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Abstract
This article demonstrates how, through various acts of remembrance and
recovery, The Trotter-nama makes it possible to challenge as well as subvert
dominant historiographical constructions about the Anglo-Indian past and their
lived experiences. Thus it argues that the interconnectedness of memory, history
and fiction could initiate newer possibilities towards reclaiming identities that are
historiographically silenced, forgotten or elided.
Keywords
Anglo-Indian identities, colonialism, experientiality, historiography, miscegenation,
miscommunicated memories, transnational identities
Introduction
This article attempts to foreground the connections between memory, history and
fiction through a close and critical reading of Allan Sealy’s 1988 novel The
Trotter-Nama: A Chronicle, a re-telling of the seven-generation history of an
Anglo-Indian family narrated through the recollections of an individual.
Examining literary fiction as a site of convergence where cultural memory and
history seamlessly interact and alter each other, this article showcases how an
alternate historiographical and lived reality of an almost forgotten community is
reconstructed. Drawing from the discussions on history and fiction in the domain
of memory studies, this study looks at remembrances, in both public and private
1Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Institute of Technology Madras, Chennai, Tamil
Nadu, India
Corresponding author:
Merin Simi Raj, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology
Madras, Chennai, Tamil Nadu 600036, India.
E-mail: merin@iitm.ac.in
2 Media Watch
The nama falls into your lap, as it were, first, the Baburnama, and then the Akbarnama
and the Ain-i-Akbari.… They give you more scope to look this way and that. I had
so much material, and I needed a big bag. The nama was full of room. It gave me
liberty and amplitude. (Dutta, 2020)
According to Jade Furness, ‘Set within the colonial and postcolonial discourses of
India, The Trotter-nama is a magical realist polemic that blends fact and fiction,
the literal and the figurative to produce an Anglo-Indian mythology that is
accessible to us all’ (Furness, 2021, p. 415). Foregrounding the Anglo-Indian
heritage through a novel that spans seven generations, 300 years, and over 500
pages, Sealy arguably ‘offers the most comprehensive account to date of how the
Anglo-Indian community has lived and what they have felt’ (Crane, 2008, p. 151)
through acts of remembrances and memory practices. This experientiality makes
the novel an appropriate site for exploring memory, history and modernity
questions.
The transnational, hyphenated and hybrid identities of Eurasian communities
(‘Anglo-Indians’ since 1935 as per Article 366(2) of the Indian Constitution) have
been the subject of many debates in mixed-race discourses since the sixteenth
century through variegated colonial experiences featuring the Portuguese, the
Dutch and the French, followed by the British. Used as a hyphenated adjective,
the term ‘Anglo-Indian’ packs into it not just English and Indian but European
elements including the Portuguese, French and Dutch that have come into contact
with the Indian subcontinent from the sixteenth century onwards. The Constitution
of India officially recognises and defines ‘Anglo-Indian’ as an individual whose
father or any of whose other male progenitors in the male line is or was of
European descent but who is domiciled within the territory of India and is or was
born within such territory of parents habitually resident therein and not established
there for temporary purposes only. Thus, by definition, the origins of the Anglo-
Indian community date back to the pre-British era, suggesting a very diverse
colonial lineage that may be traced to the presence of Portuguese, Dutch, French
and Danish travellers traders and administrators in the subcontinent. Muthiah and
MacLure’s socio-cultural history on the Anglo-Indians, The Anglo-Indians: A
500-year History, locates 1498 as the year that marked the birth of ‘a new
international community’ (Muthiah & MacLure, 2013, p. 32), thereby highlighting
their transnational lineage.
There were always contentions and anxieties about texts that mapped and
narrated Anglo-Indian history from the early twentieth century onward. Amidst
the discourses on various postcolonial modern identities, which were being
fashioned from the early twentieth century onwards, the markers of modernity,
belonging and identity of the Anglo-Indian community had often got eclipsed, and
even elided, from historiographical representations. Frank Anthony, who
championed the community's political cause, asserted that the Anglo-Indians have
been ‘one of the most misrepresented people in the former British empire’ (quoted
in D’Cruz, 2006, p. 13). At the same time, the ‘Eurasian’, ‘half-caste’ figure of the
Anglo-Indian fascinated writers and artists as an exotic mixed-race entity leading
to the production of novels, films, plays and documentaries which (mis)represented
the community by associating them with alcoholism and sexual promiscuity.
Works such as Bhowani Junction (1956), a novel by John Masters which was later
made into a film; Cotton Mary (1999), a film directed by Ismail Merchant; Last
Dance at Dum Dum (1999), a novel by Ayub Khan Din; Bow Barracks Forever
(2004), a film directed by Anjan Dutt, to name a few, had drawn critical as well as
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This cryptic and almost cynical description covers the range of occupations and
positions that the Anglo-Indians most typically held under the colonial
administration and their marginalised status vis-a-vis other minority communities
(D’Cruz, 2006).
In the maps and family tree provided at the outset of the novel, the seven
generations are labelled as legend, chivalry, romance, prose, history, decadence,
diaspora and new promise, thus tracing a trajectory that loosely defines the
emergence and evolution of the Anglo-Indian community. The map shows a
detailed layout of Sans Souci, the massive Trotter family estate by the Ganges in
Nakhlau, an anagram of Lakhnau (Lucknow), where the novel is set. Justin
Aloysius Trottoire, whose death marks the beginning of this ‘nama’, is presented
as a French artillery expert and soldier in the East India Company army who falls
out of a hot-air balloon, in a typical magical realist fashion, to his bizarre death
while aerially surveying Sans Souci. The Great Trotter, whose gravestone is left
symbolically incomplete with the inscription ‘Justin Trotter who’, lived a very
French life in India and acquired immense wealth and many wives before his
death. Mik, his illegitimate and unrecognised son, grows up nameless and serves
in the army before joining a Maratha prince when the mixed-race soldiers are
denied their ranks and positions. Mik, who earns the name ‘Gypsy Trotter’, is
often described as the Indo-Anglian fictional counterpart of Joseph Conrad’s Kim
owing to his mixed genealogy and his antithetical position with the Empire. Justin
Trotter and his illegitimate son Mik are atypical characters that embody
postmodern parody. Linda Hutcheon’s conceptualisation of ‘historiographic
metafiction’ is useful to problematise the representation of the Anglo-Indian
historical situation in India and the diaspora. In the tradition of ‘historiographical
metafiction’, the Trotter descendants cleverly challenge the received historical
truths and knowledge while suggesting the possibility of alternative histories that
have possibly been forgotten, suppressed, or overwritten. For instance, Justin
Trotter’s actions simultaneously mirror and subvert popular conceptions of the
religious tolerance of Mughal emperors Babar and Akbar and parody the life of
the French adventurer Claude Martin who established Anglo-Indian schools in
India. Mik, whose name is a palindrome of Kim, parodies and critiques colonial
narratives by travelling with a lama and offering radical commentaries on Hindu
deities and subaltern classes as well as Anglo-Indian and Indo-Briton identities
(McNamara, 2015).
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I am faithfully reproducing (or you might say producing) it. Since I was not
present at the time of building (I lay bleeding at Borromini), I am compelled to
rely upon memory. And memory (especially memory of what one has not seen) is
a most coquettish thing; wanton, one might almost say (if one might say). (Sealy,
1988, p. 571)
In the episode featuring the infant boy with limited vocabulary without adjectives
and verbs, it is noted that ‘inside the bullet head a phenomenal memory was
stirring’, suggesting the involuntary and organic ways memory operates. Towards
the end of the novel, there is a reference to artists who are ‘compelled to work
from memory’. In these instances, the memory becomes a practice and even a
substitute for the unavailable or inaccessible real, which is carried and transmitted
across space and time, beyond boundaries.
The past, as Erll notes, is condensed into ‘mnemonic forms’ or ‘memory
figures’ with a ‘powerful transgenerational tenacity’ (Erll, 2011, p. 4). Trotter-
nama as a memory-narrative seems to fit in as a text that facilitates memory travel
through mnemonic markers, including paintings, sculptures and architecture,
which refer to the act of writing itself. The miniature paintings of the Mughal
period, the repeated references to English painters Henry Salt, William Hodges,
Samuel Davis, Thomas Daniell and Jones Barker, and Eugene’s forged miniatures
simultaneously acknowledge and debunk historical validity. The architecture and
sculpture, including the view of Sans Souci the readers are offered at the beginning
of the novel, may be read as attempts to provide a three-dimensional, spherical
view of the stories and lives being chronicled in this narration. In addition, there
are maps, diagrams, family trees, diary entries, actual historical documents, lyrics
of popular film songs, might-have-been memoirs, and even extracts from scientific
Raj 9
[T]here came on foot, by boat, by yak, and on horseback, rock-breakers from Cape
Cormorin, tilers from Peiping, earth-movers from Cooch Behar, dome-dressers
from Petersburgh, gypsy blacksmiths from the Thar desert, spirit-levellers from
Isphahan, a plinth-master from Tibet, rampart-setters from Benin, a Scottish mason,
plasterers from Cochin–China, steeplejacks from Hradcany, master-builders from
Ellora and Elephanta, stylites from Memphis and Corinth, Malayan dog-men,
terracers from Macchu Picchu, and strawmen and thatchers from the surrounding
villages. (Sealy, 1988, 341)
and became a third thing’ (Sealy, 1988, p. 195). According to Wiemann, in The
Trotter-nama, the domestic is ‘continuous with and reproductive of the larger
frame into which home is inserted’ (Wiemann, 2008, p. 191). Sans Souci, the
Trotter residence, is neither imitative nor original and functions as a space where
myths, histories and identities beyond and outside of imperialist and nationalist
compulsions can emerge. This absence of monolithic markers is at the core of
Anglo-Indian identity and ‘signals the anxiety of appropriation’, which Raj and
Parui define as ‘identity-consumption, whereby the past, as well as the future of a
fledgling community, is strategically selected and designed to be aligned to and
thereby consume a broader identity-narrative and its associated collective
memory’ (Raj & Parui, 2021a, p. 358).
The hyphenated, non-belonging identity of the Anglo-Indian, is articulated
with a sense of longingness through Eustace Trotter’s words when Eugene Trotter
recalls him lamenting,
Home. […] The Hindus wanted theirs, the Muslims wanted theirs, the British were
going back to theirs. What about us? […] Those neither Indian nor European spoke
English and ate curries with a spoon. Like the Muslims carving out their holy Land
of the Pure and the Hindus dreaming of a once and future Aryan homeland. […] So
many purities! And yet he too wanted a home. He was only half at home here.
(Sealy, 1988, p. 491)
This desire for ‘a home’, any home, may be understood through the framework of
‘restorative nostalgia’, which Svetlana Boym defines as an attitude that ‘puts
emphasis on nostos and proposes to rebuild the lost home and patch up the
memory gaps’ (Boym, 2001, p. 41). This nostalgia is very different from the kind
of postcolonial nostalgia narrativised in texts such as Midnight’s Children; not a
longing for what was once there and lost, but a longing for something which was
never there in the first place. Justin Trotter, in The Trotter-nama, experiences this
as a ‘nostalgia for the future’ (Sealy, 1988, p. 233).
The Trotter-nama is a dynamic narrative site where the postmodern
performances of parody and mimicry are deliberately played out, especially in the
presentation and remembrance of history. Referring to history as a ‘foul substance’,
the past emerges as an object that could be tangibly experienced through olfactory
and gustatory senses. The chronicle is defined as the opposite of history, as
something which ‘has a sequence, never fear, though the gathering was random’
(Sealy), as a ‘record of the past set down with genius and sang-froid’ (Sealy), and
as a spatialisation of time as against history which temporalises spaces. Eugene
Trotter, the narrator who belongs to the modern, contemporary times, also further
qualifies this as a ‘synchronicle’ which presents three ages side by side. There is
also an entire spectrum of the past, present and future.
History, as the title drawn from the novel, suggests, when viewed through the
frameworks of historiographic metafiction and memory studies, emerges as a
‘foul substance’, whose rejection and subversion productively foreground and
reclaim the missing memories that exist outside of it. What makes The Trotter-
nama most interesting is how the narrative straddles the worlds of private and
Raj 11
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of
this article.
References
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Boym, S. (2001). The future of nostalgia. Basic Books.
Crane, R. (2008). Contesting the Can(n)on: Revisiting Kim in I. Allen Sealy’s The
Trotter-Nama. Journal of Postcolonial Writing, 44(2), 151–158.
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Independence Indo-English Fiction. The Journal of Commonwealth Literature, 38(2),
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