8

9155/05: History of Zimbabwe: Pre-history- the Present

The pre-historic and historic period

Ø According to Beach (1995), Zimbabwe is a small country. It is dominated by a

single large plateau with a few outliers surrounded by dry lowlands.
Ø The country does not have flood plains or navigable rivers which could have formed
the base for rulers who controlled them as was the case in East and West Africa. Its
ethnic composition looks very simple. During most of the pre-historic era it was
inhabited by people who nearly all spoke the same language- Shona- or its variants.
The main Zimbabwe society is patrilineal. There was no initiation, blood
partnerships, secret societies or complex religious systems.
Ø Zimbabwe had one system of inter-continental trade. The bulk of its trade during the
pre-historic and historic periods was carried out through the east African coast, the
Indian Ocean.
Ø The 19th century wars, the slave trade and the impact of colonialism-imperialism
was not as destructive on plateau societies as was the case elsewhere on the
continent.
Ø Zimbabwe experienced very little domestic slavery and the slave trade compared to
east and West Africa. Portuguese merchant capitalism in the Zambezi valley during
the 16th and 17th centuries was the closest plateau societies came into contact with
the slave trade and domestic slavery through the Portuguese prazo system.
Ø The plateau societies experienced very little internal migrations during the pre-
historic period. The most notable being the movement of the Gokomere people to
Zimbabwe Acroplolis between the 4th and 6th centuries AD and the movement of
Mapungubwe people to Great Zimbabwe between the 10th and 13th centuries AD.
Ø It seems that that mining and trade in precious metals like gold and copper as well
as pastoralism influenced the formation of states on the plateau.
Ø The history of Zimbabwe is problematic because there is uneven coverage between
east and west. For instance there is very little historical evidence on the
development of the western cultures of Leopard’s Kopje, the Kalanga and Torwa-
Changamire state systems, the Gwaai-Shangani River system, Mapfungautsi and
Hurungwe plateau.
Ø A great deal of the plateau is dominated by granite rock. The early Shona societies
used split granite rock to build dry stone walled structures like Manyanga, Nhandare
and Mabweadziva (Great Zimbabwe).
Ø The plateau has a summer rain cycle which ranges from heavy in the Highveld to
 patchy in the Loved. The plateau is characterized by periodic drought. This occurred
once in every four years during the pre-historic but in contemporary times they
occur more frequently.
Ø Although the plateau was relatively self-sufficient in food production it has areas
which are considered sub-standard. For instance Nyanga, middle Sabi and parts of
the lowveld. Losers in political contests were usually banished to these inhospitable
places like Gandavaroyi in Gokwe.
Ø Although precious minerals like gold, copper, silver and iron were abundant during
the pre-historic period it still remains a difficult task to identify a single
environmental and economic factor that contributed to social complexity on the
plateau.
Ø Most of what we know about the pre-history of the Zimbabwe plateau up to
1450AD comes from archaeology and linguistics.
Ø Both archaeologists and linguists are concerned about establishing the identity of
pre-historic Zimbabwean societies as well as their origins. However linguists and
archaeologists’ interpretations of Zimbabwe’s pre-historic communities are often
diametrically opposed. This has made the study of the country’s history challenging
for students and teachers.
Ø There are two major issue areas on which both archaeologists and linguists do not
seem to agree on. These are the origins of the Bantu of Zimbabwe and the
introduction of iron on the plateau which began circa (about) 200 BC -300 AD. Two
opposing theories have emerged to explain the two issue areas. Linguists have
developed the Bantu Migration Theory while archaeologists like Peter Store
Garlake have developed the Diffusion Theory to explain the origins of the Bantu
and the Neolithic revolution on the plateau.
Ø However the two contending theories are not always incompatible.

Sources of History

Several sources have been used to recover the pre-history and history of the Zimbabwe
plateau. These are;

Ø Oral traditions or orature

Ø Written records
Ø Archaeology
Ø Linguistics
Ø Anthropology
Ø Rock art
Ø Ethnography

Each source has its own strengths and weaknesses or merits and demerits or
advantages and disadvantages. No single source adequately recovers the pre-
history and history of the plateau. The sources complement each other and
should be used interchangeably.
When trying to recover and reconstruct the history of Zimbabwe it is important to use
the inter- disciplinary or multi-disciplinary approach which utilizes all sources of
history.

Oral Traditions
Oral traditions are verbal recollections of the past. They refer to the passing of
information, beliefs and practices from one generation to the next verbally. They can
also be defined as recollections of the past, orally transmitted, recounted, that arise
naturally within and from the dynamics of a culture. They are shared widely throughout
a culture verbally. They may be entrusted to particular people safe keeping, transmittal
and recitation * Oral
traditions are organic expressions of identity, purpose, functions, customs and
generational continuity of the culture in which they occur. They are means of cultural
expression. They are not direct experiences of the narrator.

· Examples of oral traditions include family trees, genealogies, folk

tales, poems, riddles, songs, dances, taboos and religious practices.

Merits

Ø Oral traditions have provided useful evidence on pre-colonial states like the Mutapa,
Torwa and Rozvi-Changamire polity. They have also provided names of the rulers
and ruling dynasties of pre-colonial states like Great Zimbabwe.
Ø Oral traditions have also provided useful information on the history of commoners
living in pre-colonial and pre-literate societies of the plateau. For instance traditions
on the Mutapa state mention one Nyakatonje who advised prince Mutota to migrate
to the north east to look for salt.
Ø Oral traditions shed more light on the social aspects of the pre-literate societies of
the plateau.
Ø Oral traditions complement ‘silent witnesses’ like archaeological findings by
shedding more light on the society and religion of early and later Zimbabwe Culture
states like Great Zimbabwe and Rozvi states. For instance Shona orature identifies
the last rulers of Great Zimbabwe as Munembire Mudadi or Chibatamatotsi. They
also identify the founders of the Mutapa and Rozvi states as Nyatsimba Mutota and
Dombo-Dlembeu respectively.
Ø Oral traditions are cheap and easily accessible. There are a lot of community leaders
who are willing and ready to share the past free of charge. This makes the study of
Zimbabwe’s past interesting.
Ø Oral traditions can be dramatized through song, dance and praise poetry. They can
 be very captivating especially if they are handled by master story tellers.
Ø Oral traditions are part of Zimbabwe’s national heritage. They represent the
collective memory of modern day Zimbabwe. They represent the collective
successes and failures of Zimbabwe as a nation
Ø Oral traditions bring us very close to Zimbabwe’s pre-colonial history. Orature is the
backbone of all other sources as it provides the starting point for the reconstruction
of Zimbabwe’s past.
Ø Oral traditions are participative. They allow for interaction between the informer
and informant through face to face interviews and audio recordings.
Ø They provide a graphic and vivid reconstruction of the past.

Demerits of Oral Traditions

Ø Oral traditions are prone to myth making. For instance Shona traditions attribute the
rise of Great Zimbabwe to the mythical larger than life hunter Nyakunembire
believed to have hailed somewhere in the Congo rain forest area. They also abound
with myths about the rise of Mutapa and Rozvi state systems.
Ø They are prone to bias, exaggeration and distortion. For instance Chigwedere has
over relied on traditions that have over emphasized the power and influence of the
Soko-Mbire dynasty in pre-colonial Zimbabwe distorting the country’s past in the
process. Some pertinent information may be omitted because the informant will be
trying to paint a rosy picture of a particular group.
Ø Oral traditions do not provide dates. They give hazy descriptions of the prevalence
of a pandemic or natural disaster which can’t help much.
Ø Some oral traditions can be incoherent and contradictory. This is evident in accounts
about the rulers of Great Zimbabwe and Rozvi-Changamire dynasty. Great
Zimbabwe is linked to the obscure Chibatamatotsi and the mythical Nyakunembire
from the Congo rainforest.
Ø Important historical information can be lost through death and loss of collective
memory. For instance there are little or no surviving traditions on early farming
communities such as Ziwa, Zhizho, Bambadyanalo, Leopard’s Kopje and
Mapungubwe.
Ø Most oral traditions cannot survive for more than 12 generations or 300 years. Vital
information like that of early farming communities may be lost forever
Ø Oral traditions are subjective. They are often expressions of opinion and
impressions rather than objective history.

Archaeology

Ø Archaeology is the scientific study of the physical remains of the past such as
pottery, buildings and fossils beneath the ground. Archaeology attempts to recover
and reconstruct the past through excavations or diggings at pre historic sites such as
Gokomere, Musengezi, Mabveni, Malipati, Tunnel Rock, Zimbabwe acropolis and
Mapungubwe Hill.
Ø Archaeological remains include pottery, bio facts, and cultural landscapes.
 Archaeology analyses the material culture and data that prehistoric societies left
behind
Ø Archaeological remains include the remains of pottery, human and animal bones,
remains of buildings, jewelry, fossils and ceramic ware.

Merits of Physical Evidence

Ø Archaeology helps in the reconstruction of prehistoric and preliterate societies such

as Ziwa, Zhizho, Malipati, Leopard’s Kopje and Mapungubwe who have no oral
traditions.
Ø It provides accurate dates on prehistoric societies through the use of radio carbon
dating techniques.
Ø Archaeology has been useful in generating knowledge about the Stone Age and the
Neolithic Revolution on the plateau.
Ø By examining remains of animals, rocks and other material remains archaeologists
have helped to reconstruct Zimbabwe’s Stone Age pre-colonial past.
Ø The discovery of ancient Iron Age iron workings at various sites have helped shed
light on the transition from the Late Stone Age to the Early Iron Age.
Ø The discovery of cattle, sheep and goat bones points towards the emergence of
pastoralism as an important economic activity.
Ø The discovery of large settlements like Great Zimbabwe demonstrates that the Iron
Age was characterized by large, permanent, settled and complex societies.
Ø Archaeology has been useful in resolving the controversy on the identity of the
founders of Great Zimbabwe. Archaeologists have been able to disprove the claim
by colonial historians that Great Zimbabwe was by Arabs, Semites, Russians and
Phoenicians by showing that the building styles, pottery and material remains at the
site were consistent with the Shona way of life.

Demerits of Archaeology

Ø Physical evidence can be manipulated and destroyed by armature archaeologists or

during times of civil strife and natural calamities such as floods.
Ø It has reduced the study of Zimbabwean prehistory to the study of bones, pottery,
rocks and other artifacts.
Ø A perusal of archaeological data gives the impression that prehistoric Zimbabwe
was inhabited by pots not humans.

Archaeology is a silent witness. It has failed to provide the names of ruling dynasties
and the language by preliterate societies of the plateau. For instance there are no names
of the Stone Age communities or the language spoken at Great Zimbabwe.

Written Evidence

Ø This is documentary or recorded evidence. Examples include history text books,

journals, letters, diaries travelers’ accounts and rock art among others. Most written
sources on Zimbabwe’s pre-colonial history come from Portuguese and Arabic
 writers.

Merits of Written Evidence

Ø Written evidence is useful in the recovery of the history of the plateau especially
from the late 15th century onwards. Portuguese records have been a major source of
Mutapa history. They have furnished details about the names of the Mutapas,
economic and social activities as well as trade relations with the Swahili Arabs as
well as the Portuguese themselves.
Ø 20th century historians like Mudenge and D.N. Beach have relied on Portuguese
written sources to reconstruct the Mutapa’s political and economic organization.
Portuguese records have also proved useful in the recovery of Rozvi-Changamire
history.
Ø 19th century accounts by missionaries, hunters and traders have been important in
shedding light on Ndebele raiding activities although with exaggerations. They have
also provided information on Ndebele-Shona relations on the eve of colonization.
Ø Written accounts from Charles Helm and John Moffat give accurate dates on the
founding of missions and missionary activities on the missions. For instance it is
known that Inyathi and Hope Fountain were founded in 1857 and 1870 respectively
Ø Written evidence can survive unaltered for longer periods especially in peaceful and
stable environments

Demerits of Written Evidence

Ø Writers may select what to write or leave out depending on whose side they are. For
instance colonialist and national have given different interpretations of Zimbabwe’s
pre-colonial and colonial history based on their differing motives
Ø Written evidence can be biased. For instance the colonial historians have given
distorted views on the identity of Great Zimbabwe’s builders.
Ø It can be destroyed by fire, floods and wars.
Ø Written evidence can be altered for propaganda purposes. For instance the false
view that the Second Chimurenga started in 1966 when in fact it began in 1963.

Rock Art

Ø These are pictures drawn on cave walls by ancestors of the Khoisan hunter-gatherer
communities of the Late Stone Age. Rock art provides some useful insights into the
way of life of pre-historic societies of the plateau.

Merits of rock art

Ø It has provided useful information on climate, social relations, and biological traits,
sexual division of labor, religious practices, subsistence practices and social
stratification among the Stone Age societies of the plateau.
Ø Rock art complements other sources.
Ø Rock art incorporates ideologies, traditions and belief systems.

Demerits of rock art

Ø Symbols on rock art may be interpreted differently by different historians.

Ø Some symbols on rock art may only be identifiable within a given context.
Ø Some symbols may be graffiti scrambled to pass time and have no symbolic
meaning at all.
Ø Rock art cannot be entirely relied on as a faithful representation of economic
activities.
Ø Rock art may be art for the sake of art with non-value to the historian of the plateau.
Ø It is sometimes difficult to read the patterns and symbols drawn on rocks and cave
walls.
Ø Rock art is sometimes art for art’s sake and may have no value as historical
evidence.

Linguistics

Ø This is the study of language as it changes over time. Linguistics traces the form,
content and vocabulary of a language in order to understand the historical
background of the speakers. For instance the pronunciation of the word ‘munhu’
(person) by different Bantu communities such as the Shona, Ndebele, and Kalanga
show that these languages had a common origin.

Merits of Linguistic Evidence

Ø Linguistics complements other sources.

Ø Linguistics helps trace the movements of people and their relationships. For
instance we learn from linguistic studies that most Bantu people of Southern Africa
had a common origin somewhere in the east or west of Africa. We also learn that the
ancestors of the modern Shona of Zimbabwe originated somewhere around the
Congo-Benue River basin and migrated to Zimbabwe as part of the western stream
of the Bantu migrations.
Ø Linguistics also helps in establishing links between previously unknown
communities. For instance recent linguistic discoveries have established affinities
between the Manyika dialects of the Shona with some language spoken in Ethiopia.

Demerits of linguistics

Ø Learning a language takes a long time.

Ø Wrong interpretation of linguistics may lead to distortion of history. For instance
similar words in different language may have different meanings. For instance
‘karima’ in Arabic means light while the same word in Shona means darkness.
 Ethnography

Ø It’s a branch of Anthropology which focuses on the study of ethnic groups. It

involves a study of and analysis of the terrain, climate and habitat of a cultural
grouping. Ethnography also seeks to capture social meanings and ordinary activities
of people in naturally occurring social settings. Ethnography uses research methods
such as interviews, field notes, participatory observation and surveys to collect data
about a cultural or ethnic group.

Merits of Ethnography

Ø It enables the researcher to obtain firsthand information about a cultural group

through participatory observation.
Ø Observation allows the historian to develop new lines of enquiry.
Ø Ethnography complements other sources.

The Demerits of Ethnography.

Ø Observation takes longer to produce accurate research results.

Ø Research information may be corrupted by the observer’s cultural bias or ignorance.

The Early to Late Stone Age cultures of the Zimbabwe Plateau.

The Khoisan Hunter-gatherers

Ø The Stone Age in Zimbabwe is associated with the culture of the Khoisan people.
The Khoisan are hunters and gatherers who began to practice pastoralism,
agriculture and trade towards the end of the Late Stone Age. We know a great deal
about the Khoisan from rock art and archaeological evidence found at various sites
such as Ziwa in eastern Zimbabwe. We also know a great deal about the Khoisan
from ethnographic studies on their descendants who are still found in some parts of
modern Botswana, Namibia, Angola and Zimbabwe
Ø The Khoisan can be divided into two distinct groups that are the San and the Khoi
herders. The San were Stone Age hunters, trackers and gatherers whose descendants
are still found in the south west of Zimbabwe and parts of the Sahara and Namib
Desert areas.

The San

Ø They are believed to be the earliest known inhabitants of Southern Africa. The San
are also called Bushmen. They were short, swift and light brown in complexion.
 They practiced an Early Stone Age culture and used stone, bone and wooden tools
which were brittle and could easily break. Their inferior stone technology meant
that they were usually only able to hunt small game and depended mainly on
gathering while meat only supplemented their largely vegetarian diet.
Ø The San depended on the environment for survival. They evolved ways and means
of living with the environment in a sustainable way. They made efforts to conserve
and manage the environment in a sustainable way. For instance they practiced
nomadism and put in place population control methods such as birth control and
infanticide (killing new born babies).

Ø The San’s principal hunting weapon was the wooden bow and arrow. Sometimes
poisoned arrows were used to shoot bigger game like elephants and impala. Other
hunting methods such as pits and snares were also employed.
Ø San women were responsible for gathering and looking after children. They
gathered fruits, insects, wild honey and edible roots.
Ø There was sexual division of labor among the San. Men hunted while woman
gathered and reared children.
Ø The San made poison for their arrows by mixing animal blood, poisonous herbs and
snake venom.
Ø Animal hooves were used for making glue which they used as an adhesive for tool
making purposes.
Ø Tree roots, bark and leaves were important for preparing concoctions and medicinal
remedies.
Ø Fabre was used for weaving string bags for carrying hunting weapons.
Ø Animal skins were used for making clothes and blankets as well as making leather
bags.
Ø Ostrich egg shells were used for storing water.
Ø The San also made ornaments from bone, wood and stones.
Ø In order to control pressure on the environment the San employed birth control
methods and practiced infanticide.
Ø The San used fire for warming themselves, scaring away animals, roasting and
drying meat. Fire was also used for ritual purposes such as driving away evil spirits.
Ø Some San who lived near the sea and rivers went out fishing. They used bone
fishing hooks and funnel shaped traps made from reeds.

Society and Religion

Ø The San were nomadic. They moved in search of water, game and food. Nomadism
among the San was necessitated by the need to safeguard against the depletion of
the environment.
Ø Dependence on the forest for survival meant that there was food insecurity among
the San. This forced them to live in smaller family groupings.
Ø The San’s over reliance on the environment for survival compelled them to lead a
communal way of life and to develop a sound knowledge of the forest.
Ø The San’s communal way of life allowed a lot of time for recreational activities
such as dancing and rock painting.
Ø Nomadism among the San also occasioned the construction of temporary shelter
from tree branches and rocks. This also compelled the San to live in caves.
Ø There was no centralized system of authority among the San. They lived in small
communal or family groups of between 20 and 35 people. Each hunting band was
led by the eldest male member of the group.
Ø Decision making was communal and by consensus. Each member contributed to the
decision making process.
Ø San society was by and large egalitarian. Everyone was equal and there were no
classes or exploitation based on gender and wealth since there was communal
ownership of available resources.
Ø The San worshipped nature. They believed in spirits that lived in black pools, thick
forests and mountains. They regarded the praying mantis as a symbol of wealth and
fortune.
Ø The San danced to the full moon.

Rock Art

Ø The San painted on rocks and cave walls to pass time and portray their way of life.
San rock art shows the type of animals they hunted, the weapons used and the
general landscape within which they lived.
Ø San rock art has provided useful insights into their society, economy and religion.

The Khoi Herders

Ø These were Late Stone Age hunter gatherers and pastoralists. They are also called
Hottentots. There way of life was similar to and different from that of the San in
many aspects.
Ø The Khoi were pastoralists. They kept cattle, sheep and goats. Their way of life
revolved around their livestock.
Ø The location of the animal enclosures at the centre of the village shows that cattle
were an important status symbol.
Ø The Khoi also grew a type of cereal called penisettum. Over time they also began to
experiment with other plant varieties.
Ø The Khoi had an advanced technology. Their stone and wooden tools were more
advanced than the San’s. They were able to hunt more efficiently than the San.
Ø There is evidence that the Khoi had a well-developed craft industry. They made reed
 baskets and leather bags.
Ø The Khoi also carved dishes from stone and ivory. These were exported to traders
on the east coast. The Khoi engaged in flourishing trade with foreigners.
Ø The Khoi also began to use iron and fashioned iron tools. It is not clear how iron
technology developed among the Khoi herders. There are two contending views on
how the Khoi acquired knowledge of iron and crop cultivation.
Ø There was sexual division of labor. Men hunted and herded animals while women
gathered food, cultivated the fields, milked cows, thatched huts and reared children.
Ø There was specialization of tasks among the Khoi herders.
Ø The debate on the advent of iron among the Late Stone Age societies of Zimbabwe
and Southern Africa has pitted those who believe in the diffusion of ideas about iron
within and among Late Stone Age hunter-gatherer societies and those who argue
that iron technology was brought by foreign immigrants-the Iron Age Bantu farmers
and pastoralists- from North, East and West Africa.
Ø Proponents of the theory of Diffusion draw the bulk of their evidence from
archaeology while advocates of the Bantu Migrations draw their information from
both archaeology and Linguistics.

Khoi Society and Religion

Ø The Khoi were also nomads. They moved in search of water and pastures for their
livestock.
Ø They lived in very large settlements of 200 or more people.
Ø Khoi society was better organized in terms of central control than the San. The Khoi
were ruled by a chief.
Ø The Khoi lived in dome shaped huts made from young tree branches covered with
reed mats and animal skins. The Khoi led a relatively sedentary life style which
revolved around their livestock.
Ø The Khoi worshipped nature. They danced to the full moon and worshipped a
supreme being called Tsungoab.
Ø The Khoi held initiation ceremonies for young men and women.
Ø Khoi men paid roora (bride price) in form of cattle.

The Migration Theory

Ø The migration theory is one of two theories that have attempted to explain how the
Late Stone Age hunter-gatherer communities changed from a Stone Age to an Iron
Age way of life. The other theory is the theory of diffusion which has gained
popularity among archaeologists.
Ø The migration theory was popularized by 20th century Zimbabwean historians D.N.
Beach, S. Mudenge and S. Mukanya a.k.a. A. Chigwedere.
Ø Migrationists believe that the knowledge of farming and iron technology was
 brought into southern Africa and the Zimbabwean plateau by a new ‘race’ of people,
the Bantu. Bantu refers to a group Iron Age farmers and pastoralists whose
languages are similar in many ways. Bantu languages are spoken are widely spoken
across the African continent.
Ø Migrationists assert that the Bantu migrated to southern Africa looking for pastures,
fruits, wild game, fertile soils and pastures for their animals. They were from the
Sudanic-Cushitic and Nubian regions of North Africa by the growing desert climate
of the region. The Bantu migrated in two streams or waves namely the Eastern and
Western Streams.
Ø Evidence of Bantu by the Bantu Iron Age Shona is found at Iron Age sites such as
Gokomere, Ziwa, Leopard’s Kopje, Kutama and Mapungubwe.
Ø Migration however was low scale although there was massive use of iron tools on
the plateau.
Ø The Bantu migrants on early Iron Age villages of the plateau grew Sudanic crops
like bulrush, sorghum, beans and millet.
Ø According to the prominent migrationist D.N. Beach (1995, pp. 5-20) Bantu
ancestry can be traced to the ancient Sudanic-Egyptian-Nubian-Cushitic
civilizations of the Nile valley which developed there in c. 1 300 BC. The ancestors
of the Bantu of Southern Africa, including the Shona of Zimbabwe, came from the
area around modern Cameroun and Nigeria.
Ø The ancestors of the modern Bantu of southern Africa arrived in the Cameroun-
Nigeria region c. 300-200 BC. They began to grow crops, keep animals and make
pottery.
Ø Food security encouraged population growth which compelled some Bantu farmers
to migrate into the forest regions of the Congo-Ubangi basin.
Ø The Bantu immigrants arrived in the interlecustrine or great lakes (Uganda,
Rwanda and Burundi) c.300-500 AD. The Bantu expanded from the interlacustrine
into the Kenya-Tanzanian highlands, the east African coast and southwards. By
c.580-670 AD some Bantu had reached the Eastern Cape.
Ø The ancestors of the Shona should have entered Zimbabwe around the same time or
much later around 900 AD. The Bantu Shona are associated with early and later
farming communities such as Gokomere, Ziwa, and Leopard’s Kopje.
Ø The Bantu absorbed the Khoisan hunter-gatherer communities until the whole
plateau adopted an Iron Age culture and Bantu speaking. This process of waves of
Bantu immigrants continued in other parts of Africa at different periods.
Ø The Bantu migrations theory is based on the disputed assumption that all socio-
political and economic and linguistic changes are a product of the migration of new
people, often conquerors and displacers of the indigenous population.
Ø Migrationists however now accept that for socio-political- economic changes to
occur some diffusion or exchange of ideas between communities is necessary.

o Criticism of the Migration Theory

Ø Migrationists have been accused of being racists. They regard the Khoisan
communities as being backward, primitive and unchanging.
Ø It is probable that the migrations of the Bantu were not as massive as the proponents
of the theory would have us believe. The immigrants could have been small groups
of traders who came to southern Africa selling their wares.

The Diffusion Theory

Ø The theory was popularized by the archaeologist-historian Peter Garlake (1974-

1979) and first appeared in 1983. The diffusion theory argues that changes in
society may occur without any migration at all.
Ø The transition from the Late Stone Age to the Early Iron Age was simply a result of
the passing of ideas and techniques about iron and farming from one hunting band
to another until all hunting bands had adopted them. They became pastoralists,
miners, meturlogists, builders and cultivators.
Ø The Shona had always lived on the plateau for at least several thousand years before
the advent iron technology. The advent of iron technology later on was purely
coincidental and had nothing to do with the Shona immigrants.
Ø The spread of iron technology in the interlacustrine was a result of diffusion among
hunter-gatherer communities there. Small groups of specialized potters and iron
traders should have spread the ideas southwards towards the plateau and other parts
of the sub-continent.
Ø Techniques like crop production and animal husbandry should have developed
independent from the introduction of iron technology. This is supported by the fact
that although the Khoi herders of Southern Africa had little or no knowledge of the
use of iron they were farmers and pastoralists long before the advent of iron.
Ø Diffusionists argue that changes from stone to iron technology occurred naturally
and were a result of experimentation and interaction among the Stone Age societies
of the plateau.
Ø Iron technology was accepted by already existent farmers on the plateau because of
the advantage iron tools had over stone, bone and wooden tools.

Points of divergence between Migration theorists and Diffusion theorists

Ø Although the two theories, migration and diffusion, appear to be polar opposites,
they share common ground.
Ø Migration theorists acknowledge that at least there was some kind of diffusion of
ideas between the Bantu immigrants and the local Late Stone Age hunter-gatherer
societies living near early farming Bantu villages like Ziwa and Gokomere.
Ø Diffusion theorists also acknowledge that since the spread of iron technology from
the inter-lacustrine to southern Africa was a fairly rapid development some kind of
large scale migrations from the Great Lakes and the Congo Rainforest by foreigners
 should have occurred.
Ø If diffusion of ideas is as simple as has been suggested by advocates of diffusion
then the Cushitic peoples of the east African Highlands had greater influence on the
iron revolution in Zimbabwe.
Ø Similarities in Bantu languages of Africa suggest common origins and some form of
dispersion or migration.
Ø It is most probable that the Bantu of Zimbabwe were immigrants who began to
gradually replace and in some instances displace the hunter-gatherer societies of the
plateau through diffusion of ideas about iron
Ø Some Khoisan groups resisted diffusion and moved to the drier parts of the plateau,
the southwest, and the desert areas of southern Africa.

Ø The Early Iron Age societies of the plateau were most probably not Shona speaking
or Bantu. This suggests diffusion of ideas. Sharp differences between pottery
discovered at Leopard’s Kopje in Matebelend North and that at other Early Iron Age
sites like Ziwa and Gokomere seem to suggest that the Early Iron Age on the plateau
were founded by non-Shona and most probably non Bantu speakers again pointing
towards an exchange of ideas between local non Bantu communities.
Ø The Bantu Shona should have migrated from the Eastern Cape to Toutswe
(Botswana), Leopard’s Kopje, Harare and Musengezi sites. This shows that they had
no direct link with the Gokomere and Ziwa Iron Age cultures of the east and south
central respectively. It’s probable therefore that these cultures were non Shona and
non Bantu suggesting iron technology among these early farming communities was
a result of diffusion of ideas.
Ø Diffusion theorists argue that pottery differences do not mean migrations occurred
but that Early Iron Age pots were made by men in a matrilineal society while
pottery in the Later Iron Age communities was made by females in a patrilineal
society.
Ø The differences between eastern and western pottery traditions suggest that most
western areas of Zimbabwe were occupied by non-Shona speakers until after 1500
AD. This suggests some form of migration by ancestors of the Shona into non
Shona areas.
Ø Thus a study of the history of the Zimbabwean plateau that confines itself to a study
of the history of the Shona misses the point. Pre-historic Zimbabwe was inhabited
by both Shona and non-Shona groups.

The Transition from Late Stone Age to the Iron in Zimbabwe 1000- 1250 AD

Ø The Iron Age refers to the period when societies in Southern Africa and the
Zimbabwean plateau began to use iron tools, domesticate animals like cattle, sheep
 and goats as well as grow small grain crops like millets, beans, rapoko and sorghum.
The Iron Age in Zimbabwe is associated with early farming communities like
Gokomere, Ziwa, Mabveni, Musengezi and Malipati. It also associated with later
farming communities like Leopard’s Kopje and Mapungubwe. In southern Africa
the Neolithic revolution began around 300 AD.
Ø The main features of the Iron Age were the substitution of bone, wooden and stone
tools by iron technology. Wooden and stone axes, hoes and knives were replaced by
iron tools. The use of iron tools increased man’s capacity to domesticate and
manage his environment. This resulted in a balanced diet, long life expectancy and
increased population. Societies also became more settled and engaged in other
economic activities such as mining, metal work and pottery making. These changes
also brought new forms of social relations among societal groups. Social complexity
necessitated the need for rulers such as chiefs and headmen. This also led to division
of labor based on gender, age and skill.
Ø The advent of iron technology also coincided with the rise in social complexity and
the formation of Early Zimbabwe Culture states like Mapungubwe and Great
Zimbabwe. Early Zimbabwe culture states in turn gave rise to the formation of
larger and complex Later Zimbabwe culture states like Mutapa, Torwa and Rozvi-
Changamire. We know a great deal about the Iron Age from Archaeology,
Sociology, Linguistics and Social Anthropology.
Ø There is disagreement among historians on how the Neolithic or new iron revolution
occurred among Zimbabwean communities. The debate has involved historians
aligned to the so called Bantu migration theory and those who argue that the iron
revolution occurred naturally among the Late Stone Age hunter-gatherer societies of
southern Africa and the plateau. Proponents of the theory of diffusion believe the
iron revolution or transition from the Late Stone Age to the Iron Age was a result of
diffusion or exchange of ideas about the use of iron from one hunting band to
another.
Ø Whether as a result of waves of Bantu migrants from north and west Africa bringing
iron technology to the plateau or local Khoisan hunter- gatherer communities
exchanging ideas about iron, the Iron Age saw stronger, durable and efficient tools
such as hoes, spears and axes replacing brittle and inefficient Stone Age tools like
the bow and arrow and the digging stick. Other activities such as agriculture,
pastoralism, mining, blacksmithing and trade also emerged during the Iron Age.
Socially there was the development of large and complex societies called states.
Ø The Iron Age was characterized by economic, social and political changes among
the communities of the plateau. The changes had both positive and negative effects
on the life of the communities of the plateau.

Economic Changes

Ø People began to use iron implements to clear large pieces of land for cultivating
small grains and beans. The use of iron tools led to bumper harvests and the
production of surplus food which was used for local trade. Agriculture also opened
 other avenues of survival such as blacksmithing and mining. Surplus food
production increased food security as people began to build granaries as food
reserves.
Ø Increase in food production boosted the population and led to the formation of
villages which later combined to form large complex societies which were stratified.
Ø The use of iron weapons such as spears and axes improved hunting. People began to
hunt big game such as elephants. Elephants provided ivory which was used for
external trade with the east coast traders. Hunting also provided skins for export.
Improved hunting also meant that meat became an important aspect of people’s diet.
A rich protein diet increased life expectancy and facilitated population growth.
Ø The use of iron tools meant efficient mining of precious metals like gold and copper
which were important for making ornaments as well as for external trade.
Ø People began to domesticate animals such as cattle, sheep, goats, pigs and fowls.
Domestic animals provided meat, milk and hides. Cattle became an important status
symbol and rich cattle owners became important people in society. Cattle were also
used for the payment roora and were used as security in drought and times of crises.
Cattle were also used for local trade. Cattle and goats were also slaughtered for
ritual purposes as well as the payment of fines and tribute to the kings.
Ø A new class of specialists called blacksmiths emerged. They fashioned iron
implements such as hoes, axes and spears.
Ø There was division of labor based on gender, age and skill. Men took up lucrative
tasks such as trade, mining and hunting while women were relegated to the more
strenuous and less profitable tasks of child rearing, crop cultivation and gathering.
There was also specialization as some communities began to specialize in
agriculture, pastoralism and mining among others. This led to the development of a
diverse economy.
Ø People also began to make pottery for storing water and grain as well as for
cooking. Most early farming communities have been identified with the type of
pottery discovered at various archaeological sites at various locations in modern
Zimbabwe such as Gokomere, Ziwa and Musengezi.

Social Changes

Ø The introduction of iron technology led to the establishment of permanent

settlements called villages. One such Iron Age village, Great Zimbabwe grew into
an important and powerful city state of its time. People built pole and daga huts
thatched with grass. There were separate huts for cooking and sleeping as well as
separate huts for boys and girls.
Ø There was rapid population growth due improved diet. Population increase
encouraged social complexity. Population explosion led to competition for resources
and wars of conquests.
Ø The institution of marriage developed backed by roora. The payment of roora by
the groom to the in laws turned women into commodities of exchange on the
marriage market. It also marked the beginning of gender exploitation. However
 marriage was important because polygamous marriage bonds created unity between
and among different families and clans
Ø The growth of villages led to the quest for a clan leader to lead the clan.
Ø The introduction of iron led to social stratification where specialization and division
of labor.
Ø There was an improvement in the standard of living as life expectancy increased.
Ø Religion emerged as a unifying force. For instance the worship of one God,
Musikavanhu, created oneness among Iron Age communities. For example Great
Zimbabwe and Mapungubwe should have gained prominence as religious shrines
and rain making sites.
Ø People began to live in villages according to their lineages. This promoted unity
among lineage members.
Ø There was the development social stratification and social complexity. Society was
arranged hierarchically and vertically leading to social inequality.
Ø Social stratification and the emergence of the rich led to the exploitation of man by
man.

Political changes

Ø The growth of Iron Age villages led to social complexity and the need for a
governing body. This led to the formation of chiefdoms and states.
Ø Wealth from cattle and trade created a class of rich people who were able to impose
their will on others leading to the creation of ruling lineages and classes. Authority
was reinforced with rituals.
Ø Population growth led to the formation of clans which merged to form kingdoms
and chiefdoms necessitating the need for a governing body.
Ø The rise of ruling classes led to the formation of armies and wars of conquest and
territorial expansion. This led to bloody wars between kingdoms.

The ruling classes used their newly acquired status to enforce tribute payment from the
governed. Tribute payment was both a means of creating wealth and controlling subject
by subjugation.

The impact of Iron on societies on the plateau

Ø Although the introduction brought some revolutionary changes on societies on the

plateau, it had some negative consequences as well. Besides the positives cited
earlier on the discovery of iron upset the existing social, economic and political
systems of the Late Stone Age hunter-gatherer which were by and large egalitarian
and communal.
Ø The production of iron tools like axes led to deforestation and environmental
degradation.
Ø Iron weapons such as spears fuelled conflicts and increased the rate of killing.
Ø The introduction of roora promoted the exploitation of women.
Ø Sexual division of labor led to gender exploitation as women were relegated to less
profitable tasks like pottery and cultivation while men allocated themselves the
more lucrative tasks like trade and pastoralism
Ø Specialization saw men getting richer than women. Men used their wealth to
become society’s rulers. This led to the development of a patriarchal society.
Ø Population explosion led to competition for scarce resources like land and minerals
leading to increased rate of warfare among Iron Age societies.
Ø The rise of wealthier class led to exploitation of the poor through the tribute
payment system. The wealthy often used their wealth to manipulate and enslave
others. For instance the Great Zimbabwe rulers used their wealth from cattle and
trade to hire slave labor for the construction of the dry stone walled ruins.
Ø Improved hunting methods led to the indiscriminate killing of animals.
Ø Improved iron weaponry increased conflicts among communities. This led to
displacement of the weaker groups such as the Khoisan by the Iron Age Bantu
people.
Ø Improved mining techniques led to depletion of precious minerals such as gold.
Ø Social stratification led to gender and class exploitation.

Early and Later Farming Communities in Zimbabwe 0-1450 AD

Ziwa 300-1000 AD

Ø Ziwa is an EFC that existed from the 4th to the 11th century in eastern Zimbabwe.
Excavations at the site have suggested that Ziwa was an agricultural society. Some
historians date the site from the 14th century A.D.
Ø Other scholars date Ziwa to as late as the 15th century. The stone structures are dated
to the Late Iron Age period.
o Evidence of Agricultural activities at Ziwa Complex

Ø Large scale stone terraces covering steep hills indicate the practice of agriculture.
Ø There are wide cultivation ridges covering hundreds of hectares of valley soils
points towards crop cultivation.
Ø Old water furrows at the complex demonstrate that they were used for irrigating
crops.
Ø There are pit structures thought to be homesteads of a potentially sedentary
agricultural community.
Ø There are ruined stone built walls that should have been used as defensive forts.
Ø Evidence of iron extraction which should have provided tools for agriculture.
Ø The remains of carbonated seeds show that these were probably grown by Ziwa
settlers.
Ø Pottery remains dated 16th and 17th century show that this supported agriculture.
 Pots should have been used for cooking, storing milk and grain as well as other
agricultural products.

Other discoveries at Ziwa

Ø Pits used to house cattle have been discovered. This shows that Ziwa settlers were
pastoralists. They reared cattle, sheep and goats as well as small livestock like
fowls.
Ø Iron smelting forges suggests that the inhabitants engaged in mining. This view has
been doubted.
Ø Dry stone walled forts indicate that the site was well defended.
Ø Ziwa is noted for its impressive and elaborate terracing which allowed farmers to
exploit the rich fertile soil that covered the hills. Ziwa farmers grew small grains
and beans.
Ø Iron Age tools dated up to 200 000 years ago indicate that Ziwa inhabitants were
Iron Age farmers and pastoralists.
Ø Archaeological findings at the site indicate that Ziwa was continuously occupied by
a number of different cultures throughout the pre-historic and historic periods of the
plateau.
Ø Rock art found at the site suggests that Ziwa was at one time occupied by Late
Stone Age hunter-gatherer communities
Ø The crude, chipped stone tools of the Sangoan tradition suggest that Ziwa was
formerly an Early Stone Age settlement.
Ø The smaller, more varied and finely made stone tools suggest a Middle Stone Age
culture once flourished at the site.
Ø Radiocarbon dating has proved that the Stone Age culture at Ziwa spans a period of
48 000 years BCE.
Ø The Ziwa ruins are different and later than Great Zimbabwe. This explains why a
16th century date has been suggested for the construction of the ruins. (Carl Peters
{1900} and R.N. Hall).
Ø Remains of pottery, finely made hut floors, benches and walls of daga suggest
settlement by the Bantu Later Iron Age farmers and pastoralists probably in the late
17th century.
Ø The discovery of grain stores indicate that Ziwa people practiced crop cultivation
and produced surplus grain which they stored in granaries.
Ø Pit structures at the site suggest that Ziwa people kept sheep, goats and pigs which
they housed in the pits.
Ø Grooved rocky surfaces and several quern stones discovered indicate that grain was
a principal crop of the Ziwa people.
Ø A large circle built directly on the ground and divided down the centre with only the
raised eastern half having a daga floor should have been used as grinding and
winnowing places. (Summers R.)
Ø Stone lined track ways on the Lowland Ruins protected the crops growing on the
 terraces from livestock.
Ø Large circular cairns constructed at the centre of Enclosure 13 were intended as
granary bases.
o Gokomere 400-600 AD
o It is an Early Iron Age site in south central Zimbabwe which is dated
between the 5th and 7th century AD.
Ø Its pottery is accompanied by iron and copper fragments indicating the existence of
a thriving mining and metal working community.
Ø Gokomere represents an Iron Age culture of the eastern Bantu sub group.
Ø Archaeologists believe that Gokomere constitutes an early phase of the Great
Zimbabwe culture. The Gokomere culture likely gave rise to the modern Shona and
their distinct ethnic sub groups such as the Karanga and Rozvi. The Gokomere
may also probably have been related to the Mapungubwe culture of the Venda in the
north east of South Africa.
Ø Gokomere ceramic wares are dated to the 4th century AD. Imports of beads have
been excavated at the site indicating that the inhabitants possibly exchanged gold
for foreign goods from the east coast.
Ø A later phase of the Gokomere culture was found at Zhizho in southern Zimbabwe
in the Shashe-Limpopo area. Zhizho had its capital at Schroder just across the
Limpopo from Zimbabwe.
Ø Fragments of ceramic figurines, figurines of animals and birds and fertility dolls
have been discovered. Zhizho people produced ivory and other ivory goods for
export. These discoveries are evidence for trade probably with traders on the Indian
Ocean coast
Ø The Gokomere culture, it has been argued, does not represent the present day Shona.
Instead Gokomere is closely related to the Nyasa group of Malawi and Zambia. The
ancestors of the Shona only arrived in the 10th century from across the Limpopo.
Ø Gokomere pottery resembles Nkope pottery which is associated with the Nyasa
language speakers of Malawi.
Ø The Shona language speakers superseded the Gokomere and retained some set of
Nyasa words which still remain in some central Shona dialects.
Ø The Ziwa/Gokomere and Zhizho traditions were replaced by the Leopard’s Kopje
and Gumanye wares of the Kalundu tradition of the 10th century.
Ø Although the western stream Kalundu tradition is ancestor to Shona pottery the
Shona language is closely related to the southern division of the eastern Bantu
stream such as Nguni, Sotho-Tswana, Tsonga, Nyasa and Makwa.
Ø Material evidence from Gokomere shows that the inhabitants were also into
pastoralism and mineral production.

o Early States of the Zimbabwe Culture

Ø The development of complex societies is regarded as one of the most important
human achievements in pre-colonial African history. Research into complex was
triggered by the remains of monumental structures or ruins like the pyramids of
Egypt, Great Zimbabwe and other archaeological visible like pottery and beads.
Ø It appears most complex developed at different times in different parts of the world.
There was considerable occupational diversity (specialization and division of
labour) and resource distribution internally.
Ø There is evidence of a huge geographical area controlled by a central governing
body who exercise power and control over that geo-political entity. This is called the
Central Hierarchy Theory.
Ø The Central Hierarchy Theory can be represented diagrammatically as follows:

Ø The third level strata are one of the archaeological indications of the existence of a
state characterized by 1. Ruling Class 2. Subjects 3. Geographical area 4. Taxes and
5. Laws.

Factors leading to the development of States on the Zimbabwean Plateau

Importance of Indigenous branches of the economy

Ø Food production demanded a full sedentary or settled way of life resulting in a large
population staying in an area over a reasonably long period of time due the
availability of a better diet and food security. Agriculture was controlled by the elite
resulting in them extending their control over others.

Cattle Hypothesis

Ø According to Proctor and Phimister, the growth of complex societies like Great
Zimbabwe can be attributed to pastoralism. Garlake also shares the same view.
Ø Mapungubwe which developed from Bambadyanalo at the Shashe-Limpopo
confluence in southwestern Zimbabwe grew into complex societies due to
pastoralism. The presence of large huts and many cattle enclosures which contained
large quantities of burnt cow dung shows that Mapungubwe was a cattle society.
Ø Bambadyanalo was also a large complex society based on cattle and cultivation of
crops.
Ø Garlake postulates that there is not much evidence of trade at most of the Iron Age
sites of the plateau, including Great Zimbabwe, suggesting that pastoralism was
responsible for the growth and development of early states of the Zimbabwe culture.
Ø Another early Zimbabwe culture state is Toutswe in Botswana which grew into a
complex society as a result of cattle. Substantial remains of cow dung were
discovered at Toutswe suggesting heavy dependence on livestock production. In fact
the tier central hierarchy theory has been demonstrated at Toutswe’s cattle complex.
Ø Cattle kraals were placed at the centre of the settlement pointing to the importance
of cattle among the Toutswe inhabitants.
Ø The presence of buffalo grass which favors to grow in areas with cow dung is
indicative of the importance of cattle in state formation in southern Africa.
Ø Proctor and Phimister further argue that there is little, if any, evidence of trade
routes. To this end it is strongly believed that pastoralism was largely responsible
for the development of state systems.
Ø Therefore it can be argued that in examining state systems in Zimbabwe and
southern Africa common trends are discernable and currently it is important to
emphasize contextual attributes to state formation.

Control of Long Distance Trade

Ø It has been argued that long distance trade also led to the development of social
complexity. Agricultural and pastoral activities have been discarded by some as
drivers of state formation because they are democratic activities which can be
carried out by anyone whereas trade was controlled by the ruling class.
Ø The ruling class’ capacity to control long distance trade has been attributed to the
growth of states in Africa and on the Zimbabwean plateau. The presence of foreign
goods like jewellery, beads, ceramic vessels and coins from Arabia at Great
Zimbabwe has been used to demonstrate the importance of long distance trade in the
development of states on the plateau.
Ø However it should be noted that before the advent of long distance trade, a
 transformation process of societies on the plateau was already in motion. Trade only
catalyzed a process of state formation that was already underway.

Control of navigable rivers

Ø This is true in areas like Mesopotamia and the Nile valley states of Egypt-Nubia-
Cush with water resources that could be used for irrigation purposes. State systems
in these areas developed as a result of the rulers’ ability to control navigable rivers
and flood plains.

However in southern Africa control of irrigation was not a strong factor in state
formation.

The Indian Ocean Trading System

Ø The Indian Ocean trading system refers to the pre-colonial mode or network of
exchange of southern African societies with east Africa and Indian Ocean coastal
societies like Kilwa, Malindi, Mogadishu and Timbuktu among others. These trade
links were conducted through the Indian Ocean.
Ø The origins of the Indian Ocean trade are closely linked to the development of iron
or metal working in southern Africa.
Ø The Iron Age refers to a cultural system which was characterized by the use of iron
implements. The Iron Age is believed to have as a result of massive population
movements called the Bantu migrations. The economies of these Bantu migrants
were based on cattle and agriculture.
Ø The Indian Ocean became the highway of commerce for these Iron Age Bantu
societies of southern Africa
Ø The earliest evidence of the emergence of early states in southern Africa was
between the 11th and 13th centuries at Mapungubwe on the Shashe-Limpopo
confluence and Great Zimbabwe in southeastern Zimbabwe.
Ø Around 1180 AD there was a shift from the lineage mode of production to the
tributary mode of production which called for accumulation of wealth by
individuals.
Ø Evidence of contact between Zimbabwean plateau societies and the outside world
via the Indian Ocean came in form of ceramic vessels and glass beads discovered at
Great Zimbabwe. The ceramics and glass beads are of Chinese origins.
Ø According to Martin Hall the Arab-Swahili traders controlled the east African
coastline until the 19th century. It follows therefore that Africans did most of the
trade linkages with the east coast since foreigners were confined to the coastline.
Ø Trading centres along the east African coast like Kilwa, Mombasa, Zanzibar,
Timbuktu and Mogadishu were controlled by Muslim Arab traders who formed part
of the coastal elite. The Swahili and other individual groups acted as middlemen in
the long distance ivory and gold trade.
Ø In exchange for gold and ivory Africans got foreign goods like cloth, beads, silk and
 ceramics. Evidence of the remains of these exotic goods abounds on the east African
coast and historians believe that is where most of the trade was conducted. It is also
believed that the Indian Ocean trade had extended to the Zambezi valley by the late
19th century.
Ø There is evidence of more exotic goods such as tin glazed ware with painted
decorations. Some foreign items have also been excavated at Mapungubwe, Mavela,
Leopard’s Kopje, Great Zimbabwe and Ingombe Ilede in Zambia.
Ø At Great Zimbabwe Chinese bowls and dishes, Asian spoons, cowry shells, Persian
ceramics and glass beads. In exchange southern African societies exported gold,
ivory, pottery and animal skins. In the 16th century Portuguese merchants began to
trade textiles in exchange for ivory and gold from interior societies of the Zambezi
valley.
Ø Over time the economy of the Portuguese on the Zambezi valley altered because of
the decline in gold production. As gold sources got exhausted ivory and slave s very
important trading items. According to Stan Mudenge southern African communities
got luxurious goods like cloth, beads, alcohol, ornaments and firearms
(consumables). Mudenge further notes that the Portuguese also established trade
links with the Luba-Lunda states in Zambia, the Zimbabwean plateau states and as
far as Delagoa Bay.
Ø The Portuguese and Arab merchants brought foreign goods because Africans had
insatiable appetites for exotic goods. This shows that the Portuguese contributed
immensely to the Indian Ocean trade.
Ø Martin Hall argues that exotic goods like glass beads were not meant for
consumption by the elites but were for circulation among the ruling elite as symbols
of authority thereby attracting loyalty among subjects.
Ø The type of items exchanged between Africans and foreign traders produced
unequal trade relations and the beginning of the underdevelopment of African
societies as postulated by Walter Rodney in his thesis How Europe
Underdeveloped Africa. However Hall sees this skewed trade relationship as a
necessary catalyst for state formation.
Ø Most scholars argue that underdevelopment began in the 18th and 19th centuries
when the slave trade began and not before that. However it is more plausible to note
that there is not necessarily a connection between the rise of early states and the
Indian Ocean but there is a probable connection.
Ø Trade occurred because there was some surplus. It also promoted the development
of state systems. However this could only happen if security was guaranteed over a
large region.
Ø Two new external forces in the form of the presence of the Portuguese and the
development of maritime power influenced by the industrial revolution in Europe.
The Portuguese began to take over trade from the Arab-Swahili traders along the
east African coast from Mombasa to Delagoa Bay.
Ø The second influence was the expansion to Zanzibar of the Omani Arab Empire in
the 1700’s. After the establishment of the Omani Empire in Zanzibar the Portuguese
attempted to extend their influence from the east coast to the interior of east and
 southern Africa.
Ø In the lower Zambezi valley region the Portuguese established prazos which were
exploitative in nature, they used private armies called Achikunda to conquer the
area. The Achikunda armies carried out slave raids in the Zambezi valley.

Ø Leopard’s Kopje
Ø These are Later Iron Age sites located near Robert Sinyoka in the Matebeleland
North Province of modern Zimbabwe. The sites are dated between 800-1250 AD.
Ø Leopard’s Kopje people are believed to be the ancestors of the Great Enclosure
people of Great Zimbabwe.
Ø They lived in the south west of the plateau and the Shashe-Limpopo valleys.
Archaeological evidence at the sites suggests Leopard’s Kopje culture people had a
well-developed pastoral economy.
Ø The Zhizho, predecessors of the Leopard’s Kopje, lived in the Matopo area and the
Limpopo valley. They lived in small villages growing millets and sorghum while
keeping livestock.
Ø By the 9th century Zhizho farmers moved westwards into the fringes of the eastern
Kalahari where they formed Iron Age chiefdoms centred on Toutswe, Shoshong,
Palapye and Serowe areas of modern Botswana.
Ø Leopard’s Kopje culture people occupied the areas left vacant by the Zhizho farmers
or alternatively they displaced them around 800 AD. It’s unclear whether Leopard’s
Kopje represents a development from Zhizho or its cultural succession. However
both cultures have been identified with Bantu Iron Age Shona speakers who
introduced an economic and social way of life associated with the Later Iron Age.
Ø Leopard’s Kopje culture has been associated with early attempts at state formation
by the inhabitants of the plateau. Evidence to support this has been found at
Ndabazingwe Hill, northwest of modern Bulawayo, Mapela on the Shashe and
Bambadyanalo near the Shashe-Limpopo confluence.
Ø Material remains at the sites points towards social stratification. The discovery of
cattle bones together with cattle enclosures indicates the existence of a pastoral
society. Cattle wealth fostered a tendency towards craft specialization and division
of labor based on gender, age and skill.
Ø Cattle owners were able to impose their will on those who owned little or no cattle.
They became the first chiefs and kings and formed an aristocracy or ruling class.
Authority was reinforced through ritual and ceremony.
Ø More wealth could have been obtained from gold and ivory. Wealth from gold and
ivory resulted in an export oriented economy. The development of external trade
created a class of rich people who used their wealth to manipulate the will of the
poor.
Ø Deterioration of arable land and climate change at the beginning of the 11th century
AD encouraged experimentation with and competition for certain resources.
Ø By the 12th century AD Leopard’s Kopje farmers had established control over
Mapungubwe Hill on the banks of the Limpopo. Material remains at the site points
towards the existence of a stratified and complex society.
Ø Physical evidence at Leopard’s Kopje culture sites suggests westward movement by
the inhabitants which led to the establishment of state-like societies such as
Mapungubwe.

Bambadyanalo 1 030-1 220 AD

Ø Bambadyanalo is a Later Iron Age settlement located 1km west of Mapungubwe.

Ø Remains at the site show the existence of a thriving EFC which lasted some 200
years.
Ø There is a central homestead area, central cattle pen and central madden surrounded
by smaller homesteads demonstrating the existence of a sedentary society.
Ø Evidence at the site also points towards a thriving farming and trading community.
Ø Large quantities of pottery and glass beads excavated from villagers’ graves
demonstrate that Bambadyanalo was a prosperous trading community.
Ø Remains of bone fragments of slaughtered domestic animals and burnt seeds of
sorghum and bulrush millet show cases a thriving agricultural society.
Ø An examination of human bones from the site shows that K2 villagers enjoyed a
healthy diet.
Ø Remains of decorated pottery, large glass beads, body ornaments, copper bangles
and human and animal figurines shows that Bambadyanalo villagers were skilled
craftsmen.
Ø K2 people were hunters. They hunted elephants for ivory which they bartered with
foreigners for glass beads.

Mapungubwe- 1 000- 1 300 AD

Ø Cattle enclosures, bones and figurines at the site demonstrate the importance of
pastoralism.
Ø The site is surrounded by a valley which contains agricultural terraces
demonstrating a thriving agricultural society. Remains of sorghum and cow peas
confirms the inhabitants practiced crop production.
Ø Evidence of hidden bones suggests the domestication of animals and that these
animals were more important sources of meat compared to game meat.
Ø There is also evidence of local trade in local raw materials.
Ø Copper and iron were accumulated for trading purposes.
Ø There is also evidence of external trade in gold beads and copper bangles.
Ø Gold trade with distant contacts brought imports like glass beads and ceramics from
 China
Ø There is also evidence of local spinning, weaving, hunting and fishing.
Ø There is evidence of social stratification at Mapungubwe. Royalty lived at the top of
the hill while commoners and supporters lived on the lower levels. Charred remains
of granaries show that small grains and a local variety of cotton were grown.
Ø Remains of ivory, bone, wood, pottery and ostrich egg shells show that
Mapungubweans traded with cultures as far as Persia, East Africa, India, Egypt and
China.
Ø Findings at Greifswald’s show that blacksmiths fashioned decorative objects for
domestic use as well as for trade.
Ø Mapungubwe’s way of life revolved around the family relationships and kinship
ties.
Ø There were special places for social occasions such as initiation schools and
religious ceremonies.
Ø The positioning of the cattle pen at the centre of the homestead shows that
Mapungubweans had a close relationship with their cattle.

Ø It was a flourishing early Zimbabwe culture metropolis which was established

around 1200 AD. It was ruled by an African king and declined in the beginning of
the 14th century. The identity of its inhabitants remains a mystery since the pre-
historic period has no written or oral evidence to compliment archaeology. The
inhabitants are known as simply Mapungubweans.
Ø Mapungubwe like Ziwa in the east was a terraced settlement. Stone walls buttressed
the slopes and homesteads were scattered about.
Ø Royalty lived at the top while commoners lived on the lower levels. Arrangement of
dwellings indicates a stratified, hierarchical and complex society with the basic
characteristics of a state
Ø Material from K2 village shows that Mapungubweans were subsistence farmers.
They grew small grains and reared livestock.
Ø Human remains from several graves show that the inhabitants enjoyed a healthy
protein diet probably from domestic and game meat.
Ø Mapungubweans domesticated cattle, sheep, goats and small livestock.
Ø Charred remains of granaries indicates that millets, sorghum and local cotton were
cultivated
Ø Archaeological findings at Greifswald show that blacksmiths created objects for
practical and decorative purposes for both local and external trade.
Ø Remains of ivory, animal bones, wood, ostrich eggshells and snail shells indicate
that Mapungubwe traded with cultures as far as Persia, East Africa, India, Egypt and
China. Mapungubwe appears to have been a thriving city state as well as a centre
for local, regional and inter-regional trade.
Ø Mapungubweans exchanged gold, ivory and animal skins for glass beads and
ceramics. Glass beads have been found in large quantities at the site.
Ø Mapungubwe’s social life revolved around family relationships and kinship ties.
Ø There were special places for special occasions like initiation schools and religious
ceremonies.
Ø The close relationship of Mapungubweans and their cattle is symbolized by the
positioning of the cattle kraal at the centre of the homestead.
Ø Mapungubweans were skilled miners and metal workers. Evidence of this is found
in the abundant mineral resources around the site and neighbouring South Africa.

Bambadyanalo

Ø Bambadyanalo is a Later Iron Age Hill which 1km west of Mapungubwe. It’s dated
between 1030 and 1220 AD. Material remains at the site show that it was a thriving
Later Iron Age community which existed for nearly 200 years.
Ø It has a central homestead area, a central cattle pen and a central madden surrounded
by smaller homesteads.
Ø Evidence at the homestead shows a thriving agricultural, trading and pastoral
society.
Ø Large quantities of pottery and glass beads have been excavated from the graves of
villagers indicating a thriving system of external trade.
Ø Remains of bone fragments of slaughtered domestic animals and carbonated seeds
of bulrush millet show that the villagers were successful crop farmers and
pastoralists.
Ø Human bones from the graves of K2 villagers show that they enjoyed a healthy diet.
Ø Bambadyanalo people were also skilled craftsmen as evidenced by the discovery of
decorated pottery, large glass beads, tools and body ornaments such as iron and
copper bangles and figurines of humans and domesticated animals.
Ø K2 villagers were hunters. They hunted for meat, skins and ivory. They exchanged
ivory and skins for glass beads with the Swahili traders from the east coast.

The Great Zimbabwe State

Ø The Great Zimbabwe state is an early Zimbabwe culture state that flourished in
south eastern Zimbabwe from around the 11th century up to the mid-15th century AD
(1000-1450 AD). At its height it had a population of about 18 000 people. This
ruined Late Iron Age city is found in the southeastern hills of modern Zimbabwe
near Lake Mutirikwe.
Ø G. Cornor in African Civilization defines a state as a stratified society in which a
governing body exercises control over the means of production of basic resources
and thus acquires coercive power over the rest of the population. Following from
this definition Great Zimbabwe can be called a state.
Ø Great Zimbabwe was established as a result of considerable human effort. This is
evidenced by the existence of monumental stone structures or ruins which suggest
there was some kind of organization and control of a huge and docile labor force or
that there was a prolonged period of political stability and economic prosperity
 which facilitated state formation according to P. Garlake “Pre-history and
Ideology.” In Zimbabwe Past and Present
Ø Historians believe that the city was settled by the Gokomere people around the 4th
century. However construction of the walls began around the 11th century and
continued for the next 300 years when the city began to decline for various reasons.
The rise of Great Zimbabwe is still shrouded in controversy. Historians disagree on
the identity of its builders, the time of its establishment as the purpose of its
construction. Several explanations have been proposed to explain the rise of the
state. Its rise has been linked to the decline of Mapungubwe in the 14th century due
to climate change or the greater availability of gold in the hinterland. Other theories
or hypotheses provided include the cattle theory, environmental theory, religious
theory, and agriculture theory. However no single theory best explains the rise of
this powerful micro pole. All the hypotheses are equally important in explaining its
rise.

The Trade theory

Ø Proponents of the trade theory argue that trade was the main stimulus in the rise of
the state. Proponents of the trade theory are M. Hall, Cornor, G. Pwiti, Garlake
among others. According to Hall trade was the main factor in explaining the rise of
the state. Hall argues that “…there were indications that the volume of trade had
increased significantly by the time Great Zimbabwe was established as a centre of
major importance.”
Ø Cornor considers long distance trade as having an impact on the state’s growth
rather than its rise. Pwiti also echoes the same view and asserts that trade only
catalyzed a process of state development that had already taken off ground.
Ø P. Garlake also thinks trade was the main stimulus in the rise of the state. He asserts
that, “Once this trade began, a new source of wealth was introduced which
constituted an excess to the existing subsistence economy and became a chiefly
monopoly.” It is probable that the Zimbabwe rulers used wealth from external trade
to pay labor used in constructing the dry stoned walled ruins which exist to this day.
Ø Glass beads from India have been discovered at the site. Also found at the site are
Islamic ceramics, Chinese dishes, porcelain and iron spoons. It is on the basis of
such archaeological evidence that archaeologists have concluded that trade should
have contributed to social complexity and the rise of Great Zimbabwe as an
important centre for regional and inter regional trade.
Ø G. Pwiti further argues that there seems to be a coincidence in the development of
social complexity and the increase in the volume of trade to a point where a link
between trade and the rise of the state can be accepted.
Ø Trade should have provided the rulers with power because it represented some form
of wealth that could be stored and secured differently from cattle or agricultural
produce. To this end the elite who controlled external trade at Great Zimbabwe
became very wealthy. This wealth represented political power as it enabled the elite
to impose their will on ordinary people.
Ø The Ecological Theory
Ø The ecological theory was popularized by Barnerman and J.F. Guy. They both
emphasize that Great Zimbabwe was a land full of possibilities. It was endowed
with a good climate, fertile soils, woodlands and palatable pastures suitable for
rearing cattle. Fertile soils favored crop cultivation while woodlands provided fire
wood and game such as elephants whose ivory was important for export.
Ø Both scholars are of the view that Great Zimbabwe’s rise was predicated on
pastoralism and crop cultivation. It is also probable that gold from the hinterland
also contributed to the rise of social complexity at Great Zimbabwe.

The Cattle Theory

Ø P. Garlake argues that trade is a secondary economic activity which only accelerated
the growth of the state. He argues that Great Zimbabwe was a primary state whose
rise should be attributed to the rulers’ possession of cattle wealth. Garlake further
argues that it is probable that the elite got some political power from the possession
of cattle. This enabled them to command a huge following who were used in the
construction of the dry stone walled monuments, a process that continued for 300
years from 1000- 1450 AD.
Ø G. Cornor also supports the view that pastoralism led to the development of social
complexity at Great Zimbabwe. He bases his argument on the many cattle bones
found at the site. This shows that cattle should have been abundant at the site.

The cattle hypothesis shows that Great Zimbabwe was not a secondary state as has been
previously assumed but that it developed into a complex society due to local factors
such as possession of cattle and crop cultivation. Therefore pastoralism according to
Cornor led to the development of a stratified society at Great Zimbabwe.

The Agriculture Theory

Ø The rise of the Great Zimbabwe state has also been attributed to agriculture or crop
cultivation. It has been argued that domestication of small grains and beans resulted
in surplus production of grain. Food security encouraged population growth and the
rise of social complexity. This necessitated the rise of a governing body or ruling
class leading to state formation.
Ø Cornor also supports the view that agriculture led to the rise of Great Zimbabwe. He
disputes the view that the gold trade led to the rise of the state. According to Cornor
it is unlikely that the gold trade led to the rise of early Zimbabwe culture states
neither did it have any greater effect on the process of state formation.
Ø Carbonized seeds discovered at the site seem to suggest the importance of
agriculture in the rise of the state.

The Religious Theory

Ø It has also been suggested that Great Zimbabwe was an important Shona religious
shrine as well as a rain making site. Visitors to the site on pilgrimages could have
 decided to settle permanently at the shrine. As the population of the site grew, a
complex society developed necessitating the need for a governing body. The conical
tower and the figurines of birds might have been religious symbols linked to the
Hungwe-Dziva lineage. The site is referred in Shona traditions as “mabweadziva”
which loosely translates to “Dziva’s stone houses”.
Ø Some historians argue that Shona religion was a contributing factor to the rise of
Great Zimbabwe.
Ø The Great Enclosure is believed to have been a temple.
Ø Monoliths are said to have been religious symbols.
Ø Conclusively, the causes of the rise of complex societies like Great Zimbabwe on
the plateau are complex. No single factor best explains the development of social
complexity. It is not prudent, for instance to attribute the rise of Great Zimbabwe on
trade alone. Mono-causal explanations on the rise of early and later Zimbabwe
culture states are by nature problematic. It is prudent to apply multi-causal
explanations to the rise of states on the plateau.

Great Zimbabwe Society

Ø Great Zimbabwe was a city state of more than 18000 people who were totally
dependent on the ruler’s court. The social distinction between the governors and the
governed was quite distinct in terms of housing, living space and imported goods.
The rulers lived in luxury, wearing imported clothing and consuming better food.
The rulers lived on plenty of beef and drank a lot of beer.
Ø Archaeological evidence shows that the elite influenced slaughter patterns. For
instance young ad prime beef was the preserve of the rulers while commoners ate
meat from older animals.
Ø The rulers of Great Zimbabwe were not directly involved in the production process.
They involved in supervising trade and receiving tribute from tributaries.
Ø It is probable that the rulers lived in houses on the valley complex while commoners
lived on in the ordinary stone enclosures complex. Buildings on the hill complex
should have been ritual sites and spirit mediums and traditional healers lived there.
Ø Society emphasized adult privilege and responsibility. Society was stratified into
different categories based on gender, age and skill.
Ø One stratum was composed of senior men and women and another of older men and
women
Ø The other stratum was composed of married younger men and women.

Each category had its own symbolic significance. For instance the older generation
symbolized wisdom and maturity while married young men and women symbolized
virility and fertility.

Great Zimbabwe’s Economy

Ø The economy of Great Zimbabwe was not dependent on one branch of production
but on several. The economy was based on pastoralism, trade, agriculture, mining,
tribute, salt extraction, hunting and gathering. No single branch of production was
 more important than others.
Ø P. Garlake claims that the state was overwhelmingly dependent on cattle. He argues
that there is scant evidence of cereal production on the site. There are almost no
signs of granaries, storage pits or ground stores. Even the range pottery vessels
shows that comparatively little grain was cooked or eaten as porridge.
Ø However Garlake’s argument is difficult to sustain. Great Zimbabwe lay at the
centre on fertile land of the plateau. It was also close to the main tributaries of the
Save River and is in a position to receive convectional rains from the east coast.
Given the above Garlake completely missed the point by over emphasizing the
importance of cattle at Great Zimbabwe.
Ø It appears mixed agriculture was the basis of the economy even if the demands of a
particular form of ranching determined the place or location.
Ø The Great Zimbabwe people also depended on trade. The state was a centre for a
complex of regional and interregional trade. Through this coastal trade various local
and imported trade items which date back as far as the 13th and 14th century.
Ø Asian bowls, Chinese, lamp holders and rings were part of the Great Zimbabwe
trade. Their imports also included glass beads, sea shells, and ornaments. These
were sourced from over- seas or from other parts of the world.
Ø The presence of goods of American origin shows that the state was involved in both
regional and interregional trade.
Ø H Bhilla asserts that by 1200 AD much of the trade of the plateau including that of
Mapungubwe was being diverted to Great Zimbabwe. The increasing wealth of the
rulers began to show in their dry stone walled buildings.

Mining

Ø Mining was relatively important. However there were no mines within Great
Zimbabwe’s 25 km radius. The state depended on minerals from other areas.
Ø Needham asserts that Great Zimbabwe was involved in the extraction and
processing of gold and iron metals and traded these items.
Ø The output from mines was never significant in spite of the wild claims of the
Portuguese and the 19th century traders, hunters and missionaries.
Ø Needham and Mashingaidze further argue that no more than a few villages devoted
their time to mining. They seem to suggest that mining was just a seasonal activity
like farming. Gold and iron which Great Zimbabwe traded was brought as tribute
from some willing districts in raw form. It was then stored or used for
manufacturing gold ornaments. These were carried to traders on the Sofala port for
export.

Pastoralism

Ø This was an important feature of Great Zimbabwe society. Favorable climate and
other environmental factors encouraged livestock production and crop husbandry. It
seems these were carried out in most parts of Great Zimbabwe especially in the
 Highveld.
Ø D.N. Beach is of the opinion that the location of the site was primarily determined
by factors such as grazing patterns. This shows that cattle played an important role
in the economy of the state.
Ø The dominance of beef in the diet of the occupants of Great Zimbabwe has been
demonstrated at Ruhanga Ruins by the range of reconstructed cooking vessels. 90%
of bones discovered on the western enclosure of the hill complex were cattle bones.
This shows that wealth at Great Zimbabwe was centered on possession of cattle.
Ø Craft Industry
Ø There was specialization on craft by Great Zimbabweans. They made items from
stones. They curved birds and other animal figurines from soapstone. They also
extracted salt from rocks which they which they ground into powder, mixed with
water and evaporated.

Hunting

Ø They hunted big game like elephants. Elephant ivory was important for trade.
Ø Hunting also provided hides for clothing and export.
Ø Hunting was mostly done by men sometimes as a sport and to get meat for
consumption.

Pottery

Ø Women made pottery from fired clay.

Ø The pots were painted and decorated for use as cooking and storage vessels.
Ø Clay pots were also used for brewing beer.

Controversies about the Origins and Construction of Great Zimbabwe.

Ø There has been heated debate among historians on the date, origins and purpose of
construction of the dry stone walled ruins of Great Zimbabwe. The debate on the
origins of the ruins has sucked in Eurocentric and Afro centric or nationalist
historians. However its now widely accepted that the Zimbabwe ruins are the work
of Iron Age Shona who built the site for various purposes.
Ø There has also been debate on when Great Zimbabwe was established. This debate
is also called the Time Controversy.
Ø Some historians argue that Great Zimbabwe was a development from or a successor
to the Gokomere culture people of central Zimbabwe. They place its date of
establishment between the 4th and 6th century AD (300-500AD). They argue that
foundation stones for the ruins were in place by the 6th century. This means Great
Zimbabwe is an early Iron Age state.
Ø Other historians associate the ruins with the Leopard culture people and place its
date of establishment in the middle of the 13th century (c. 1250 AD).
Ø Great Zimbabwe has also been associated with Mapungubwe farmers and its date of
establishment has been placed between 1050 and 1300 AD.
 The Building controversy

Ø This identity of the builders of Great Zimbabwe has generated heated debate
between Afro centric and Eurocentric scholars. The former has argued that the ruins
are of African origin while the latter have argued the ruins are of foreign origin.
However its now generally accepted that the ruins were built by ancestors of the
Shona.
Ø Eurocentric writers have argued that Great Zimbabwe was built by foreigners. They
argue that the design of the ruins resemble the ancient Jewish temple in Jerusalem.
According to this claim the ruins were built by King Solomon as a present to his
mistress the Queen of Sheba. The ruins are therefore of Semitic or Jewish origins.
Ø The ruins have also been associated with an earlier Phoenician or Arab civilization
from the Middle East. The ruins, it’s argued, resemble the pyramids of Egypt.
Ø Another claim associates the ruins with the Russians. It has been argued that the
ruins resemble the Kremlin palace of Russia.
Ø A prominent Euro centrist J. Theodore Bent was sponsored by the C. J. Rhodes to
peddle the lies that the ruins were of Arab-Phoenician origins. After some research
at the site Bent was convinced the ruins were of foreign origins. Bent’s thesis is
contained in The Ruined Cities of Mashonaland (1891).
Ø Karl Mauch, another Eurocentric historian supported the Queen of Sheba legend
and Phoenician stone working. Mauch claimed that the wooden lintel at the site was
Lebanese cedar brought by Phoenicians.
Ø However evidence from archaeology and linguistics shows that the ancestors of the
Shona migrated to Zimbabwe long before the construction of the ruins.
Ø Despite evidence of the local origins of the ruins the colonial government of
Rhodesia restricted any public acknowledgements of the African origins of the
ruins. They deliberately falsified and manipulated archaeological evidence.
Ø Robert Dick-Read in a controversial thesis The Phantom Voyagers claims the ruins
were built by Indonesian mariners or sailors. He claims that the Khami and Nyanga
ruins were modeled on structures that still exist in Madagascar. He further claims
that Zimbabwe is a derivative of the Indonesian word ‘Zombabe’ which also means
houses of stone. However Dick-Read’s analysis has been rejected as flawed. It is
seen as part of the refusal by Europeans to accept the fact that the ruins were built
by ancestors of the Shona people c. 500 AD.
Ø The ruins have also been to the legendary Prester John, king of the lands beyond the
Islamic world.
Ø The construction of Great Zimbabwe is also claimed by the Lemba, an ethnic group
in Zimbabwe and South Africa. The Lemba have mixed Karanga and Jewish blood.
Robert Gayre, an advocate of the Lemba origins of the ruins, claims that the Shona
artifacts found inside the ruins were only placed there after the Shona had
conquered the area and drove out or absorbed the previous inhabitants. Gayre’s
thesis has been dismissed by Garlake, Pikirayi and Tudor Parfitt who notes that
Gayre’s work was intended to show black people as incapable of building in stone
or governing themselves.
Ø David Randall MacIver (1905-06) carried out excavations at the site and observed
that most of the objects uncovered were of Bantu origin. He also suggested a
medieval date for the walled fortifications and temple.
Ø Getrude Caton-Thompson (1929), concluded after visiting the site and digging
several trenches that the site was created by the Bantu. Her excavations unearthed a
mix of unremarkable pottery and iron work, glass beads and a gold bracelet.
Thompson also helped in confirming a theory about the medieval origin for the
masonry work of circa 14th-15th century. However by 1931Thompson had modified
her Bantu theory somewhat, allowing for a possible Arab origin for the towers
through the imitation of buildings or art seen at the Arabian trading cities
Ø From the 1950’s onwards, there has been consensus among archaeologists as to the
African origins of Great Zimbabwe. Artifacts and radiocarbon dating indicate
settlement in at least the 5th century with continuous settlement between the 12th and
15th centuries and the bulk of the archaeological findings dated from the 15th
century.
Ø Dated finds of Chinese, Persian and Syrian artifacts also supports the 12th to 15th
century dates.
Ø Archaeologists believe that the builders of Great Zimbabwe probably spoke one of
the Shona languages. This claim is based upon evidence of pottery, oral traditions
and anthropology. Great Zimbabwe people were probably descended from the
Gokomere culture, an eastern Bantu subgroup that existed in eastern Zimbabwe
around 500 AD. Gokomere is believed to be an early phase of the Great Zimbabwe
culture.
Ø Gokomere culture likely gave rise to the modern Shona ethnic cluster comprising
the Karanga and Rozvi culture. Gokomere probably contributed to the African
ancestry of the Lemba. Gokomere people were also probably related to nearby early
farming groups Mapungubwe in northeastern South Africa, thought to have been an
Early Iron Age Venda culture.
Ø Recent archaeological research from Garlake, Thomas Huffman and David Beach
also confirms the African origins of the ruins. Gilbert Pwiti has also published
extensively on trade links between Great Zimbabwe and its regional trading
partners.
Ø Today the most recent consensus appears to attribute the construction of Great
Zimbabwe to the Shona people. Some evidence at the site suggests an early
influence from the Venda speaking peoples of Mapungubwe

Probable reasons for the decline of Great Zimbabwe

Ø The Great Zimbabwe state thrived for 200 years but fell around 1450 AD. The
capital was burnt and abandoned. The reasons for the state’s decline are unclear.
However possible reasons can be proffered.
Ø The state may have become too large for the rulers to administer. This could have
encouraged tributaries to rebel and form their own states. The rulers might as well
 have failed to enforce tribute payment leading to a decline in their wealth and
power.
Ø There could have been a violent succession dispute which weakened the state. The
presence of the remains of burnt huts may indicate that these were burnt during a
civil war. Disgruntled tributary chiefs like Nyatsimba Mutota and Torwa declared
independence from Great Zimbabwe rulers and started their own states in the
northeast and southwest respectively. The Zimbabwe rulers lost an important source
of tribute and wealth.
Ø The land became overworked and could no longer sustain a growing human and
animal population. This environmental disaster and related factors such as depletion
of pastures and woodlands could have forced the inhabitants to abandon the site. For
example reference to a severe shortage of salt by some Shona traditions is indicative
of a general depletion of many resources such as minerals and water.
Ø New states like Mutapa and Torwa emerged as more powerful states than Great
Zimbabwe. They took over control of the foreign trade from the Zimbabwe rulers.
The shifting of trade from the Save to the Zambezi could have prompted the rulers
to set up a new capital in the Dande-Chidima area in the northeast. The shift in trade
routes and markets rendered Great Zimbabwe weak and irrelevant.
Ø The depletion of natural resources like gold and salt forced the inhabitants to
abandon the site.
Ø It has also been suggested that Great Zimbabwe was abandoned for religious
reasons. The migration of the hungwe bird from the site to the northeast was
interpreted as demonstrating the ancestors’ unhappiness with the site. The site might
have been abandoned at the instigation of religious leaders.
Ø A series of droughts and outbreaks of locusts and cattle diseases should have forced
the inhabitants to abandon the site.