception, the initial for the feast of Bernard, to which I shall return.
The illuminators departed from tradition in incorporating figural scenes in-
to the itials the commons, they cleverly succeeded pointing
the category of saint, without evoking a particular saint. In the initial for the
common martyrs, example, apparent more than one person
For example, an initial D with The Descent of Holy Spirit Pente-

cost (Cetty MS Ludwig VIS, leaf Sr and HMML MS 8 [Bean MS 3], f. 30r).
For example an
I with Martyrdom of Lawrence
Lawrence's feast day (Cetty MS Ludwig VIS, leaf 7r and HMML MS 8 [Bean MS 3),
f. 19r).
For example, an initial H with Martin Dividing Cloak with Beggar
illustrates Martin's feast day (Getty MS Ludwig VIS, leaf 14r and HMML MS 8
[Bean MS L f. 1
A FRACMENTARY CJSTERCIAN ANTIPHONAL 579
being beheaded/ but who exactly and how many they are is not clear (Fig-
ure 1).15 The initials for Sundays that are not Feast days are among the most
innovative in is pair of manuscripts. antecedent (and, for that matter,
later) choir books, Sundays rarely attract figural decoration. The reason for
is difficult to surmise: no specific event commemorated, no
particular subject immediately suggests itself. For these initials, the illumina-
looked to the Matins readings for il1spirat they chose subjects
that reflect and evoke the complex of readings and responsories for the first
nocturn Matins, all often drawn from same bibl book. For example,
the scene of Alexander the Great defeating Darius is contained in the initial
for the Sundays in October (Figure 2).16 This scene was chosen because all of
readings responsory texts for first nocturn are taken from
Maccabees, which opens with a mention of Alexander's military success
against Darius.
In some instances, the illuminators drew inspiration more directly from the
chants determining the content of manuscripts' illu inationi I
highlight just three examples. The choice of the Baptism of Christ in place of
the more usual Adoration of the Magi to illustrate Epiphany in the Getty
manuscript's companion antiphonal was clearly influenced by the text of t
responsory introduced by the initial, Hodie in }ordane, which is based on
Matthewls account Christ's baptism (J\,1atthew 3:16~ 7).1 7 Still more
ing is the initial for All Saints in the Getty Antiphonal. No ngural scene is
placed within of initial, but an I symbol of John Evan-
gelist/ is perched on the initial (Figure 3).18 This choice is specifically appro-
priate to the responsory that the initial marks, In principio erat verbum, the
text of which is the opening of Saint John's Gospel.
The initials for the feast of Saint Bernard in both manuscripts contain a rep-
of an incident from Bernard's brill career in church pol
(Figure 4).19 The episode occurred in 1134. Saint Bernard was traveling
through Aquitaine sought to William, Count Poitiers
Duke of Aquitaine, to shift his allegiance to Innocent 11, one of two claimants
to the papal to restore bishops whom had expelled. A
celebrating mass! Bernard took the consecrated host on a paten and wal ked
15 Getty MS Ludwig VIS, leaf 16r.

16 Getty MS Ludwig VIS, leaf 20r.
7 HMML 8 (Bean MS f. I
18 GettyMS44,p. 158.
9 Getty MS Ludwig VI 5, 11 and HMML 8 MS f.
580 ELIZABETH C TEVIOTDALE
outside the church where the excommunicated duke waited. Bernard ad-
dressed William, saying that the duke was persecuting his judge, who was
present on the paten. Hearing this, William fell in a fit of sweating, trem-
bling, and foaming at the mouth at Bernard's feet, and the incident eventually
led to William's reconciliation with the Church. The initials show the mo-
ment when William has fallen at the saint's feet.
This scene is a very puzzling choice to illustrate Saint Bernarcfs feast day
in a pair of antiphonals . Although the story must have been fairly well known
in the thirteenth century, we have no evidence for an antecedent visual tradi-
tion for the episode. 20 Furthermore, we would expect the illuminators to have
emphasized Bernard's role as abbot in these books intended for use in monas-
tic services. This extraordinary suoject may have been suggested by the text
of the first Matins responsory, Prima virtus viri, which the initial introduces.
The text of the chant is as follows:
Prima virtus viri sancti, habitus corporis sui, quod ita composite, et uno semper
modo agebat: Ut nil appareret in eo, quod posset offendere intuentes.
The references here to the holy man's decorous behavior may have
brought to mind the contrast between Bernard's inspiredspeech to Duke Wil-
liam and the duke's indecorous response. It may also be that the reference to
the body (corpus) in the chant further suggested this scene, which shows not
only the saint's body but also the corpus Christ; on the paten. I confess that I
am not entirely happy with this interpretation, but we know that those re-
sponsible For designing the initials in these manuscripts did turn for inspira-
tion to the text of the responsories, and I have yet to And a more compelling
explanation .
Whatever the impetus for the choice of the Bernard" scene, there is no
doubt that the illuminators of the pair of antiphonals considered here were in-
novators. Our survey of the illumination in the two books shows that those
who designed the decorative programs had a predilection for narrative scenes
and that they were extremely resourceful in finding suitable subjects for the
initials. Despite the novelty of their enterprise, the artists succeeded in exe-
cuting a consistently rich program of illumination for both antiphonals. Al-
though only fragmentarily preserved, the Cetty manuscript offers an impor-
tant witness to the development of the large-scale illuminated antiphonal.
10 The only other medieval representation of this scene known to me appears in a

fourteenth-century picture book of saints' lives (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS
Vat. Lat. 8541, f. 89r).
A FRACMENTARY CISTERCIAN ANTIPI JONAL 581
Figure 1. Initial A with The Beheading of Saints.

Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, MS Ludwig VIS, leaf t6r (detail).
(lmr ·
• •
582 ELIZABETH C. TEVIOTDALE
Figure 2. Initial A with Alexander the Great Defeating Darius

Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, MS Ludwig VIS, leaf 20r.
A FRAGMENTARY OSTERCTAN ANTIPHONAL 583
Figure 3. Initial I (with the eagle of Saint John)

Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, MS 44 , p. 158 (detail).
584 EUZABETH C. TEVIOillALE
P with Saint Bernard Displaying the Host to William of

Figure 4. Initial
Aquitaine. Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, MS Ludwig VIS, leaf
l1v (detail).
LATE-BYZANTINE PSALMODY - SOM.E OBSERVATIONS

ON STRUCTURAL PROBLEMS
ELENA TONCEVA
Some fifty years have passed since the appearance in 1948 of Oliver Strunk's
First Look at Byzantine Psalmody1 in which for the first time the Byzantine
psalm-tones were characterized, that is, the melodic formulas for the recita-
tion of a verse or half-verse from the Psalter, with intonation (initium) and
cadence. Professor Strunk also defined the main factors which control the
adaptation of these psalm-tones to different texts: the accent, which is a de-
termining factor for the opening intonation and for the recitation, and the syl-
lable count, which is the determining factor for the cadence; the latter are of
the cursive type, being applied to the last four syllables of the text, regardless
of its accents. It should be stressed that the Byzantine psalm-tones resisted
that process of stylization which reduced the Gregorian psalm-tones to for-
mulas in the most literal sense of the word. The Byzantine psalm tones are
designed for the recitation of half-verses; the Latin distinction between medi-
al and final cadence does not apply.2
Not less significant is a second publication by Strunk on the Byzantine sys-
tem of psalm-tones/ his study of the antiphons of the oktoechos of 1960. 3
Here he points out the great Significance of the late-Byzantine chant books
of the Akolouthiai type as sources for Byzantine psalmody. (The Akolouthiai
or Orders of Service contain the chant repertory for Vespers, Orthros and
the three Byzantine liturgies.)4
Professor Strunk also published for the first time the systematization of
the Byzantine simple psalm-tones (in the form of Doxologies) according to
the Oktoechos,5 effected by the compiler of the Akolouthiai/Anthologies,
1 O. Strunk, /lA First Look at Byzantine Psalmody", Essays on Music in the Byz-
antine World (New York, 1977), pp. 37-39.
2 Ibid., p. 38.
3 O. Strunk, ''The Antiphons of the Oktoechos", Essays ... , pp. 165-190.
4 E. Williams, John Koukouzeles'Reform of Byzantine Chanting for Great Ves-
pers in the Fourteenth CentuIY, Ph. D. ThesiS, Yale University (1968).
5 Strunk "The Antiphons ... ", p. 170.
t
586 ELflNA TON CEVA
late-Byzantine composer John Koukouzeles. 6 Particularly valu-

able is the special attention which Professor Strunk pays to the traditional
psalmodic cadencial formulas and their relation to the hymnodic paraphrases
the repertory of Troparia of Anabathmoi; Strunk emphasizes
great variety of psalmodic cadences, whose tradition can be traced back
successfulIy to t and 11 centuries
Related to Strunk's paper is the study by Annette jung, 8 which establishes
connection the simple psalm tones and elaborate versions
the ordinaty psalmodic repertmy of Vespers and Orthros (the two Psalm
complexes: the so-called Kekragarion, consisting of Psalms 140, 141, 129 and
116 from the evening offlce j and the so-called Ainoi and Lauds from the
morning office, Psalms 148-159). The author shows that the elaborate melo-
dies chants I Kyrie ekckraxa (Ps. 40 or Pasa pnoe (Ps. 50,6) are
1 )
namented versions of the simple psalmody. This conclusion is supported by

identity of intonations initia) and cadences two versions
the psalmody, simple and elaborated.9
In is paper shall try to continue the study Byzantine psalmody in
same direction: to follow the psalmodic cadences further in altered condi-
tions, a new musical and cui tural context. The Late Byzantine period (14th
and 15th centuries) is the time when traditional mody makes the pas
sage from an ora) to a written tradition, and is thus the subject of compos i-
tional practice i the teral sense, in conditions of increased freedom in
choice of traditional or other musical materials, decisions about which can be
preserved and reproduced frorn neumatic records. This freedom based
on a new development in music-theoretical thought in Byzantine music,
where the traditional melismatic lexis is codified (in works Iike the Cheirono-
mic Chant f Joh Koukouzeles).10 The codification opens IIp new possibili-
6 cit.01'.
7 Strunk, 'The Antiphons ... /1, p. 170.
8 jung; liThe Settings the Evening and Morning Psalms According to
Manuscript Sinai 1255", Cahiers de l'lnstitut du Moyen-Age Crec et Latin 47 (Co-
penhagen, 1984), 3-
9 Ibid.
10 l. Deva , e Musical Study of Koukouzeles a 1 Century Manuscript",
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 6 (Budapest, 1958), pp. 213-235;
C. Floras, "Die Entziffcrung cler Kondakarien·Notation", Musik Os tens
(Kassel, 1965), pp, 7·71 E. Tonceva, "John Koukouzeles' Cheironomic Chant",
John Koukouzeles tile, Works, Time, ni Horizonti t 9 (Sofia, 98),
pp. 74-10 I [in Bulgarian 1.
BYZAI',T"J'lNE PSALMODY 587
ties for development in the area of melodic embellishment and elaboration,

the technique of coloration of traditional melodic prototypes (called IIkallopis-
mos"), 11 as well as the technique of elaboration (troping) of the musical form
(called aphonia").! development contributes to the in the
ance textual musical the independence 0
the melody.
We may now follow the function of the cadences in the ornamented and
elaborated modic of the traditional Psalm (and 2)
Kyrie (Exx. and liB), melody the authentic
echos. As is well known, the basic tones of the echos are b-natural and gi 13
the psalmodic recitation is centred on these. The melody starts with recita-
tion, or rather with the intonation which usually introduces recitation, as-
cending to h. follows ismatic round hasic tone
ending as in a (a tion by the neume
Apoderma, a kind of fermata). In this way the first two words of the text
"Kyrie ekekraxa" are set off as a melodic and textual unit.
After recitation begins the accented syllable stressed
the third On the syllables the hal anoth
er cadence appears. The same model for intoning the text, consisting of reci-
tation and cadence, is applied to the refrain text, although the actual melodic
realization is different, This melodic-textual arrangement of the tlrst I ine of
chant rather and well be its spec function j
which is of an introduction, performed by a oist (domestikos). Solo

introductions like this are usual for the late-Byzantine psal m cycles/ per-
formed antiphonally between two choirs.14 This explanation is supported by
manner intoning second of Ps. 1 set out f-verses
Ex. t/B),
In the second line, which repeats the same verse text (but this time intend-
ed to be sung by the choir), a new melodic-textual grouping is apparent. The
tlrst part of the hal f verse ('Kyrie ekekraxa/ pros se") is formed on the basis 0 f
11 D. Byzantine Trisagia Cheroubika the Fourteen and Fif

teenth Centuries (Thessaloniki/ 1974).
12 Ibid. j see also E. Williams/ /The Treatment of the Text in the Kalophonic
Chanting Psalm 211, in Eastern 2 (Oxford, 1971),pp 173,193.
13 J. Intona Formulas Modal Signa in Musical
Manuscrip Monumenta Byzanti Subsidia (Copenhagen, 966) [with
further bibliography].
14 D. Touliatos-Banker/ The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the Fourteenth and Fif-
teenth Cen (Thessaloniki, 1984).
588 ELENA TON CEVA
Example 1/A
lines 1-4: Kyrie ekekraxa - settings i Ms Athens No 2458 (1336 A. D.)
5: Doxologia (after Strunk, The Antiphons ... , p. 171
6-7: Early cadences (after Strunk, The Antiphons ... , p. 186
( Ex. I 3); p. 185 (Ex. 12)
R Recitation
C: Cadence
.;:;-
r.-
.: 1'£1 J. v4]4iF J
1foL lJ)I IU.I Y W IUI '6. rl

t
LATE-BYZANTINE PSALMODY 589
Example lIB. Psalm 140, 2

Ms Sinai 1255, H. 164r-169v (after lung, The Settings ... , Ex. 12)
t t
,_----- I. r .;J v' I
~. oJ .1) ...... e.- ..... .- ...Js :" .?\..-~ 0 """7.,
s
~~
q-:.- r. ,..., .....
~7nl J !fl tiWt1lWlijg¥
the same model (recitation+cadence), whereby the cadence already seen in

the Arst line is now used for the intonation of the last four syllables of the
half-verse. The second half-verse starts again with the traditional recitation,
and the cadence already seen sets off the first part (unit) of the text. (Here
too it is adapted to four syllables, with the accents in the same position.) The
second half of the second half-verse introduces a new melodic realization of
the model, a novelty probably connected with the meaning of the text (or is
it in order to prepare for the rerrain?). The final refrain text is also realized
me10dically in a new way, although the familiar model is preserved in its es-
sentials. The fact that this melodic realization of the refrain is repeated in the
second melody of Ps. 140 (V. 2) suggests that the rerrain was to be sung after
each verse of the psalm (Ex. lIB).
As comparison shows, the cadences evidently belong to the traditional ca-
dence repertory of the second authentic echos, presented in Strunk's paper
(Ex. l/A, lines 6 and 7).
It might be concluded from this analysis that the elaborate version of
Kyrie ekekraxa is formed around the frequent selection of various traditional
cadential patterns, which also allows varied textual arrangements (grouping
in melodic-textual units of differing lengths). At the same time a tendency
towards strophic construction remains visible, a type of composition tradi-
tionally connected with the parallelismus membrorum of psalm texts. The
ELENA TON CEVA
compositi0nal scheme of the settings in Ex. l/A and B might be set out as
follows:
a+b r half-verse
c )
d+b (v. I, half-verse 1)
b (v.l, half-verse 2, first unit)
e (v 1r half-verse 21 second unit)
f (rerrain)
b half-verse
b (v. 2, half-verse 2/ first unit)
e (v.2, half-verse 2/ second unit)
f n)
units designated by letters r the recitatlon+cadence may

be called psalmodic "phrases".ls The main phrase is thus "b"l while lie" pre-
pares for the intoning of the refrain.
present difncult when setting 0 40 was composed.
the ex of psal in paral style from ier than 14th
century, Ps. 117, 25-24, Theos Kyrios from the Orthros (see Ex. lJC)16 en-
courages the assumption that the basic model dates back to earlier times.
Example 1/e. Psalm 117/ (Theos

line 1: Ms Crypt.G "fIV (13th C')I p. 30r
:t.. !:.. n :; c-- ~ ,') ;r'i /,;';: l- \. £-, +. ..J n.....J 'I:/' '-/ ;~
~ , ~ +--;-'I~
TonceV3/ "Ober die Forrnelhaftigkeit mundlichcn Kirchengesangstra-

auf dem . (Das Proshomoia-Singen Siidslawen 5. Jh.
nach Ms. Athen Nr. 928)", Cantus Planus. Papers Read at the Fourth Meeting, Pecs,
Hungary, 3-8 September 1990, ed. Laszl6 Dobszay, Agnes Papp and Ferenc Seb6
pest, 1992)/ 1-265 i E. ceva, "Die rnusikalische Bedeutung des Interpunkti-
in dem Sticheranschen Repertoire Handshrift Athen
8 (15. Jh. Musikkulturgcschichte.
I Far FIOrDS mm 60.
Ceburtstag (Wiesbaden, 1989), pp. 461-478.
16 D. Touliatos-Banker, "The Byzantine Orthros", Byzantina 9 (1977), pp. 323-
LATE- PSALMODY 591
Line 2: Backovo-Fragment (1281 A. D.), p.

Line 3: Ms Athens 2458 (1336A. D.)/p. 46v
One source in particular affords us a unique opportunity for further obser-

vations on the functioning of the cadential patterns (psalmodic phrases with
or without opening recitation) in the ornamented psalmody of the Late Byz-
antine period: this is MS Athens 928, the bilingual (Greek-Slavonic) anthol-
ogy of the Akolouthiai type/ made in the Slavonic monastery "Mateice" in
Crna far from Skopje Macedonia).l? The known
as Anthology, because a number of to an
author Isaija the Setb. other cases, source,
while to the periphery Byzantine musical is more
explicit than contemporary Byzantine sources. 19 On page 36 recto in the an-
thology a cycle of the Polyeleos Psalm 134 begins in the Slavonic lan-
guage. 20 The cycle is in the second authentic echos. The introductory rubric
calls it IIServikon" (= 'Serbian') and attributes it to hieromonk Isaija the Serb.
The cycle is also called "tetrastichos" (in Slavonic translation "cetverosticho-
novo" 'consisting of four This is because the basic
melodic arrangement late-Byzantine : the half-
psalm are in and each group chanted
common melodic Stylistically belongs to
melismatic psalmody. Its feature is
I? A. Jakovljevic, Diglosse Palaeographia kai Melodoi-Hymnographoi tou Kodi-

ka ton Athenon 928 (Leukosia, (988) [with further bibliography].
18 D. Stefanovic, Old Serbian MUSiC, 2 vols. (Beograd, 1974-75).
Antiphons ... I
, op. cit., Bd. I, pp. 113- \52.

liThe 'Latrinos' the Polyeleos the Typo·
logical of the Late , Cantus Read at the
6th Hungary, 1 Dobszay, 2 1995),
pp. 473-492.
592 ELENATONCEVA
that, after the initial traditional recitation of the psalm text, there occurs a
melismatic troping (elaboration) on the first syllable of the cadence. This
syllable is usually the fourth (sometimes the fifth or third) syllable at the end
of the half-verse. 22 The composition is further expanded by the addition of a
second, melismatic alJeluia after the alleluia-refrain traditional in this psalm.
A striking feature of the manuscript transmission is the unexpected appear-
ance of unique segmenting dots introduced by the writer - a Slav, probably
Isaija the Serb himse/f2.3 - which differentiate, as we shall see, a series of
22 WilJiams, op. cit.

2.3 E. Tonceva, "Isaija's Anthology (Athens Ms No 928, 15th c.) as a Source for
the Latebyzantine Melodical Lexicology (Theseis)", Musica Antiqua (Bydgoszcz,
1975), pp. 45-58 .
LATE- BYZANTINE PSALMODY 593
psalmodic'lphrasesll (episodes with or without initial recitation, ending with a

cadence). Ex. 2 presents the melodic model to which the second four-verse
group of the cycle is chanted. The opening recitation of a traditional type is
evident; the main pitch of the recitation is b natural, the accented syllables
are stressed by the rise to d. The opening recitation in the four members of
the group differs in length in accordance with the length of the text. (It
should be pointed out that these recitation passages are of special linguistic
interest, because lexical accents are expressed melodically: accentuation in
medieval Slavonic is one of the most widely discussed problems in contem-
porary Slavonic studies.)
The first segmenting dot in the melody marks the beginning of the
melisma on the first syllable of the cadence: a melismatic motif of cadential
type is employed, leading to the basic tone b. This cadence in recitation is
common to all versions of Isaija's cycle. (See Ex. 3.) A cadential motif in com-
bination follows once again (on the four repetitions of the vowel h). The last
four syllables of the psalm text are applied to the familiar model of recita-
tion+cadence. The intonation of the alleJuia-refrain also has the shape of
cadence. The second alleluia starts with an elaborate lIalle" -melisma (tradition-
a for the additional alleluia-episodes in the psalm re pert my ). And once again
there follows a succession of motifs differentiated by segmentation dots, ca-
dential in nature (cadences with or without opening recitation, that is, psal-
modic phrases).
The type of melodic construction described here - a chain of psalmodic
phrases, differentiated by dots segmenting the melody - is found throughout
the cycle. (See Ex. 3.) At its most elaborate it takes the form of the "angel-
voicedll tropes: the anena-melismas characteristic of late-Byzantine psalmody
(melodiC tropes texted with meaningless syllables such as a-ne-na). But the
principle of melodic diviSion into psalmodic phrases (most with cadential
shape) remains constant. (It should be recalled that the same type of melodic
construction by psalmodic phrases, differentiated by dots which segment the
melody, is found in the unusual sticheraric repertory of Isaija's anthology: a
cycle of Automela-Prosomoia. (This cycle was discussed in the report I pre-
sented to the Cantus Planus meeting in pecs. 24 ) This affords us the opportuni-
ty for a systematic demonstration of the melodic patterns of the cadential
type. Ex. 4 sets out the cadences from the cycle which, according to present
24 Tonceva, "ObeT die Fonnelhaftigkeit .. . "

594 fLENA TON CEVA
Example 3/1. Ms Athens 928, Psalm 134 (PoJyeJeos Servikon)

Vers 6a, f. 39r ?h, f. 40Vj 9a, f. 42r; 11 a, f.44vj
j
l2b, f.47rj 14b, f.48vj l7a, f. SOv; 19a, f. 52r
_ 1-
.......
,d.. I
il
LATE-B)'ZANTINE PSALMODY 595
Example 312.
blLrt+r ..
u., .. *- .IJ.", 1~ , ~ ~ , , , ., ~
-'
• r
,/,../;;" /.,
,
" ...... ',.
:n)'~c.,.... c.- ~/.:;..."
. -
J,,,,,"'oJ'''''~JI
.. , .... , . , '/"''11 '-.'J
J "~ ~' ". ....... 6' • I ../ r ..
• ~ y;.;:;,; " I
.L U,GfjJtU
r
lw.
rri,/..'
596 ELENA TON (EVA
Example 3/3.
Example 4.
cad.no. type A
It J J JlU' J
Vere 14b
&~P u no 0 p".
Vera' 17a Vera 7b
r Uti HU GU%
• 1100 xo 0 k~ '1 'h.
Verl5 111b
~I f !'I r 00 fl ID ~f
• \' .p~«
V.-rs 4a
•• l ro " ..,.
Vera .12b
r.-
HH, H'fflDl
nocpbAtTl, &It t f. run Tt,.
Vera 4a Vera 913.
~ .L ~ cl H~ 1.Du • 0 U ou 't: L ,i;.v VVCJr8 60.

cadunce tY~Q Bll
IJ J 109 1
y.L U~ l.Du QU'" ,;. :N
Vera 9a
Vera 11&
.. JL" YJt. i,. 10\ (.1(0..'
Vera 11a
1$ l l J np J
598 ELENA TON CEVA
knowledge of late-Byzantine psalmody, most probably preserves the tradi-

tional cadence patterns. These are the cadences at the end of the half-verses
as well as the alleluia-cadence.
From the example is it evident that three basic types of cadence are used
in the main, which, however, are given varied coloration. And two of these
cadences (types A and B) can indeed be identified as belonging to the familar
early traditional repertory.25 (Compare Exx. 4 and 5.) So in the construction
of his elaborate IIServikon" version of the Polyeieos on Ps. 134 Isaija has em-
ployed a selection from a traditional repertory of psalmodic models, obvious-
ly familiar to him, allowing himself some coloration and elaboration on the
basis of established late-Byzantine techniques of melodic embellishment (col-
oration by means of melodic figures or formulas from the traditional melis-
matic vocabulary).16
The studies on which the abo,\e remarks are based, studies for which
Isaija's South Slavonic anthology offers unique material and opportunities,
are still in their initial stages. But there are grounds for believing that they
will be of use in studying important questions such as the relationship be-
tween oral and written transmission, between Byzantine and Slavonic chant
practice, and finally also between Byzantine and Slavonic psalmody and
hymnody. (See Ex. 6/A and B.)
15 H. J. W. Tillyard, The Hymns of the Oktoechus t, Monumenta Musicae Byz-

antinae, T ranscripta 3 (Copenhagen, 1940), pp. t 45- t 83.
26 Tonceva, "Jsaija's Anthology .. ."
ExampleS. (after Tillyard, Hymns ... / pp. 145-183.)

Deutcros (Cadences type AtE)
t... ~
l
tv 1W
"""'.
I
01) Q.J
r- VI..O
I
}Is. 123, 1 Antiphon I1
~H~
d Z:tH2~~'I~t
,<
Ps.12J,6
Ps • 12h , 1 Antiphon III

...
~~ittlttrl
f.. ~;Tts \ il Wpi
J'l lTt lTOI OV
600 ELENA TON (EVA
ExampJe 61A. Heirmos for Ode 1, Christmas Kanon, Mode 1

Ms E yIl, f. 16v
cD.denc:.
/v Rec.i.t .. tion
*
MELODIC VARIATION IN THE IIMARGINAL" REPERTORIES OF

BYZANTIN MUSICAL M
EXEMPLIFIED BY ApOL YT1KJAIKONTAKIA AND
EXAPOSTElLARIA ANASTASIMA
CHRISTIAN TROELSGARD
Some the quantitatively very important genres of Byzant chant stayed

in principle outside the musical MSS. Only sporadically - when for some un-
own reason scribe wanted to notate one or whole set pieces, not
longing to the core of the written tradition - do we have a chance to explore
these regions of medieval Byzant chant. This paper focuse~ on melod-
ic structure and variation in two such chant groups, the apo!ytikialkontakia
and the exaposteiJaria anastasima. It is suggested that oral transmission,
which was eVidently normal for these chants, a strong effect the few
written accounts.
[n contrast the "standard repertoryll of the Stichcrarion, the melodic tra-
dition of which is generally very uniform throughout the hundreds of pre-
served copies in Round Notation l the set f stichera of the
Oktoechos is only included in few MSS and Its melodies differ more. When
01iver Strunk compared Tar.do's and Tillyard's editions of the stichera ana-
stasima , based on two different sources, concluded that whole phrases
at a time, often for several consecutive phrases, the two editors are simply
not transcribi the same Inelody". I For this situation he coined the term
"marginal repertDty", which is of course "marginal" only in relation to the writ-
ten tradition whenever a 0 was be sung, psaltes and/or
the congregation had to supply the melodies not commonly found In the mu-
sical sources, In this sense also the stichera autome1a 2 belong to the "marginal
repertory" OT, as Strunk defined it, to "those and categories 0 stichera
found only in a few exceptional copies".
I Oliver Stnmk, "Melody ConstlUction Byzantine Chant", Essays Music in

the Byzant;ne World, cd. Kenneth Levy (New York, 1977), p. 196.
2 See Irina Shkolnik, "On the Problem of the Evolution of the Byzantine Stiche-
in the Second half the I Centuries: 'Echos-Melodies' the
mela", Cantus Planus, Papers Read at the 6th Meeting, Eger, Hungary 1993, ed. Usz-
Dobszay (Budapest, 1995), vo!. 2, 413 15 elsewhere i this
602 CHRISTIAN TROELSGARD
During his last years, ]0rgen Raasted (1927-1995) studied yet another
group of "marginal" nts, scarce remnants the apolytikialkontakia,
chant group which, according to its varIOUS functions, is referred by one of
the following terms: troparia, sticnera kathismata, kontakia (Le. the prooi-
In and apolytikia. 3 Even though some the texts back to the earl
stratum of Byzantine hymnography, the medieval musical tradition of this
group was thought to lost. Raasted's interest originally
by a set of kontakia in MS St. Petersburg gr. 674, probably dating from the
1 cent. and ntil now the earl known manuscript containing cycles
model melodies (automela)4 for both stichera, apolytikialkontakia and ex-
aposteilaria. Later, he became aware of a set of kathismatalapolytikia in a
1 th-century in Sofia. 5 With inclusion of some intermediary
with Slavic text, he could describe an oral tradition of these chants from the
1 cent. unti the versions of Petros oponnesios d Petros Byz~ntios!
both active towards the end of the 18th cent. It was not quite the case that
tIle chants in sources years apart could immediately be as
ing I'the same melodies but as Raasted phrased it, lithe similarities between
ll
,
sporadic occurrences sources from various periods must be due to a broad

and rather stable oral tradition, which was carried on through the centuries
to emerge! sporadically! in a few MSS and in different levels of ornamen-
tation".6
**
Kontakion A1dodies in and Written Tradition, at a symposi·

urn in honour of Kenneth Levy, Princeton, February 1992, ed. Peter Jeffery (forth-
corn ng)i "An Old Mel for Te ypemlach6 strateg6", Studi d; musica bizantina
onore di Ciovanm Marzl, ed. berto Doda, Studi e Testi .Musicali, Nuova Seric 6
(Pavia, 1995), pp. 3-14; The Musical Tradition of the Byzantine and Slavonic ApoJy-
and Kathis/llata, paper at 18th International Congress of
Studies, Moscow 1991 (forthcoming); and "Kathisma and Sticheron, Two Main
Genres of Byzantine Troparia", Musica Antiqua IX (Bydgoszcz, 1991), pp 104-116.
Automelon is the modem technical term for 'model melody' - distinguished
from idiomelon Ca melody without contrafacta') and proshomoion ('contrafactum') -
but in the medieval sources the type is referred to by least three different names:
automelon, idiomeJon and heinnos.
5 See Annette lung, 'The Kathismata in the Sofia Manuscript Kliment Ohridski
cod. gr. 81 ,Cahiers de rInstitut du Moyen·Age Crec et Latin 61 ( 1), pp. 49-77.
6 Raasted, The musical Tradition of the Byzantine and Slavonic Apolytikia and
Kalhisma
MELODIC VARIATION IN THE "MARGINAL" REPERTORlES 603
During my work with the registration of microfilms in the MMB-collec-

tion in Copenhagen, I have come across some additional medieval and
medieval sources for the apo!ytikia!kontakia cycles. Example 1 shows Anestes
ek nekron (You rose from the death'), sung as a troparion for the morning
service f the Sunday after Pentecost and subsequent Sundays in
fourth plagal mode of the oktoechos cycle. Further, several proshomoia are
to follow this melody have istributed five availabl MSS on
lines. The components of the two pairs (B and C) come so close to each
other, even down to notational detail, some kind written transmission
must lie behind them. Yet, I think thatJ0rgen Raasted's general view was cor·
recti each of the three versions, A, B, and C, represents different realizations
the same piece. apparent paucity sources and the relatively high
gree of melodic variation in these chants suggest that such "pockets" of writ-
traditions existed only limited areas and periods. Generally, I th
these chants were orally transmitted. According to this view, Example 1 rep-
resents fferent versions piece, sung according to same tradition,
at different times and places. This could explain the characteristic combina-
tion of stable elements (mode, structure, and style) and melodic variation.
In ordines of the Byzantine services, the typika, these pieces are nor-
mally given only with text cue, sometimes with the full text. At times, only
chant type s suggested, for example Ilkathisma" or "apo!Ylikiod', with an
additional indication of which mode to choose or which model melody (auto-
melon) follow. Through such sources, we can , seen from po of
of the singer, get an impression of what he had to supply on his own, of what
kind of musical knowledge he was supposed to possess if he was prevented
from looking the piece up in a chant book.
First, he should know that when a I ine of a kathisma repeats itself, i.e. that
two consecut lines have same length accentuation pattern, melody
should repeat as well, though in some instances with a slight transitional mo-
at end of the first ne Ex. version A, I nes 1- It already
been shown to be characteristic of the apo!ytikialkontakia that the lines fall
couplets/ d that also thecase here: lines 1-2 and 3·4 whereas
single line 5 functions as a kind of refrajn. This produces the formal scheme
AABBC in all versions
Secondly, should al know that apo/ytikion was sung
dominantly in syllabic style, with slight extensions on the accentuated syl-
7 See Jung, The Kathismata ... , pp. 50-51, and Raasted, Kathisma and Sti-
cheron
604 CHRISTIAN TR 0 ELSGARD
labIes, especially the last accentuated syllable before phrase~ and line~
endings. (To show this, I have applied a kind of "monotonic,j accentuation to
the text) This accentuation pattern recurs through the genre as a whole; the
small motives abc or bac arc found in corresponding positions in apoly-
tikia of the fourth plagal mode. Thus; the singer was supposed to know a
repertory of the possible melodic progressions in each mode; each of the
three versions repeats its "favourite" motives in many or all the kathismata of
the same mode Note that n the ines 1, and C and A come closest to
each other, but n lines 3-4 versions A and B share more material.
In lines 1-2, the melodies of alI versions move in the tetrachord Gc,
though contrasted by an aDa movement in first phrase of version B. In lines
3 -4 versions A and B move up to d, and for the first phrase of line 5 all ver-
move in the igh position of the mode (the subton final version C
seems to have parallels in the later traditionS) This distribution of high and
low openings seems individualized for each chant, The syntactical division of
the text and the accentuation may also have furnished some guidelines to the
singer on these points. But the knowledge of such technical ities was probably
interacting a remembrance how this melody sounded at numerous
earl performances , and how the congregation expected it to sound. If we
compare Ex. 1, version B, with Ex. 2, the kontakion 'To prostachthen mysti-
kos (,The mysteriously given command'), we see that some recurrent ele-
ll
ments are found in the same positions (the chants have lines 1 2 in com-
Inon)1 others at jfferent points (Ex 1 ne repeated i Ex, 2 J nes 6a and
7). If the individuallllayout" for each melody had not been remembered, they
would, I think, have turned out much more divergent than they do in these
few written records. According to the sources I know now, the number of
automela can be estimated at a little above twenty for the apo]ytikialtropa-
rialkathi~;ma and around forty for the kontakia.
***
8 CL lung, The Kathismata ... , p. 74

9 See Gerda Wolfram, "Ein neumiertes Exaposteilarion Anastasimon Konstan-
tins VIL'I in BYZANTIOI, Fest5chrift fa.r Herbert Hunger zum 70. Geburtstag, edd.
W. Horandner f J. Koder, . Kresten and E. Trapp (Vienna, 1984), pp. 333-8,
MELODIC VARIATION IN THE "MARCINAL" REPERTORIES 605
The exaposteilaria anastasima the morning office also bel g

"marginal" repertory. Only two medieval sources, one Byzantine (namely
Ohrid 53)9, and one Old Russian (Blagove~censkij Kondakar)10 were up until
now known to notation this genre/ and these manuscripts are
written in the old notations which cannot be transcribed directly. Further-
more, the melody of the first exaposteiJarion, the model melody of the oth-
ers, appears without modal signature both there and the liturgical ordines!
even if it is used as model melody (automelon) for several other texts. The
repertory of automeJa exaposteilaria was so limited that a reference to the
incipit of the text was considered to identify the melody, However/
specimens of such chants can be found in a handful of Byzantine sources as
shown in Example 3 (first phrases only).ll The melodies are ascribed either
to first plagal or nrst authentic. Laura E l , which pI ales exapo·
stei/aria in their liturgical context, gives only the incipits l suggesting that the
singers could go on from there without notation. Beginning from the bottom
of example, we see that both in the 3th and the t centuries
psalmtone-like opening from a could be applied (St.P 674 and Laura E 173).
In the middle, all the melodies open from low D, touch the C below and end
on but in different ways. Most frequently a xeron klasma group, or
equivalent tromikon (here EFED), is placed on the first accentuated syllable/
and an ascending two-note figure is placed on the obligatory proparoxytone
phrase-ending, This suggests a ightly more ornamented style than we see
the versions below, but still, the melody is in perfect harmony with the text
accentuation. The Palaeobyzantine and the Old Russian versions might
reveal a similar melodic tradition and, as we have seen n the case 0 the
apo]ytikialkontakia, all versions of the exapot;tei!aria also display rigid repeat
structures - but these aspects lie outside the scope of th is paper.l1
***
to Der altrussische Kondakar' auf der Grundlage des BJagovescenskij Nizego-

rodskij Kondakar' (Facsimile), edd. A. H. Rothe and E. Trapp, Bausteine zur
Ceschichte der Literatur bei den Slawen, Editionen, Bd. 8:2 (Giessen, 1976), fols.
12Ib-128a.
11 See also Christian T roelsgard, 'The Exaposteilaria Anastasima with Round No·
tation in MS Athos, lberon 953/1, Studi di musica bizantina in onore d; Ciovanni Mar-
ed. Alberto Doda, Studi e Testi Musicali, Nuova Serie (Pavia, 1(95)/ pp. 5-2R.
12 See Troelsgard, The ExaposteiJaria Anastasima, ..
606 CHRISTIAN TROELSGARD
This preliminary investigation suggests that oral transmission had a strong

influence on the notation of chants in the "marginal" repertories. The psaI-
teslgrafeus probably produced the melody from his understanding of the text
structure, his knowledge of style, his knowledge of equivalence or II su bstitut-
abil ity" of melodic motives, probably in combination with a memory of ear-
Iier performances. It seems that for a given piece a certain range of substi-
tutability of melodic motives was acceptable, but only one, fixed, traditional
formal structure.
Now, the question is whether the singers in fact did observe such a cluster
of lIunwritten rules" or "generative principles"? These terms and concepts
were developed in the discussion on the early transmission and codification
of Gregorian chant by Treitler and Hucke,t3 but they are highly relevant for
the specific conditions of transmission in the marg inal" Byzantine reperto-
II
ries. Here, the sources are so few and in some respects so divergent that the
notion of a broad written transmission may be excluded, and yet the melo-
dies seem to converge towards a common compositional ideal that allows for
variation only within certain limitations. Perhaps such a model is suggested
in the second of six rules for mastering the art of chanting, coined by the
15th-century composer and theoretician, Manuel Chrysaphes: "If somebody
requests you to write down a melody, you should not lean upon a book and
look in it, but write with certainty and as art requires, without using a
book."14
The situation is, however, complicated by the existence of II poc kets" of
written tradition, perhaps due to local traditions or a fragmentary transmis·
sion. We may, however, already conclude that the recent discovery of such
IImarginal" repertories as the stichera automela, the apolytikia!kontakia auto-
me/a and the exaposteilaria autome/a will place us in a much better position
than before to study the interplay between oral and written transmission of
Byzantine chant .
13 See, for example, bibliographical references and critical summary of that dis-
cussion by Peter jeffery, Re-Envisioning Past Musical Cultures, Ethnomusicology in
the Study of Cregorian Chant (Chicago, 1992).
14 See The Treatise of Manuel Chrysaphes, The Lampadarios, ed. D. E. Cono-
mos, Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae, Corpus scriptorum de re musica 1I (Vienna,
1985), p. 46. Although it is not quite clear to which genres Chrysaphes here refers,
the passage concerns the freedom of the singer/compo5er/scribe in the act of writing
down .
Example
A= St. Petersburg gr. 674, fol.llv (13th-14th cent.); B= Vatopediou 1493, fol. 187v (~Dionysiou 570, fol. 127v) (14th-15th cent.);
C= Sinai gr. 1250 1 fol. 9r (~Sinai gr. 1259, fol. 149v) (15th-16th cent.)
IIiM
~
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y
t- -..
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Example 2. Vatopediou 1493 (187v)
t...:....
'7tpO- 01'(%-
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be a
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a
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a
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G Ga be a Da a a abaGa G a b cbaG cb cba G
line 3
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.
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b bab G abc ab c
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line 6a+b
c
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e
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lioe 6c -
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c c c acba
MELODIC VARIATION IN THE "MARGINAL" REPERTORIES 609
Example 3. Exaposteilaria Anastasima (1 st lines onlYi Roman numerals refer

to exaposteilaria nos. I-XI)
(11th-12th c.)
c..-
TOLC;
,-
!la -
7"-/ n
t a (t; '"
auv-
?w/
H-
,
ew -
,.,
!lEY
...
Ochnd 53(p.642) 8" -
I
SI. (12
fr
Cb oy-
~
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OH-
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'7
Cb-
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.... ?,/
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"
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'i
eA -
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Nicosia, Mous. 39(l36v) 1'O\t;; Il a - 'tCl it;; 00"- 8w - !lE"
Xl
Nicosia. Mous. 39( 139v) ME- -
1:ll
/"w
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,
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av
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.,
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(13th-14th c.)
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lviron 953(286)
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D D EF CD
_/,, D EF Ga abaGa
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Patmos 473(9 To\ !la eT) - taic; allV ell. - 6w J1EV
D D D ,.. e
EFED FG EDEF Ga
IV
lviron 953(287) [t3l '--
Ta
c:.-
a-
c--
pe-
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t Cl t
EFED e
c; ex- a
DE
-* -
FG
.,
//
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lviron 953(288v) ~~~ '--
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IX 8 Tt
D EFED C D D EF G a
VII
lviron ~~J ~
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p
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e
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lviron 953(289v) [t~j '-
.6. t>- 0
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ye- A
c..- ..:!!..
/3 -."
'"
-- -
EFED CD D EF Ga a
I
Sf. Ptlb. 674(
,)-
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'--"
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D
/la 811
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1:0:
"-
Cl
9
e
~
-{.-
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(15th (1436 AD»)

r
Laura 173(
,/4
To
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--
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'-
Cl
tf/
.--:11--
e
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Laura t~] a
, (U-
a
n
b
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a
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a
0
ab
XP1-
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6t;
ANDREW HUGHES AND THE LATE MEDIEVAL

LITURGICAL OFFICE
JEROME F. WEBER
In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, many new offices were composed
for saints who had recently been added to the calendar of the diocese where
the saint was venerated. The structure of these offices differed fTom the
earl iest surviving offices in several ways. The texts are usually rhymed or
metrical l often both. The melodies are usually adapted or borrowed from ear-
lier offices. The antiphons and responsories are usually structured in order
modally from mode 1 to mode 5 in Lauds l and mode 1 to mode 8 concluding
1
with mode 1 againl in Matins. In the Mass for each feast l the AIIeluia verse
was most often composed in meter and rhyme. After the Council of Trent,
almost all of these observances were dropped from the calendar, as fewer ex-
ceptions to the universal calendar were acceptable.'
Yet these characteristics are not universal. The earliest such offices date
from the beginning of the ninth century, and one of the earliest is the Feast
of the Holy Trinity. This feast was not local but universal, and it is still found
in the Craduale today . Several other feasts were also widely observed l includ-
ing St. Nicholas, St. Thomas a Becket, St. Dominic and St. Francis of Assisi.
These are now celebrated with chants from the common of a saint . Finally,
not al1late medieval offices were rhymed.
Since rhymed offices are no longer found in modern liturgical books, they
were not a subject of research at Solesmes. About 1,000 texts were printed,
however, in Analecta Hymnica Med;i Aevi beginning in 1886. Exhaustive re-
search into this subject has been done by Andrew Hughes at the University
of Toronto. To AHMA: he added 300 offices printed in other editions and
had 200 more transcribed. H is database has just been published on computer
disks. 2
1 For this subject, see Andrew Hughes, "Rhymed Office in The New Grove,
lt
vo!. IS, p. 804; Wolfgang Irtenkauf, "Reimoffizium" in MGG vo!. 11, Sp. 172· t 76 and
David Hiley, Western Plainchant (Oxford, 1993), "Offices with Verse Texts", p. 273.
2 Late Medieval Liturgical Offices: Resources for electronic research (Toronto,
Canada, Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1994; US$85). Distributed in
Europe by Brepols, Turnhout, Belgium. Three 3112" disks with a 229-page manual.
612 JEROME F. WEBER
Recordings of rhymed offices· as such were unknown until 1977, when

Arsene Bedois 3 recorded the Mass and First and Second Vespers of St. Juve-
nal, bishop of Narni, who was martyred in the year 376. He was proclaimed
patron saint of Fossano in 1279, when his relics were transferred there, and
the office was probably composed at that time. Matins is Jacking in the manu-
script, which exceptionally for chant at this time is written in pre-Franconian
notation. The feast was celebrated only at Narni and Fossano, and the
manuscript, discovered at Fossano in 1976, was edited by Pietro Damilano of
the University of Turin. We will now hear the Magni ficat antiphon from First
Vespers, Dulci mnant, sung by the Guillaume Dufay Vocal Ensemble.
In 1983, in a series of recordings devoted to Swedish music history, ex-
cerpts from offices of five medieval Swedish saints were recorded under the
direction of Stefan Parkman. We will now hear the first antiphon of First Ves-
pers, Rma rarans bonitatem, for St. Birgitta (or Bridget), who died in 1373
and was canonized in 1391. The men of the Uppsa\a Cathedral choir are
heard here.
Because of the Schola Hungarica's interest in late medieval chants from
Hungarian and other central European manuscripts, it has recorded more
rhymed offices than any other ensemble. An early example is St. Thomas a
Becket,4 whose cult spread across Europe soon after his martyrdom in 1170.
We will now hear the famous responsory for Second Vespers, Jacet granum,
sung by the boys of the schola directed by lanka Szendrei.
A recent recording is devoted to Vespers, Matins and Lauds of St. Erik,
king of Sweden, whose death in 1160 was regarded as martyrdom. The record-
ing uses three manuscripts, with Vespers treated as a cathedral observance,
Matins sung at a convent of nuns, and Lauds at a monastery, using a different
choir for each hour. We will now hear the first responsory of Matins, Pax
patrie. Members of Schola Hungarica are joined by the Malmo College of
Music choir under the direction of }anka Szendrei.
One of the most startling discoveries of recent years was made by Barbara
Haggh, who established that the Recollectio Festorum Beatae Mariae
Virginis, written for the cathedral of Cambrai in 1457, was composed by
3 At the time , Bedois , who made five recordings for Arion and Erato, was organ-
ist at St. Thoma d'Aquin, a small chuTch in the student quarter of PariS, now closed.
4 An earlier recording by Denis Stevens, Music in Honor of St. Thomas of
Canterbury (Nonesuch H-71292 j recorded 16 August 1973), was almost entirely
polyphonic, including lacet granum with a prosa.
ANDREWHUGHES AND THE LATE MEDIEVAL llTURGICAL OFFICE 613
GUil1aume Dufay, then residing in Savoy, where a copy of the office was also
found. An extensive survey of this office was recorded by Schola Hunga-
rica,5 and we will now hear the ninth responsory of Matins, PJaude, supema
Sion. The boys and women of the schola are directed by J anka Szendrei.
The most recent recording of a rhymed office has been made by David
Eben. A few selections from the offices of four Czech saints had been record-
ed earlier by Schola Hungarica, but a more extensive and different group of
chants from the same four saints' offices is sung here. We will now hear the
seventh responsory of Matins, A/me presu/ et beate, for St. Adalbert, the sec-
ond bishop of Prague, who was martyred in 997.
We conclude now with the office of St. Nicholas, who died in Asia Minor
about 350 and whose cult spread widely through the West from the ninth to
eleventh centuries. We will now hear the celebrated ninth responsory of Mat-
ins, Ex ejus tumba, with its prosa Sospitati, sung by the boys of Schola Hun-
garica directed by}anka Szendrei. This is a melodic variant of the edition in
Variae Preces. Notice also that the last word of the respond is different:
sospes regreditur in VP, sospes resi/iit in the Passau antiphonal that was used
for the recording.
These are only some of the rhymed offices that have been recorded.
Table 1 lists the recordings found in A Gregorian Chant Discography (1990).
Table 2 lists the recordings issued since the publication of that book.6
Table t. Rhymed Offices listed in A Cregorian Chant

Discography ( 1990)
St. Juvenal, IU 21 (Erato STU 71143, LP: recorded 1977)
Ensemble Vocal Guiltaume Dufay - Arsene Bedois
St. Stephenking, ST 31 (Hungaroton SLPXlHCD 12169, LP/CD: rec. 1979)
Schola Hungarica - Lasz16 Dobszay and Janka Szendrei
St. Thomas Becket, TH 21 (Hungaroton SLPD/HCD 12458, LP/CD: record-
ed 1982)
Schola Hungarica - Laszl6 Dobszay and Janka Szendrei
5 Since the Sopron conference, another recording of this office has been made
by Alexander Blachly with his ensemble Pomerium (Archiv).
6 I have not been able to verify the existence of a recording devoted to St. Hed·
wigis (HE 0 \-04) on Muza or another Polish label.
614 JEROME F. WEBER
St. Nicholas, NI 34 (Hungaroton SLPD/HCD 12887·88, LP/CD: recorded

1986)
Schola Hungarica Lasz16 Dobszay Janka Szendrei
St. Ru pert , RU 22 (Hungaroton SLPD/HCD 12950 LP/CD: recorded 1987)
1
Hungarica Lasz16 Dobszay Janka Szendre

St. Birgitta, BI 61; BVM in Sabbato, Y 81; St. Erik, ER 21; St. Eskil ES 41;
l
Helena, I~E 21 (Proprius PROP 15, LP: recorded 1983)

and of Uppsala Cathedral and me and women KFUM
Chamber Choir - Stefan Parkman
St. Procopius, 51; Se Wenceslaus, WE j St. Ludmila, 61; Adal-
bert, AD 21; John Hus, HU 81 (Hungaroton HCD 31085, CD: re-
corded 1988)
Hungarica L.aszl6 Dobszay lanka Szendrei
Table Rhymed Offices issued since publication of

the discography
Recollectio Festorum BMV, YR 31 (Hungaroton SLPD 31169, LP j HCD
292- recorded 1989)
Schola Hungarica - Lasz16 Dobszay and lanka Szendrei
St. Col rnba, 23 (ASV Gaudearnus CD eAU recorded 1992)
Cappel1a Nova - Tavener
St. Erik, ER 21 (Musica Sveciae MSCD 103· recorded 1994)
Hungarica, Malmo College Music Lund Cathedral Boys'
Choir - LaszI6 Dobszay and Janka Szendrei
Adalbert, 21; Ludmila, LU t; Se Procopius, PR j St.
Wenceslaus, WE 51 (Supraphon SU 0003·2: recorded 1994)
Schola Cregoriana Pragensis - David Eben
. El of Hungary, 63 61 ungaroton HCD 605; recorded
1995)
Schola Hungarica Janka Szendrei and Laszl6 Dobszay
Recollectio Festorum BMV, YR 31 (Archivj recorded 1995)
Pomerium -Alexander Blachly
ANDREW HUGHES AND THE LATE MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL OFFICE 615
St. Francis of Assisi, FR 21 i St. Benedict, BE 01 (Motette M 50560; issued

1990)
Choralschola im Auftrage -Schumann-fnstituts Dusscldorf
Karlheinrich Hodes
St. Hemy, 1 (Ondine 0 74-2i issued 1
Cetus noster and Koyhat ritarit vocal ensembles
St. Kanutus Lavard, KA 1 (Classico CLASSCD 3 i recorded 1995)
Absalon vocal ensemble
St. Emmeram, [not cited in Hughes] (Calig CAL 50983,. recorded 1996)
Schola ungarica Janka Szendrei, Laszl6 Dobszay
DIE GESANGE DER GROSSEN HOREN DES KARFREITAGS

AUS jERUSALEMER TRADITION
GERDA WOLFRAM
Die zwo1f Troparia der Grof3en Horen des Karfreitags im byzantinischen

Ritus entstammen cler Jerusalemer Tradition. Sie wurden urspriinglich im
Grof3en Leidensgottesdienst gesungen, der am Karfreitag von cler 6. Stunde
an vor clem Kreuz des Golgotha gefeiert wurde. Dieser Ritus ist nur in einem
Georgischen Lektionar uberliefert, das die Obersetzung der Stadtliturgie]eru-
salems aus dem Griechischen in die georgische Sprache darstellt. Verschie-
dene Schichten der Entstehung sind aus den Manuskripten zu erkennen, die
der kritischen Edition von M. Tarchni~vili1 zugrunde liegen. So erstreckt sich
die Abfassungszeit des Lektionars Uber mehrere lahrhunderte. Eine ursprung-
liche Redaktion darf bereits fur das spate 5. oder frUhe 6. lahrhundert ange-
nommen werden, die Endredaktion erfolgte spatestens in der 1. Halfte des
8. Jahrhunderts. Die zwolf Karfreitagstroparia sind bereits in jenen Manu-
skripten vertreten, die die alteste Traditionsstufe des Lektionars wiedergeben.
Sie werden schon hier als "die Zwo\f" bezeichnet. 2
NachJerusalemer Ritus ist jedes Troparion vom Volk 6 mal zu singen. Da-
rauf wird ein Psalm vom Anfang bis zum Ende gesungen. Der kleinen Doxo-
logie und einem Gebet folgt die abschlieflende Wiederholung des Troparion.
Dieser Jerusalemer Ritus durfte vor allem tiber die monastischen Zentren im
gesamten byzantinischen Reich seine Verbreitung erfahren haben. Im liturgi-
schen Typikon der Hagia Sophia,3 das die Entwicklung der liturgie in Kon-
stantinopel bis zum 10. Jh. wiedergibt, ist kein Hinweis auf die Grof3en Ho-
ren des Karfreitags enthalteo, vielmehr steht hier das Offizium der Tritoekte.
Im Codex Athos Laura A. 11 aus dem 11. lahrhundert werden die Grol1en Ho-
ren folgendermaf3en notiert: "kata ten paradosin tes Hagias Poleos" (gemal1
I M. Tarchnisvili, "Le grand Lectionnaire de I'eglise de Jerusalem (Ve_VlIle

siecle)", CSCO 188-189,204-205 = Iber. 9-10,13-14 (Louvain, 1959-60).
2 H. Leeb, "Die Gesange im Gemeindegottesdienst von Jerusalem (vom 5. bis
8. Jahrhundert)", Wiener Beitrage zur Theologie 28 (Wien, 1970), S. 253.
3 Vg!. J. Mateos, "Le Typicon de la Grande Eglise. Ms. Sainte-Croix No 40 I-Il",
Orientalia christiana ana/ecta 165-166. (Rama, 1962-63).
618 GERDA WOLFRAM
cler Tradition der Heiligen Stadt).4 Ab dem 11. Jahrhundert sind diese 12
Strophen als Hauptgesange der Grof3en Horen des Karfreitags in den neu-
mierten Sticheraria, den GesangsbUchern fUr den grof3en Chor, Uberliefert. 5
Je drei Troparia werden in den musikliturgischen Buchern einer Hore zuge-
ordnet. Aus den frtihen Quellen kann einesehr unterschiedliche Auffohrungs-
praxis herausgelesen werden. Diese stand vor allem in Zusammenhang mit
dem Vortrag der Psalmverse, zu welchen die Troparia gesungen wurden.
Wahrend in den Klbstern und den kleineren weltlichen Kirchen Troparia
und Psalmverse antiphonal vorgetragen wurden, standen in den gronen Kir-
chen neben dem Chor meist ein Solosanger und ein kleiner Spezialchor zur
Verrugung . In den Quellen des 13.114. Jahrhunderts sind nur mehr die neu-
mierten Troparia Uberliefert.
Die zwblf poetischen Strop hen sind von hoher dichterischer Qualitat, die
auch verscehen lant, weshalb diese Hymnen bis auf den heutigen Tag in der
griechischen Kirche am Karfreitag gesungen werden. Jede der Strophen vom
Leiden und Sterben Jesu ist aus einer unterschiedlichen Zahl von Versen
verschiedener Lange zusammengefUgt. Der bereits in fruhbyzantinischer Zeit
vollzogene Prozef3 des Ubergangs von der quantitierenden zur akzentuieren-
den Metrik kommt in diesen Versen zum Tragen. So bildet die Qbereinstim-
mung in Silbenzahl und Wortakzent zwischen einzelnen Versen ein formen-
des Element. Hier ist meist der letzte Akzent der Hauptakzent, der die rhyth-
mische Ordnung schafft. Die Kongruenz zwischen den Versen erschopft sich
aber nicht in der Ubereinstimmenden Silbenzahl und dem Akzent, sondern
bezieht sich vor allem auf die sinngemaf3e Entsprechung cler Warter bzw. der
ganzen Verse, wie dies im fa1genden Beispiel zum Ausdruck kommt: 6
4 Vgl. O. Strunk, ,,The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia", Dumbarton Oaks Pa-
pers 9-10 (1956); Nachdruck in: O. Strunk, Essays on Music in the Byzantine World
(New York, 1977), S. 137.
5 So z, B. im Sticherarium antiquum vindobonense, Hrsg. G, Wolfram, MMB
10, pars princ. (Wien, 1987), 223r-230v, und im Sticherarium Ambrosianum, Hrsg .
L. Perria-J. Raasted, MMB 11 (Kopenhagen, 1992), 243v-246r. Siehe auch MMB 10,
pars suppl., S. 129-145.
6 Dieses Troparion ist auch Teil der 12. Antiphon des gr08en Leidensgottes-
dienstes , der in der Nacht vom Grundonnerstag auf den Karfreitag zelebriert wird.
GESANCE DER DES KARFRE1T ACS 9
Beispiel1.
1 TaoE ltru KupwC; tOte; iouo<xtou;' 12 Sitben
2 ,\' I). 1
",00, Llo,\) 1t tenD tUQ'(X O'Ot· 9 Silben
3 il 'tt aot ncxpTJ V6XAmm . 8 Silben
4 aou E<pm.rum·
5 bca~'
6 KAtVllC; avopemOCtIl.llv·
7 AQ;6~ jlQU It Exotncra am'
8 u'v'tcxnEOro)(cxc;'
9 av't\. 'tOU ~l(lVV<l XOA. "V· 7 Silben
10 !Xv'tl. 'tou uocx'toC; o~6C;' 8 Silben
11 av't\. 'tou ayaMv llE, cr't<lUP41llE npocrllAIDQ'(x'tt.· 7 + 8 Silben
t2 OUKE'tt O'tEYro AOtn6V' 7 Silben
t3 ICOAEoro !-t0U la ESvrr 7 Silben
t4 00 ~c<CIoual' I
15 "IX t nVEUjlIX't\..'
t6 oropuoroWXt, ~rol1v
,,50 zu den Juden: was habe ich dir

Womit bin ich dir lastig gefallen?
Deine Blinden habe ich erleuchtet; die Aussatzigen habe ich gereinigt j
den Lahmen auf der Bahre habe ich aufgerichtet.
Mein Volk, was habe ich dir get an?
FUr Manna habt ihr mir Galle dargeboten; fur das Wasser Essig j
fur meine habt ihr mich an das geschlagen.
Ich nicht: sondern die Heiden herbeiru
Sie "TPrn ... preisen - und ich ",,"rrlP das ewige Leben
Die Volk, was habe wird im 7.

und bildet gleichsam die Klammer zu den Versen 3 bis 6, in denen drei Wun-
der Jesu angefiihrt werden. Der 4. und 5. Vers - die Blinden - die Aussatzigen
- gehen als Achtsilber in ihrer Akzentuierung konform, sie sind rhythmisch
identisch. Der 3. und 8. Vers stehen ebenfalls parallel zueinander. Die Verba
cler Verse 2 his 8, ausgenommen Vers 6, stellen durch ihre proparoxytone En-
dung rhythmisches Elemcn These und Antithese n
den zum Ausdruck. die negative zu
7 le Stilmittel van Antithese kammt in

se in . Hiilfte 6. Jh.)
620 GERDA WOLFRAM
den Versen 4 bis 6 dar. Die beiden folgenden Silbensilber leiten zu den 3letz-
ten achtsilbrigen Versen tiber, in denen wiederum ein Ubereinstimmender
Wortrhythmus festzustellen ist.
Der rhetorische Aufbau des Textes teilt sich auch im Melos mit. 8
Beispie12.
). .....
11'"& I1
,v ., ,
..) .., J ") / ., " J )7 / L.--
-r-
-1
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ToOe: A£ ye: I. X\..Pt.

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01. OL OL 01. OL'
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? :::.
3 11 ' , " I L Z ~r; Z
Tl Lt. oot. rrap ca. a a.
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rr--?., \'.'" / ., )) /"",
/i2=:2::Z:
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8 Alle Beispiele sind dem Sticherarium Ambrosianum (wie Anm. 5) entnommen,

einem Codex in diastematischer mittelbyzantinischer Notation des }ahres 1341.
DIE GESANCE DER GROSSEN HOREN DES KARFRElTAGS 621
_L ., :7 ., , , L-
8$ ,
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622 GERDA
Wir die zweimalige die gleiche auf-

weist. Das groBe Melisma lib er (JOt scheint in beiden Versen auf. Es ist dies
die me10dische Figur des Kolaphismos, die vor allem den Gesangen des psalti-
schen Repertoires fur den Solosanger eigen ist. Diese Ornamentierung kehrt
in fast unveranderter Form auch in den meisten der anderen T roparia wieder.
"Die Blinden die Aussatzigen" konform, der 3. und 8. Vers weisen
ebenfal Melos auf jeweils in der Quinte.
Vers 9 in ihrer Neum und stimmen und 5
Uberein. t 4 und t 5 haben Neumierung. Jesu
hat in Versen, abgesehen abschlieBenden rezitati-
vischen Charakter. Auch in Vers 8, der mit Vers 14 und 16 konform geht, ist
dies festzustellen. Rezitativa kehren auch in den anderen Troparia immer
wieder.
Aus diesem einen Beispie1 wird ersicht1ich, wie durch die rhetorische Dikti-
on, die sich im syntaktischen Zusammenhang, in Wortanordnungen und in
einer von gleichgebauten auch Zeilen
widerspiegelt, Rhythmus gescha der die Strop hen
machte orale T radierung ichte.
Flir Jerusalemer Tradi mit einiger la-
bische annehmen, die vom vorgetragen wurden. Welchem
Wande1 wurden diese Melodien aber unterzogen, bis sie erstmals in den mu-
sikliturgischen BUchern, den Sticheraria, aufgezeichnet wurden? Die Ges:!nge
des sticherarischen Repertoires sind vor allem sylIabisch, jedoch werden
Hymnen zu gro8en Festen hauMg dUTch groBere Melismata verziert. In eini-
gen der Karrreitagstroparia konnen Ornamentierungen den
einleiten festgestellt Sticherarium ant nclobo-
nense,9 Handschrift mit pal ischer adiastematischer
vom Begin . Jahrhunderts, einem syllabischen fangs-
kolon on in marg;ne ornamentiertes Inci-
pit auf, wahrend im Sticherarium Ambrosianum 10 nur ein syl1abisches Ein-
leitungskolon verzeichnet ist. Charakteristisch fur die Ornamentierung der
zw6lf Troparienme1odien ist eine re1ativ kJeine Zahl an immer wiederkehren-
den Standardmustern, Me1odietypen, durch die die Gesange erweitert wer-
den. So sind die kleinen me10dischen Figuren vor allem durch das Xeron
Klasma, und das bestimmt.
9 Vg] 5.
10 Vgl. Anmerkung 5 und 8.
DIE GESANGE DER GROSSEN HOREN DES KARFREITACS 623
BeispieI3.
Plagios protos:
/~.,~
1/ ry-,-,
- \ ~ -;;
-
V' -,
.. \ '";'
\"'".::;.... }.s /'/ .')
,
I ,
. 1
\
I
Deuteros:
Plag;os tetartos:
,)!,', 3"
.;,
Plag;os tetartos:
_1-",
~ ~J:::r
~ ,£5' ~ » Z •
Pratas:
L..
~ "7 J
{,,) z I'I
Barys:
t (5 11 , ,fl
Deuteros:
Plagios deuteros:
624 GERDA WOLFRAM
Die Medialkadenzen der t 2 Troparia sind auf ganz wenige Formeln einge-
schrankt. Vorherrschend ist die Kadenz Ca (a), ihr folgen FED, aGG (bzw.
chh im 2. Echos und FEE im 2. plagalen Echos) und haC.
Flinf der zwolf Troparia werden durch ein im wesentlichen gleiches Melis-
ma eingeleitet:
Beispie14.
/.-~ ')
-;; . .' ' ' f - 'oS /. "
z ; z/ 2?
~. .2~
:z;
ov I.. ou Oat UN'
!..:. -
?:~ 5; l
n z
i
'-'
01.. \JO lJO 0

- -, ., -
T9 <. .;::. \'?, I
\:; V 7'" ,? ;;'-'s \' ., 'V ') <-
.
1/ ,')
k' y"
8~4~~~~",~,;s~;~~~~~~
?/j 1,
;
,;z> a z J
r
,
,.. , -....-"
Ce £ e; e: e;u 't'€ € £ e; e;'
"\y '/"J""''' \' , ..... 7/) " / ., ,'" ., ) \' -

)-r-
'1oi~~~~z~~z~~~~~~~
'-j z z
(; /) ?
)
I
&:tu f:q; TlV L Oe:LV 't'ou O\J
Die restlichen Strophen haben ganz einfache syllabische Anfangsverse,

wie dies im 10. Troparion des 3. plagalen Echos, des 8arys, zum Ausdruck
kommt. 11 Hier steht die absteigende Quart oh ne Verzierung. Moglicherwei-
11 Die schrittweise Auf- und Abwartsbewegung innerhaJb cleT Quinte DaD um-
faI3t die Worte "ouranou kai ges" - des Himmels - aufsteigend - und deT ETde - ab-
steigend.
DES KARFRElTACS 625
se weist dieses Incipit auf die ursprungliche einfache Gestalt der Troparia
hin.
Von den sieben im plagalen zwei im , Plagi-
eines irn , eines Plagios eines im 2 Kyrios, auf
den Gesang im 2. Echos Kyrios weisen alle Obrigen einc auf Ca zentrierte
Lage auf. Von diesen Tonen aus gliedert sich das ganze Melos. Der Arnbitus
cler Gesctnge urnfallt entweder die Oktave C-c oder D-d, wobei die Oktave
rneist oben urn Ton zum nach urn
Ton wird. , Echos erstreckt urn Quart
hoher in der Oktave F-F Zwei fur den 1. Echos typische Intervalle treten
ebenso in den Melodien des 4. plagalen Echos auf. Es sind dies vor allern die
Quinte D-a die absteigende Quarte a-E Die Zugehorigkeit von 7 Tro-
Echos, CIbereinstimmung im von 5
Lage allen , ein gemeinsamer
von C-d, konnen verrnuten lassen, dan urspriinglich allen 12 Strophen ein
gemeinsarner Modus zugrunde lag. Die psaltischen Verzierungen der Incipits
einzelner Warter Silben erst mit Aufzeichnung in
rnusikl BUchern erfolgt Moglicherweise kristall isierten
sich durch diejahrhundertelange orale Oberlieferung in einigen Gesangen be-
stirnmte rnelodische Muster heraus, die bei ihrer Aufzeichnung einem ande-
ren Klangraurn zugewiesen wurden.
Inwieweit Hypothese, es sich dem syllabischen Gnmdgerust
Troparia die urspTilnglichen Melod handeln nte, gerechtfertigt
ist, kann nicht entschieden werden, sotange uns keine C1\teren musikliturgi-
schen Quellen als jene des 10./11. Jahrhunderts bekannt sind. Ob es uns
gel wird, die 1erusalemer Tradition ihren Me] zu
iellen, dah i
AGENDA OF THE STUDY SESSION
Sept. 4., Monday, 7 p.m., City Ha11 of Sopron

Opening addresses by
Prof. Uiszl6 Dobszay
Dr. J6zsef Ujfalussy, Vice President of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Or. Szabo1cs Gimesi/ Mayor of Sopron
Prof. David Hiley, Chairman of the IMS Study Group Cant us Planus
Thomas Kelly
Schreiberdarnmerung in
Reception given by the Mayor of Sopron
Sept. 5., Tuesday, 9 a.m.

David Hiley
Cerda Wolfram
Die CCY;,!1nge del' GroBen Horen Karfreitags ausjerusalemer
Tradition
James McKinnon
Vaticana Latina 19: Witness to Mid-Eighth-Century Roman
Proper of the Mass
01 Cull
Rhetoric, Modes and Form: the Status of Memory in Easter-Christmas
Comparison
Theodore
The Chant Background of the Choralis Constantinus
Bernhold Sch id
'5uper hymnum Ave maris std/a" - Aspekte einer Credo- Vertonung
1600
Mari Shkol
Some Principles of Rhythmic Organization in Byzantine Music
(A Study Based on the Byzantine-Russian Hcirmologion)
62 AGENDA OF THE STUDY SESSION
Annette Jung
The Interaction between the Syllabic and the MeJismatic in the Hymns
of the Standard Abridged Version the Sticherarion
Sept. 5 ., Tuesday, 3 p.m., Session I

Chair: Gerda Wolfram
N an n a Sch i0"d t
Enigmatic Ncumcs in the Kontakion Repertoire: An Examination Based
on the Akathistos Hymn
Maria Alexandru
Zu den megala semadia der byzantinischen Notation
Irina Shkolnik
Byzantine Prosomoion Singing: a General View the Repertoire
Stichera-models (automela)
Svetlana Kujumdzieva
The Akathistos once again (A Study Based on Balkan Musical Sources)
Clara Adsuara
Remarks on the Structure Kalophonic Stichera: Working Hypotheses
Christian Troelsgard
Melodic Variation in the Original MSS (Apo}ytikia and Exapostei}aria)
Sept. 5 ., Tuesday, 3 p.m., Session JJ

Chair: Charles Atkinson
Stefan EngeJs
Neumenfamilien und Choralnotationen Dsterrcich
Martin Czern n
Aspekte der Neurnenschriften in den Benediktinerklostern
Kremsm(1nster und Lambach
SrUDY SESSION 629
Fumiko Niiyama-Kalicki
Erentrudis in dCf Nonnberger in Salzburg
Joseph Dyer
The Clavis in Thirteenth· Century Music Theory
Alexander Rausch
Beobachtungen zum Kurztonar des Bern von Reichenau
Sieglinde van de Klundert
Der Tractatus de tonis des Guido von S'aint-Denis
6., Wednesday, p.m.
Chair: Nancy van Deusen

Barbara Haggh
Sources for Plainchant and Ritual in London and Ghent: a Swveyand
Comparison
Janka Szendrei
Prager Quellen zum Hirsauer Choral
Charles Brewer
Cantus Regine: The Liturgical Manuscripts of Alzbeta Rejcka
Raffaella Camilot-Oswald
Neue Fragmente liturgischer Musikhandschriften aus dem
friihrnittelalterlichen Regensburg
Edith
Ein Fragment aus Taggia
Zsuzsa Czagany
Das Breviarium notatum CO 3 der ehemaligen Olmrltzer
Kapitelbibliothek
izabeth C. Tevlotdale
A Fragmentary Cistercian Antiphonal in the Getty Museum and its
l1Iumination
Sept, 6., Wednesday, 3 p.m.

Chair: Terence Bailey
Ritva Maria }acobsson
Liturgical Texts in the Basilica of San Marco
Katarina livljanic
Per hebdomadam aMonte Cassino: quelques aspects de l'office ferial
dans l'antiphonaire cassinien
(Monte Cassino, Archivio della Badia, ms. 542)
Brian M0l1er·Jensen
Celebrating Christmas in Piacenza 1142
NicoJe Sevestre
About the Aquitanian Huesca Hymnary
Franz Karl Pram
Zu Ceschichte und Inhalt des altesten Salzburger Uber Ordinarius
(Codex M II 6 der Universitatsbibliothek Salzburg)
Marius Bernad6
Musical Contents in Printed Rituals from Sixteenth-century Catalonia
Sept. 6., Wednesday, 8.30 p.m.

Ruth Steiner
Minimalkursus in Using the CANTUS Database
Sept.7.,Thursday
Sightseeing tour in Sopron
Excursion to the Lake Fert6, to Fert6rakos, Fert6d and Nagycenk
4 p.m.: Concert in the Esterhazy Castle
J. Haydn: Divertimento in C, in D, in C (Op. 100)
Performed by the members of the Nagymaros Chamber Music
Workshop (lead by Balazs Arn6th):
Anette J6foldi (Flute), Maria Zs. Szab6 (Violin), Judit Gallai
(Violoncello)
AGENDA SESSION 1
Sept. 8., Friday, 9 a.m.

Chair: Ruth Steiner
Hiley
The English Antiphons in the Historia Sancti Gregorii
James J. Boyee
Rhymed Responsory \krses: Characteristics and
Signi!lca
Nancy van Deusen
.Cantus Methodology and the Sequence
Holger .... pr<>".''''n
The Musical nd Liturgical Composition Visitatio Sepulchri
Lance Brun ner
The Tao of Singing: On the Schola Hungarica's [ntrepretation of the
Nonanto]an Sequences
F. Weber
Andrew Hughes and the Rhymed Office
" Friday,
Chair: Joseph Dyer
Gunilla lversen
Conclusions from a Redaction: Gloria Melody and its
Collection Alternating Trope Verses the ms BN lat 11
Marie-Noel Colette
Perspectives musicales offertes par la serie de tropes alternatifs dans le
ms. Paris; 1119
Viatcheslav ik
Proper Tropes in the Old Roman Gradual of Santa Cecilia in Trastevere
(1071)
Schier
Aspekte Emhen Tmpenpraxis in
Simon Harris
Byzantine Psalmody - an Interim Report
Elena Ton~eva
The Late-Byzantine Psalmody - some Observations on Structural
Problems
Sept. 8., Friday, 7 p.m., The Collegiate Church of St. George

Vesperae de festo Nativitatis BMV
Hymns by C. Dufay, Magnificat by O. Lassus
sung by the soloists of the Schola Hungarica, dir. by Andras S06s
Celebrant: Rev. J6zsef Torok, Professor of the Budapest Theological
Academy
Sept. 9., Saturday, 9 a.m.

Chair: James McKinnon
Owain Tudor Edwards
Searching for the Music of the Use of Nidaros
Charles M. Atkinson
lohannes Affligemensis as a Historian of Mode
Lasz16 Dobszay
Some Remarks on Jean CJaire's Octoechos
Cab~r Kiss
Tonal variants in the Hungarian Antiphon Repertory
Reports on projects
Discussion on future plans
The close of the meeting
The conference was sponsored by:

The UNESCO The Hungarian Academy of Sciences
The National Cultural Fund Institute for Musicology
The Capital City of Budapest The Hotel Sopron
The City of Sopron The Sopron Brewery

Cantus Planus t Soprani 1995 633
PARTICIPANTS OF THE STUDY SESSION
Cl ara Adsuara
Square Gabriel
France
Maria
University (open hagen
Jnstitute for Greek and Latin
Njalsgade 90
2300 K~benhavn S, Danmark
Fax: 45 35328155
Home: Wesendonkstr. 5
Bonn, Deutschland
228/632870
Prof. nson
State University
School of Music
Weigell Hall, 1866 College Road
Colombus, OH 43210-1170 USA
Tel.: 614-291-0789
e-mail: atkinson.5@osu.edu
, 614-267-1726
L1eida
Sivrana 1
E-25003 L1eida, Espana
Tel.: 34-73-2741 68/23 35 48
Fax: 34-73-702062
e-mai!: marius.bernado@hahs.ud1.es
Home: Pat! Claris, 20, 2
L1eida, Espana
634 PARTlClPANTS OF THE STUDY SESSION
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Adsuara - Remarks On The Structure

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Adsuara - Remarks On The Structure

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Cantus Planus.

REMARKS ON TI-lE STRUCTURE OF KAlOPHONIC STICHERA:

are, in my opinion, melismatic compositions, with no intercalation either of

5 These archaic melismatic stichera also have their syllabic counterparts, so we

The aim of this paper is to show, as clearly as possible, the complex

: LU ~O,\) the feast

2. The textual structure in the stichera: verses and sections

3. The non-sense passages of teretismata and echemata: they function as

• End: There are three types of End:

2. A bipartite section: This embraces only two of the three elements.

5 _Three examples of kalophonic structure

'H 'ICilv AEUjlqyQ)V ao\) e~f) (Sinai 125 t, 4v):

• Introduction: f). (parakletike) + initial teretismata

Second section: Tripartite

• Introduction: E-. (parakletike) + initial echemata

• Basic Text: vs.7-10(parakletike)

• End (final teretismata + v.l0)

~JlQU OI'E:1ttlJfpa'tauX (Sinai 1251/ 25v):

• Introduction: QU (parakletike) + initial teretismata.

• End (Anal teretismata + v.3)

• Basic Text: vs.4 and 5

• End cma xopou): and (only verse 4)

~~QU m(t1ti0P~ nai 40v):

First section: Tripartite

• lntroduction: (paraklet + teretismata colon:

• Basic Text: vs. 1-3 (parakletike)

• {vs. + final teretismata + v.

Second section: Bipartite 1

• "'Basic vs.4 and 5

• End (final teretismata + vsA and 5).

As can from above, besides me1ismatic two main ele-

The teretismata and echemata (non-sense passages) always appear in the

6. The kalophonic treatment of text. 17

Type B: Repetition of words within a short verse. 19 This kind of repetition

Type 0: Repetition of preceding verses from the same or a different section.

Comments on 'H Wy 2&l"V~.a:mLe~T1 (Sinai 1251,

In the version Sinai 25 each verse Arst section has repe-

Comments on ~_.I.lO\) <IlCE1t1lKP~ (Sinai 1566, 40v).

6.2. The interpolation of the words 1tO:)..,tV and AEYE.

This is a typical kalophonic phenomenon, although it has its nrst oc-

For the clarity I with bold the agreements with ion

stressed, nevertheless, the word is not its right context,

6.3. The interpolation of the asmatic syllable -x-.

This device can be found in the melismatic compositions f the Psaltikon

The formal structure f kalophon ic stid1era here demonstrated my

Floros, Constantine, UniversaJe Neumenkunde, Zweiter Band (Kassel, 1970).

Palikarova-Verdc H. I La musique tine Jes Bulgares les

Stathes, Cregorios, at avqypgflfllX11Qi..101. Ko,L_m_tHXOi\U<x1Q 't~~~~cwtW~C;

Strunk, iver/ Notationum AnUquiorum, MMB principa1e

Example 1. The kalophonic structure:

Second section : Tripartite

Second long verse:

End: Final teretismata.

Example 2. The kalophonic structure:

Introduction: ~- oi> + Initial teretismata.

Second section: Bipartite 1

Example 3. The kalophonic structure:

b- Modal intonation formula for the second authentic mode: Echemata.

Introduction: ~- ou + Initial Teretismata.

Second section: Bipartite 1

End: ~- Final teretismata.

Example ... Word and repetitions

A =Repetition of the first syllables of a word within a short verse.