Journal of

Archaeological
SCIENCE
Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871
http://www.elsevier.com/locate/jas

Environmental change and social dynamics in the second–third

millennium BC in NW Iberia
R. Fábregas Valcarce a,*, A. Martı́nez Cortizas b, R. Blanco Chao c, W. Chesworth d
a
Departamento de Historia I, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 15782 Santiago de Compostela, Spain
b
Departamento de Edafoloxı́a e Quı́mica Agrı́cola, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 15782 Santiago de Compostela, Spain
c
Departamento de Xeografı́a, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 15782 Santiago de Compostela, Spain
d
Land Resource Science Department, Ontario Agricultural College, University of Guelph, Guelph, Ontario, Canada N1G 2W1
Received 18 January 2002; received in revised form 9 May 2002; accepted 11 October 2002

Abstract

Analysis of different sediments in NW Spain suggests that a series of abrupt climatic changes occurred between 3500 and 1000
BC. These involved some episodes of cooling and others of drought. There were also changes to the coastline of Galicia. Taken
together, these would have offered new opportunities to Copper Age communities who had already embarked on a process of
agricultural intensification. The result was a growth of internecine competition.
 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Northwestern Iberia; Chalcolithic; Geochemical signals; Environment; Climate change; Agricultural intensification

1. Introduction actively, through several phases of evolution. The ulti-

The impact of scientific techniques and technologies
on Archaeology accelerated considerably after the
Second World War. ‘Prehistoric Europe: The Economic
Basis’, Clark’s pioneering synthesis of the 1950s was
followed by an increasing reliance on natural science,
with the dawn of the ‘New Archaeology’ at the end of
the 1960s. Vigorous debate as to the relative importance
of external (i.e. environmental) pressures versus internal
(i.e. socioeconomic) pressures, in societal change, date
essentially from this period.
Often the debate has been in rather simplistic,
either/or terms. We believe (see Refs. [14 p. 8, 31,
p. 182]) that feedback needs to be considered. The
physical environment presents human beings with both
challenges and opportunities. The human response to
these, in turn precipitates environmental change, which
in turn impacts upon human settlement and so inter-
mate effect on the total ecosystem may be considered in
terms of critical load [23]. During periods of low critical
load, the ability of the environment to buffer the effects
of human activity decreases, and processes of change are
intensified.
In the present paper, our objective is to outline the
environmental evolution (climate, continental landscape
and coastal environment) in NW Iberia since the end of
the fourth to the end of the second millennium BC (Fig.
1). The focus is on the consequences of alternating
colder and warmer periods and their influence on human
activities. This contrasts with the work done by other
scholars, which has tended to examine the material
expansion of the culture of this era, more in terms of
internal factors.
2. Records of environmental changes: archives and
signals

* Corresponding author. Tel.: +34-981-563-100; In the earth sciences, the interpretation of past en-
fax: +34-981-582-144.
E-mail addresses: phfabreg@usc.es (R. Fábregas Valcarce),
vironments depends on a detailed knowledge of prod-
edantxon@usc.es (A. Martı́nez Cortizas), rblanco@usc.es (R. Blanco ucts and processes in the present environment (principle
Chao). of uniformitarianism). The present shows us how to read
0305-4403/03/$ - see front matter  2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/S0305-4403(02)00264-9
860 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871

Fig. 1. Location of the places/areas from which environmental evidence has been obtained.
 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871
the record of past environmental change [21]. The two
key concepts here are ‘archive’ and ‘signal’.
Any superficial formation (lake or ocean sediment,
accumulation of peat, glacier ice, and others) is an
archive or record of environmental change. The change
itself leaves signals in the archive—structural, textural,
mineralogical, biological, and chemical signals, for
example—which we attempt to interpret. Geochemical
indicators of environmental change have been empha-
sized in work in northwestern (NW) Spain, over the last
15 years, and in this context three main areas have been
developed. These are characterization of climate
changes, evolution of the landscape, and past atmos-
pheric pollution [24–28,33,41].
Here we present a synthesis of this research, including
new perspectives. The time span covered is roughly
3500–1500 BC. This provides a wider framework within
which to discuss social dynamics during the third
millennium BC.
2.1. Methodological aspects
As archives of environmental change in NW Iberia,
ombrotrophic peat bogs, lake sediments, soils and sedi-
mentary formations have proven most useful. Those
referred to in this paper are spread over the entire region
(see Fig. 1) and cover the time span since the Late
Pleistocene (30–40,000 BP) until the present day. These
archives are of two types: continuous (peat bogs, lake
sediments) and discontinuous (cumulic soils, polycyclic
soils, sedimentary deposits in small basins, coastal
sediments, for example). They differ in terms of time
resolution, number of events indicated and time span
recorded, but the Holocene period is basically covered in
all the areas. On them, we have studied pedogenetic
signals (soil constituent cycles, soil properties related
to pedogenetic processes), sedimentary signals (eolic,
marine, and continental facies) and geochemical signals
(trace element accumulation and fluxes in continuous
archives). No explanation is needed for traditional
Quaternary research but a brief explanation of the
basic principles of the use of geochemical indicators is
necessary.
The flux of a geochemical indicator from its source,
through the atmosphere, to an archive is controlled to a
greater or lesser extent by environmental conditions
(atmospheric circulation, temperature, humidity, human
activities, and so on). Using high resolution archives it
should be possible to model the environmental factors,
from the trace element signal preserved in the archival
deposits.
Three proxies of climatic change will be presented
here.
A temperature index, based on Hg accumulation and
thermal stability: As a volatile element Hg is ubiqui-
861
tous in the atmosphere and its accumulation in peat
bogs has been shown to depend mainly on the
temperature at the time of deposition; under cold
climates Hg deposition is enhanced and thermal
stability of the accumulated Hg compounds is low;
while under warm climates part of the Hg deposited is
re-emitted, resulting in a lower accumulation but a
greater thermal stability. The basics of this approach
to high resolution records of paleotemperatures can
be found in Refs. [30,32].
A humidity index: Hg may also be an indicator of
atmospheric humidity (i.e. rainfall) particularly in
warm climates. For cold climates over the last 5000
years the humidity index based on Hg reflects a total
rainfall similar to, or lower than today, but the signal
is ambiguous in that Hg may not be sensible to
humidity for cold periods [30]. Consequently, we rely
here on Br fluxes, which seem to depend exclusively
on total rainfall in the area where the record
was obtained (Xistral Mountains located in North
Galicia, only 25 km south of the coast). Bromine is an
element of marine origin, present in the atmospheric
marine aerosols, and its deposition in land ecosystems
occurs mainly when it is washed out by rainfall.
Additionally, it is preserved in organic-rich deposits.
In short, the flux of Br in oceanic peat bogs is directly
proportional to rainfall.
An index of wind strength: Atmospheric transport of
particulate matter depends on wind strength. Strong
winds are capable of transporting particles of larger
size and higher density than low strength winds. Some
elements are depleted in the fine fractions (as, for
example, Zr, Rb, Sr, Y) and some are enriched (as,
for example, Ti, Pb, Hf) [35,47]. Thus the ratio
between two elements with opposite behaviour in the
dust deposited in a peat bog after atmospheric trans-
port, will reflect wind intensity. For example, Zr is
enriched in silt and sand particles and depleted in
clay, while Ti is enriched in clay. High Zr/Ti ratios
will therefore indicate strong winds bringing coarser,
Zr-enriched particles to the bog. Low values will
indicate lower wind strength bringing finer particles
to the bog.
We also introduce an index of soil erosion. It is based
on the trace elements recorded in peat bogs. Lithogenic
elements are accumulated in ombrotrophic peat bogs by
deposition of soil dust. Gallium (Ga) is an element
present in trace amounts in NW Iberian soils that can be
used for that purpose. The changing fluxes of this
element result from variations in the dust load in the
atmosphere which in turn is proportional to soil erosion.
Increased soil erosion induced by clearance of the veg-
etation by humans will be reflected on the records by an
increased accumulation of Ga. On the other hand, this
process will not affect the signals we use to reconstruct
862 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871
the paleoclimates. As mentioned earlier, Br fluxes do not
depend on continental sources and soil erosion does not
significantly affect the atmospheric concentration of Br.
Only total rainfall dictates the amount of this element
deposited in the bogs. With respect to the temperature
record, it is based on the thermal stability of the Hg (the
proportion of Hg desorbed upon heating) which again is
independent of the total accumulated Hg, but directly
depends on atmospheric conditions.
3. Environmental change in the coastal systems
Coastal environments were of great importance for
the different human groups living in NW Spain. Conse-
quently, it is appropriate to include some information
on the coastal evolution, although the present state of
our knowledge is not so well developed as for other
sub-systems of the paleoenvironments.
The evolution of coastal systems must be studied in
terms of different time scales and rates of change. Since
a coastal system is defined as the interface between
continental, atmospheric and marine sub-systems, the
first cause of change, and one with wide temporal and
spatial amplitudes, are the oscillations of mean relative
sea level (m.r.s.l.). The major changes relate to regressive
and transgressive episodes linked to glacial/interglacial
cycles over different time scales during the Pleistocene.
These affect hundreds of kilometres of coast. Smaller
temporal cycles are superimposed on this general trend.
Regarding rates of change, the various components
of the coastal system (sea cliffs, shore platforms,
beaches, estuaries and lagoons) respond to the transfer
of energy and sediment at different speeds. In this
context we also need to consider the importance of high
intensity and low frequency events (i.e. heavy storms) in
coastal development. This is especially important in
areas like the Atlantic European coast. The relevant
paleoenvironmental evidence in coastal systems is both
morphological and sedimentological. The first relates
mainly to the shape of coastal features, their position
with respect to the area of wave action, and their
correspondence with present morphogenetic conditions.
The sedimentological evidence involves an examination
of the relationship between facies and position of coastal
sediments and a comparison with present environmental
conditions. Any inconsistencies arising from the com-
parison provide a valuable measure of environmental
change.
Of course, care needs to be exercised for making such
interpretations. The disequilibrium between morphology
or facies in coastal features does not imply the occur-
rence of eustatic or isostatic variations in sea level. An
isolated, high intensity storm event, may cause a greater
retreat in a rocky shoreline, or deposit and redistribute
huge amounts of sediments over the mean upper level of
wave action than the usual slow change over centuries.
Such rapid, in a sense, catastrophic events, will have
a more immediate impact on human society, than
uniformitarian changes.
4. Environmental evolution in NW Iberia from the fourth
to the second millennium BC
4.1. Climate changes
The climate proxies described previously for temper-
ature, humidity and wind strength are shown for the
region and period of interest in Fig. 2 . The temperature
index measures the departure from present conditions
for any given period. A comparison with other pub-
lished data (e.g. Ref. [9]) suggests that temperature
began to drop by the end of the fourth and the beginning
of the third millennium. This marks the end of the
Holocene optimum (the Hypsithermal period) and the
onset of the Neoglaciation period. The decrease in
temperature seems to have been continuous till 2500 BC,
reaching a minimum of about 2 (C lower than now.
Overall, there was a drop of about 5 (C. Temperature
then rose by about 1 (C remaining stable until a cooling
trend set about 1600–1400 BC. This was followed by a
dramatic rise to higher temperatures than present by
about 1200 BC. We must point out that these changes
in temperature have a temporal but also a spatial
expression (Fig. 3 ).
Humidity, proxied by the Br fluxes (Fig. 2a), shows
notable changes, though the fluxes for the whole period
are below those characteristic of present times (which
are 6–9 µg m
2 year
1). Again, we think that relative
variations from precedent conditions are more meaning-
ful than absolute values. As with temperature, humidity
seems also to have dropped more or less continuously
during the Neoglaciation period, from the end of the
fourth millennium until 2700 BC humidity reached the
lowest observed values. This represents a decrease
of 23% from the previous phase (and for the sake of
comparison, note that the total rainfall was of the order
of 50–65% lower than present). From 2600 to 2300 BC
rainfall increased by about 45% over the previous stage.
By 2200 BC it reached a maximum for the period, 74%
greater than the minimum. By then it was of the order of
present total rainfall in the area. By 2000 BC rainfall
decreased again to a minimum, slightly higher than the
previous one. A rapid recovery followed in 1400–1300
BC and remained almost constant after that.
Wind strength, estimated using Zr/Ti proxy, is shown
in Fig. 2b. In general the proxy reflects a sharp decrease
in wind strength since the middle of the fourth millen-
nium until 2200 BC. If the ratios were strictly propor-
tional to wind strength this would indicate a 4.5-fold
decrease in wind strength (a combination of a reduction
in wind velocity and frequency). For this particular
period the ratios reach their greatest values for the last
 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871
Fig. 2. (A) Proxies for climate changes occurring in NW Iberia from
the mid of the fourth until the end of the second millennium BC
(temperature index: departure from present average temperatures in
(C; humidity proxy: Br flux in µg m
2 year
1). The dashed line in the
TI indicates the estimated trend for the end of the fourth millennium.
(B) A proxy for wind strength in NW Iberia since the end of the fourth
to the end of the second millennium BC (log of the Zr/Ti ratio). (C) A
proxy of soil erosion rates in NW Iberia since the end of the fourth to
the end of the second millennium BC (flux of gallium by 100, in
µg m
2 year
1).
5000 years and the maximum was three times greater
than the present. This suggests very strong winds.
For the next 1000 years the winds remained almost
constant or showed a decreasing trend to values com-
parable to present times. The second millennium BC
ended with an event of strong winds, a 3.5-fold increase
compared to previous conditions, again assuming strict
proportionality.
863
Table 1 summarizes the main climatic periods of the
time span comprising the second half of the fourth
millennium and the third and second millennia. To
conclude this section, climatic conditions for the period
were characterized by cold temperatures, although
significant changes cannot be ignored. Important vari-
ations in humidity flux (i.e. total rainfall) and in wind
strength—very high until the end of the third millen-
nium, to low and very low for the rest of the period—are
indicated. In general terms, humidity and temperature
were coupled in the sense that elevated humidity fluxes
coincided with high temperatures and low humidity
fluxes with correspondingly low temperatures. Neverthe-
less, the increase in humidity seems to have occurred
before the recovery of temperatures.
4.2. Landscape evolution
Studies of landscape evolution in NW Iberia show
that soil erosion began to be widespread at least from
the beginning of the fourth millennium BC. Soils located
in areas of deposition were buried by colluvium derived
from A horizons upslope. The result was a shift from
stable to unstable conditions [20]. These episodes seem
to have been anthropic in that they are synchronous
with forest decline [42]. In addition, some soils show
charcoal lines, which point to the use of fire. For
example, in the Atlantic ranker of Currobedo (CBD)
(Xistral Mountains, Lugo) the buried surface of the
oldest paleosol has a radiocarbon age of 4950 cal. BC
(2
5145–4775 BC) [29]. At Coto da Fenteira (CTF)
(Redondela, Pontevedra) the paleosol has a radiocarbon
age of 4460 cal. BC (2
4615–4340) [17,31]. At Mougás
one of the paleosurfaces is buried by a colluvium which
contains a charcoal line at its base dating from 4355 cal.
BC (2
4465–4310). In the Valadouro basin (Lugo) trees
of an age of 4460 cal. BC (2
4545–4435) were found
under 1–2 m of sediments and in the upper slopes of the
area a buried A horizon with an age of 3360 cal. BC (2

3510–3320) (Franco Maside, 1999) was found. In other
words, most of the soils were stable until the fourth
millennium, after which induced erosion started that
increased with time.
At the start, the intensity of erosion was somewhat
variable with geochemical indicators suggestive of a low
to moderate intensity, while elsewhere sedimentological
and geomorphological features indicate local severe
erosion. A common aspect in all areas studied is that the
natural equilibrium of the soils on the slopes was
disturbed, and erosion was enhanced even to the point
that saprolites and rocks were exhumed. In the lowlands
sedimentary deposition of the disturbed material created
new landscape surfaces.
The stripping of the surface soils caused a reduction
in water retention and an increase in water runoff. This
elevated the water table and transformed some lowland
864 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871

Fig. 3. Temperature changes in NW Iberian Peninsula during the period considered. (A) At the beginning of the third millennium. (B) At the end
of the second millennium.

soils into hydromorphic soils (known locally as brañas). surface of the CBD ranker occurred sometime after 4900
In some places, the almost permanently high water table and before 2290 cal. BC. In the nearby fen of Pena Vella
triggered the formation of basin peat fens. For instance, (no more than 500 m away) peat accumulation began
as already mentioned, the burying of the oldest paleo- shortly before 3860 cal. BC (2
3970–3790) over a basin
 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871
Table 1
A synthesis of climate periods from the second half of the fourth to the second millennium BC, based on conditions reconstructed using the
temperature, rainfall and wind strength proxies described in the text (values in parenthesis are relative deviations from the preceding stage)
Period (in cal. BC) Temperature
3500–3100 Cold
3100–2700 Very cold (
1 (C?)
2700–2200 Very cold (
0.3 (C)
2200–2000 Cold (+1 (C)
2200–1600 Cold (similar)
1600–1400 Very cold (
0.5 (C)
1400–1000 Cold to warm (+2.5 (C)
soil [43]. This suggests a relationship between soil ero-
sion, increased water flux to the basin and peat for-
mation at the beginning of the fourth millennium BC.
The shift to a colder climate, and to a drier and
windier environment (referred to previously) accelerated
the changes over the next two millennia. The accumu-
lation of lithogenic elements in ombrotrophic peat bogs
(exemplified by Ga in Fig. 2c) suggests increased rates of
soil erosion between 3500 and 3200 BC since the flux
was four to five times greater than the minimum ob-
served, for the next two centuries (3200–2900 BC). After
2900 BC and until 2500 BC erosion seems to have
increased again, with soil dust fluxes 2.5 to four times
greater than this minimum. From 2500 to 2300 BC
accumulation was again very low. In the next century
fluxes increased dramatically, suggesting intense soil
erosion. Although the fluxes eventually decreased after
this period, erosion was very high during the second
millennium and showed a steady increase to maxima,
five to six times greater than the minimum.
We need to always bear in mind the ambiguities when
interpreting that type of data. For example, most of the
third millennium was characterized by high to very high
wind strengths. Yet it is reasonable to assume that a
relatively small area would be able to generate greater
dust fluxes under windier conditions than a bigger area
under low winds. Consequently, accumulation rates may
not be strictly related to the proportion of land having
no vegetation cover. The constancy of the winds is also
of relevance, since constant winds can have a more
marked effect on dust transport. Nevertheless, even with
these constraints, we feel that the relative variations
among periods give good indication of different rates
of soil erosion and landscape transformation. Thus,
whereas most of the third millennium was characterized
by high to very high wind strengths, by the end of the
third and the whole of the second millennia, winds were
of low strength, so that the elevated dust fluxes have to
be interpreted as the result of more intense landscape
changes.
Studies of archaeological sites also support this inter-
pretation. For example, at Coto da Fenteira [31], two
charcoal lines were found with ages of 2760 BC (2

865
Rainfall Wind strength
Moderate Very high
Low (
23%) Very high
High (+45%) High
Very high (+20%) Low
Low (
38%) Low to very low
Low (similar) Low to very low
High (+35%) Low, high at the end
2880–2620) and 1620 BC (2
1820–1420). Recursive
erosion episodes mediated by forest fires, are therefore
indicated from the third to the second millennium. Not
far from this site, Camposancos in the southeast of the
area in the Saa valley, infillings dating to 2030 BC (2

2210–1870) were buried by a first generation of (prob-
ably) man-made terraces dating to 1330 BC (2
1520–
1150 BC). A consistent chronology was also found for
distant areas. At Arcucelos (Verin), for example, a
paleosol, buried under a sand deposit 6 m thick, has an
age of 1620 BC (2
1750–1500). This is also consistent
with extensive soil erosion in NW Iberia during the third
and second millennia [34].
4.3. Recent evolution of the NW Iberia coast
To understand the Holocene evolution of the coast in
NW Iberia it is necessary to consider a longer time scale,
with a resolution which is far coarser than that attained
for climate. Many of the rocky landforms of the coast
were developed during the last interglacial transgression
(isotopic stage 5e, Eemian). They are now close to its
position to the present mean high tide level, which
corresponds to a m.r.s.l. 2–3 m higher than today [48].
During the glacial regression afterwards, the dominant
role of cold climate processes resulted in a high slope-
unstability and the formation of thick deposits which
buried most of the abandoned coastal landforms. Vari-
ous settings, and the differing characteristics of the
source area (elevation, slope, distance), produced a
variety of facies, but always with a great heterometric
composition, and a high proportion of coarse sediments
[6–7,40,48]. Thus, the Holocene transgression represents
the beginning of a paraglacial dynamic, in which the
continental deposits that fossilized the Eemian coastline
are being eroded. Given the differences in extension,
thickness and facies of these deposits, the retreat
occurred in several phases controlled by variations in sea
level as well as by the volume and nature of the
sediments entering the coastal system (Fig. 4 ).
The Holocene transgression reached its maximum
around the fourth millennium BC [1,36,44], and al-
though marine erosion of the more extended deposits
866 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871

Fig. 4. Schematic view of the sequence of fossilization and exhumation of coastal landforms, in the case of shore platforms and cliffs. (A) Landforms
developed during the Eemian, (B) fossilization during the glacial transgression, (C and D) exhumation of coastal landforms during the Holocene.

may have started prior to this maximum, the radio-
carbon age of 4350 cal. BC (2
4460–4310) obtained at
110 cm from the top of the deposit of Mougás [7],
indicates maintenance of continental sedimentation.
This suggests that the front of the deposit remained far
from its present high-tide position. After the maximum,
with the relative fall in sea level, sediment incorporated
into the coastal system during the former phase was
probably redistributed. The development of the main
sedimentary complexes of the Galician coast, such as
lagoons and dune systems [6,10,12,20,46,49], likely
started in this way in a similar fashion to the Portuguese
coast [11]. However, continental sedimentation was still
active, as shown by datings of 3580 cal. BC (2
3660–
2270) and 1620 cal. BC (1750–1440) in Porto Canela [5],
and was enhanced by the erosion of slope soils related to
human activities [20]. In the coastal environment, this
resulted in the formation of considerably thick alluvial
facies and stone lines [7,22] and provided an extra supply
of material, especially in river mouths. There is also
 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871
evidence of continental sedimentation until historic
times [48], which suggests a very recent date for the
retreat of the deposits and exhumation of ancient coastal
landforms.
Holocene paraglacial dynamics imply that the pro-
cesses operating on the coast are controlled by three
main variables: the configuration of the previous land-
forms, the amount and type of sediments that covered
the coastline during the regression, and the energetic
environment. The three factors are site-specific, since
both the conditions of sedimentation during the regres-
sion and the exposure to wave action vary with location.
Though data are scarce, some useful generalizations can
be made in the light of the factors just cited.
4.3.1. Rocky sectors, exposed to high energy wave
conditions
In these environments, there are areas that were
fossilized (i.e. buried) by thick deposits, especially in
those places backed by mountains (e.g. most of the
Costa da Morte, the region between Baiona and A
Garda, as well as in many areas scattered along the
western and northern coast of NW Iberia). Here the
sedimentation remained active simultaneously with re-
cession of the bluffs. The speed of retreat at the bluffs
was controlled mainly by their exposure. Faster retreat
occurs of course, in areas highly exposed to wave action,
where continental sedimentation was reduced. Alterna-
tively, where wave energy was less active—river mouths,
for example—sediment accumulation (derived from
human-induced erosion) was evident.
Since the paraglacial evolution implies the exhu-
mation of previous landforms, some other factors may
have reduced wave action. This is the case of shore
platforms, in which the wave energy is spent before
reaching the remaining bluffs or, where bluffs have
eroded, the cliffs.
A small regression (from the Holocene maximum)
occurred in the third millennium and delayed erosion of
the deposits. In rocky sectors with cliffs, where deposits
were scarce or absent, sedimentation was not very
notable at medium spatial scales. Again, conditions after
the maximum probably represented only a reoccupation
of Eemian landforms, so that the erosive balance was
close to a quasi-equilibrium and was controlled mainly
by storm events.
Where cliffs formed over relatively soft rocks (e.g.
schists or shales as in the northeastern coast) a pattern
dominated by erosion is observed. Vertical, flat–top
scarps result, that were probably never covered by
deposits. Only a frontal talus occurs and is easily eroded
during the transgression and by wave action.
In all cases, since the coastal environment is strongly
controlled by wave energy distribution, and waves
are controlled by climatic conditions, the evidence of
periods of high wind intensity referred to earlier
867
(Table 1) should represent an increase in the frequency
and/or intensity of storm events. The speed of retreat of
the deposits and cliffs, and as a result the balance with
the sediment delivered to coastal systems may have been
intensely affected by such relatively short catastrophic
changes.
4.3.2. Mainly sedimentary, low wave energy sectors
The irregular shape in the plan of the NW Iberian
coast, at all scales, leads to the existence of alternating
areas of high and low energy environments, that is rocky
sectors alternating with sectors favourable to the devel-
opment of sedimentary complexes. Slight reductions in
exposure to the dominant wave regime may lead to
reduced erosion thereby allowing a continuous sedimen-
tation. This may occur in areas that in a broad sense are
exposed, like many lagoonal complexes, though it will be
easier in well-protected sectors such as the bottom of
rias and embayments. The latter were once linked to
fluvial systems, and are formed at the interface between
marine and fluvial water-movement. Most are located in
areas that were unfavourable to the development of
cold-climate processes of the type that operated during
the glacial regression, since these processes were strongly
controlled by the presence of high mountains near the
coast. This suggests that the bulk of the sediment in
these areas may be fluvial in origin, although it may
originate by near shore, coastal transport, especially
where the sedimentary systems are flanked by rocky
cliffs as at Traba.
This behaviour, and previous work that suggests a
stage of maturity was reached by some lagoonal com-
plexes during the third millennium BC, may indicate
that the sedimentation was almost continuous since the
maximum transgression. However, there is also evidence
of intense aeolian activity, which we can link to those
periods of high wind intensity that occurred from the
end of the fourth to the end of the third millennium.
Also, the evidence that many dune systems are stabilized
today supports the idea of a lack of correspondence with
present wind regime.
It is clear that the increase in storm events already
cited, must have left an imprint on the sedimentary
complexes. But the response of a sedimentary coastal
system is different from that of a rocky environment,
since the former unlike the latter, is able to maintain an
equilibrium with at least some events of medium to large
periodicity. Change of beach profiles or transfer of
sediments between intertidal and nearshore areas, are
possible examples.
In places in which the wave energy is very low (e.g.
the bottoms of rias or embayments), sedimentation
would be expected to be continuous since the maxi-
mum transgression. These localities changed from a
continental-type environment (e.g. river mouths), some-
times favourable to fluvial sedimentation, to a coastal
868 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871
environment when the m.s.l. rose. Various developments
are possible—for example, estuarine systems where there
is a fluvial channel affected by tides (as may be the case
in the Mandeo or the Anllons estuaries), intertidal flats
in the embayments that can develop a lagoon (O Bao
and probably systems such as Carnota or Corrubedo) or
many other intermediate or more complex systems such
as the Vilarrrube spits. What seems to be clear is that the
increase in sedimentary rates linked to human activities
must have had a considerable impact on the formation
and evolution of these complexes, and that this impact
was even greater than processes deriving from changes
in the wave energy regime linked to variations in wind
strength.
4.4. The archaeological evidence
While a large proportion of the megaliths built in
the fifth/fourth millennium BC are confined to the high
plateaus of Galicia and North Portugal [8 p. 686], a
significant shift in the location of human activity can
be perceived from the last centuries of the fourth
millennium BC and most of the third, leading to the
settlement of lands at a lower altitude [13 p. 274, 15,
p. 499, 39, p. 126]. Commonly, the domestic sites are
placed at strategic points, with a good command of the
surroundings, sometimes at the expense of proximity to
better lands for cultivation. The investment in living
space is far greater than before, a fact shown by the
increased size of settlements, the building of stone
enclosures (or even of fortifications), and a distinctive
material culture, in which a lavishly decorated pottery
is prominent [18]. Alloctonous raw materials are
common and new technologies are introduced, the
smelting of copper and gold being notable examples.
The increase in size and complexity of the settlements
may be in response to a growth in population, or to a
move towards a clustering in areas midway between
the highland and the valley bottom, giving a more
concentrated habitat.
Regarding subsistence, the changes are also visible
either in the actual vegetal and animal remains or, more
indirectly, in the artefactual record [14,16]. We see a
relative depletion in the percentages of arboreal pollen,
coupled with a rise in pollen associated with human
activities. From the third millennium, the remains of
cultivated plants (cereals and pulses among them) are
more common. Husbandry is also more obvious (though
underrepresented for taphonomical reasons), while
hunting falls steadily in the paleontological record.
Progress to a more productive economy is also indi-
cated by larger ceramic vessels, or storage pits used to
hold the agricultural produce. Specialized activities in
the large domestic sites, including metal working, arrow
making and the production of textiles, point to a similar
material progress.
By the second half of the third millennium BC, a shift
may be perceived in the pattern of occupation: thus,
while not abandoning the lower lands, a renewal of
settlement on the plateaus took place. A new type of
pottery widespread across Europe, the Bell Beaker, is
common in open sites and also in secondary deposits in
the many Neolithic mounds of the latter areas. Although
there is a significant degree of continuity during late
Chalcolithic and early Bronze Age in regard to material
culture and the location of domestic sites, a change
becomes apparent from 1900 to 1800 BC onwards.
Apparently the funerary and domestic evidence abruptly
vanishes at this point. For some authors this corre-
sponds to a crisis that lasts until 1200 BC [2, p. 147, 38,
p. 17, 45, p. 13]. One of us [14] has challenged this
hypothesis, and has proposed instead that during this
period the archaeological record is particularly opaque
(the more so with the unsystematic nature of the re-
search undertaken in this field) and that in the middle of
the second millennium BC a ‘velvet revolution’ took
place, setting the stage for the more visible developments
of the final Bronze Age. Intensive survey and excavation
being done currently in the North of Portugal gives
weight to our view by showing the existence of an ever
increasing number of sites belonging to this ‘dark’
period, and also bringing out fresh paleoenvironmental
evidence that supports the continuity of the anthropic
activities [3, p. 81, 19, p. 9].
5. Overview
We began this text by stressing the interest of recon-
structing past environmental changes, but even more so
the importance of the feedback between those and the
human activities developed along the recent prehistoric
times. In the light of the environmental evidence we have
been explaining throughout this paper that we can
achieve a better understanding of some archaeological
trends we have outlined in previous paragraphs. To start
with, the adoption of farming had probably a temporal
time-delay between the Northern and Southern regions
of NW Iberia, a feature that probably has something
to do with the fact that most domesticates have a
Mediterranean origin and therefore would be more
easily adapted (and adopted) in those areas of the
NW where the environmental traits (i.e. temperature,
regime of rains, soils) were more akin to those in the
Southernmost regions of Iberia. Taking advantage of
the exceptionally warm and wet conditions of the
Holocene Optimum, there could be a steady settlement
of the plateaus, previously exploited on an extensive
basis by the last hunter-gatherers. This trend would be
particularly noticeable in the southern areas of Galicia
and Northern Portugal, allowing for a demographic
increase along the fifth/fourth millennium BC. The pro-
gressive drop in temperature and particularly rainfall
 R. Fábregas Valcarce et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003) 859–871
from the second half of the fourth millennium (acceler-
ated since the fourth/third transition) would affect par-
ticularly the lands situated in higher places, where the
less developed soils would be more easily stripped by the
erosion (a process to which the previous deforestation
would contribute also), being exposed, too, to a greater
extent to a drier and colder climate prevalent during
most of the third millennium.
The southern stretches in the NW would be hit
harder, not only because of the greater dependence on
farming (with its side effects on soils and forest cover)
but also by its susceptibility to those climatic shifts, given
the usual tendency to aridity of these areas, with a
marked seasonality in precipitation. Thus, the general
tendency towards the occupation of the lands at a lower
altitude would be in part a response to the new con-
ditions, since they provide moister soils and a better
protection from a cooler and windier climate. Presently,
there is a marked altitudinal ecological gradient in the
SW area, due to important variations in temperature and
rainfall linked to the rugged orography. This situation
provided in the past an opportunity for human groups,
faced to changing climatic conditions, since they would
be able to find an optimum for each activity (cattle
raising, cultivation, foraging) by moving about from the
lowlands to the plateaus and sierras. On the other hand,
this geographical mobility would be prone to the rise of
internecine conflict among the different social groups
competing for the exploitation of that area and, as we
have pointed out elsewhere [4], one of the actual reasons
lying behind the uncanny concentration of open air rock
art in the southwestern corner of Galicia could be the
need for those communities of asserting the exclusive
rights to certain resource-rich areas.
The agricultural intensification of the third millen-
nium could be another answer to the hardening situ-
ation, a policy that, at least from the available evidence,
seems to be pursued with greater determination to the
South of the study area. In any case, this political choice
is not devoid of consequences, not only in the long term,
for it will favour the erosive processes (as shown, for
instance, in Coto da Fenteira—[31]) but also in a shorter
time scale by exacerbating the internecine competition
for the control of resources, a situation that would fit
with, among other features, the flourishing of defensive
settlements or the remarkable abundance of the arrow-
heads in the archaeological record. The identification of
quite a number of sites at the seaside, on the other hand,
seems to point out to the importance of the exploitation
of this ecological niche, taking advantage of the chang-
ing coastal environments that we have described before,
which would favour the formation of marshes and
lagoons, important not only as hunting or fishing lots
but also for the extraction of salt, a commodity of
growing importance with the expansion of farming and,
particularly, for cattle raising.
869
While many of the sites in the lower zones are not
abandoned during the last part of the third millennium
and beginning of the second, we have commented earlier
on the new drive towards the plateaus that takes place.
This move was no doubt made easier by the slight rise in
temperature at the time but also by a new emphasis on
the cattle-raising. In that respect it is worth noting that
human action works admirably with the natural shifts in
making more suitable for pasture a series of small basins
(locally known as ‘brañas’): the tree felling favours the
stripping of the soil on the slopes and an increased water
runoff and this, together with a certain recovery in the
amount of rainfall, will multiply since the 2000 BC
the number of permanently wet soils at the bottom
of the tiny depressions so frequent in the Galician
landscape.
On the other hand, the alleged crisis of the second
millennium could be viewed instead as an episode of
relative equilibrium and socioeconomic stability that
would not give so many chances as before to the elites to
exert their coercion in its most obvious and violent
forms. The relative regularity, too, of the weather con-
ditions for much of the second millennium (with a brief
episode of cooling around 1500 BC) would help to the
‘silent revolution’ we have talked about elsewhere and
this period of quiet growth will be still furthered by the
significant warming and rise in rainfall taking place from
the s. 14 BC onwards.
The evidence of environmental stress we have been
outlining in the preceding pages and, above all, the
feedback between anthropic actions/decisions and the
climatic shifts are by no means an isolated feature but a
pattern that has been observed in other areas of the
world (i.e. Refs. [37,50]). In observing these and other
cases the same consideration stands out: the actual
impact of environmental changes on human societies
depends to a large extent on a complex interaction
between the socioeconomic structure of the latter and
the character and temporal distribution of the first.
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