LOS TRABAJADORES: ALCOHOL USE AND THE LIVED EXPERIENCES OF LATINX

DAY LABORERS

Patricia D. Gonzalez

Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School

in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree

Doctor of Philosophy

in the School of Education,

Indiana University

August 2021
 Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Doctoral Committee

__________________________________

Ellen Vaughan, PhD

__________________________________

Lucinda Carspecken, PhD

__________________________________

Rebecca S. Martínez, PhD

__________________________________

Joel Wong, PhD

May 19, 2021

ii
Copyright © 2021 Patricia D. Gonzalez
All rights reserved

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Para todos los jornaleros en los Estados Unidos.
Siguemos pa’lante.

Y para mi abue, María Aurelia Obregón Chávez.

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 Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I hold the utmost gratitude to all of my participants. Muchísimas

gracias por la confianza en compartir sus historias. Y también muchas gracias a mi mama y

madrina por todo el amor y apoyo durante toda mi vida. Ustedes son la razón porque estoy aquí.

I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Ellen Vaughan. Ellen, thank you for believing in

me from the moment we met. Thank you for the support throughout these six years and for

giving me the tools to do such amazing work with undocumented Spanish-speaking populations.

I am so blessed to have had an advisor, instructor, and supervisor like you.

I also wish to thank my committee members, Dr. Joel Wong, Dra. Rebecca Martínez, and

Dr. Lucinda Carspecken. Joel, you have been such an inspiration and kind soul who has

challenged me to continue to grow from that first-year who held so much imposter syndrome.

Dra. Martínez, muchísimas gracias for being so excited about this dissertation and for your

unwavering support! Lucinda, a HUGE thank you to you for the phone/Zoom and the validation

throughout this dissertation journey- your time and presence mattered so much to me!

To my doctoral cohort, internship cohort, Patrick McFadden, Quillian Murphy, Dr. Lei

Wang, Dr. Lynn Gilman, Dr. Aki Hosoi, Dr. Steve Okiyama, and Dr. Jane Mendle, thank you so

much for your love, the laughs, the guidance, and beautiful memories. Dr. Jeff Nepute, thank you

so much for always keeping your hand extended in my time of grieving. Kathy Kavanaugh, I am

so happy fate brought us together as friends and colleagues- you are definitely a soul sister. Julia

Cawthra, thank you for always being my loving hype woman and early morning writing partner.

To my Tooya, thank you for your companionship and for being that secure warm weight on my

feet as I did my interviews, transcribed, and wrote this dissertation during such a difficult year.

You are the best floof and I love you so much. Finally, thank you to TRIO programs (HEOP and

McNair Scholars) for providing the support, resources, and conviction that I could get my Ph.D.

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 Patricia D. Gonzalez

LOS TRABAJADORES: ALCOHOL USE AND THE LIVED EXPERIENCES OF LATINX

DAY LABORERS

Approximately 117,600 day laborers are employed in the United States, and nearly three-fourths

of these day laborers are undocumented Latinx, largely male-identified individuals from Mexico

and Central America. Latinx day laborers encounter life circumstances that make them unique

from other Latinx subgroups, such as their work relying on the seasons and local economy,

immigration-related problems, and living in overcrowded housing conditions. As this is a

vulnerable population in the United States, Latinx day laborers remain an under researched

population in both the psychological and substance use literature. This dissertation explores the

unique context, personal strengths (e.g., resilience), and stressors common in Latinx day

laborers’ lives that influence alcohol use. Six Latinx day laborers in a region of New York State

were interviewed through the use of semi-structured, open-ended questions. Data was analyzed

through thematic analysis (Saldaña, 2013) to explore Latinx day laborers’ intersecting identities,

lived experiences, and how these aspects influence their engagement with alcohol use. This

study is also informed by Critical Race Theory (Bell, 1987; Freeman, 1977) and Latina/o Critical

Theory (Iglesias, 1997) to recognize the political, racist, and classist policies and actions that

marginalize and oppress Latinx day laborers. Five primary themes were present in the data,

which serve to give voice to a “vulnerable” yet seen population in the United States.

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 Table of Contents

Title Page ........................................................................................................................................ i

Acceptance Page ............................................................................................................................. ii
Copyright ....................................................................................................................................... iii
Dedication ..................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... v
Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... vi

Chapter 1: Who are Latinx Day Laborers ....................................................................................... 1

Introduction and Literature Review .............................................................................................1
Risk and Protective Factors in the Lives of Latinx Day Laborers ...............................................2
Importance of Culturally Sensitive Care....................................................................................17
Critical Race Theory and Latina/o Critical Theory ...................................................................24
Long Island, NY: A Look into This Study’s Historical and Community Context ...................37
Research Questions and Hypotheses .........................................................................................43

Chapter 2: Methods and Procedures ............................................................................................. 46

Introduction ................................................................................................................................46
Overview of Qualitative Research ............................................................................................47
Analytical Approach ..................................................................................................................50
Research Process ........................................................................................................................57
Data Collection .........................................................................................................................64
Participant Descriptions ............................................................................................................65
Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................68
Trustworthiness ..........................................................................................................................70
Summary ....................................................................................................................................70

Chapter 3: Findings ....................................................................................................................... 72

Introduction ................................................................................................................................72
Theme 1: Life in the U.S. as a Latinx Day Laborer ...................................................................72
Theme 2: Counterstories ...........................................................................................................98
Theme 3: Risk and Protective Factors for Problematic Alcohol Use ......................................105
Theme 4: Culturally Sensitive Services and Community Resources.......................................123
Theme 5: Day Laborers Living in the Time of COVID-19 ....................................................135
Summary .................................................................................................................................141

Chapter 4: Discussion ................................................................................................................. 142

Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................................142
Summary of the Study ............................................................................................................143
Question 1 ...............................................................................................................................144
Question 2 ...............................................................................................................................148

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 Question 3 ...............................................................................................................................152
Implications .............................................................................................................................155
Limitations of Study ................................................................................................................167
Strengths of Study ....................................................................................................................169
Recommendations for Future Research ...................................................................................172
Researcher Reflection .............................................................................................................174

Appendices .................................................................................................................................. 211

Appendix A: Interview Guide ..................................................................................................211
Appendix B: Recruitment Script .............................................................................................215
Appendix C: IRB Approval Letter ...........................................................................................218

Table 1: Participant Demographics ............................................................................................... 65

Curriculum Vitae

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 Chapter 1

Who are Latinx Day Laborers: An Introduction and Literature Review of Latinx Day Laborers,

Mental Health, and Alcohol Use.

Today, Latinx are the largest racial and ethnic group in the United States (U.S. Census

Bureau, 2018). The U.S. Census Bureau estimates that as of July 2017, the population of Latinx

residing in the country has reached 58.9 million, which is 18.1% of the United States’ total

number of inhabitants. The majority of day laborers in the United States identify as Latinx

(United Workers Congress, n.d.). Within the day labor force of the United States, three-fourths

of this population is comprised of undocumented Mexican and Central American men

(Valenzuela, Theodore, Meléndez, & Gonzalez, 2006; Negi, 2001). According to Valenzuela

and colleagues (2006), approximately 117,600 day laborers are employed each day through day-

labor worker centers or by gathering at informal hiring sites, which includes standing on street

corners, in front of businesses, or beside gas stations.

Latinx day laborers (also known as jornaleros and trabajadores) face circumstances that

differentiate them from the lived experiences of other Latinx subgroups. Some of these

differences may include Latinx day laborers’ motivations for immigrating to the United States

(Walter et al., 2004; Walter et al., 2002), their employment being heavily reliant upon the local

economy and weather conditions (Negi, 2001), their experiences of employer, police, and

merchant discrimination (Valenzuela et al., 2006), and immigration-related concerns and

vulnerability (Galvan et al., 2015; Walter et al., 2004). While Latinx day laborers’ unique

experiences may affect their relationship with alcohol differently than other Latinx subgroups,

there is little in the literature on Latinx day laborers. This scarcity is especially pronounced in

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the field of psychology and substance use, where few researchers have placed importance on

addressing alcohol use among Latinx day laborers.

As Latinx day laborers face stressors that seem to produce and sustain mental health and

physical health disparities (Bacio et al., 2014; Boyas, Negi, & Valera, 2017; Hege et al., 2015), it

is alarming that there is little attention being placed on this population. The purpose of this

dissertation is to explore the unique themes that are of crucial importance to the lives of Latinx

day laborers, as well as begin to explore how these life circumstances influence alcohol use in

this population. The paper discusses the existing literature on alcohol use among Latinx day

laborers and the protective factors that may prevent members of this population from engaging in

substance use, in order to better understand and, most importantly, to hear Latinx day laborers’

stories of hardship and resilience. As professionals in the field of counseling psychology, we

must place importance on better serving members of vulnerable populations, as well as highlight

the voices of those who may not have the opportunity or privilege to outwardly speak of their

needs.

Risk and Protective Factors in the Lives of Latinx Day Laborers

Employment

Latinx labor workers’ motivations for coming to the United States involve seeking

employment and better financial opportunities due to economic adversity in their country-of-

origin (Valenzuela et al., 2006). A large number of Latinx labor workers immigrate to the

United States in search of job opportunities their home country may not be able to offer them, as

well as to provide for the family they left behind (Walter et al., 2002; Walter et al, 2004). The

money labor workers send back to their home country is often the only source of income for their

family (Nelson et al., 2012). As a result, these individuals are faced with the dual-task of

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spearheading a life in the United States and maintaining responsibilities to care for the financial

security of their loved ones in Latin America.

Latinx labor workers are typically hired by homeowners/renters and contractors for

residential construction, moving, painting, landscaping, and remodeling jobs (Ojeda & Piña-

Watson, 2013; Valenzuela et al., 2006). Employment for Latinx labor workers is generally

short-term; the majority taking on one-day assignments (Valenzuela et al., 2006). As a result,

members of this population usually do not have the security of obtaining a job each day. Aside

from employment being dependent upon local economy and seasons, this population faces a

number of work-related difficulties. Latinx labor workers often encounter problems that include

work-related injuries, disrespectful or violent employers, police patrolling the labor corner,

discrimination, worker’s rights violations like wage theft or being paid less than the agreed

salary, and being denied breaks for food or water (Negi, 2011; Ordóñez, 2015; Valenzuela et al.,

2006). Valenzuela and colleagues (2006) conducted a survey and fund that 49% of the day

laborers had been denied any payment by an employer for the work they had completed in the

last 2 months and 48% reported being underpaid by employers within the last 2 months.

Employment contracts are typically verbal, making what was agreed upon difficult for laborers

to enforce (Meléndez et al., 2014). In addition, difficulty speaking English and lack of

knowledge of American culture tends to impact day laborers’ confidence in negotiating their

wages (Fernández, 2018), so a contractor’s final decision on how much to pay at the end of a job

may not be what was expected or hoped for. As a consequence of needing to find employment

on a daily basis, Latinx labor workers may not have enough funds to meet their basic needs, may

not have any savings, and work unstable hours (Galvan et al., 2015). In addition to these factors,

members of this population may face homelessness (Nelson et al., 2012) or live in high density

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housing conditions to save and send money earned from their jobs (Walter et al., 2004; Walter et

al., 2002).

Valenzuela and colleagues (2006) estimate that day laborers earn from $500 to $1,400 a

month and are unlikely to earn more than $15,000 in a year. Meléndez and colleagues (2014)

argue that because day laborers’ low earnings place this population at or below the poverty level,

members of this population are led to accept whatever jobs they can find and whatever

conditions employers may have for them. As a result, day laborers may be more likely to accept

jobs that are more dangerous or provide them with meager pay and benefits.

Undocumented Status and U.S. Political Climate

As previously mentioned, 75% of Latinx labor workers are undocumented immigrants

(Valenzuela, 2000). Having undocumented status creates additional complexity and stressors in

the lives of members of this population. Latinx labor workers of undocumented status are at a

higher chance of living below the federal poverty line (Negi, 2011; Valenzuela, 2000). In

addition, undocumented workers may live with constant fear of being deported back to their

country of origin and may also perceive themselves as lacking agency in the United States due to

being dependent upon immigration policies at the local and national level (Negi, 2011). The fear

related to their undocumented status may be especially pronounced as they search for jobs at

street corners, as they are out in the open and in dangerous risk of being detained by officers of

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)- or, as commonly referred to in Spanish, la

migra (Malpica, 1996). According to statistics from the U.S. Immigration and Customs

Enforcement, during the 2017 fiscal year there were 143,470 arrests of undocumented

individuals. The number of arrests was the highest of the past three fiscal years (U.S.

Immigration and Customs Enforcement, n.d.) and the majority of these arrests were of

4
individuals with no criminal record (Sweetland Edwards, 2018). Taking these statistics into

account, the fear of deportation is an everyday reality of day laborers.

In discussing the stressors of living in the United States as an undocumented immigrant,

it is also crucial to address the current social and political climate of this country. Infamously

spoken in a 2015 presidential announcement speech, Donald J. Trump, U.S. television reality

persona, stated that Mexican immigrants are “bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re

rapists” (Lee, 2015). Throughout his presidency, news reports of Trump building prototypes for

a wall at the U.S.-Mexican border (Edelman, 2017), upholding policies that separate families at

the border (Sweetland Edwards, 2018), and stating an explicit desire to close the border to

prevent asylum-seeking Central Americans from entering the U.S. (Bruek, 2018; Hirschfeld

Davis & Gibbons-Neff, 2018) are part of the everyday discourse in the U.S.

Such claims and actions are powerful in influencing the American public’s perception of

immigrants- particularly undocumented Latino immigrants. According to a 2018 study by

California State University, San Bernardino’s Center for the Study of Hate & Extremism, Anti-

Hispanic/Latinx hate crimes experienced a 176% change increase in the 14 days following the

2016 election compared to the number of hate crimes before the election (January 1 st –

November 8th, 2016). In 2018, the FBI reported that Anti-Hispanic and Latinx hate crimes were

greater than 24% higher in 2017 than they were in the previous year. California’s Department of

Justice also released statistics on hate crimes, where it was reported that the state experienced an

increase of 51.8% Anti-Hispanic or Latinx bias events in 2017 (Becerra, 2018). It should also be

noted that the numbers of all these reports may be higher, as hate crimes often go underreported.

This may especially be the case in states where there are no hate crime laws, as is the case with

5
Wyoming, Georgia, South Carolina, and Arkansas (The United States Department of Justice,

n.d.).

Taking these stressors into account, researchers emphasize that while recently

immigrated Latinx day laborers are an especially vulnerable group within undocumented Latinx

communities, there is insufficient research that examines the mental health of this population

(Ojeda & Piña-Watson, 2013; Walter et al., 2004). Existing literature on psychosocial stressors

and the mental health implications of this population are further discussed below.

Psychosocial Stressors & Mental Health

Researchers have explored the major psychosocial stressors that are commonly

experienced by Latinx day laborers. Latinx day laborers identified that psychological distress

and older age were important factors that affected their well-being and risk for engaging in

substance use (Negi, 2008). Another study by Duke and colleagues (2010) found that Latinx day

laborers who were married or living as if married reported greater stress than their unmarried

counterparts. In addition, Latinx day laborers who had children younger than 18 years reported

greater stress than Latinx day laborers who do not have children (Duke et al., 2010). Duke and

colleagues (2010) speculate that this greater stress may be the result of married Latino day

laborers spending a significant amount of time away from their families, earning low weekly

income that may not meet their family’s needs, and worry over their children’s education and

social life.

Discrimination is also a major psychosocial stressor in the lives of Latino day laborers

(Negi, 2011). Discrimination and racism towards Latino day laborers have been linked to

psychological distress and social isolation (Negi, 2013). The impact upon members of this

population is explicitly described in “Jornalero: Being a Day Laborer in the USA”, a book

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written by Juan Thomas Ordóñez. Ordóñez (2015) writes: “Problems with employers make the

day laborer’s marginality and vulnerability evident, especially in their own eyes” (pg. 87).

Although facing inhumane conditions and discriminatory behavior, their awareness of being

undocumented in the U.S. prevents some members of this population from seeking justice. Thus,

further reducing their sense of power and agency in the U.S.

Furthermore, the public visibility and negative stereotypes associated with Latinx day

laborers have subjected these individuals to unfair treatment by local police and businesses as

they search for employment (Ojeda & Piña-Watson, 2013; Valenzuela et al., 2006). Valenzuela

et al. (2006) stated that 19% of all day laborers they surveyed have been disrespected and 15%

have been refused services by businesses. In addition, 16% of day laborers were disrespected,

9% unfairly arrested, and 11% cited by police (Valenzuela et al., 2006, p. 15). Day laborers face

possible citations from police for “loitering” and may receive anger from stores that they are

“blocking traffic” (Malpica, 1996). This hostility and the uncertainty of when they may next

experience racism may lead Latinx day laborers to develop paranoia and anxiety (Ojeda & Piña-

Watson, 2013). The psychosocial stressors associated with being Latinx, undocumented, and a

day laborer may be detrimental to this population’s mental health.

Alcohol Use

The existing literature on the prevalence of alcohol use among Latinx immigrant

populations has mainly focused comparing this group to their U.S.-born counterparts and second-

and third-generation Latinx in the U.S. The literature finds that immigrants in the U.S. are less

likely to consume alcohol and other drugs than U.S.-born citizens (Johnson, VanGeest, & Cho,

2002) and first-generation immigrants are significantly less likely to meet criteria for substance

use disorders than second-generation immigrants (Alegría et al., 2007; Salas-Wright, Vaughn,

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Clark, & Terzis, 2014). Alegría and colleagues (2007) conducted a study using data of Latinx

participants from the National Latino and Asian American study to research the prevalence of

various psychiatric disorders among various Latinx subgroups. Latinx immigrants -independent

of their age at the time of immigrating- were found less likely to have substance use disorders

and a lower prevalence of lifetime rates of substance use disorders than U.S.-born Latinx

(Alegría et al., 2007). In addition, the authors compared only/predominantly Spanish-speaking

and only/predominantly English-speaking Latinx and found that the Spanish-speaking group was

at lesser risk to develop psychiatric disorders like substance use disorders than the English-

speaking group. Alegría and colleagues (2007) point to how their study may reflect the

“immigrant paradox” (also known as the “Hispanic or Latino paradox”), in which the literature

has found that the immigrant identity has served as a protective factor for developing substance

use disorders among Latinx populations.

It is important to note that, while immigration status may indeed serve as a protective

factor, this does not tell us the whole picture in regards to alcohol use among Latinx populations.

For instance, the Alegría and colleagues (2007) article did not have an undocumented subgroup,

nor did they look at the prevalence of psychiatric disorders among different types of employment

(i.e. day labor, hospitality, cleaning/caretaker, law, medicine, unemployed). This article, along

with other literature, have also tended to not display more diversity in differentiating among

Latinx immigrant nationalities. The Alegría and colleagues (2007) study only identified

Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican, and “other”. As the U.S.’ more current immigration trends

include an increase of Central Americans due to economic and political upheaval, subgroups like

Guatemalan, El Salvadorian, and Honduran immigrants have different life circumstances that

may differently affect alcohol consumption and the prevalence of substance use disorders among

8
these groups. Experiences of trauma have been found to increase the risk of alcohol abuse of

both immigrants and U.S.-born individuals (Szaflarski et al., 2010). Furthermore, Szaflarski and

colleagues (2010) found that the risk of clinically-significant substance abuse/dependence due to

trauma was higher for immigrants than the U.S.-born population. As Central Americans make

up a large portion of the day laborer population in the country, it is important to think about how

traumatic experiences in the country-of-origin may impact their consumption of alcohol while in

the U.S.

Although there is little literature on Latinx day laborers and alcohol use, there have been

scholars who have studied alcohol use among Latinx immigrant laborers and farmworkers.

Grzywacz and colleagues’ (2007) study on immigrant Latino farmworkers in North Carolina

found that, while 26% of the sample do not use alcohol, 27% reported frequent heavy alcohol

use, or consumption of five or more alcoholic beverages two or more times per month. The

authors also discussed how about 39% of the sample may have been alcohol-dependent. A

literature review by Worby and Organista (2007) confirms that while drinking patterns may vary

among Latinx laborers, a typical trend among this population is for Latinx male immigrants to

engage in heavy drinking one to two times a week or month, with either lighter or no drinking in

between these heavier drinking occasions. Other research has found that the amount of alcohol

male laborers drink increases each year they have lived in the U.S. (Winkleby et al., 2003).

Although there are positive outcomes from alcohol use for Latinx laborers, such as socialization

and the sharing of resources and news from their country-of-origin (Perez, 2006), there are

several dangers that come with risky alcohol use. Authors like Grzywacz and colleagues (2007)

and Worby and Organista (2007) express concern over how substantial alcohol use significantly

increases the risk of being injured. Worby and Organista (2007) further add that more negative

9
outcomes of alcohol use include being charged with DUIs, being involved in fatal accidents

while at work –especially in more dangerous jobs like construction, increased sexual risk, and

higher likelihood of tension and violence among family members. The literature is clear in

displaying how studies on alcohol use are not limited to percentages, but also how alcohol use

interacts with several domains of Latinx laborers’ lives that also affect communities at large.

Thus, studies that address alcohol use among Latinx day laborers and this dissertation, which

seeks to better understand alcohol use within the narratives of this population, are also studies

that address public health problems.

The existing literature suggests that the daily stressors of Latinx day laborers affect their

experiences of alcohol-related consequences (Bacio et al., 2014; Sánchez, 2014; Worby &

Organista, 2007). For instance, a study by Negi (2011) employed focus groups, field

observation, and informal interviews to explore the psychosocial stressors Latinx day laborers

identified as contributing to substance use. Participants identified several key factors harmful to

their mental and physical health: social isolation from people in the United States and families in

their country-of-origin, discrimination, and work-related factors like wage theft, poverty, and

unpredictable wages (Negi, 2011). The participants of Negi’s (2011) study disclosed that these

factors were detrimental enough to cause some Latino day laborers to self-medicate in order to

escape from feelings of sadness, aloneness, and stress (p. 750).

Another study by Worby and Organista (2013) recognized the lack of literature directly

focusing on alcohol use among Latino day laborers and, thus, conducted informal interviews at a

day laborer hiring location to explore the environment and life circumstances that influence

when and how alcohol is consumed among members of this population. Participants described

how drinking typically took place where they lived, where they drank with others they lived

10
with. Participant responses reflected the notion that drinking in the home was safer and

responsible, regardless of how much alcohol use takes place throughout the drinking event

(Worby & Organista, 2013). Participants in the Worby and Organista (2013) study also noted

that the presence of housemates during the drinking occasions may often lead to drinking more

alcohol than having originally expected or drinking heavily due to factors like peer pressure to

drink and/or being expected by housemates to provide money for the purchase of alcohol.

Overall, this study outlines how there are other contextual factors that contribute to alcohol use

among Latinx day laborers.

Similarly, a study by Ornelas and colleagues (2016) focused on this population’s lived

experiences and their relation to unhealthy alcohol use among Latinx day laborers. The

researchers found that 65% of their participants were engaging in unhealthy alcohol use. Ornelas

and colleagues (2016) determined problematic alcohol use according to an AUDIT score of 8

and above. The study identified that this population’s living situation and income were related to

problematic alcohol use, while a higher intensity of depression and anxiety were related to

increased alcohol-related problems (Ornelas et al., 2016). This study suggests that it is necessary

for researchers and practitioners to incorporate understanding of this population’s unstable

housing and low income in developing mental health interventions for Latinx day laborers.

Organista and colleagues (2017) attempted to utilize culturally-sensitive approach in

addressing the relationship of three forms of psychological distress to problematic drinking

among Latinx day laborers. The three forms of psychological distress included depression,

anxiety, and desesperación. Emphasizing the need to further study this construct, the authors

described desesperación as psychological distress within a Latinx cultural context that includes -

but is separate from- a combination of depression and anxiety, frustration, and dissatisfaction

11
(Organista et al., 2016; Organista et al., 2017). While the study did not find anxiety and

desesperación to be significant, researchers found depression to be significantly associated with

problematic drinking in this population (Organista et al., 2017). However, more research is

necessary to determine the relationship of mental health concerns, including culturally-specific

mental health concerns, to problematic substance use in this population.

The importance of context in alcohol use is reflected in other research on Latinx workers.

Studying Latinx migrant workers in South Florida, Sánchez (2015) conducted multivariate

analyses to explore how environmental factors (i.e. living arrangements and living with own

children), acculturation, amount of time in the U.S., and personal identities (i.e. gender, age,

country-of-origin, education, relationship status, religiosity) related to the frequency of alcohol

use in this population. The study acknowledged the significant variation of alcohol use among

Latinx migrant workers in that there is a large number of Latinx migrant workers who abstain

from alcohol and there is also a large proportion of those who engage in risky alcohol

consumption. Sánchez (2015) found significant relationships between frequency of alcohol use

with gender, country-of-origin, relationship status, living arrangements, and acculturation. Some

of the results of the study included finding men to be more likely than women to consume

alcohol daily or almost daily, single Latinx migrant workers drank alcohol more frequently than

those in relationships, and Latinx migrant workers who were more acculturated to the U.S. were

associated with higher frequencies of alcohol use than those who were less acculturated

(Sánchez, 2015). Future studies would also benefit from exploring how identities may directly

impact the frequency and amount of alcohol consumption in Latinx day laborers.

Protective Factors

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 Although Latinx day laborers experience many hardships while living and working in the

United States, a few general protective factors of this population have been identified. Ojeda and

Piña-Watson (2013) found that spirituality and perceived good health buffered the effect of

discrimination experiences in Latinx day laborers’ life satisfaction. In studies where Latinx day

laborers identified the protective factors in their lives, Latinx day laborers also cited the

importance of spirituality in that prayer and emotional support from church members or the

pastor decreased the likelihood of engaging in substance abuse (Negi, 2008; Negi, 2011). Other

protective factors described by participants of the same studies included emotional and financial

support gained from friendships, as well as the pride, sense of duty, and increased self-esteem

involved in sending money and supporting their family members (Negi, 2008; Negi, 2011).

Researchers also suggest that political activism may serve as a protective factor for

Latinx day laborers. There is scholarship on the subject of activism among undocumented day

laborers (Hill, 2010; Narro, 2008; Nicholls, 2016), although authors like Fernandez (2018) and

Ordóñez (2015) write that political mobilization was not a common experience among the Latinx

day laborers they spoke to in Los Angeles and Berkeley, California. Nicholls (2016) asserts that,

while stigmatized and facing many obstacles, undocumented day laborers transformed into a

“potent political group in the United States” (p. 300). Although focusing on the development of

political activism of day laborers in Los Angeles and Pasadena, the author also places emphasis

on the establishment of the National Day Labor Organizing Network (NDLON) in 2001.

Based in Pasadena, NDLON is a national organization centered on empowering day

laborers to lead initiatives that improve their lives and working conditions, as well as empower

these individuals to fight against federal and local policies that oppress undocumented

individuals, day laborers, and low-wage workers (NDLON, n.d.). Members of NDLON have

13
worked towards several important conquests that include fighting against restrictive laws in

Arizona, the creation of worker’s centers across the country, launching a campaign that led to the

passing of the California TRUST Act to protect undocumented individuals, and being advocates

who contributed to President Obama’s 2014 executive order that provided relief to DREAMers

and parents of U.S. citizens and permanent residents (Nicholls, 2016). To be united in the face

of political, social, financial, and social adversity may be a significant protective factor for this

population. As a visible yet “vulnerable” population, the activities of local and national

organizations like NDLON is indicative of the underlying resilience and strength of day laborers.

Although not addressed in the existing literature, it is possible that organizations like NDLON

may provide its members with social connections and support, resources, and empowerment that

may prevent Latinx day laborers from engaging in harmful alcohol use. Future researchers may

benefit from exploring how political activism and mobilization influence Latinx day laborers’

mental health and substance use.

The expense of alcohol use may also serve as a deterrent for engaging in problematic

substance use. While some participants in the Worby and Organista (2013) described the

inexpensiveness of beer in the U.S., others stated that the cost of alcohol was enough to not

consume any alcohol. These participants articulated preferring to buy more nutritional foods or

focus on saving money to send to family in their country-of-origin (Worby & Organista, 2013).

Participants in this study were also asked about strategies on how to avoid excessive alcohol use

and the results portrayed strategies like finding roommates of similar beliefs, calling family in

their country-of-origin to validate their beliefs, and tell one another cautionary tales of the

dangers of excessive alcohol use (Worby & Organista, 2013).

14
 As the field of counseling psychology is both holistic and strengths-based in nature, the

psychological constructs of resilience and well-being are important to consider in relation to

protective factors within the population being studied. While there is no single definition for

resilience in the psychological literature (Cardoso & Thompson, 2010; Lightsey, 2006; Luthar,

Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000), a common theme for characterizing resilience is the ability to

“bounce back” or persevere while experiencing or having experienced adversity (Johnston et al.,

2015). For the purpose of this study, this definition will be utilized to discuss resilience.

Some researchers have expanded their definition of resilience to directly link the

construct to well-being. For instance, Ryff, Singer, Dienberg Love, and Essex (1998) define

resilience as the ability to preserve or recover a high sense of well-being while dealing with

adversity in life. While there are also several definitions that exist for well-being, subjective

well-being is characterized as how a person may evaluate their own life, such as their work and

social life (Diener, Sapyta, & Suh, 1998). Subjective well-being is also further described as an

emotional experience in the psychological literature that integrates high levels of life satisfaction

and positive affect, as well as low negative affect (Diener, 2000). Diener and colleagues (1998)

postulate that subjective well-being may be produced through a person’s sense of goal

progression and mastery, temperament, engagement in enjoyable activities, and positive social

relationships. Subjective well-being is linked to several important life domains that enhance a

person’s daily and overall life functioning (Lent, 2004), such as the domains of mental health

(Diener & Seligman, 2002), physical health cross-culturally (Pressman, Gallagher, & Lopez,

2013); longevity (Diener & Chan, 2011), and social activities and quality relationships

(Cunningham, 1988; Lyubomirsky, King, & Diener, 2005).

15
 Researchers have linked the constructs of well-being and resilience (Gonzales, 2006;

Kansky & Diener, 2017). Gonzales (2006) stresses these to be important constructs in helping

counseling psychologists promote clients’ success and work towards making beneficial structural

and environmental environments more easily attainable by members of marginalized populations

like Latinx immigrants. There is a lack of research on mental health among undocumented

populations (Sullivan & Rehm, 2005). As a consumer of this literature, I have observed that the

work focusing on mental health and alcohol use among Latinx immigrants tends to focus more

on the risk factors, barriers, vulnerabilities, negative health outcomes, and oppression of day

laborers, when this is may not necessarily be their full experience (See Sullivan & Rehm, 2005).

While there is little research on the resilience of adult Latinx and undocumented immigrants, the

few studies that exist do show that resilience is certainly reflected in their experiences (Aysa-

Lastra & Cachón, 2015; Campbell, 2008; de Torres & Lusk, 2018; Gonzales, 2006; Goodman et

al., 2017).

Campbell (2008) reflects these sentiments when describing surprise that resilience was a

major theme in a qualitative study on undocumented Mexican women. The author writes, “I

assumed that the women would speak about many of the barriers and circumstances of

discrimination that they had encountered in their journey in the United States. As it turned out,

however, the message that the women wanted to convey was consistently not one of struggle and

hardships but, rather, of a strong sense of pride of their accomplishments, despite numerous

challenge” (p. 239).

Researchers like Luthar and Cicchetti (2000) support the notion that researchers and

clinicians must essentially look at the bad and the good. The authors describe how resilience

researchers must have knowledge of the vulnerabilities and protective processes experienced by

16
their studied population, as well as have an understanding that these processes are influenced at

the individual-, familial-, community-, and societal-levels. Luthar and Cicchetti, (2000) argue

that this knowledge may then inform practitioners how to implement culturally sensitive

prevention and intervention programs that foster the population’s resilience among diverse

contexts. In conclusion, it is important for the counseling psychology field to not only

understand the many barriers that exist to oppress Latinx day laborers, but to also honor the

milestones achieved, the determination, the bravery, the strength, and the perseverance that is

needed for the day laborer population to live in a country that does not want them to thrive.

While it is commendable that there are a few studies that have attended to protective

factors of harmful alcohol use in this population, there remains a large deficit in the amount of

research focusing on protective factors in Latinx day laborers- especially protective factors

against alcohol use in this population. For the betterment of the counseling psychology field and

the well-being of our clients, it is vital for there to be continued research on the positive factors

in Latinx day laborers and the development of quality services that both validate the

vulnerabilities and the strengths of members of this population.

Importance of Culturally Sensitive Care

Barriers to Mental Health Services

A study by Grant and colleagues (2017) utilized two nationally representative surveys to

observe the prevalence of alcohol use of various groups of individuals, including racial/ethnic

minorities. It was found that within the Latinx subgroup, 13.5% engaged in high-risk drinking in

the past 12 months and 12% had a DSM-IV Alcohol Use Disorder within the last 12 months

(Grant et al., 2017). Another similar study by Hasin and Grant (2016) found that 21% of Latinx

participants had lifetime DSM-IV Substance Use Disorders. Although Latinx are the fast-

17
growing group in the U.S. in substance use treatment programs (Chow et al., 2003), Latinx are

the least likely of the racial/ethnic minority groups to receive specialty treatments like alcohol-

use focused mental health services (Pinedo, Zemore, & Rogers, 2018). If specialty substance use

treatments have been shown to be effective for clients regardless of their race/ethnicity (Pinedo,

Zemore, & Rogers, 2018), then why are Latinx underutilizing these services?

Scholars have researched this question and results point to the several barriers Latinx,

especially Latinx immigrants, face in seeking substance use-focused mental health services.

National immigration laws and policies serve as major obstacles for undocumented Latinx

immigrants receiving services. Undocumented immigrants often cannot access health services

like specialized alcohol use treatment due to being barred from programs like Medicaid and

coverage through the ACA Marketplaces (Henry J Kaiser Family Foundation, 2019). Leclere

and López (2011) interviewed Latinx immigrant day laborers in southern California to better

understand this population’s perception of health care access. The authors found that few

resources exist for Latinx day laborers, identifying that the population only found access to

emergency care centers and services in clinics that serve homeless populations (Leclere &

López, 2011).

While other local services that may provide care to undocumented Latinx immigrants

may exist, undocumented immigrants are often distrustful of seeking help for fear of

discrimination and deportation if health care providers were to report their documented status to

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) (Martinez et al., 2015). The Health Insurance

Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) generally prohibits health providers from disclosing

clients’ protected health information without the clients’ explicit consent except in specific cases,

such as when the information is required by the law (U.S. Department of Health and Human

18
Services, n.d.). As a result, health care providers do not have the certain responsibility of

reporting a client’s immigration status to federal immigration officers (National Immigration

Law Center, 2017). However, it is possible that many undocumented individuals are not aware

of this policy. An additional concern may also be due to publicized cases in which

undocumented clients have been reported to ICE by health care professionals. In 2015, a woman

in Texas faced deportation after her gynecologist’s office reported her to the police for suspicion

of undocumented status after the patient had presented a fake driver’s license for her routine

annual exam (Barajas, 2015). These are such cases that may push undocumented immigrants to

generalize that these scenarios may also play out in mental health settings and deter them from

seeking specialized care.

A study by Rios-Elliot and colleagues (2015) offers more insight into the barriers that

the Latinx population faces in regards to seeking out mental health services and staying in

treatment. The main barriers faced by Latinx include financial concerns, the stigma within the

Latinx culture of receiving psychological help, and concerns of seeking out traditional treatment

and clinicians who do not match culturally (Rios-Elliot et al., 2015). The literature discusses that

obstacles for Latinx immigrants seeking treatment for substance use disorders also include

limited options for Spanish-language services, long waiting lists, and some programs’ inability or

disinclination towards accepting undocumented individuals as clients (Guerrero et al., 2012).

These structural, legal, and perceived barriers are especially concerning, as they are barriers that

disproportionately affect Latinx immigrants and often lead to lack of treatment until individuals

experience legal consequences like DUIs (driving under the influence) that require court-

mandated substance use treatment and substance-use related health emergencies (Vega &

19
Sribney, 2005). It is both unfair and inhumane for humans to feel that they do not have more

options than to poner al mal tiempo buena cara (simply grin and bear it).

Culturally Sensitive Treatment

Pinedo and colleagues (2018) conducted a study on Latinx barriers to substance use

treatment and found that culture was the predominant barrier in that Latinx participants felt

treatment would not be adapted to their culture and that treatment was negatively perceived

within Latinx culture. These concerns revolving around culture are valid, as traditional

mainstream therapy promotes the ideology and values of the dominant white U.S. culture and,

thus, clash with the collectivistic cultural values within Latinx culture and lead to therapists

misunderstanding clients as “resistant” or “abnormal” (Comas-Días, 2006). As a result, it is

agreed among scholars that it is necessary for therapy and specialized treatments to reflect Latinx

cultural values, traditions, world-view, and overall sociocultural context. Researchers assert that

this integrated approach allows mental health providers to take action in reducing the health

disparities and barriers of receiving culturally-sensitive substance use services for Latinx groups,

including undocumented day laborers (Amaro et al., 2006; Bernal & Sáez-Santiago, 2006;

Domenech Rodríguez et al., 2010; Gloria & Peregoy, 1995; González-Prendes et al., 2011;

Pinedo et al., 2018).

Culturally sensitive treatments came into focus in the U.S. due to the civil rights

movement of the 1960s and the development of community mental health programs in the

country (Rogler et al., 1987). Rogler and colleagues (1987) discuss how these events brought the

helping fields to question whether traditional modes of therapy were effective for clients of

minority groups. Other researchers have referred to this topic with similar terms like culturally

sensitive, culturally-adapted, culturally-competent culturally-responsive, culturally-centered (See

20
Bernal & Sáez-Santiago, 2006). Culturally sensitive treatments are designed and implemented

according to clients’ “ethnic/cultural characteristics, experiences, norms, values, behavioral

patterns, and beliefs” (Resnicow et al., 2000, p. 272). Rogler and colleagues (1987) discusses

that there are three main paths towards providing Latinx populations with culturally sensitive

mental health services: (1) making treatment accessible to Latinxs; (2) mental health providers

utilizing treatment modalities that are appropriate with characteristics of Latinx culture; and (3)

using elements of Latinx culture into existing treatments or creating new treatment options based

on these cultural elements. Thus, culturally sensitive mental health services like substance use

treatment requires mental health providers to actively work towards making sure treatment is

reflective of how the client sees themselves and where they come from.

The purpose of culturally sensitive treatments is to provide clients with a safe space,

where they feel connected to their therapist and the therapeutic work. Scholars state that mental

health providers play an integral role in providing culturally sensitive treatment. Fuertes and

colleagues (2006) found that client perceptions of their therapist’s cultural competence were also

related to their perceptions of the therapist’s empathy, the strength of the therapeutic rapport, and

their overall satisfaction with the counseling experience. Therapists must develop an awareness

of their client’s culture on the individual-, familial-, community-, and social-level, as well as

understand the difference between culture and psychology in order to avoid misdiagnosing and

microagressing clients (Zayas et al., 1996). Similarly, the APA (2017) Multicultural Guidelines

draw upon the view that psychologists must view their clients within the context of their

multicultural identities, culture, family background, and sociopolitical environments, as well as

understand that some clients may have similar and dissimilar experiences to others belonging to

one or more of the same identities.

21
 APA (2017) also share that in order to provide culturally sensitive treatment, it is

necessary for counselors to have cultural humility. According to Owen and colleagues (2016),

cultural humility is “an other-oriented stance, which is marked by openness, curiosity, lack of

arrogance, and genuine desire to understand clients’ cultural identities” (p. 31). Cultural

humility in practice is a life-long practice that does not only involve self-examination, but also

involves a pursuit of knowledge (APA, 2017; Gallardo, 2014). In order to properly diagnose and

create interventions that are culturally-sensitive, clinicians must do their own research on the

cultural context of their client’s various identities by reading literature and attending seminars,

workshops, and presentations on topics that are unfamiliar. Cultural humility within culturally

sensitive treatment also entails action in the room with counselors openly acknowledging the

multicultural similarities and differences between the counselor and client (Bernal & Sáez-

Santiago, 2006). Research has suggested that cultural humility is an effective manner to

approach clients throughout the counseling process. For instance, clinicians’ cultural humility

has been shown to reduce the impact and amount of racial microaggressions clients experience in

counseling (Hook et al., 2016), improves Latinx clients’ treatment outcomes (Domenech

Rodríguez et al., 2010; Owen et al., 2016), and strengthens the therapeutic alliance between a

counselor and client (González-Prendes et al., 2011).

Various scholars have published studies related to culturally sensitive treatments for

Latinx clients. Various scholars have suggested the use of dichos (Spanish expressions or

idioms) within the content of therapy (Zuñiga, 1992), code-switching by using the client’s

personal language (Javier, 2007), and integrating Latinx cultural values like familismo, respeto,

familismo, personalismo, and gender roles (hembrismo, machismo, and marianismo) into case

conceptualization and all other aspects of the counseling process (Gloria & Peregoy, 1995;

22
González-Prendes et al., 2011). Scholars have created culturally-sensitive treatments with Latinx

clients, such as developing a treatment modality for bilingual Spanish-speakers (Santiago-Rivera,

1995), integrating cultural values into CBT for Latinx with depression (González-Prendes et al.,

2011) and interventions with Latinx immigrant men who were perpetrators of domestic violence

(Hancock & Siu, 2009), and creating an evidence-based parent training intervention for Spanish-

speaking Latinx parents (Domenech Rodríguez et al., 2010). The examples above are all

indicative of how important it is for treatment modalities to not only be tailored to client’s

presenting concerns, but also tailored to their beliefs, values, and identities. As stated by

González-Prendes and colleagues (2011), “The need for therapists to be aware of and sensitive to

the culture of the client cuts across all models and theories of psychotherapy, and is essential to

providing clinical competent care to diverse populations” (p. 377).

Within the last few years, scholars have been attending more to the mental health needs

of Latinx day laborers. Moore and colleagues (2016) did preliminary testing of a culturally-

sensitive intervention in the Spanish language that combined motivational enhancement therapy

(MET) and strengths-based management (SBCM) to reduce heavy drinking among male Latinx

day laborers. The interventions were delivered by promotoras, who are layman community

health workers within Latinx communities who help to build relationships between community

members and health providers due to a shared understanding of the community’s culture and

worldview (Nemcek & Sabatier, 2003; Whitley et al., 2006). The study found that participants

who engaged in the intervention showed significant reduction in the number of alcoholic

beverages that were consumed over time (Moore et al., 2016).

Another study by Ornelas and colleagues (2015) employed Barrera and Castro’s

framework for creating a culturally-sensitive evidence-based intervention called Vida PURA.

23
The brief intervention was created to help reduce unhealthy alcohol consumption among Latinx

immigrant men. Some of the cultural adaptions to the interventions included screening

participants in day laborer centers, promotores (identified as Latinx and Spanish-speaking health

advisors in this study) delivering the intervention, and referring clients to low-cost Spanish-

language services and community resources (Ornelas et al., 2015). Ornelas and colleagues

(2019) conducted a pilot study of Vida PURA with Latinx day laborers, where participants were

placed in an intervention (Vida PURA) or control group (participants were informed about

community substance use-related services). While participants in both groups were found to

have lowered their unhealthy alcohol use, the study found that the Vida PURA intervention did

not show effectiveness for the Latinx day laborers. Ornelas and colleagues (2019) state that brief

interventions may not be as helpful for unhealthy drinking among Latinx day laborers and

suggest that further research is necessary to explore whether providing more intense longer-term

treatment and multiple brief interventions may prove to be more effective treatment options for

members of this population. While the body of research is small in regards to the topic of

alcohol use among Latinx day laborers, it is still a relief that scholars are recognizing the

importance of this work. It is my intention for this study to provide more information to this

growing field of study by providing a more in-depth understanding of how Latinx day laborers

perceive culturally-sensitive treatment for alcohol use.

Critical Race Theory and Latina/o Critical Theory

Critical Race Theory

Critical Race Theory (CRT) was originally created in the mid-1970s through the work of

legal scholars, who include Derrick Bell (1987) and Alan Freeman (1977). CRT was the fruition

of Legal Critical Studies and the 1960s Civil Rights Movement, as well as emerged as a tool for

24
combatting racism and white privilege within U.S. law and legal systems (Khan, 2016).

Solorzano and Yosso (2001) describe CRT as being both influenced by the broader field of

critical theory. Bentz and Shapiro (1998) describe critical theory (CT) the effort to “understand,

analyze, criticize, and alter social, economic, cultural, technological, and psychosocial structures

and phenomena” that affect individuals’ lives due to oppression and discrimination (p. 146). The

purpose of work based on CT is to empower individuals to rise above the constraints placed

within their lives due to oppression (Fay, 1987). In other words, CT is meant to identify the

social constructs and systems that disenfranchise people, as well as attempt to help build

resilience among those affected by constructs like race, gender, and socioeconomic status.

Matsuda (1991) provides a definition of CRT that shows how the field further expands upon CT

principles:

“… the work of progressive legal scholars of color who are attempting to develop a

jurisprudence that accounts for the role of racism in American law and that work toward

the elimination of racism as part of a larger goal of eliminating all forms of

subordination” (p. 1331).

To further expand upon the descriptions of CRT provided by the literature, this theory centers on

resistance and action against unequal power of white males over marginalized groups (Taylor,

2009). CRT is, thus, utilized to critique our sociopolitical realities and traditional discourse to

uncover injustice, as well as utilized to bring light to the experiences of marginalized

populations- particularly focusing on people of color (POC) (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001).

According to Delgado and Stefancic (2001), CRT’s major principles include: (1) racism is a

normal aspect of U.S. society; (2) interest convergence, where racial equity is only advanced

25
when white people will benefit; (3) race is a social construct; and (4) the voices and experiences

of POC are vital.

Racism underlies the policies and social actions that affect the work and well-being of

Latinx day laborers. It is well documented that federal and state policies have criminalized and

marginalized undocumented communities, which have produced a culture of hostile and

dangerous anti-immigrant sentiment throughout U.S. history (Blakemore, 2018a; Blakemore,

2018b; Casellas & Jordán Wallace, 2018; Griffith, n.d.; Martínez et al., 2017; Waters, 2016).

Throughout the Great Depression, the U.S. government “repatriated” over 4000,000 Latinx to

Mexico without going through formal deportation procedures (Carrasco, 1998). According to

scholars, thousands of the Latinx deported were American citizens (Blakemore, 2018b; Carrasco,

1998). While Trump has gained notoriety for building an anti-immigrant and racist political

platform (Zepeda-Millán, 2017), he is not the only U.S. president to do so. Eisenhower launched

“Operation Wetback” in the summer of 1954, which began the mass deportation that targeted

Mexican nationals (Astor, 2009). Backed by media gaslighting the public over the danger of

undocumented immigrants and how they may be linked to the Red Scare, U.S. police and Border

Patrol officers used military tactics and violence to remove undocumented individuals from the

country (Astor, 2009; Blakemore, 2018). The Operation lasted one year and the U.S. reported

that 1.3 million people had been deported, most of which were Mexican nationals (Hernández,

2006).

In more recent history, the U.S. saw the passage of the 2010 Arizona Senate Bill 1070.

SB 1070 is known as one of the strictest anti-immigration measures, as it requires police officers

to determine a person’s immigration status if they are stopped for suspicion of committing a state

law crime and the officer develops a “reasonable suspicion” that the person is undocumented.

26
The bill also banned knowingly employing undocumented people, as well as actions clearly

targeting day laborers- including, the prohibition of “unlawfully picking up passengers for work”

and “unlawful transporting and harboring unlawful aliens”. As a result, this measure allows

officers to have the power of assuming who is living undocumented in Arizona. Meaning,

people’s skin color, proficiency in English, and use of the Spanish language in public place them

at risk if they are stopped by police officers. Additionally, the bill criminalizes the entire day

laborer population and how its members seek their livelihood.

Similar ordinances, passing as general “anti-loitering” measures, have attempted to be

passed in other cities around the U.S. A small town on Long Island, New York made national

news when it attempted to ban day laborers seeking work on public sidewalks, explaining the

ban was to improve traffic safety (Centro de la Comunidad Hispana de Locust Valley and the

Workplace Project v. The Town of Oyster Bay, 2017). Advocates against the ordinance stressed

that the true purpose of the anti-loitering ban was to target this population, explaining that local

governments have been attempting to further block employment opportunities for a population

already susceptible to exploitation (Duara, 2015).

The tenets of CRT clearly reflect the sociopolitical realities faced by the population of

this study. CRT places an emphasis on race/ethnicity and racism; however, the theory also

considers the intersectionality of race, gender, sexual orientation, and class, as well as how they

influence other forms of injustice (Khan, 2016; Rollock & Gillborn, 2011; Solorzano & Yosso,

2001). Originally coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989), the term “intersectionality” was

developed through the work of Black feminist scholar-activists like bell hooks (1989), Kimberlé

Crenshaw (1989/1991), and the Combahee River Collective (1977/1983), who all advocated that

sexism, racism, classism, privilege and other forms of oppression are intertwined with one

27
another and create systems of inequality that affect the lives of Black women. In more

contemporary literature, Howard and Renfrow (2014) broadly conceptualizes intersectionality as:

(1) the acknowledgement of the multiple categories to which people belong to and how a people

hold both marginalized and privileged identities; (2) identifying how systems of inequality are

“transformed” by the intersections of the categories people belong to; and (3) the

acknowledgment of the various sociological contexts people live within (ie. structural,

organizational, institutional). Influenced by this literature, it is important for the author of this

study to also attend to the many identities (i.e. Latinx, undocumented, day laborer, immigrant,

male) that intersect within the current sociopolitical climate of the U.S. Similar to how the

scholar-activists at the heart of intersectionality called for more a complex view of marginalized

individuals, the author believes that intersectionality is critical for the understanding of Latinx

day laborers’ lived experiences and its influence on alcohol use among members of this

population.

The historical examples of oppressing federal and state laws that are provided above

display how the intersection of phenotype and identities like race, language, nationality, and

legal status all play a role in how undocumented Latinx day laborers have been continuously

been oppressed by the country and its people. While Latinx immigrants have been demonized

for their legal status, the U.S. has not created fair pathways to citizenship for all immigrants.

While congress hindered the Trump administration’s ability to make drastic changes to the legal

immigration system, Trump used his power to uphold his campaign promises of preventing

people deemed as threats to public safety from lawfully entering the U.S. One of these actions

included passing an executive order that suspended the Visa Interview Waiver Program, which

had previously allowed certain travelers to renew their travel visa without an in-person interview

28
(Pierce, Bolter, & Selee, 2018). Other policy changes have included mandating interviews for all

visa and green-card applicants, which increases the scrutiny placed on those seek temporary

visas, as well as drastically increased U.S. immigrant visa providers’ workload and decreased

their ability to arbitrate family-based immigration and naturalization applications (Chishti,

Pierce, & Bolter, 2018). The administration severely reduced the admission of refugees into the

country and limited eligibility for asylum, which has ended the temporary protections of more

than 1 million immigrants from deportation and their ability to work legally in the U.S. (Pierce et

al., 2018). Furthermore, these barriers and the longer wait are life-threatening for people seeking

safety from war, famine, gang violence, natural disasters, and poverty. As previously noted, a

large portion of the Latinx immigrant population are Central American countries like Guatemala,

Honduras, and El Salvador. As a result, Central American day laborers may not have had the

privilege of being able to wait for the long and uncertain process of seeking refuge in the U.S.

Along with its emphasis on intersectionality, CRT is also influenced by other social

justice principles. For instance, this framework is informed by the critical theory premise that

individuals are “historical agents” (Given, 2008). Therefore, all individuals simultaneously

participate within and have the power to take actively challenge our racist systems and

institutions. Day laborers and activists have worked together to topple discriminatory laws. In

the 2011 case of Comite De Jornaleros De Redondo Beach; National Day Laborer Organizing

Network v. City of Redondo Beach in California, day laborer organizations challenged the anti-

solicitation law that attempted to bar day laborers from soliciting employment on streets and

side-walks. In conclusion, the Ninth Circuit Court agreed with day laborer activists that the

ordinance violated the First Amendment in that day laborers have a Constitutional right to gather

in public places like streets or sidewalks and also have the right to communicate their need for

29
work in these places. In the 2017 case of Centro de la Comunidad Hispana de Locust Valley and

the Workplace Project v. The Town of Oyster Bay of Long Island, New York, advocates argued

that the “Solicitation from Streets and Sidewalks Prohibited” ordinance violated the First and

Fourteenth Amendments. The Town argued that the people subject to the ordinance were

“illegal immigrants engaging in illegal speech that was not protected by the First Amendment”.

Similar to the California case, the Second Circuit Court ruled against the ordinance, proving a

win for day laborers and activists.

CRT’s origins of resistance and commitment to social justice are important factors of the

experience of being an undocumented day laborer in the U.S. As portrayed in the

aforementioned court cases, people have the ability to empower changes at the governmental

levels. CRT incorporates these perspectives into research and, thus, provides an appropriate lens

for this study. However, there are critiques of CRT in that Latinx individuals were largely absent

in discourse and the framework did not explore other identities important to the Latinx

community (Valdes, 1996; Valdes, 2005). As a result of these valid concerns, I will also be

utilizing Latina/o Critical Theory for this study. In the following section, I will discuss the

origins and principles of this second framework, as well as how this framework is appropriate for

the current study.

Latina/o Critical Theory

Latina/o Critical Theory (LatCrit) is one of the branches of CRT that was developed

during a 1995 colloquium that focused on Latinx people and CRT (LatCrit, n.d.). Hernandez and

Murakami (2016) write that LatCrit theory was inspired by the Chicana/o students’ movement

and created through the work of Chicana/o scholars, law professors, and activists who include

the following individuals: Leo Romero, Cruz Reynoso, and Richard Delgado. While a branch of

30
CRT, LatCrit Theory expands the literature focusing on Latinx populations, as this framework

goes beyond the Black-white binary of CRT by highlighting the multidimensional identities

within Latinx groups (Hernandez & Murakami, 2016; Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). The

LatCrit Theory framework addresses immigration status, phenotype, generational status, and

ethnicity (Valdes, 1996; Hernández-Truyol, 1997; Johnson, 1997; Montoya, 1994), and their

intersection with oppression (Delgado Bernal, 2002). While CRT’s limitation is that a Black-

white binary may both simplify and generalize racism experienced by Latinx communities

(Delgado & Stefanfic, 2000), LatCrit’s strength is that it seeks to uncover the social justice issues

that affect the lives of Latinx people and other marginalized groups (Gonzalez, 2018).

The LatCrit theoretical framework is essential in recognizing the vast diversity within

Latinx groups, as well as how the various identities of these groups interact with experiences of

oppression. Hernandez and Murakami (2016) further apply the ideas of LatCrit to describe how

the theory is applied in research:

“…those whose work is grounded in LatCrit theory challenge issues, such as

immigration law, English-only policies, and programs that do not value the diversity

found among Latinos…. there is also a critical analysis of the need for frameworks that

value cultural knowledge, people’s histories, and Latina/o core values.” (p. 5)

To further summarize the words of these authors, I find LatCrit to be a deeper and more intimate

examination of Latinx voices because it delves into the specific issues that are relevant to Latinx

communities- rather than an oversimplified or superficial understanding of the Latinx

experience. As stated by Iglesias (1997), utilizing LatCrit theory in research and practice allows

for “a richer, more contextualized analysis of the cultural, political, and economic dimensions of

white supremacy, particularly as it impacts Latinas/os in their individual and collective struggles

31
for self-understanding and social justice” (p. 178). In order to study Latinx day laborers, I

believe it to be important to address alcohol use along with the other aspects of this group’s lived

experiences. I do not find it to be sufficiently thorough nor ethical to ignore the racism that

affects the policies, cultural, and economic circumstances. As indicated by LatCrit theory and

throughout the historical poor treatment of Latinx and undocumented Latinx, these factors are

inextricable from one another. Accordingly, I feel it would be a disservice to the very

community I wish to bring light to if I were to dismiss the vital intersections that create the

current sociopolitical realities of Latinx day laborers.

Similar to CRT, the voices of Latinx people are important aspects of LatCrit theory and,

particularly for LatCrit, so are their stories. In LatCrit theory, “counter-storytelling” is used to

highlight the voices of communities who have been historically marginalized and rarely had their

stories conveyed (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001, 2002). Counter-storytelling is an instrument for

examining and challenge the stories that are both enforced and normalized in society by those in

power, which is also known as the “majoritarian story” (Delgado, 1993). Counter-storytelling

serves various purposes in that it can- and is also not limited to- build community among those

who are marginalized, provide the world with perspectives that portray marginalized

communities with more complexity and “quicken and engage conscience”, and reveal previously

normalized stories as injustice and cruelty (Delgado, 1989, pp. 2414-2416). Delgado (1989) also

asserts that counter-storytelling demonstrates to individuals within similar contexts that they are

not alone and unveils new pathways for marginalized individuals in showing there are

possibilities for life that are different from their current circumstances. As a researcher who

values social justice and advocacy in research, it is my hope that this study will facilitate all of

the processes discussed by Delgado (1989, 1993).

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 Another component of LatCrit theory is racist nativism. Racist nativism stems from the

term “nativism”, which refers to the belief “that the United States should give priority to its

current citizenry and limit immigration” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001, p. 151). Thus, racist

nativism is the intersection of racism and nativism, where one may hold negative beliefs about

groups like undocumented immigrants due to ignorance and feared threat towards one’s

nationalistic identity (Pérez Huber et al., 2008). LatCrit literature may use the concept of racist

nativism to explore topics like discrimination based on one’s country-of-origin and accent-

discrimination, as well as immigration policies (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000, 2012). Current

political discourse on undocumented immigrants has seemed to further exacerbate racist nativism

among white U.S. citizens, especially towards Latinx undocumented individuals. An article by

Waters (2016) discusses how laws targeting immigration are interlinked with race, as these laws

disproportionately penalize people of color, particularly Latinx communities. These

circumstances strengthen LatCrit and CRT’s argument that identities like race cannot be

extricated from discourse on issues of immigration. Historical and modern-day rhetoric of

Mexican immigrants has constructed the perspective that one’s legal status has taken on moral

implications within the eyes of politicians, media outlets, and many of the general U.S.

population. Waters (2016) powerfully summarizes:

“Let’s substitute race for either ex-felon for undocumented status and then list all of the

consequences that people live with for the rest of their lives—consequences that are

written in laws and legally enforced, such as the various forms of legal discrimination. It

begins to look like legal apartheid, but an apartheid based not on race, but on legal status.

If these laws used race to define people, the laws would be unconstitutional

discrimination. But, in fact, society does have these punishing laws based in legal status

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 but with large racial disparities in their effects. That is in large measure because the

people suffering this exclusion are seen as responsible, morally responsible, for their own

fate. The rationale is that they broke the law—some law—and must pay the price.”

Latinx day laborers are consistently deemed as “others” due to their accents, skin color,

conversations with peers in their native tongue, to the very act of seeking work on esquinas

(street corners) or at labor centers- no matter how long they may have resided in the U.S. This

“othering” is explicitly seen in the structural barriers in place for undocumented immigrants- for

instance, the provision of driver’s licenses. States that bar undocumented immigrants from

receiving licenses create several life obstacles. Undocumented workers find more difficulty

finding access to labor centers for work- especially if they are in locations out-of-reach of public

transportation and public spaces like grocery stores for basic food needs (Kettles, 2009).

Furthermore, driving without a license and simple traffic violations have also paved the way for

deportation of undocumented individuals. Since 1996, the government has required local police

to send a person’s fingerprints or ID to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), after which

ICE will ask local police to hold the person 48-hour to begin the deportation process if the

person is found to be undocumented (Waters, 2016).

Currently, only 13 states and the District of Columbia have laws allowing undocumented

immigrants access to driver’s licenses (California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii,

Illinois, Maryland, New Mexico, New York, Nevada, Utah, Vermont and Washington) and 8 of

these states have extended driving privileges for this population (Mendoza & Polkey, 2019).

New York is the most recent state to have enacted these changes, as proponents share it will

benefit the economy, decrease stigma towards undocumented immigrants due to producing safer

roads, and prevent traffic infractions from becoming orders of deportation for members of this

34
population (Arnold, 2019; Epstein, 2019). While these laws will serve to benefit the lives of the

undocumented population, there is still much to be improved in U.S. laws and general society.

The literature, as well as LatCrit and CRT, assert that opposition to these laws and other

national/local/state policies serve to uphold the “otherness” of this marginzalized population.

Therefore, this element of LatCrit theory may also be significant in the experiences of my

population of interest and may be something discussed in the stories of participants of my study.

My lens: A combination of CRT and LatCrit

My framework for this study is to utilize both CRT and LatCrit. While LatCrit has

furthered CRT in regards to populations like undocumented Latinx groups, LatCrit is not meant

to be unharmonious with CRT. Valdes (1996) stated that LatCrit theory is meant to work with

CRT to supplement one’s scholarly work and “LatCrit theory at its best should operate as a close

cousin- related to critical race theory in real and lasting ways, but not necessarily living under the

same roof” (pp. 26-27). As both theories’ purpose and concepts align with those of this study, I

have also chosen to integrate both CRT and LatCrit into the conceptualization and methodology

of this study. The latter will be further discussed in Chapter 2 of this study.

CRT and LatCrit’s is an appropriate lens for my study because it is not limited to the

domain of law. Whole both theories were created within law, CRT and LatCrit employ an

interdisciplinary focus (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001) and, particularly within LatCrit theory,

interdisciplinary work and collaboration are encouraged (Valdes, 2009). The literature utilizing

CRT and LatCrit has been visibly expanding outside of law, such as appearing largely within the

field of education and –more recently- within the field of mental health. CRT and LatCrit have

also been used in previous literature to illustrate the experiences of Latinx communities. For

instance, LatCrit has been applied in studies focusing on Latina prospective teachers,

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undocumented Chicana college students, undocumented Latinx parents, and undocumented

Latinx immigrants (Benavidez Lopez, 2010; Pérez Huber, 2010; Salinas et al., 2016; Velez,

2012). In addition, other scholars have used both CRT and LatCrit to frame Latinx stories like

Latinx school principals, undocumented Latinx college students, and Chicana/o high school and

graduate students (Hernandez & Murakami, 2016; Shelton, 2018; Solorzano & Delgado Bernal,

2001; Solorzano &Yosso, 2001). While still growing in the field of mental health, LatCrit theory

has also been used to better understand the mental health experiences of undocumented Mexican

immigrants and Latinx doctoral students in counseling programs (Flores Locke, 2017; Gonzalez,

2018). Taking the existing studies into account, this study will contribute to the literature in that

it will not only expand the field on Latinx day laborers, but also expand the fields of CRT,

LatCrit, and counseling psychology.

Another reason why I have chosen a theoretical framework that combines CRT and

LatCrit is due to their focus on strengths and empowerment of marginalized communities. Both

CT and LatCrit view marginalized individuals as knowledgeable beings who do not need to

prove being worthy of respect (Hernandez & Murakami, 2016). CRT and LatCrit also both aim

to empower marginalized individuals to transform both society and their lives (Fay, 1987;

Valdes, 1999; Gonzalez, 2018). These components are especially important within the field of

counseling and counseling psychology. Gonzalez (2018) writes, “Critical Theory and LatCrit

theory are vehicles for exploring experiences of mental health among undocumented Latinx

immigrants, with the intent to empower these individuals to play a more active role in addressing

barriers to mental health service utilization” (p. 39). One of the goals of my study is to provide a

space for my participants to share their stories so that they are able to empower themselves, as

well as play a role in how to better serve this population’s needs- especially in regards to mental

36
health and alcohol use. The principles of empowerment of these theories will translate into the

counterstories my participants will tell. These counterstories may include stories of resilience,

resistance and opposition, advocacy, protest, and survival (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). Thus, I

find that a combination of these two studies will serve to challenge the deficit- and damage-

focused literature and media on Latinx day laborers. Overall, I wish for my readers to

understand that there is much more complexity than can be seen within the lives of Latinx day

laborers and they are definitely more than their marginalized identities, substance use, and

experiences of oppressions. Because, as with all beings who experience suffering, Latinx day

laborers are also resilient, strong, and worthy of respect and understanding.

Long Island, NY: A Look into This Study’s Historical and Community Context

Long Island is located in the southeastern region of New York State, extending east from

the mouth of the Hudson River into the Atlantic Ocean. Long Island is comprised of four

counties: Kings (Brooklyn) and Queens and the two independent counties of Nassau and Suffolk,

from west to east. This study will be focusing on the latter two counties, as the first two are New

York City boroughs with different day laborer demographics and community dynamics than the

predominantly suburban communities within the Nassau and Suffolk counties.

Immigration and Recent Latinx History on Long Island

Due to its suburban setting and proximity to New York City, Long Island has long

attracted various populations of new immigrants and its economy has prospered from the labor of

these communities. Ruff (2009) places attention on the pattern of immigrant arrivals in recent

Long Island history and includes in the beginning of the article:

“Long Island has long relied on underground economies dependent upon cheap,

seemingly replenishable immigrant labor. It makes the ‘sudden’ arrivals of the past

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 several decades seem less sudden and more identifiable within a pattern of long-range

historical change. And it reveals that much of the collective memory about immigration

among Long Island’s post-ethnic white residents is refracted through a prism of nostalgic

Ellis Island mythology.”

Ruff (2009) asserts that current day animosity towards undocumented immigrants on Long

Island reflects how little Long Islanders remember of their past and how this past is fairly

reflective of contemporary immigration patterns. Italians began to enter Long Island in the

1880s and initially occupied employment largely as laborers who worked as landscapers at lavish

Gold Coast mansions, extended Long Island Rail Road tracks, helped build the Belmont Race

Track, and labored in the North Shore sand mines (Ruff, 2009). Interestingly, the author notes

that more than 30% of Italians living in Nassau County were identified as day laborers in the

1900 census. In addition, Ruff (2009) further argues that current residents of Long Island have

forgotten that English was not the household language spoken on Long Island in the early

decades of the 1900s due to the increasing Italian and Russian Jewish neighborhoods of Nassau

County. As such, it is regretful that the descendants of these immigrant communities have

mostly forgotten the experiences that would allow them to recognize that contemporary day

laborers (who are majority Latinx and Spanish-speaking) hold characteristics that mirror those of

Long Island’s past immigrants.

Although American citizens, Puerto Ricans set the foundation for recent Latinx

immigration to Long Island in the late 1940s, followed by an influx of Cubans in the 1960s and

1970s after the United States’ break in relations with Cuba in 1961 and the “Freedom flights”

airlift program for Cuban refugees (Ruff, 2009). Although Long Island’s history has accounts of

residents being disgruntled with the way the Puerto Ricans and Cubans spoke Spanish instead of

38
English, more widespread and hostile sentiment towards immigration on Long Island was

sparked by the arrival of immigrants escaping a brutal violence in El Salvador due to a civil war

that lasted from 1979-1992 (Ruff, 2009). The Salvadorian community on Long Island grew so

large that the Consulate General of El Salvador was established in Brentwood (Suffolk County)

in 1998- the only foreign consulate to be located on Long Island (Bhaumik, n.d.). The number of

new immigrants from El Salvador began to decrease by the 1990s; However, the demand for

low-wage work in construction and landscaping only increased as wealthy housing developments

expanded eastward to the Hamptons and homeowners facilitated the daily transportation of

predominantly Latinx laborers from western Suffolk to fulfill these needs (Dolgon, 2005; Ruff,

2009).

Demographics of Contemporary Latinx Immigrants of Long Island

The Town of Hempstead, located in Nassau County, holds the greatest number of

immigrants on Long Island (Kallik, 2015). 166,339 immigrants resided in Hempstead in 2013,

making the town have one of the largest immigrant share of the population (22%) but not the

largest. According to Kallik (2015), Glen Cove (33%) and North Hempstead (29%)- both also

located in Nassau County- take first and second place with the greatest immigrant share of Long

Island, and are followed by Long Beach (17%) and Oyster Bay (15%). The top locations with

the largest immigrant share of the population in Suffolk County include Babylon (19%), East

Hampton (19%), Islip (19%), South Hampton (19%), Riverhead (13%), and Brookhaven (12%)

(Kallik, 2015).

The Migration Policy Institute (2018a) estimates that 52,000 undocumented immigrants

reside in Nassau County, with El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, and the Dominican Republic

being the top countries represented among this population. It is estimated that 53,000

39
undocumented immigrants reside in Suffolk County and the top countries represented in these

numbers include El Salvador, Honduras, Ecuador, Guatemala, and Mexico (Migration Policy

Institute, 2018b). The undocumented communities in both counties are predominantly male,

have never been married, and fall within the 25-44 age range (Migration Policy Institute, 2018a

& 2018b). This matches the overall demographic profile of Latinx of Long Island for being

younger and more male than Latinx of any other New York region (Torras & Skinner, 2007).

Community Perceived Threat and Violence Towards Day Laborers

New York State has the highest rate of immigrants killed on the job in the entire United

States due to unsafe working conditions (Espana, 2003). For instance, Juan Oliva, a 21-year-old

day laborer from El Salvador, was killed in Farmingdale (Nassau County) in 2002 when 600

pounds of particleboard fell on top of him (Purdy, 2002). According to The New York Times,

Juan was supposed to have been paid $90 for loading dozens of these heavy sheets onto a truck

with three other men (Purdy, 2002). While day laborers already risk their lives being exposed to

hazardous working conditions, the safety of day laborers on Long Island is endangered by the

very communities they live and work in.

The authors found Farmingville -a hamlet within Brookhaven (Suffolk County)- to be the

most commonly cited location within the literature detailing Long Island community animosity

towards Latinx immigrants- particularly day laborers. Ruff (2009) writes that a community like

Farmingville had not experienced one the historical influxes of immigrants within Long Island

history and, thus, the influx of Latinx day laborers to the community was “felt seismically and

instantly”. Community members began complaining over the aesthetics of seeing Latinx men

congregated on community esquinas, decreasing property values, threat of taking jobs away

those in the United States “legally”, and threat of safety due to the perceived criminality of the

40
day laborers (Espana, 2003; Ruff, 2009; Shapiro, 2009). Sachem Quality of Life Org., a now-

defunct Long Island citizens organization, was created in Farmingville to oust day laborers from

Long Island communities and blamed day laborers for serious crimes like murder and rape

(Espana, 2003). Shocking accusations that echo the “bad hombre” claims of Donald Trump in

2015 and throughout his 4 years of presidency. According to Espana (2003), Sachem members

actively photographed and videotaped day laborers and their families to report their immigration

status and facilitate deportation hearings, which further escalated antagonism towards day

laborers towards becoming outright violence.

Activists in Suffolk County have reported that Latinx immigrants have “grown

accustomed” to community hostility, citing instances of day laborers on bicycles being driven off

the road by cars, as well as community members spitting and shouting at immigrants and

teenagers throwing rocks and bottles (Ruff, 2009; Shapiro, 2009). Farmingville has borne

witness to several acts of violence targeted at Latinx immigrants. During the summer of 1999, a

house of immigrants was the target of a drive-by shooting (Ruff, 2009). Farmingville then

reached national attention in September 2000 when Israel Perez and Magdaleno Estrada, two

Mexican day laborers, were picked up for work by two white supremacists posing as contractors.

The day laborers were driven to an abandoned warehouse under the pretext of cleaning the

basement of the building, where they were beaten with a post-hole digger, stabbed with a knife,

and left for dead (Gootman, 2001a). Both day laborers survived the ordeal and were able to

escape and the two attackers, Christopher Slavin and Ryan Wagner were sentenced to 25 years in

prison on all six charges of attempted murder, assault, and aggravated harassment (Gootman,

2001b; Gootman, 2002). Three years later, a home of a Mexican immigrant family- neighbors to

the two Mexican day laborers just discussed- was firebombed by five teenagers. Only three of

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the teenagers’ names were released to the public: Kyle Mahler, Scott Soucek, and William Lutz

(Gootman, 2003). According to The New York Times, one of the unnamed teens had

“cooperated” and not been charged, while the other was a minor and charged as a juvenile

(Gootman, 2003).

Suffolk County again made national news with the murder of Marcelo Lucero, a 37-year-

old immigrant from Ecuador. On November 8, 2008, seven high school students- now known as

the “Patchogue 7”- went out for one of their weekly outings that they called “beaner hopping”-

looking for immigrants to assault (Shapiro, 2009). As Marcelo Lucero was walking home with a

friend in the Village of Patchogue, the teenagers hurled racial slurs at the two men, attacked

them, and one of the teens fatally stabbed Marcelo Lucero (Buckley, 2008). Jeffrey Conroy, age

17 at the time of the attack, was sentenced to the maximum 25 years for first-degree

manslaughter as a hate crime, gang assault, conspiracy, among other charges (Dowdy, 2018).

The other teenagers involved in the attack were Kevin Shea, Jose Pacheco, Anthony Hartfort,

Jordan Dasch, Christopher Overton, and Nicolas Hausch and they also were sentenced to varying

amounts of time in prison for first-degree gang assault, second-degree attempted assault as a hate

crime, among other charges for Lucero’s attack and various other attacks against Latinx men

(Macgowan, 2010a; Macgowan, 2010b). Ruff (2009) states that this hate crime is another piece

of evidence of Long Island’s “immigration amnesia”, especially when taking into account that

one of the teens was the son of a Jewish kosher butcher and another identifies as part Puerto

Rican. These teenagers exemplify both how anti-Latinx and anti-immigrant messages are

instilled in youth from a young age and how that ferocious community hatred endangers and

murders Latinx day laborers.

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 At the same time, Long Island community members have united to denounce this

violence towards day laborers. In 2016, there was public outcry when Donald Trump was a

headliner at a Republican fundraiser located a 3-minute walk from where Marcelo Lucero had

been murdered. The event was defended by the local Suffolk County GOP as “free speech”,

whereas the public expressed the disrespect of Trump’s presence due to his nativist anti-Latinx

immigrant rhetoric. To advocate for the rights of Latinx immigrants and honor Lucero’s

memory, community organizers of Patchogue planned a rally, a candlelight vigil, church service,

and “Make America Love Again” march to challenge Trump’s presence (Walters, 2016). The

“Make America Love Again” event, in the end, turned out to be a success. The event raised

more than $7,000 for the Marcelo Lucero Award, which is a scholarship presented to a student of

Patchogue-Medford High School who created a video depicting “the importance of nonviolence

and anti-bullying behavior and promotes respect for differences, human rights and/or fostering

community building in and out of school”, as well as presented internationally to a young

filmmaker of the United Nations Plural+ Film Festival FERA (Nickdow, 2016). As a native

Long Islander and child of Latinx immigrants, it is quite emotional to read about the impact of a

community coming together to bring attention to a tragedy, spread messages of care, and protest

for changes that will uplift marginalized communities.

Research Questions and Hypotheses

While there is a dearth of studies that focus on Latinx day laborers’ experiences with

alcohol use, the cited literature suggests that consideration of employment, socioeconomic

power, experiences of discrimination, family, language, and immigration are salient concerns

within this population (Fernández, 2018; Negi, 2008; Negi, 2013). Within the lens of counseling

psychology, these experiences are all important factors to consider when conceptualizing the

43
presenting concerns of members of this population, especially in regards to problematic alcohol

use. Understanding the contextual factors in a Latinx day laborer’s life is also an act of social

justice. With this knowledge, it is possible to work towards building trust, empowering this

community, and advocating on behalf of Latinx day laborers in times where they feel unsafe and

cannot do so for themselves. As noted by Pérez Huber (2009), the fundamental goal of LatCrit

Theory is to reinvent reality into being more equitable than our current reality. As this goal

aligns with my worldview and professional motivations, it is important for me to approach this

study with a CRT and LatCrit Theory framework.

How may Latinx day laborers unique experiences contribute to problematic alcohol use?

How do these experiences also serve to prevent or help Latinx day laborers overcome

problematic alcohol use? I hypothesize that psychological distress and social isolation may

influence Latinx day laborers’ engagement in harmful alcohol use (Negi, 2013). Salient

concerns regarding experiences of discrimination and racism, documented status, current work or

financial difficulties, and pressure to provide for families in their country-of-origin may both

contribute to increased risk of harmful alcohol use (Bacio et al., 2014; Ordóñez, 2015; Ornelas et

al., 2016; Sánchez 2015; Valenzuela et al., 2006; Worby & Organista, 2013), as well as influence

perceptions of lack of resources and support for Latinx day laborers struggling with alcohol use

concerns. On the other hand, I hypothesize that strong social support systems and having family

in the United States may be crucial in both preventing and helping members of this population

overcome problematic alcohol use in Latinx day laborers. While the current literature on Latinx

day laborers focuses on the stressors of having family outside of the United States (Duke et al.,

2010; Walter et al., 2002; Walter et al, 2004), it is also a lived reality that Latinx day laborers

may form their own families after beginning to work in the United States. Although unexplored

44
in the literature, it is possible that family in their country of work may also affect situations

where one may usually drink, such as living conditions, and decrease social isolation through

attending social activities outside of work. In addition, family members in the United States,

such as a spouse, children, or other immediate family, may help Latinx day laborers attain

helpful resources when they are dealing with problematic alcohol use.

With the present study, I aim to better understand the unique lived experiences of Latinx

day laborers and the perceived impact of these experiences on their alcohol use. The research

questions of this study are:

1. What are the perceptions of Latinx day laborers of the unique life experiences

that contribute to their psychological distress, resilience, and well-being?

2. What are the perceptions of Latinx day laborers on the life experiences that

influence and prevent problematic alcohol use?

3. How do Latinx day laborers perceive resources available to them in the

community that may help members of their population receive culturally-

sensitive care surrounding alcohol use?

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 Chapter 2

Methods and Procedures

Introduction

As a future Latina counseling psychologist who upholds a strengths-based multicultural

approach in working with clients, especially undocumented clients, it is important for me that

this research study places attention on lesser discussed groups within the Latinx community like

Latinx day laborers. I especially value making sure that the work I do paints an accurate picture

of the experiences of the individuals I work with and do so in a way that my work is respectful of

the voices of my participants. Having been raised in a city where day laborers were both highly

visible and invisible to society, I find it important for both me and my readers to better

understand the life experiences of Latinx day laborers- from the perspective of members of this

population.

As a developing social justice advocate and critical researcher, I am also interested in the

influence of Latinx day laborers’ unique circumstances on alcohol use and resilience. In framing

this population within my research questions and analyses, I seek to challenge the damage-

centered narratives (Tuck, 2009) that often arise when discussing “vulnerable” populations. As a

result of damage-centered narratives, people of marginalized identities can be stereotyped or

misrepresented in the literature and their voices are silenced (Milner, 2007; Tuck, 2009). Tuck

(2009) describes that damage-centered narratives of marginalized populations tend to blame the

population itself for substance use, illness/disease, crime, poverty, and oppression, while

ignoring the traumatic history, policies, and institutions that continue hurt these populations. I

seek to, instead, take on a desire-based framework to this study, which Tuck (2009) describes as

both an antidote to damage-centered frameworks and an epistemological shift. Tuck (2009)

46
explains that “desire-based research frameworks are concerned with understanding complexity,

contradiction, and the self-determination of lived lives” (p. 416). This statement falls in line with

my values of respecting marginalized individuals as multifaceted beings and, thus, not only

comprised of their struggles and pain. Marginalized populations like Latinx day laborers also

experience community, leadership, advocacy, and resilience. It is essential for me as both a

researcher and clinician to grasp the complexity of individuals and their communities. For these

reasons, I am conducting a qualitative study to answer the following questions: (1) What are the

perceptions of Latinx day laborers of the unique life experiences that contribute to their

psychological distress and resilience?; (2) What are the perceptions of Latinx day laborers on the

life experiences that influence and prevent alcohol use?; (3) How do Latinx day laborers perceive

resources available to them in the community that may help members of their population receive

culturally-sensitive care surrounding alcohol use?

In the following pages of this chapter, I will provide a brief overview of qualitative

research and describe the methods and procedures of this study, which will include a discussion

of participant selection criteria, building trust in the community, consent and confidentiality, and

the analytical approach for this research study. I also include a discussion my positionality as a

researcher and trustworthiness of this study.

Overview of Qualitative Research

Miller (2016) defines qualitative research as “an approach to research that is primarily

concerned with studying the nature, quality, and meaning of human experience” (p. 777).

Merriam and Grenier (2019) further describe qualitative research as a process of inquiry that

allows researchers and readers to learn about the lives of individuals within their current

sociohistorical context. Qualitative researchers in psychology tend to be interested in

47
understanding peoples’ subjective experiences, how these experiences impact their social and

psychological processes and, thus, also understanding the motivations for people’s actions

(Willig, 2019). Overall, Willig (2019) writes that this method of research attempts to explore the

meaning of peoples’ experiences.

Most qualitative research combines a focus on meaning, people’s varied experiences, and

the fluidity of these experiences. Merriam and Grenier (2019) write, “The world, or reality, is

not the fixed, single, agreed upon, or measurable phenomenon that it is assumed to be in

positivist, quantitative research” (p. 3). Therefore, qualitative research emphasizes how

numerous people’s experiences may be different from one another. These experiences are also

fluid and may change over time based on an individual’s current circumstances. For instance,

LatCrit theorists acknowledge that the reality of being “Latin@” or “Latinx” are labels that hold

substantial political and sociohistorical implications in how people of Latin American descent

see themselves, see white people, and understand the construction of race (Hernandez &

Murakami, 2016). Qualitative research is interpretative, inductive, and “richly descriptive”, in

which the researcher is the main tool for gathering and analyzing data (Merriam, 2002). Within

basic interpretive qualitative studies, data can be collected in by the way of interviews,

observations of participants and/or a site, or document analysis, and the data is analyzed by

identifying the common themes from across the data set (Merriam, 2002; Saldaña, 2013).

I have chosen a qualitative approach for this study largely due to qualitative research’s

emphasis on the subjectivity and fluidity of human experiences. A large part of the literature on

alcohol use among Latinx day laborers are quantitative studies. This dissertation will expand

this literature by providing the opportunity for my participants to provide more in-depth detail

into their experiences. I appreciate that qualitative research respects that my participants are

48
individuals with their own subjective stories. Unlike quantitative research, qualitative research

will allow for both the similarities and differences in my participants’ experience to be observed

and discussed in the findings. Furthermore, qualitative research helps to facilitate a more

thorough and complex understanding of issues addressed in a study because it is flexible and

allows for researchers to explore without a set of predetermined themes (Creswell, 2007). As

Latinx day laborers are an under researched population who require more understanding in the

psychological literature, a qualitative research approach is for this dissertation is a necessary step

in this direction.

I have also chosen a qualitative research method, as it can be multiculturally-sensitive

and social justice oriented. Researchers like Merchant and Dupuy (1996) write that qualitative

research can approach multicultural issues with sensitivity because the characteristics of this

research align with the holistic and nonlinear perspectives of numerous non-European cultures.

Within the field of counseling psychology, qualitative research has the ability to be utilized so

that it advances the profession’s multicultural and social justice agendas (Morrow, 2003;

Morrow, 2007). As a graduate student in the field of counseling psychology, I value the push

towards making social justice an integrated aspect of practice and research. Counseling

psychologists are realizing that, due to the various roles we play in society, we have power to

bring about positive change in our clients, participants, and overall society. For instance,

qualitative research has important indirect impacts on the development and passing of policies

(Bulmer, 1982). In order to facilitate change, counseling psychologists also trained to be

reflexive about ourselves and our work, work towards understanding that within group

differences are greater than between group differences, and develop an appreciation that clients

are the experts of their own experiences. This also falls in line with qualitative research’s

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emphasis on subjectivity and researcher reflexivity- I will further discuss the latter in the section

below. Within our current sociohistorical reality, counseling psychologists in the U.S. are

challenged to become social justice-advocates by helping clients advocate for themselves and by

speaking for vulnerable populations while still using the clients’ own stories. As a result, I

believe that this qualitative study also reflects these aspects of the counseling psychology field.

In the following section, I will provide details on the particular approaches within qualitative

research that I plan to use in this study.

Analytical Approach

In the following section, I will detail my analytic approach for this study. I will present

thematic analysis and discuss how the accessibility and theoretically-flexible nature of this

method is appropriate for the purpose of this study (Braun & Clarke, 2006). I will discuss how

CRT and LatCrit will further guide analyzing the data, as using a critical race and LatCrit

methodology gives power back to participants who have been historically, systemically, socially,

and institutionally disempowered (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). Taking into account that a

researcher is a part of the historical and social context of participants’ discourse, it is also

important for all researchers to engage in self-reflexivity (Bentz & Shapiro, 1998). As a result, I

will begin this section with my reflections on my research topic and both my personal and

professional experiences with Latinx day laborers.

Researcher Positionality

I intend to be self-reflective throughout the research process, as reflexivity is a

fundamental aspect of a researcher’s role to facilitate understanding of the research process and

what is being studied (Watt, 2007). Understanding reflexivity as “a continuing mode of self-

analysis” (Callaway, 1992), I provide a description of my personal identities and cultural

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background that have impacted my development as a person, professional, and researcher. As I

have also had personal experiences with the population I am studying, I will discuss the

identities, assumptions, and biases I hold that also influence how I may engage with this research

and my participants, as well as influence how I interpret the words of my participants during

later data analysis.

I identify as a Latina woman who is the daughter of parents whose country-of-origin is

located in Central America. I was born in the United States and, thus, automatically a citizen of

this country. I grew up in a household were Spanish was primarily spoken among family

members, as well as spoken by the newscasters and actors on television, I cannot remember a

time in my life where my Latina identity was not salient to me. As someone born into a country

with that is majority White and being a Latina who can “pass” due to my fair-skin, I have also

experienced being called an outsider by other Latinxs, such as being called la gringa by family

and being assumed to not speak or understand Spanish among darker-skin Latinxs or immigrant

Latinxs. Until I moved away from my city to attend college, I did not fully understand or know

how to name the privilege behind the “otherness” I experienced from people who held the

similar identity of being Latinx.

I was born and raised in the same area of Long Island, New York, in a city with large

disparities in socioeconomic status. This city is largely comprised of Italian-Americans and

Latinxs, the former typically belonging to the wealthier population and the latter largely a part of

the lower income population and/or experiencing poverty. I am the daughter of an immigrant

single mother who cleans houses for a living in a wealthier city of Long Island. While I also was

raised within a lower socioeconomic status household, I also had the privilege to attend private

Catholic middle and high schools. I later went on to receive an Ivy League education and am

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currently a doctoral student at a well-known university and counseling program. As a researcher

and clinician, I am conscious of these identities and how power may play a role in both research

and counseling dynamics. While some participants and clients may find comfort in my level of

education, there may also be feelings of mistrust or assumptions that I may not fully comprehend

their experiences.

As someone holding citizenship within this country, I did not begin to truly understand

the impact of living undocumented until my adolescence. My mother did not disclose her

undocumented status to me until I was in the 5th grade and she was undocumented until my first

year in my doctoral program. Growing up, I saw how my mother would endure harsh employers

due to wishing to provide for our family and making sure to “stay out of problems” out of fear

that she would be outed as undocumented. Explicitly and implicitly, I received the message that

an undocumented status was a vulnerability that needed to be kept secret or someone could end

up taking advantage of you. I have childhood memories of police lights outside my window due

to a house across the street being raided by ICE. I remember a family member telling me with a

worried look that the house had many undocumented people within it, “Tal vez algun neighbor

los reportaron” (maybe a neighbor reported them).

Some of my family members have consistently worked with day laborers as employees of

the non-profit that ran the city day labor center, commonly referred to as the “shape up center”.

When I was age 7 to about age 13, my mother and godmother both worked at the center. I often

went to work with them after school, doing my homework in the computer lab, as my mother and

godmother helped facilitate assigning day laborers or trabajadores to contractors who came to

the center. I remember helping my family check in people for the evening English classes at the

center and also wrap presents for Christmas for holiday events for los trabajadores and their

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families. For holidays like Thanksgiving, we also hosted some trabajadores at our home who

did not have family in the U.S. Unfortunately, there have been several reported deaths of Latino

day laborers (some from my city’s labor center) due to alcohol use disorders or accidents

involving alcohol intoxication both in my city and surrounding towns. The deaths were not well

publicized in the city, but I heard comments that it was due to residents’ annoyance of day

laborer presence on the esquinas. From a young age, I heard comments within the Latinx

community that the day laborers were to be “pitied”, as they were alone in the U.S. and that

brought its own suffering. Many Latinx day laborers I met growing up in my city had left their

entire families behind to earn money to send back and others could not return out of fear of their

safety in their country-of-origin.

As I entered high school, I became more interested in the experiences of a population that

has always been near me and had more candid conversations with my family about the

experiences of Latinx day laborers. The discussions revolved around the trabajadores being

hard workers but often suffered from the loneliness and hardships of work in the U.S. I noticed

how little resources existed for the well-being of Latinx trabajadores. There were little options

for mental health resources for this population, especially in the Spanish language. I did not

understand the lack of services, especially since Spanish is one of the most prevalent languages

in my city. I was saddened but also intrigued by the lack of discussion on mental health and its

relation to alcohol use in this population. Rather than naming “depression”, the most that was

shared seemed to be feelings of “loneliness”.

These childhood experiences fueled my professional goals. When it came to applying to

doctoral programs, I only searched for possible advisors who focused on mental health and/or

substance use within the Latinx community. In the interview for my current program, I shared

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with my advisor that I wanted to do research focused on the experiences of Latinx day laborers

and their mental health. My first experience working with undocumented Latinx individuals

were within the context of counseling. I have now completed about 4 years of providing

Spanish-language services to undocumented individuals. In my work with clients, I was able to

develop strong rapport and enough trust to listen to stories of fear of having workplaces raided

by ICE and being stereotyped due to current anti-Latinx rhetoric, as well as fear of being

deported when being a main source of income for family and stories of loneliness and pure

resilience. In seeking literature to help supplement my clinical work and research projects

involving Latinx undocumented populations, I was upset to see that there was little in regards to

resilience. Although it is important to highlight problems like depression and alcohol use in

communities, it is also important to recognize the resilience and strengths it takes to survive in a

culture with different values, politics, and culture than the one you were born into.

The therapeutic relationships I have built with my clients and a desire to give back to the

community I grew up in all inspire me to continue to conduct research and engage in counseling

work with Latinx groups like undocumented day laborers. Providing these populations with

opportunities to voice their stories is consistent with both my values and the values of social

justice within the field of counseling psychology. According to Crethar and colleagues (2008),

the purpose of social justice counseling is for counseling psychologists to facilitate human

development and client empowerment. In addition, social justice counseling aims to challenge

and break down the systems of oppression that affect our clients’ lives and psychological well-

being (Crethar et al., 2008). Through the counterstories shared by my participants, I hope that

this research project will help to empower them and other Latinx day laborers. I also wish for

this dissertation to help to produce understanding and access to a greater number of Spanish-

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language resources for the mental health needs of this community. I firmly support the

immigrant day laborer population and their endeavors to better their own and their family’s

livelihood. As a result, my ultimate aim for this dissertation is that it will be conducive in

creating changes -at the local and national levels- that break down the injustices and obstacles for

the Latinx trabajador population.

Thematic Analysis

To answer my research questions, I utilized thematic analysis as one of my qualitative

methods. Braun and Clarke (2012) define thematic analysis as a form of qualitative analysis “for

systematically identifying, organizing, and offering insight into patterns of meaning (themes)

across a data set” (p. 57). The purpose of thematic analysis is to identify the salient themes and

patterns of how people behave and engage in their lives (Aronson, 1994). Thus, thematic

analysis allows researchers to gain a more detailed and profound understanding of the collective

meanings and experiences, as well as discuss the differences, among participants in relation to

the research topic (Boyatzsis, 1998; Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2012). There are several strengths of

using thematic analysis as a method of qualitative analysis. Thematic analysis is both accessible

and theoretically-flexible because it is only a method of analysis, rather than an approach to

conducting research, and is not bound by theory nor epistemology (Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2012).

Thematic analysis can, thus, be applied across a spectrum of theoretical approaches (Braun &

Clarke, 2006). For instance, thematic analysis can be conducted within studies guided by

realism/essentialism, as well as studies guided by constructionism- where “meaning” is

inherently socially fabricated and continues to be replicated (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Burr, 1995).

Another strength of thematic analysis is that it is a useful qualitative method within

psychology (Braun & Clarke, 2006). In addition, Braun and Clarke (2014) argue that thematic

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analysis is helpful for health and well-being researchers who seek to conduct applied research or

use their research for impacting domains outside of academia, such as policy and clinical work.

The authors further assert that thematic analysis allows researchers to make “robust and

sophisticated” analyses that can still be easily digested by layman (Braun & Clarke, 2014). The

latter statement has been a large motivator in my decision to pursue thematic analysis in this

study because my professional and personal values towards social justice make me believe that

research cannot only remain in academia. In order to create community and policy-level changes

to improve the lives of Latinx day laborers, it is necessary for this study to be accessible and

easily understood by both individuals outside the realm of academia.

CRT and LatCrit

I used the principles of CRT and LatCrit theory to also guide the data analytic process of

my study. Solorzano and Yosso (2001) write, “A critical race methodology generates knowledge

by looking to those who have been epistemologically marginalized, silenced, and

disempowered” (p. 18). In this study, I consider how oppression, race, language, immigration

status, power, and privilege all play a role in Latinx day laborers’ described experiences and

counterstories. As previously discussed, counterstories within the LatCrit and CRT framework

serve to honor the voices of Latinx people and disseminate knowledge about their lives.

Counterstories are techniques used by CRT and LatCrit theorists (Solorzano & Delgado, 2001) to

tell the untold experiences of marginalized populations that challenge dominant societal

narratives of these populations created by those in power (Delgado, 1989).

This technique also has another purpose in that they serve to help the very Latinx community the

counterstories are coming from. Counterstories help to build empathic communities among

marginalized groups and, by providing space for voices to challenge dominant beliefs, have the

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potential to make positive changes to the world (Delgado, 1989). As a population that is

commonly not given appropriate attention in societal discourse, I want to make sure that the

counterstories of this population are highlighted in order to better understand Latinx day laborers

daily life experiences, as well as their experiences with alcohol use.

Research Process

Participant Selection and Recruitment

After attaining approval from the Indiana University Institutional Review Board (IRB) to

conduct this study, I intended to recruit participants utilizing a purposive and snowball sampling

approach. Purposive sampling is a participant recruitment technique that involves creating

specific criteria that participants must fulfill in order for the study’s data to be comprised of

people who understand the phenomenon being studied through knowledge and/or personal

experience (Bernard, 2002; Patton, 2002). Snowball sampling is a technique that involves

searching for other “information-rich cases” from participants (Patton, 2002). For this study, I

asked participants if they knew of other individuals who met the study’s criteria and would be

willing to share their experiences of being a day laborer with me. I believed snowball sampling

would help me build more credibility and trust within this community, as possible participants

could hear more about their interactions with me and what to expect from the study before

speaking with me. However, the COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on this community

affected these plans. Day laborer distrust in interviewers happened to be at a high at the time of

participant recruitment due to a group of reporters having attempted to interview day laborers,

which –understandably- made them wary of a researcher. Due to this, none of my participants

were actually recruited through snowball sampling. I will discuss how I originally intended to

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build trust in this community and how the pandemic influenced this in a later section of this

proposal.

To be eligible to participate in this study, participants must (1) be at least 18 years old;

(2) identify as Latino/x; (3) speaks Spanish; (4) Is currently a day laborer or has worked as a day

laborer for more than 6 months in the last 15 years. It should be noted that the use of ‘Latinx’ is

term that is becoming more widely used in social media and academic articles for being inclusive

and aligning with LatCrit Theory (See Salinas & Lozano, 2017). In this study, participants were

asked to identify their country-of-origin, which I then wrote down and- based on geographic

location of country (i.e. being a part of Latin America)- I categorized as ‘Latinx’ for the sake of

this study.

Due to my existing connections to this population, as well as the familial and community

resources that helped me establish more trust in this community, I recruited my participants in

New York State. According to Valenzuela (2006), the second largest concentration of day

laborers and hiring sites are located on the East Coast. In addition, East Coast states like New

York hold the highest average number of job seekers per hiring site in the U. S. (Valenzuela,

2006).

Valenzuela (2000) encourages researchers to engage in creative research approaches

when attempting to study the day laborer population. I recruited participants through personal

connections I have to individuals who belong or have belonged to the Latinx day laborer

population. I had three additional recruitment strategies that I was unable to engage in due to the

COVID-19 pandemic (state-wide lockdown at time I was in New York for recruitment): (1) I had

originally planned to reach out to day labor centers and organizations that serve the immigrant

community to ask permission for entering these locations to recruit participants. (2) I had also

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planned to ask permission to speak at Catholic churches in largely-Latinx populated areas who

hold Spanish mass to introduce who I am (i.e. my status as a doctoral student and my university

affiliation) and give a brief explanation of the study and the criteria for participation. (3) I also

planned to go to well-known esquinas with family members who are known to the community to

briefly discuss my study and gain interest for participation. After meeting individuals who seem

to meet criteria, I planned to either schedule with them in person or contact them via telephone to

invite them to participate.

Due to social distancing restrictions and state-wide lockdown, it was unsafe to use these

methods during the early months of the pandemic. I had to heavily utilize the help of my

community gatekeepers who had worked at a local day laborer center for years and developed a

positive reputation within this community. I was able to recruit 2 participants due to my existing

relationships in the community. However, the remaining 4 participants were recruited through

the help of my community gatekeepers. My community gate-keepers either personally called

current/past day laborers they knew from working at the day labor center or spoke to them face-

to-face while at work or went to an esquina (street corner) to provide potential participants with

information on the study. Both community gate-keepers were instructed of how to give a brief

explanation of this study, emphasized confidentiality, and discussed what my role would be. If

they were interested, their phone numbers were then passed to me and I called them to conduct

my brief phone screening.

Consent and Confidentiality

To gain my participants’ consent to participate in the study, I read the informed consent

document to each of them. I received a full waiver of written informed consent from the IRB in

order to ensure my participants’ confidentiality. My intention for this was to help create more

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trust with a community that tends to be warier of signing official documentation due to their

possible limited reading and writing skills, as well as their immigration status. After reading the

informed consent to participants, I provided space to ask any questions or express any concerns

before obtaining their verbal consent to continue with the study. The informed consent

document was read to participants in Spanish and has been translated from its English version.

After recruitment, I assessed potential participants’ eligibility over the phone. This

allowed me to briefly confirm that participants met all of the selection criteria for the study. Pre-

pandemic, if a participant met the selection criteria, I had planned to schedule an in-person

meeting by booking a space at the local public library or at another space that the participants

express they may be more comfortable meeting me in. In recruiting participants from difficult to

reach or vulnerable populations, it is suggested to ask for participants’ suggestions for locations

to meet in-person “as they are the experts on where they feel safest and most comfortable”

(Ellard-Gray et al., 2015, p. 5). Ellard-Gray and colleagues (2015) further assert that

collaboration on where to meet may help researchers decrease the possibility of participant

mistrust and attrition. For instance, Shedlin and colleagues (2011) conducted their interviews

with Latinx immigrants within a restaurant that served the population’s traditional cuisine. Thus,

other possible locations I had considered meeting my participants for interviews included cafés,

diners or restaurants, or a church space. Researchers have tended to use creative locations that

are within participants’ safe spaces. However, due to safety restrictions during the pandemic,

only one interview was conducted in-person in a space that the participant felt safe. All other

interviews were scheduled and then conducted via telephone.

To safeguard my participant’s confidentiality, I asked participants for a pseudonym that

they might like for me to refer to them as in this study and I used this pseudonym, along with the

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date and time of the interview, to mark recordings for this study. Any contact information with

participants’ names and phone numbers was on a document stored on IU OneDrive, an encrypted

password protected internet storage site, and was placed in a separate folder from interview

recordings and transcriptions. I will further discuss how I will attempt to ensure participant

confidentiality as I discuss my data collection and data analysis procedures in the latter sections

of this chapter.

Building Trust

Building trust in the Latinx day laborer community has been something on my mind

before I have even written a word of this dissertation. It has been well-documented that

participants from vulnerable population may mistrust researchers and the research process

(Anderson & Hatton, 2000; Corbie-Smith et al., 2002; Levkoff & Sanchez, 2003; UyBico et al.,

2007). Potential participants from minority groups may feel mistrust based on historical

violations by researchers (Ellard-Gray et al., 2015) and the field of counseling psychology has

also been complicit in the role of disrespecting and violating the rights of vulnerable populations.

Participants from ethnic minority groups may also have concerns that a study may not benefit

them and their community or is not understanding of their culture (Levkoff & Sanchez, 2003), as

well as face social, psychological, and physical hardship due to belonging to a particular group

(Ellard-Gray et al., 2015). In the case of my participants, it is essential to think about their

intersecting identities and how that may inform their distrust in me and the research process.

Shedlin and colleagues (2011) take the intersectionality of undocumented Central Americans

into account when discussing building trust and participant recruitment. The authors

acknowledge that additional factors in mistrust may stem from higher level of caution and

protectiveness due to their undocumented status, if they are newer immigrants to the U.S. or the

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area being recruited from, and lack of strong social support systems (Shedlin, et al., 2011). As a

group that faces experiences of oppression due to their ethnicity, immigration from everyday

people, media, and federal, state, and local government officials, I was expecting instances where

I would be met with suspicion upon initial contact with members of the Latinx day laborer

community.

Several months before I planned to begin official participant recruitment and before any

news of a pandemic, I attempted to show my face more within the Latinx day laborer

community. When I had traveled back to New York for academic breaks, I had begun going to

the esquinas (street corners) with a family member who had worked closely with this population

and is still well-known. The first time I visited the esquinas, my family member and I drove past

a well-known area where Latinx day laborers congregate outside a local bakery to wait for

potential employers. After obtaining a headcount, I bought some donuts and coffee to bring back

to the esquina. My family member initiated contact by recognizing one of the day laborers and

then striking up conversation with the rest of the group in Spanish. After initial suspicion, the

trabajadores became more relaxed and my family member introduced me and that it had been

my idea to share some refreshments with them on a cold, rainy day after a major holiday (New

Year’s Day). Similar to this initial encounter, I planned to take a person with me who is well-

known and connected to the Latinx day laborer community to help facilitate rapport with the

population before I began recruiting for my study. Ellard-Gray and colleagues (2015)

recommend building trust within a difficult-to-reach and vulnerable community before

conducting a study because it may be helpful for both the novice researcher and the participants.

The authors write that building rapport will help both parties learn more about one another and

also benefit the researcher in identifying potential risk/safety concerns for data collection before

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beginning participant recruitment (Ellard-Gray et al., 2015). In being more involved with the

community before recruiting for participants, I believed that I would have had more buy-in in

that participants will more readily know my face and that I am someone who is a part of the city,

rather than a “random professor” who is entering the city and conducting a study for their sole

gain. Seeing my face later as I attempted to recruit, I believed that potential participants would

have naturally talked among themselves to inform others that my study aims to benefit their

lives. Trusted individuals in the community served as gatekeepers in helping to protect my

participants. Two trusted individuals serving as gatekeepers benefited me in that they are people

with more personal knowledge of this population and were able to better inform me of cultural

cues in communication with members of the trabajador/jornalero population (e.g. advising me

to call to screen individuals who did not fit selection criteria but were interested in order to

convey respect, curiosity, and build a positive reputation among day laborers).

Taking into account my potential participants’ existing distrust of researchers and

possible education status, I was mindful of the language I used to discuss this study and my role

in conducting the study. I followed the suggestions of Shedlin and colleagues (2011) who had

noticed that words like “investigation”, “research” and “interview” produced more fearful

responses during recruitment. Instead, I plan to use words like “estudio" (study), “conversación”

(conversation), “platica” (talk), and “dialogar” (to have a dialogue) to explain the research study

and the interviews. In addition, the authors encourage researchers to use the word “viaje”

(voyage) to facilitate conversation on immigration concerns with undocumented populations, as

the word for immigration is also a word for immigration officials in the Spanish language

(Shedlin et al., 2011). I was also conscious that discussing consent and having consent

documents in Spanish may not have been enough to build trust within this population. Thus, I

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made sure to fully explain the study procedure in a way that is easily understandable to potential

participants and encourage discussion of any questions and concerns they may have had

(Hernández et al., 2013).

Data Collection

Data was collected through one semi-structured interview with each participant of

approximately 90 minutes in duration. However, one interview was divided into two days

because the participant expressed having to call his family in his country-of-origin. I

interviewed 6 participants for this study, who all met the recruitment criteria. Participant

interviews were all conducted in Spanish, over the phone (only one interview was conducted

face-to-face). Each participant was offered a monetary incentive of a $20 gift card for a grocery

store, as well as light refreshments during the one face-to-face interview. Questions within the

semi-structured interview were created to gather information on participant demographics,

experiences as Latinx day laborers, resilience within this population, and alcohol use (Appendix

A). In addition, a number of questions on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic were added to

the interview protocol. Throughout the interview, I asked follow-up questions for clarification,

incorporated paraphrases, and requests for examples outside of the planned questions to gather

more contextual information about what participants shared. I took brief notes during the

interview and also kept a journal where I was able to write my reflections of what occurred

throughout the interviewing process, as well as my reactions after having conducted the

interview. Three of the participants of this study were interviewed in June 2020, while the

remaining three participants were interviewed within the months of January to March 2021.

All interviews were audiotaped and then transcribed by me, as I am bilingual in English

and Spanish. All of the participants’ names were replaced with their chosen pseudonym in the

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transcribed documentation to ensure participant confidentiality. All interview recordings were

stored in IU OneDrive, an encrypted password protected internet storage site. All data, along

with one list of all participants, were stored on IU OneDrive. The list had participants’ full

names, their corresponding identification number, participant pseudonyms, date and time of

interview, and phone number and address. The addresses were collected in order to mail gift

cards after interviews during COVID-19. Each transcript will also include the participant’s

identification and the data/time of the interview. The interview transcripts and master list were

deleted from IU OneDrive once data analysis had been completed. All physical copies of

transcripts (for coding purposes) were kept in a locked personal office.

Participant Descriptions

Table 1

Participant Demographics

Pseudonym Age Gender Country-of- Family Length of Length of Time

Origin in U.S. Time in Worked as a Day
U.S. Laborer in U.S.
Francisco 53 Male El Salvador Yes 16 years 8-10 years

David 42 Male Peru Yes 10 years Missing

Jose 46 Male Honduras Yes 16 years 13 years

Alberto 50 Male El Salvador Yes 23 years 23 years

Edwin 52 Male Honduras Yes 28 years 7 years

Martin 75 Male Costa Rica No 30 years 30 years

Francisco. At the time of his interview, Francisco identified himself as a 54-year-old

Catholic man who immigrated to the U.S. 16 years ago. Francisco is originally from El Salvador

and expressed that, prior to coming to New York, he had been in two other Latin American

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countries for a total of 28 years. He expressed that he cut sugar cane as one of his jobs prior to

coming to the U.S. in order to send back to his parents- identifying he came from a low-income

background. Francisco shared that he has adult children who live in one of these countries. In

the U.S., he lives with his spouse and their young child. Francisco worked as a day laborer for 8-

10 years and now works as his own patron (boss). He employs day laborers and shared that he

strives to be a fair patron to his employees. Francisco denied ever having any concerns with

problematic alcohol use.

David. David is a 42-year-old Peruvian man who immigrated to the U.S. 10 years ago.

He expressed that he had a good job at a company in Peru but decided to come to the U.S. due to

his ex-partner having immigrated first. He first worked as an employee of a company that cut

grass, did welding, and construction jobs. He then worked as a day laborer in New York before

obtaining job stability under one boss for the majority of the time (and then working for her

friends during off-season). He did not provide information on how many years he worked as a

day laborer in the U.S. David lives on Long Island with his adult daughter, daughter’s partner,

and his grandchild. David denied ever having any concerns with problematic alcohol use.

Jose. Jose identifies as a 46-year-old man who immigrated to New York from Honduras

16 years ago. He lives with his spouse and young children. A major identity for Jose is being a

parent. Jose expressed having worked as a day laborer upon arrival to the U.S. for

approximately 13 years. For the last 3 years, Jose has been working as his own boss and

employs other day laborers for jobs. He expressed predominantly working with granite and

marble, while also sometimes also doing jobs in construction and ceramics. He expressed

finding job in his work and that being his own boss has always been a dream of his:

Jose: Ese es un sueño que yo Jose: It was a dream that I had. I had always
tuve. Siempre yo soñé con dreamed of that. “I want to work for myself”,

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 eso. “Quiero trabajar para mí”, sí… Es
que me siento bien haciendo las cosas para
mí.
I: Siente que es su sueño se ha sido realizado?
J: Sí. Sí. Que se está realizando.
yes… I feel good doing things for myself.
I: Do you feel that your dream came true?
J: Yes. Yes. I feel that it is in the process of
coming true.

Jose denied ever having any concerns with problematic alcohol use.

Alberto. Alberto is a 50-year-old man from El Salvador, who first came to the U.S. at

the age of 17. He expressed that he crossed the border at the age of 29 to work and has remained

working in New York for the last 23 years. Alberto expressed having some family members in

the U.S. and living with one, although some of his family did go back to El Salvador. Back in El

Salvador, Alberto had been a day laborer for several years before he had studied and worked as

an industrial mechanic. He expressed having come to the U.S. with intention of being his own

boss, but expressed that he was unable to do so. At the time of the interview, he continues to

work as a day laborer and expressed that this will continue to be his future:

Pues, yo voy a decirle que nací jornalero. Y Well, I am going to tell you that I was born a
me voy a morir jornalero. day laborer. And I am going to die as a day
laborer.

Alberto shared having a history with problematic alcohol use that worsened while living in the

U.S.

Edwin. Edwin is a 52-year-old man from Honduras who identifies as Catholic. Edwin

arrived to the U.S. with his entire family at the age of 24. His family continues to live in the

U.S., although Edwin now lives alone. He shared that he worked in construction before working

as a day laborer for 7 years out of necessity. He described having done various types of jobs as a

day laborer, including painting houses, cutting grass, and demolition. He stopped work as a day

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laborer upon finding a job at an auto body shop 15 years ago, where he continues to have

employment. Edwin also expressed having a past history with problematic drinking.

Martin. Martin is a 75-year-old Costa Rican man who crossed the border to the U.S. 30

years ago. Martin expressed that he does not have any family in the U.S. but remains in close

communication with his adult children who reside in Costa Rica. For the last 30 years, Martin

has worked as a day laborer in the same Long Island community. To this day, Martin continues

to work as a day laborer and expressed that he has built up a reputation with contractors over the

years where he experiences job stability. A major source of voiced pride is that his earnings as a

day laborer has allowed him to provide for his family and even purchased a house in his country-

of-origin for his children to live in. Martin denied ever having any concerns with problematic

alcohol use.

Data Analysis

I utilized Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six phases of thematic analysis to guide my data

analysis process: (1) familiarizing yourself with your data; (2) generating initial codes; (3)

searching for themes; (4) reviewing themes; (5) defining and naming themes; and (6) producing

the report. Utilizing this approach, I first began to immerse myself in the data by actively

reading and rereading the transcripts, as well as listening to the audio of the interview recordings,

in order to become “familiar with the depth and breadth of the content” (Braun & Clarke, 2006,

p. 16). I took notes throughout this process before beginning coding in order to highlight

prospective elements of interest within the data and already begin to think of the meaning of the

data I collected (Braun & Clarke, 2012).

I also utilized the suggestions of Saldaña (2013) in generating codes and searching for

themes across the data set. Qualitative codes are meant to be important and “essence-capturing”

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components of the research narrative that reflect a pattern when grouped together and, thus,

allow the data to be coded into categories (Saldaña, 2013). As encouraged by Saldaña (2013), I

went through two cycles of coding, where I generated initial codes and categories after becoming

familiar with my data and then recoded and recategorized. The second step allowed me to

rearrange, reclassify, and delete coded data based on my observations and reflections on how the

initial codes and categories reflect my data, research questions, and theoretical orientation

(Saldaña, 2013). To maintain organization as I code the transcripts by hand, I followed

Liamputtong and Ezzy’s (2005) recommendations for formatting the pages of my transcript into

three columns, where the first column contained my raw data, the second column contained the

initial codes from the first cycle of coding, and the final column contained the final codes from

the second cycle of coding. I also created a codebook on a separate Excel file, also stored IU

Google Drive, which listed all of the codes, the raw data passages for each code, and comment

sections for each code and/or raw data passage to provide more context for reference (Saldaña,

2013). Having a codebook helped me to maintain good organization of the preliminary and final

codes as I analyzed the data.

Within thematic analysis, Braun and Clarke (2006) assert that themes across a data set

neither “emerge” nor are “discovered”. Rather, the researcher plays an active role in identifying

the patterns across participants’ narratives, in addition to identifying and portraying to readers

what is important to the research topic and how the patterns relate to the theoretical orientation of

the study (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Taylor & Ussher, 2001). I utilized visual thematic maps to

help me identify the main patterns/themes across the data set, subthemes, and the connections

between the subthemes and main themes (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Braun & Clarke, 2012).

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 Trustworthiness

Trustworthiness of the data signifies the validity of the interpretations made from the data

collected by participants (Merriam, 2002). Furthermore, Morrow (2005) writes that

trustworthiness of critical research in counseling psychology involves increasing consciousness

on issues of inequality and power, as well as honoring the perspectives of populations who have

been disempowered and dismissed. Morrow (2005) further discusses, “Research participants are

collaborators in the action/investigation, and researchers attend to the power issues and

relationships between and among researcher and researched.” As it is my intention to be

reflexive throughout the research process, I kept a reflexive journal in order to promote

trustworthiness of my data. I wrote in my reflexive journal to discuss any biases, assumptions,

and reactions I experienced throughout the research process that I referred to as I analyzed my

data and wrote my results. I also discussed my identities, reactions, data, and coding process

with faculty and peers to share my reactions, discuss my findings, problem-solve any issues with

coding or connections of my categories and themes (Burant et al., 2007; Saldaña, 2013; Strauss,

1987). To ensure that the study is not negatively affected by my own biases, the journal and

consultation with faculty were intended to offer me different perspectives to challenge any

assumptions I may have had and strengthen my arguments (Shenton, 2004).

Summary

This chapter described the methodological processes planned for this study. I provided

an overview of qualitative research and thematic analysis, as well as a discussion of the

suitability of the methodology for the research questions and the population being researched.

The rationale for using CRT and LatCrit theory as a guiding lens for data analysis was also

discussed. The researcher’s positionality and assumptions were addressed, which included a

70
reflection of my experiences with Latinx day laborers. The analytical approach for this research

study was described, which consisted of data collection procedures, consent and maintaining

participant confidentiality, and building trust within the Latinx day laborer community. Data

analysis procedures were identified, particularly how Braun and Clarke (2006) and Saldaña

(2013) informed the thematic analysis and coding process, respectively. Procedures to ensure

trustworthiness of the data were also identified.

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 Chapter 3

Findings

Introduction

The purpose of this study is to better understand the lived experiences of Latinx day

laborers and the perceived impact of these experiences on their alcohol use. I organized the

stories of a sample of Latinx day laborers according to 5 themes that describe their unique life

experiences. I examined the study’s data through a CRT and LatCrit lens to highlight the voices

of a population that has been historically, systemically, socially, and institutionally

disempowered (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). The CRT and LatCrit lens helped me bring the

intersection of this population’s marginalized identities (e.g. undocumented, Latinx, immigrant,

low socioeconomic status) to the forefront and how these identities interact with their unique

lived experiences and psychological well-being, alcohol use, and perception of community

resources that may be culturally sensitive for Latinx day laborers with problematic alcohol use. I

identified five overarching themes: (1) life in the U.S. as a Latinx day laborer, (2) counterstories,

(3) risk and protective factors for problematic alcohol use, (4) culturally sensitive services and

community resources, (5) day laborers living in the time of COVID-19. The findings section of

this paper will provide an in-depth description of these five themes, which are sectioned into

various subthemes that further reflect the components of the CRT and LatCrit lens used to

analyze the participants’ narratives. All names included in this dissertation are pseudonyms. A

discussion of the findings of this study will be discussed in the next chapter.

Theme 1: Life in the U.S. as a Latinx Day Laborer

All participants shared about the unique life experiences they have had in the United

States as Latinx day laborers. In sharing these experiences, participants discussed the transitions

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and cultural adaptations, work experiences, and marginalization that they have encountered as

day laborers. Within the CRT and LatCrit lens, the participants’ narratives- especially narratives

on oppression, racism, and microaggressions within this theme- uncovered how these

experiences interact with day laborers’ ethnicity, English language abilities, and

(perceived/actual) immigration status.

Reasons for coming to U.S. Several participants shared about what led them to

immigrate to the U.S. and work as day laborers. One participant, Alberto, discussed how a

desire for better opportunities than his country-of-origin led to his decision to come to the U.S.

and begin work as a day laborer:

Una cosa que la gente no entiende es que
vinimos a este país por una misión. Usted
sabe que aquí nadie viene porque es rico en su
país. Aquí todos venimos con hambre. Que
nadie dice que en su país tiene todo porque
eso es una mentira… Si lo tiene todo, porque
viene a buscar dinero, estar con hambre?
Porque es pobre en su país. Superarse. Uno
viene con la intención a superar… Yo digo
que aquí nadie viene a pasear, vienen a
trabajar.
One thing that people don’t understand is that
we come to this country with a mission. You
know that no one comes here because they
were rich in their country. Everyone comes
here with hunger. No one says that they had
everything in their country because that is a
lie. If they have everything, why come to look
for money and be hungry? Because one is
poor in one’s country. To overcome. One
comes with the intention to overcome… I say
that no one comes here to pass the time. They
come to work.

Alberto expressed that he came to the U.S. to search for more financial and job opportunities

than what he had known in El Salvador. Another participant, Francisco, shared how supporting

his family and wanting to learn different things while working in the U.S. were his primary

motivators to become a day laborer in the construction industry. Edwin elaborated how he had

initially found work in the U.S. in helping construct houses in the Bronx. However, he shared

that he later decided to become a day laborer as a last resort:

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 Es que mire. Ahí lo que pasa es que mucha
gente tiene trabajo, pero hay gente que se
queda sin trabajo. Entonces la única opción,
es ir a pararse una esquina a ver si consiga
plata.
Look. What happens is that a lot of people
have jobs, but there are people who end up
not having work. So, the only option is to
then go stand at a street corner to see if one
can earn some money.

For many people who do not have job stability or find themselves without work, standing at an

esquina (street corner) and being hired for a limited period of time can be the only option left for

Latinx immigrants who still have a family to support and bills to pay.

Transitions and cultural adaptations. Upon moving to the United States, participants

all shared about how their journey to becoming and being day laborers were influenced by

several cultural processes. Participants also discussed how these cultural processes influenced

their transition to working and living in a new country. A common thread in five of the six

participants was the difficulty of being a day laborer in the U.S. Two participants explicitly drew

attention to this difficulty. One of the first things Alberto stated in his interview was:

No es una vida fácil para los jornaleros. Life is hard for day laborers.

David shared the story of his personal struggle in adapting to life in the United States after his

child’s mother arrived first to the country:

Que fue triste, sí. Porque en mi país yo tenía
mi carrera, profesión. No me faltaba, ni me
sobraba. Pero por motivos digamos de que
por motivos de- la mamá de mi hija se vino
para acá y yo- cómo se dice- se me presentó
la oportunidad de venir. Dejé lo poquito allá,
vine acá. Y era con 200 dólares y sin el
idioma.
It was really sad. Because I had my career,
my profession in my country. Nothing was
lacking, nor did I have anything in abundance.
But because the mother of my daughter came
and I- well, I was presented with the
opportunity to come. I left the little I had in
my country. And I came with $200 and
without knowing the [English] language.

David had built a career and worked in a company in Peru. Thus, having to face the drastic

changes of living in a new country, not knowing the country’s language, having to switch

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perform hard labor for a living and moving from home and not having his relationship work out

with the mother of his daughter had all been devastating for him. David also went on to share:

Allá en la compañía donde yo trabajaba, a mí They respected me in the company I used to

me respetaban. Pero acá el que
me desrespetaba era más del montón. Y que
fue duro, fue duro… Como al principio
es- Y uno que se lo- bueno, yo lloré. Que sí
llorado, llorado. Ósea mares. Me
entiende? Me dije, “Pero pa' que me vine? Pa'
que me vine yo?” Ósea golpeando el muro-
por el decir. No que lo haya hecho. Y
golpeándome la cabeza de que dejé eso por
venir acá y sufrir. Para que?... Ósea “Para
sufrir porque me vine?” Estaba bien.
work at. But many people here have
disrespected me. It was so challenging… Well
in the beginning it’s like- and one does- well,
I cried. That I cried, I definitely cried. I cried
oceans. You understand? I asked myself, “But
why did I come? Why did I come here?” Like
the expression that I was punching the walls.
Not that I had actually done that. I was hitting
my head over how I had left that to come and
suffer over here. For what?... Like, “Why did
I come to suffer?” I had been doing well [in
country-of-origin].

Alberto talked about culture shock, especially in the abrupt switch of being from a country that

majority spoke Spanish and then coming to a country where he could hear several different

languages in one day:

Los primeros años que vine fue a los 17- a los
Estados Unidos. En los primeros años me
toco llorar. Yo no sabía que era el
idioma de acá. No sabía- no me entendían los
italianos, no le entendía los chinos.
No lo entendía muchas idiomas. Yo me puse
loco de la despereza. Ósea yo tuve que ir a un
psicólogo. Para que me ayudaran esos.
Porque tantas idiomas. Oír a tanta gente no es
fácil.
The first few years that I came to the United
States- at the age of 17- I cried a lot in those
first years. I didn’t know the language of this
place. I didn’t know- Italians didn’t
understand me, I couldn’t understand
Chinese. I couldn’t understand many
languages. I went crazy out of desperation. I
had to go to a psychologist. So they could
help me. Because of all the languages.
Listening to so many people is so difficult.

He also shared the following story about how basic daily activities, such as getting food, were

limited to his ability to understand and communicate in English when transitioning to U.S. life:

75
 Antes yo pasaba un tiempo aquí que yo no pude I passed a time here where I couldn’t
hablar el inglés. Yo iba al Dunkin Donuts- ósea yo speak English. I would go to Dunkin
me aprendí una palabra. Vi a un gringo que llego y Donuts- like I learned one word. I saw a
dijo “one coffee and donut”. Entonces yo- se me gringo who came and said “one coffee
grabó eso. Yo dije, si yo tengo hambre porque no and donut”. So, I- so that stuck with me.
puedo pedir otra cosa, yo voy a hacer lo mismo. I said, if I’m hungry, I am going to say
Yo the same since I can’t order anything
iba y decía “one coffee an donut”. No sabia cuando else. I went and said, “one coffee an
me decía “regular?” o- o “o black?” Ellos dicen- donut”. I didn’t know when they asked
hay otros que- “small, large?” Cuando me “regular or black?” They also say
ellos me decían eso, yo me “small, large?” When they would ask me
quedaba callado, pero decía yo- yo that, I would stay silent, but I would tell
les decía “es okay” u otra palabra them “es okay” or another word that I
que había aprendido. Y allí me pagaba el café… had learned. And then I would pay for
Eso era duro para mí pedir comida. Porque era the coffee… It was so difficult to order
penoso. Yo llegaba donde el restaurante food. Because it was embarrassing. I
donde estaban los chinos… Y varios porque no would go to a Chinese restaurant… and
me conocían, no- aunque hablaban español, no because they didn’t know me- even if
me querían hablar español. Y yo aprendí a decir they spoke Spanish- they wouldn’t speak
“chicken wing” y “chicken broccoli”. Eso eran las to me in Spanish. I learned how to say
comidas que yo pedía en al 2000 o en el 97 que “chicken wing” and “chicken broccoli”.
estaba en los Estados Unidos. Chicken broccoli o- Those were the foods I would order in
o “chicken wings”. Ellos me daban esas comidas. 2000 or in 1997 here in the U.S. Chicken
Pero –ey- me aburrí tanto de comer tanto de eso broccoli or “chicken wings”. They would
porque solo eso sabia pedir, me entiende. give me those foods. But –ugh- I got so
bored of eating so much of those foods
because I only knew how to order those
meals, you understand.

Language was an important factor in this theme, as it was mentioned throughout this

participant’s story, along with several others. Being able to have English language skills was

voiced to be important for the transition of working, connecting with others, and participants’

well-being. For instance, Alberto later voiced that his happiest day as a day laborer was when he

was able to find contractors in 2000 who spoke different languages. After several experiences of

others telling him “you know nothing”, he animatedly stated that his well-being improved then

because work became easier and contractors liked him more when he began to understand more

languages after 23 years of working in the U.S.

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 Language is just one aspect of the various cultural transitions a day laborer is faced with

upon coming to the U.S. Participants all discussed cultural differences within the U.S. and their

country-of-origin. Jose discussed how he wished people would be able to truly acknowledge the

cultural differences Latinx day laborers encounter, expressing this would help to decrease

misunderstanding of the day laborer community and, instead, increase empathy and patience.

Jose expressed:

Hay personas que si entienden. Entienden en
ellos la situación. Pero hay otros que sí se
molestan. Y en cierto caso yo entiendo que
tiene razón porque- me entiendes- sí
si uno viene acá, tiene que- si va a un
lugar, tiene que adaptarse rápido… Que ellos
entiendan que venimos de una cultura
diferente. Me entiende? Una cultura diferente
y que debido a la cultura y debido a la
educación que uno ha tenido, tal vez hay
cosas que cuesta más entenderlo. O
comprenderla. Entonces en eso sí, sería algo
que quisiera que la gente
cambiara… respetar. O tal vez entenderte que
usted sabe que hay personas que somos un
poco más tardados para aprender. Para
entender eso, sí.
There are people who do understand. They
understand the situation. But there are also
others who do get upset [with day laborers]. I
understand to an extent- you know- if one
comes here, one has to- if one goes to a place,
one must adapt quickly… I hope they
understand that we come from a different
culture. You understand? A different culture
and because of the culture and the education
one has had, it’s possible that there are things
that take more effort to understand. So, that is
something that I hope people would change…
to respect. Or understand that there are some
people who are slower to learn. Yes, to
understand that.

Jose noted that a part of him agrees with the expectation voiced on how day laborers must

acculturate to U.S. culture, but that he wishes for non-day laborers to have compassion as people

may be at different. Acculturation is a dynamic process that is a well-studied field of research

and there are a plethora of conceptualizations and models of acculturation, as well as critiques to

broaden understanding of acculturation among immigrants (e.g. Berry, 1980, 2006; Schwartz et

al., 2010). Generally, this process typically is studied in immigrant populations and refers to the

changes that occur when a person makes contact with and adapts to people, groups, and social

aspects of a different culture (Gibson, 2001).

77
 Participant’s journeys in acculturating to the U.S. influenced their sense of safety in the

new country. For instance, David shared how his perception of others changed in that he was

less trusting as he came to the realization that he needed to be self-reliant. He shared how even

family was not to be trusted because the norms within the U.S. dictate that everyone must protect

and provide for themselves:

En este país se da cuenta de que no existen
amigos, de que no existen- es lo que te digo
que mayormente eso es lo que nos frustra
mucho. Que piensan que aquí el primo, el
hermano, el tío se olvidan. Cada
quien- como dice el dicho en mi país, “cada
quien baila con su pañuelo”.
You learn that friends do not exist in this
country. A majority of what frustrates us so
much is that friends do not exist here. People
need to think that their cousin, their uncle
here will forget them. Every person- as the
saying goes in my country, “Every person
dances with their own handkerchief” [one
must fend for oneself].

Alberto reflected on an increased sense of safety within the U.S. due to having more access to

basic needs and work opportunity. He shared:

Las cosas que me ha llevado a mi superar ah-
ósea no digamos que 100 porciento, pero uh
viviendo en mi país, durmiendo en las calles-
creo que estoy mejor acá. Yo tengo una
camita en donde dormir, un cuartito donde
quedar calientito y todo. Pero en mi país, a
veces dormía allí en las piedras.
O dormía botado así- a veces cuando
me echaba y dormía en las calles… gracias a
Dios que yo tengo un techo donde vivir y
todo. Bien calientito y todo.
The things that have helped me overcome my
difficulties ah- let’s say not 100 percent but
living in my country, sleeping on the streets- I
think I am better here. I have a bed to sleep in,
a warm room to stay in and all that. But in my
country, I sometimes even slept on the stones.
Or I’d sometimes lay down and sleep on the
streets… thank God that I now have a roof to
sleep under and all that. And it is very warm.

While adapting to a different culture and language had been very difficult for Alberto, he noted

that this sense of security has been very helpful for him as he navigated those difficulties. It

should be noted that while cultural processes and language are highlighted in this section, they

also intersect with all of the other main themes. As cultural adaptation is happening dynamically

78
in the lives of these participants, it will also interact with their stories of marginalization,

resilience, alcohol use, well-being, and access to culturally-sensitive services.

Work life. As day laborers, work life experiences were highlighted in detail among all

participants. These details included what a day in the life of a day laborer looks like, discussion

of financial instability or stability, ways in which workers find employment, and competition

among day laborers. Jose described how each day could look different based on the type of labor

he was doing, which then dictated how long a workday could be for him:

Los días no son todos iguales. Hay días que
son, como nosotros decimos, suaves. Bajo el
trabajo y hay otros días que son duros. Pero
si, un día está un día normal es 10
horas. Depende del trabajo que usted hacía y
el trabajo -que le digo- duro porque sí es un
trabajo que se debe terminar, tiene que
trabajar fuerte. Posible hasta que termine.
Si el trabajo requiere terminarse rápido
pues, hay que trabajar fuerte. Y eso vale hasta
8 horas o más. 10 horas, 11 horas, 13 horas.
The days are not all the same. There are days
that are, like we say, smooth. There are other
work days that are difficult. But yes, a normal
work day is 10 hours. Depending on the work
you are doing and the work is difficult
because if there is a job that must be
completed within a certain time, you need to
work hard. Possibly until you finish. If the job
needs to be finished quickly- well, you have
to work hard. And that could be 8 hours or
more. 10 hours, 11 hours, 13 hours.

Martin echoed the difficulty of a workday, especially when the norm of workplaces is that his

experience has been that a majority of contractors do not allow day laborers a break to eat or

drink some coffee. However, he noted that this is also something that he and other day laborers

tend to become accustomed to over time:

Es muy agotador, sí! Pero mira que se
acostumbre uno. Ya uno ya sabe que en la
mañana no hay tiempo para almuerzo, que no
hay este- este para tomar café o unos 15
minutos. Que eso no existe. Pero uno se
acostumbre. Ya quién es la persona. Sí que no
le dan. Porque hay unos que sí. Que dan
almuerzo y hay otros que no. Y aquí- pero se
acostumbre uno aquí.
Yes, it is so exhausting! But, you see, one
becomes accustomed to it. One already knows
that there is not time for lunch in the morning,
that there isn’t that time to drink coffee or to
take 15 minutes of a break. That doesn’t exist.
But one becomes accustomed. And to know
who the [contractor] is. Because there are
some who do give you lunch and some who
don’t. And here- but here, people get used to
it.

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Martin also shared that he typically works 6 days a week, including Sundays, and tends to earn

$350 for those total days of physical labor. Another participant, Edwin, shared more about the

demand on his body when he reflected on past work experiences. He told a story about one of

his most difficult work days as a laborer, where he was required to go to a demolish a building:

Entonces ahí había que- que de demoler el
complejo dónde estaba abajo con un- con
un jackhammer. Con un martillo pesado que
hay. Y había que estar eh- eh parado en la
pilar y agachado así quebrando el
concreto. No podía estar uno parado
abajo, sino encima
de la pilar. Y agachado. Y fue para estar
levantando el martillo, y alzando la
otra liga, yo le digo como que- yo duré como
mediodía no más. Ya los brazos no me
daban. Ese- esa es la experiencia más dura
que yo tengo. Eso. Sí. Ya como a las 12 no
podía levantar el martillo.
So there, it was needed to demolish the
complex with a jackhammer. With a heavy
hammer. And it was necessary to stand bent
over on a pillar to break the concrete. And
you couldn’t stand under, but on top of the
pillar. And bent over. And it was to be lifting
the hammer and raising another piece of
metal. I tell you that I only lasted up until
midday- and no more. And my arms gave out.
That’s- that’s the most difficult experience
that I have had. That. Yes. At 12pm, I could
no longer lift that hammer.

Edwin also noted the difficulty of obtaining work during the winter months, as day laborers in

the community typically work a lot in construction and landscaping. However, day laborers still

go out and search for jobs during the cold winter months:

Ha sido muy muy dura. Me entiende? Porque
hay veces que uno- bueno. Uno tiene
que ahorrar. Me entiende? Pero hay días que
está muy frío -antes era muy frío y yo
tenía que estar afuera. Ahora no! Hay- allí en
[nombre pueblo] de han puesto una casetilla
donde uno se puede
meter. Entonces- bueno. Es pesado. Yo lo
digo porque yo lo he vivido.
It has been very very difficult. You
understand? Because there are times when
one- well. One needs to save money. You
understand? But there are days that are very
cold- before it was so cold and I still had to be
standing outside. Now it is not the same!
There is- there in [village name] they have put
in a both where one can go into. It’s tough. I
say that because I have lived it.

Edwin did note that there have been some changes in the surrounding communities, like the

addition of a booth, to find shelter when day laborers search for jobs in poor weather. There are

different ways in which participants described how they found jobs. Jose shared that standing on

80
esquinas or street corners was not the only way day laborers found employment. He stated that

his experience has been to see laborers more in other locations than esquinas:

Eh la demás gente las miro que van a la
calle pa' esperar a lo que le salga. Como en
las esquinas, Home Depot, en los… en
otros lugares como un deli. Pero lo más en
Home Depot que se ven.
Um I see that other people go to the streets to
see what [jobs] they can find. Like on the
street corners, Home Depot, in other places
like a deli. But they are seen more at Home
Depot.

It should be noted that other places of employment that were discussed by the majority of the

participants, including Jose, were day labor centers. As much more information and narratives

were shared about day labor centers, this topic will be discussed later in this chapter.

Four participant also discussed their experience with financial and job stability as day

laborers. David affirmed the distress he felt if he was not chosen for a job, expressing this

distress was even more apparent in the winter when one knew work was more limited and had

bills to pay. Financial concerns would leave him feeling stressed when he walked back home

after not being able to find work:

Yo la verdad, sí es estresante. Y usted sabe
que aquí todo se paga. Y saber que tú llegues
y que llegue alguien y se lo llevaron a
cada uno y a ti no te lleva. Las horas se hacen
eternas. Mayormente en el tiempo de invierno
digamos ahí no encontrabas absolutamente
casi nada. Hasta podría pasar una semana y
no. Y vas y ahí mismo
te regresabas... Digamos que uno sabe cómo
es el invierno. Y en la temporada
buena, quienes así que tiene que ahorrar lo
más que se pueda. Para esperar el invierno por
si acaso si no te llegó nada como para sacar
del ahorro. Para no quedar tan endeudado.
The truth is that it is very stressful. And you
know that you need to pay for everything
here. And to know that you came and
someone comes and they take all other
[laborers] but they don’t take you. The hours
become eternal. You mainly find absolutely
nothing of work in the winter. I could even go
a whole week without anything. And you go
and from there, you come right back
[home]… Let’s say one knows how it is in
winter. And in good weather, one needs to
save as much as one can. To await winter in
case nothing comes to you and you can take
out from your savings. To not go into too
much debt.

Edwin expressed similar sentiments:

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 Hay días como- cómo no llegan los jefes a There are days like- like no bosses come to
recogerlos ni nada. Me pick [day laborers] up or anything. You
entiende? No no no. No es estable. understand? No no no. It isn’t stable.

Edwin shared that his financial and work life did not become stable until after he transitioned out

of being a day laborer to working in an auto repair shop. He expressed gratitude and relief for

this stability after having worked as a day laborer for 7 years. Alberto expressed gratitude to

God that he has always been able to find employment. However, he expressed empathy towards

the day laborers he knows that have not always been able to find work:

Dios me ha dado trabajo, pero si he ido a
compartir con los que buscan
trabajo diariamente que no tienen patrón y
dicen que saber de pagar la renta de uno-
saber de qué no tiene dinero para comer ni
siquiera para comprar una pupusa o un café.
Es duro la vida de uno.
God has given me work, but I have been able
to spend time with those who look for work
every day and do not have a boss. And they
talk about how they know that they need to
pay rent- know that they don’t even have
enough money to even buy a pupusa or a
coffee. One’s life is difficult.

These three participants all expressed how work instability led to immediate financial stress, as

they emphasized how day laborers cannot only think about the present and today’s expenses, but

they also have to save money and prepare for future financial needs due to winter diminishing

work opportunities. Interestingly, Jose expressed a different perspective in terms of how he

would perceive days where he could be without work:

Gracias a Dios que siempre he tenido trabajo.
Algún día no voy a trabajar, pero no me
preocupo porque ese día lo ocupo para hacer
otras cosas. Pero no es algo así que voy a
pensar que, “No! Yo no tengo trabajo!” Me
entiende? Casi nunca me pasa.
Thank God that I have always had work. One
day I will not work, but I am not worried
because I can use that day to occupy myself
with other things. But it’s not something that
will make me think, “No! I don’t have work!”
You understand? That almost never occurs for
me.

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 Two participants discussed how working as a day laborer brings about versatility in the

types of skills one may come to have. Jose shared how having a wide range of skills is a

necessity in ensuring a day laborer is not left without employment:

Si hacemos sólo aquello todos los días, no nos
preocupamos en aprender otra cosa. Entonces
ahí es cuando hay las limitaciones. Cuando la
persona solo puede ser una cosa. Si no hay
trabajo de eso, se paró. Ya no
trabaja… Depende de la persona. Es como
usted, si usted sabe hacer esto, sabe ser el
otro, usted siempre va a estar ocupada. No
tiene de esto, pero tiene de lo otro. Sí no hay
de esto, hay de otras cosas. Siempre usted va
a tener, siempre va a tener un trabajo.
If we only do one thing every day, we are not
worried about learning something new. So,
that is where there are limitations. When a
person can only do one thing. If there is no
work available for that, it stops. You don’t
work anymore… it depends on the person.
It’s like you. If you know how to do this,
know how to do something else, you will
always be busy. You may not have this, but
there will be other things. You will always
have something, always have a job.

Jose expressed how it was doing oneself a disservice by limiting one’s work opportunities if a

day laborer were to only be skilled in one type of work. Alberto expressed that one’s skills will

broaden with time. He matter-of-factly stated:

Yo sé hacer casi la mayoría los trabajos. En I know how to do the majority of jobs. In 23
23 años, que no hecho hacer? years, what wouldn’t I have done?

Two other participants, instead, brought more attention to English language skills and

how they were connected to finding employment during their life as day laborers. Francisco

shared how his English comprehension skills allowed him to connect with a someone who

helped him to leave life as a day laborer and become his own boss. Martin shared how he went

to English language classes when he did not have a boss. However, he was able to find a job

working at a mansion on Long Island. Martin shared how his ability to speak some English

helped strengthen his relationship with the owner of the mansion. He expressed that he held a

stable job at this mansion for 15 years until the owner passed away and he had to, again, go back

to being a day laborer. However, Martin expressed that he then returned to being a day laborer

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with more experience and knowing the basics of the English language. Martin then described

how his English language skills allowed him to be a translator for fellow day laborers, helping

them negotiate jobs with contractors. He explained:

A veces viene un señor americano, por
ejemplo, alguien europeo que no habla
español. Y tal vez lleva 3, 4 trabajadores, vea.
Y entonces yo soy el intérprete de ellos. De
mis compañeros. Si y entonces yo siempre
estoy trabajando- no es que me voy a- pero si
les digo a ellos, “Oye. El señor quiere esto. El
señor quiere otra cosa así.” Entonces uno se
coopera entre ellos, vea. Entre nosotros
mismos, si. Esa es la aventaja que hay aquí.
Sometimes an American man comes, for
example, a European who doesn’t speak
Spanish. And maybe he will take 3, 4
workers. So, I am then their interpreter. My
companions’. Yes, and I am always working-
it’s not that I go [to the job]- but I do tell
them, “Hey. The man wants this. The man
wants another thing like this.” So, then one
cooperates with one another, you see. Among
ourselves, yes. That’s the advantage that there
is here.

Martin’s example portrays how someone with English language skills can help themselves and

other day laborers more confidently negotiate their verbal work contracts and fully understand

the conditions and type of work before going off with a contractor. This example displays how

English language skills among day laborers can lead to cooperation and empowerment among

the day laborer community.

However, other two other participants also discussed how it is not always harmonious

among day laborers. They also described how they have experienced a sense of rivalry within

the community as day laborers compete with one another for employment. David shared how he

has experienced other day laborers’ antagonism and refusal to help others in different occasions:

Y tal vez gente que te podría ayudar a
conseguir un trabajo, no lo hacían. Tal vez
por- no sé- por envidia o porque yo he
escuchado que decían, “No. Que este
recién llegué y ya tiene
trabajo y va estar ganando más que mí.
No. Está loco. No. No. No lo llevemos.”
And maybe some people who could help you
find a job, they don’t do it. Maybe due to- I
don’t know- jealousy or because I’ve heard
them say, “No. This one just came [to the
U.S.] and already has a job and will be
earning more than me. No. He’s crazy. No.
No. Let’s not take him with us.”

84
The sentiment in this passage indicates the idea that day laborers who have recently arrived to

the U.S. should not be doing better than day laborers who have been more established.

Alberto shared about how a hierarchy exists among day laborers based on those who have

English language skills and those who do not. After asking him what he meant by “we are not

all the same”, Alberto stated:

Entre los trabajadores, ahora hay una
diferencia. Cada quien nos
catalogamos por- por número. Por
ejemplo, entre nosotros no somos todos
iguales. Este- algunos más o menos, aunque
ante a Dios seamos todos iguales. Pero aquí
cada quien tiene su número. Sí entiende dos
idiomas vale por dos. El que habla otra
idioma vale por tres. Y eso pasa tal vez en las
calles que- que llega un patrón llega y
dice “You speak English?” “Yes.” Entonces
empieza a hablar con- con uno.
“What is your name?” Diferentes
cosas. “You wanna work?” El que habla bien
el inglés vea. Entonces ya el patrón ya- ya
si uno le contestó unos 5 palabras en su
idioma, aunque no lo habla perfecto, pero sí
más o menos sí uno le habla un poquito
nomas. Entonces ya hay diferencias.
Porque tal vez uno se queda
callado o vio que uno está hablando con
otro y dice “Oh. Yo soy mejor que este.”
Among day laborers, there is now a
difference. We all categorize ourselves by
number. For example, we are not all the same
among us. It’s- some of us are equals under
the eyes of God. But here, every person has
their number. If you understand two
languages, you count for two [day laborers].
A guy who knows another language counts
for three. And it happens maybe on the streets
where a contractor comes and asks, “You
speak English?” “Yes.” So, the contractor
starts to talk to him. “What is your name?”
Different things. “You wanna work?” To the
guy who speaks English well. So, then the
contractor then- then if one answers him some
5 words in his language, even if he doesn’t
speak perfectly, but if he can speak a little.
So, then there are distinctions. Because
maybe one stayed quiet or saw that one is
talking to another and says, “Oh. I’m better
than this guy.”

Competition for work among day laborers entails how much someone can speak English and,

according to Alberto, creates a hierarchy of “worth”- with these language skills determining who

gains more opportunities and is seen as better than other day laborers.

Day labor centers and patrones. Four participants discussed their experiences of

seeking work at established day labor centers in the community before they were closed.

Francisco shared how these day labor centers functioned as a gathering space for contractors to

85
go hire workers. David shared that going to a day labor center early in the morning was a part of

his daily routine for finding work. He stated that a big part of the day was waiting for possible

bosses for hours at this location. He summarized his day as:

A veces yo llegaba a las 5:30 y I would sometimes come in at 5:30am and

ya habían cuatro por ahí. Para que se haga una there would already be 4 [day laborers] there.
idea. Bueno. Ahí no me acuerdo si era las For you to get an idea. Well. From there, I
7:00 o a las 8:00 que abrían la oficina. Pero ya don’t remember if they opened the office at
pasando a las 8:00 estaba digamos a 7:00 or 8:00am. But after 8:00am is when
veces llegaban. Pero a veces uno esperaba they would sometimes come. But sometimes
hasta el final del día. Esperando. Ajá. Ya one would have to wait until the end of the
faltando las 10:00 es como que dice que ya no day. Waiting. Yeah. Around 10:00am is when
vino nadie. Ya cada quien como dice se iba a they say that no one else will come. And
su casa o iba qué sé yo salíamos a ir everyone would go home or would go out to
a caminar- a buscar digamos por nuestra walk- to find jobs on our own. Go to
cuenta. Ir a restaurantes, a compañías. restaurants, go to companies.

Although this was a place to go find work, all participants who sought work through day labor

centers affirmed that there was still never a definite that they would secure a job that day or the

next. David recalled how a local day labor center was run at the time where one of this study’s

community gatekeepers was working at this location:

Allí era por orden de llegar- que llegaba-
quien llegaba primero eran
que- cuando llegaba a la oficina- a los que
estaban primero lo ponían- que quien
se juntaba, no? Su nombre y por
hora de llegar. Y cuando ya
llegaba un patrón- digámoslos así,
no- buscando gente para un tipo de trabajo.
Como puede hacer para la grama, o podría
hacer para pintura, o para construcción. Y los
que estaban allí primeros- en los primeros los
empezaba a llamar [guardián de la
comunidad], verdad? Y decía,
“Mira, que uno era tan persona. Está
buscando tanta gente.” “Está disponible. Tú
quieres ir?” Pero antes ella nos preguntaba,
“Está pagando tanto”, “Va salir a tal hora. Y
si te parece bien el trabajo, él te va a
There it was by order of who came- whoever
came first- when they arrived to the office-
those who came first they would put down-
those who would gather, right? Your name
and the time you arrived. And when a boss
came- let’s call them that- looking for people
for a type of job. Like it could be to do the
grass, or it could be to paint, or for
construction. And those who arrived first- the
first ones would be called by [community
gatekeeper], right? And she would say,
“Look, this one is this kind of person. This
person is looking for this number of workers.”
“They are available. Do you want to go?” But
before that, she would ask us, “This person is
paying this much, is leaving at this time. And
if this job seems good to you, he will come

86
 buscar mañana, pero quiero que veas todo de get you tomorrow. But I want you to make the
ti.” decision yourself.”

As laborers arrived to the day labor center, the person working there would write down the

laborer’s name, time of arrival, and then call them by order of arrival when contractors began to

come to find workers. David expressed that this employee would act as an intermediary between

the day laborers and contractors, to inform them of the details of the job and its pay. Through

these interactions, workers were able to make informed decisions as to whether they would take

the job or wait for another opportunity. Jose discussed how a local day labor center served to

help day laborers not be taken advantage of by contractors. He expressed:

Pero entonces ahí en [centro de jornaleros en
la comunidad] sea apoyada porque
representaba los trabajadores. Sí. Y también
la persona y va ahí, y
ahí habían alimentos. Estaba protegida en un
lugar. No estaba en la calle… Le digo algo
bien bueno. Bueno bueno. Porque la persona
se siente cómoda, como le digo, protegida.
Representada. Para que, si algo pasa, pero él
va a ir allí de representante de quién va hablar
con un patrón. [Centro de jornaleros] tenía
eso de que, si un patrón no pagaba, yo no me
pasó- a mí- pero yo creo que sí a lo podían
llevar a corte.
But then one is supported there at [local day
labor center] because it represented the day
laborers. Yes. And a person could also go
there and there would be food. You were
protected in a place. You weren’t on the
streets… I tell you it was something really
good. Very good. Because a person feels
comfortable, I tell you, protected.
Represented. Because if something happened,
one’s representative would go speak to a
contractor. [Local day labor center] had that
of, if a contractor didn’t pay- this never
happened to me- but I think that they could
take [the contractor] to court.

Jose shared how he had felt safe and protected by having a designated space away from the

elements where he could find work, be provided some food, and know that someone would help

him if a contractor attempted to exploit him. Edwin described how important the creation of day

labor centers in the community were for upholding the rights of day laborers:

87
 …Todos nos reuníamos en la estación de
tren de [nombre de cuidad]. Entonces cuando
empezaron los problemas, las quejas, y todo
eso abrieron otro en [nombre de
pueblo]… Entonces eso ya- ya hay gente ahí
en oficinas va. Que marcan los números- que
grava en los números- en las placas de los que
van a recoger a los jornaleros. Este- entonces
ya ahora, es más- más difícil. De los
pícaros vea- de los que no querían pagar.
…We would all gather at the [name of city]
train station. So, when problems started, the
complaints and all that, they opened another
[day labor center] in [name of village]… So,
then that is- there are people in those offices.
They write down the license plate numbers of
those who go pick up the day laborers. Um-
so now, it is more- more difficult. For those
rascals- those who don’t want to pay.

Edwin described how workers in his time would gather in a public space that would cause

criticism and complaints from other residents. While the creation of a local day labor center was

the result of these complaints and “problems” with residents, this space helped to further protect

day laborers from poor treatment, like wage theft.

A fifth participant, Martin, described how all of his years working as a day laborer

provided him with job connections that no longer would require him to seek employment on

esquinas (street corners) or at day labor centers. He expressed:

Bueno el problema es que yo tengo 30 años
de vivir en [nombre de cuidad]. Y entonces a
mí ya me conocen y tiene mi número de
teléfono. Es que me llaman. O me llaman un
día antes y ya yo voy a trabajar. Y sé quién va
a ir, con quién voy a ir, y sé si me van a dar el
almuerzo y yo ya conozco la persona. Va?...
Y así es que uno- uno sabe o con- Bueno yo
tengo tantos años de estar acá. Y a mí ya
muchas me conocen.
Well the thing is that I now have 30 years of
living in [name of city]. So, I am known and
they have my telephone number. They call
me. Or they call me the day before and I then
go to work. I already know who will be
going, with whom I am going, and I know if
they will give me lunch and I already know
the person. You see?... And that is how one-
one knows- Well I have so many years of
being here. And many people already know
me.

Martin remarked how his years of making connections with contractors now make it easy to find

work. Patrones (contractors) know how to directly contact him, so that is how he finds work.

He also highlighted how his experience now allows him to know the type of person he will be

working for and what treatment he can expect from the contractor.

88
 Contractors and their treatment was discussed by all participants. Only one participant,

Jose, expressed always having good experiences with contractors and having good people to

provide him with work opportunities, but did recognize that –while he expressed this was rare-

there are some contractors who take advantage of day laborers who have recently arrived to the

U.S. In the interview, Jose upheld that this poor treatment “exists but happens very little”. The

other five participants provided more information about how contractors’ treatment towards day

laborers could vary. David shared his general experiences have been that contractors appear

disinterested in the lives and state of being of workers:

El patrón te contrata y no le importa si The boss contracts you and it doesn’t matter
estás triste, sí comistes, si no comistes, si se to them if you are sad, if you ate, if you
estresa a alguien. Tú trabajas, y se acabó. haven’t eaten. You work and that’s it.

David went on to share, later in the interview, that there are contractors who are good people to

day laborers and look after those who work for them- like offering them water. However, he

also restated that there are other contractors who “don’t care if you drink wine, if you drink

water, or if you are hungry”. Francisco shared similar opinions on contractors:

Lo que pasa es que el patrón- el patrón que
yo quería, lo tengo ahora. El patrón es el ese
que nosotros nunca no ha gritado, nunca
nos engañado porque siempre el
trabajo está bien. Y con respeto. Y
todo es “por favor” todo se- el señor a
nosotros nos trata como somos
sus hijos porque por que el
trabajo que hacemos
nosotros, él come… Hay patrones que no
respeta a uno. Le maltratan y uno- no es- no
se siente bien y el día lo pasa uno amargado.
What happened is that the boss that I wanted,
I now have. This boss is the one who has
never yelled at us, has never cheated us
because our work is always good for him.
And with utmost respect. Everything [he
says] is with “please”- the man treats us like
his own children because he eats with the
work that we do… There are contractors who
don’t give respect. They mistreat one- it
doesn’t feel good and one spends the day all
bitter.

A fourth participant, Martin, disclosed that he has become accustomed to the culture of

contractors’ treatment. He shared how there are contractors who do not provide lunch to workers

89
due to it not being required by law to do so. He also expressed that, not only do some

contractors not allow day laborers to take breaks, but that some contractors get upset if they stop

working to eat or drink something. Martin gave an example from one encounter he had with the

family member of a contractor who had been watching him and the day laborers from inside the

house:

A veces uno va a tomar agua… y ellos están
mirándose por la casa- mirando por dentro de
la casa. La esposa o alguien que está
ahí. Y ahí se quejan un poquito cuando
uno va tomar agua. Y ellos salen a decir
que, “No! Work! Work! Work!” Te dicen.
Ja. Sí! No todos. Pero sí, como le digo.
Sometimes one goes to drink water… and
they are looking from inside the house. The
wife or someone who is there. And then they
complain a little when one goes to drink
water. And they come outside to say, “No!
Work! Work! Work!” They tell you. Hah.
Yes! Not everyone. But yes.

It was interesting to hear the surveillance that was described by this participant, along with a

denial of this participant’s basic needs over supposed “productivity”. The fifth participant,

Edwin, also referred to contractor treatment when having shared about his most difficult work

day as a laborer (jackhammer story). He shared that the contractors had been good to him that

day because they provided him with lunch; However, his arms had given out by midday due to

the contractors giving him work that should have been divided among three people. The sixth

participant also discussed contractor treatment in his interview but these stories highlighted

oppression and racism, which will be discussed in the following section.

Oppression, racism, and rising above. Oppression in the form of exploitation, racism,

microaggressions, and problematic police encounters were stressed in the stories shared by all

but one of the participants interviewed in this study. Three of the participants placed emphasis

on oppression by contractors due to experiences of wage theft. Martin shared how his

experiences varied with contractors. He expressed how he and others were sometimes paid and

how it was also possible to lose money due to a contractor refusing to pay them for their work.

90
Edwin expressed how wage theft was more prominent when he was a day laborer in the 90s. He

shared:

El problema no es que no- no todos los
patrones le da a uno por el día… Pero el
problema es- antes en los- digamos, en
los- los 90s, 95. Algo así. Había
mucho- mucho pícaro, verdad? Daban trabajo
a los jornaleros y no les
pagaba. Entonces- pero todo después fue
cambiando de eso va.
The problem is that not- not all contractors
would give [money] to one for the day… But
the problem is- before in the- let’s say in the-
the 90s, 1995. Something like that. There
were many- many scoundrels, right? They
would give day laborers work and they
wouldn’t pay them. So, then- but everything
began to change after that time.

Edwin was also the participant who had shared about how the creation of more day labor centers

helped to change these behaviors, as workers at these centers would hold contractors accountable

for refusing to pay laborers for their work. Martin also agreed with this, noting that more

oppressive behaviors by contractors like wage theft occurred more in the 90s- until about 1996.

David, who has been a day laborer within the past 10 years, told a story about when he

experienced wage theft. He shared how not only was the contractor hours late in picking them

up from the job at the end of the day, but that the contractor had also been upset that they had not

still been working by the time he arrived and threatened to not pay them at all for stopping at the

time they had agreed upon:

A mí me pasó una vez. Me mandaron a… It happened to me once. They sent me to…

poner unas pipes. Y éramos 3. Estuvo allí
supuestamente hasta las 4:00 y ya llegamos a
salir. Él se fue, llegaron las 4:00. Llegaron las
5:00, las 6:00. Y a las 4:00 nos dijo que ya
nos íbamos a parar, pero nosotros paramos no
y esperamos hasta
que llegue. Y después, como a las 6:00, que
llegó. Molesto. Que, "Porqué se
pararon? Quien le digo?” De que, “No le voy
a pagar.” Y a los finales de que nos
dejen- que nos iba a dar- nos dio la mitad.
put some pipes in. There were 3 of us. We
stayed until 4:00pm- the supposed time- and
we then finished the day. He had left and
4:00pm came. 5:00pm and then 6:00pm came.
And he had told us that we would stop at
4:00pm, so we stopped and waited until he
came. After, like at 6:00pm, he came. Upset.
That, “Why did you stop? Who told you to?”
And that, “I’m not going to pay you.” In the
end, he gave us half of what he was going to
give us.

91
 Participants discussed how racism came hand-in-hand with contractors who treated them

poorly. Martin described the difficulty of racist contractors. He shared how Latinx day laborers

are often the ones who do the jobs contractors need, yet contractor still hire day laborers while

holding racist views towards them. Martin stated:

Se sufre! Se sufre mucho. Sí, por como lo
tratan. Y a veces se encuentra con unos que
son- que tienen- este- que son
racistas. Y lo llevan por necesidad. Pero los
tratan mal.
One suffers! One suffers greatly. Yes, for how
they treat you. And you sometimes find
yourself with those who- those who are
racists. And they take you only out of
necessity. But they treat you badly.

David also expressed similar experiences. He shared a story about how a female contractor was

infamous for hiring workers from the day labor center and later calling immigration officials on

the workers she would hire. David expressed how outraged he and other workers were that it

was possible for the contractor to keep repeating these actions after police arrived to the day

labor center one day:

Pero después llegaron a contactar porque le But after, they were contacted because they
estaban llamando de inmigración- si no were being called by immigration- if I
me equivoco. Porque la misma señora le ha remember correctly. Because the same
mandado la policía y llegó a la dirección. Y woman had sent the police after them and
tenía la costumbre de hacer eso. Y digamos they arrived to the location. And she had the
que le dijeron a ella- a la señora, [Guardián de habit of doing that. And they told her- told the
la comunidad]- de que “Cómo era posible woman- [community gatekeeper] that, “How
que haga eso?" was it possible that this woman could do
that?”

Not only did participants share lived experiences of racism from contractors, but also racism

from community members and police. Four participants specifically named the Italian and

Italian-American community members as the group to particularly demonstrate racist behavior

towards day laborers and uphold oppression. Edwin provided some detail on the types of racist

92
behaviors he would encounter as a day laborer, expressing how he has not faced these types of

behaviors from other racial/ethnic groups in the community:

Lo único que habían- que habían sí muchos
italianos racistas, va. Ósea es- me
entiende- ósea usted sabe que
lo los- hay muchos
italianos... Sí, pero habían unos
que explotadores, y- y asustándole en el
idioma de ellos, va? Y habían buenos -no es
que son todos, va? Y por este lado de este
país los italianos han sido racistas con los
latinos. No importa si es hombre o mujer.
The thing is that there were- there were many
racist Italians, you see. Like- you understand-
like you know the- there are many Italians…
Yes, but there were ones who exploited [day
laborers], and- and who scared you in their
language, you see? And there were good
people- it’s not that they were all like that.
And on this side of the country, the Italians
have been racist towards Latinos. It doesn’t
matter if one is a man or woman.

Edwin’s reflections depict the historical racist treatment of Italians towards Latinx day

laborers on Long Island. David also named Italians in more discussions of contractor treatment

in how his experience has been being exploited by this group. He discussed how he has felt

Italians to be “extremely exploitative” towards Latinx and had the experience of having been

given less pay than initially agreed upon at the labor center with excuses that he had not

performed his job well.

Francisco’s reflections also denote the historical tension between these two ethnic groups

on Long Island. When asking Francisco what the overall community could do better to improve

the well-being of Latinx day laborers, he shared how he wished the police of a city- including

Italians in the police department- would stop profiling Latinx day laborers and “finding excuses”

to fine them. He demanded the police to be more noble in their actions:

A hacer- como le dijera- el problema de que
la policía fuera más noble, más
correcto también. Porque a policía ahí hay
italiano y ahí hay mujeres que son policías
son algo racistas. Porque no son como
la policía de [nombre de pueblo]. La policía
de [nombre de pueblo] te da ticket, pero le da
calidad para que vaya- para que vaya a dejar
To do- how should I say it- the problem of
wanting the police to be more noble, more
correct in their actions too. Because within
the police, there are Italians and there are
policewomen who are somewhat racist.
Because they are not like the [name of town]
police. The [name of town] police will give
you a ticket, but they give you quality

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 el carro y ya no sigues manejando sin
licencia… He escuchado lo que los discrimina
porque trayendo la licencia, le ha querido
buscar la manera para ponerle ticket y sí
ninguna razón. Más tickets y que
traiga los papeles bien. De la manera que
buscan- la manera para poder poner ticket.
[treatment] so that you can go- can go to leave
your car and tell you to no longer drive
without a license… I’ve heard [from other
Latinx day laborers] that they discriminate
because you are carrying a license, they try to
find any way to give you a ticket without any
reason. More tickets and they tell you to get
your papers in order. The manner which they
try to find a way- a way to give you a ticket.

David expressed an alternate experience, where he remarked at two different points of the

interview that he has always had good experiences with the police of the city the previous

participant referred to. He expressed feeling a sense of safety from them, could not know what

they could do to improve, and stated that they do not bother him, nor do they ask for one’s

identity if he were to call them. Nonetheless, it is interesting how Francisco compared the police

of a particular city to the police of a nearby community, the latter being a town where non-

Hispanic Black and Latinx are the largest racial/ethnic groups; Whereas, the majority race in the

city is white. Martin, who has worked decades as a day laborer in that city, added that he has

experienced disinterest from the Italian community there in regards to the oppression of Latinx

and Latinx day laborers. In response to a question of what he wished people to know about the

Latinx day laborer experience, he replied:

Bueno. Las personas sí saben. Por ejemplo,
los italianos. Los italianos saben porque ellos
trabajan duro también. Y ellos saben cómo
que un jornalero trabaja duro. Pero ellos les
vale. Les vale.
Well, people do know. For example, the
Italians. The Italians know because they also
work hard. And they know how hard a day
laborer works. But they don’t care. They
could care less.

Edwin summarized that the general experience is that day laborers face oppression and

that day laborers are looked down upon in the community:

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 Siempre todos que han sido jornaleros, Anyone who has ever been a day laborer has
siempre han tenido experiencias malas. always had bad experiences. It is also
También es peligrosa. Y se sufre mucho… a dangerous. One suffers a lot… day laborers
los jornaleros los miran de menos. are seen as inferior.

Intriguingly, Jose had a different perspective than Edwin. He expressed that he did not agree

with other day laborers’ sentiments that they are exploited or looked down upon in the U.S. He

provided his perspective, which was that work culture in the U.S. is different than the work

culture in Latin America. Jose also expressed a “pull yourself by the bootstraps” mindset that if

day laborers work hard, good things will happen to them. This is seen in the following passage:

Con que “no me quieren", “me miran mal".
Porque hay muchas personas que siente
eso. Eh he oído a muchos trabajadores que
hablan de que los explotan. Pero no existe
eso! Digo- eh bueno. Existe sí. Pero para
mí, yo no lo veo como explotación en el
trabajo. Para mí, yo siento que es una forma
aquí- es una forma diferente del
trabajo. Que uno trabaja duro y- y eso
es. Y si uno es honesto con el trabajo, no va a
tener problemas. No se va a sentir como que
lo están explotando o que lo están mirando
mal.
They say “they don’t like me”, “they look at
me poorly”. Because there are many people
who feel that way. Um I have heard many day
laborers who talk about being exploited. But
that doesn’t exist! Well- uh well, yes. It does
exist. But for me, I don’t see it as exploitation
at work. For me, I feel that it is the way here-
a different way of working. That one works
hard and that- that’s it. If one is honest with
their job, one will not have problems. One
will not feel as if one is being exploited or
that they are looking at one poorly.

Contrary to this participant, the experience of day laborers being seen as inferior in society was

shared by other participants. This was a prominent experience in Alberto’s mind, as the first

words in his interview were related to the discrimination of day laborers, noting his experience

with Republicans, a label he was able to identity through the stickers on their vehicles:

Ser jornalero, especialmente en los Estados
Unidos, uno le miran con desprecio porque
estar parado en la calle- aquí por donde vivo
en la [named location]. Mira que pasa.
Como les discriminan a esos parados pasando
frio buscando trabajo. Aquí
pasan americanos que son- son esos lo que les
To be a day laborer, especially in the United
States, one is looked at with distain because
one is standing on the street- over here where
I live in [named location]. Look at what
happens. Like they discriminate against those
who are freezing while standing looking for
work. There are Americans who pass by here

95
 llaman Republicano que andan con las
banderitas en los stickers. Esos le gritan
a unos, “Que están haciendo con tanto
frio?” A veces me gritan hasta “muerto de
hambre” cuando nos miran buscando
trabajo.
who are- who are those that are called
Republicans who have flags on their car
stickers. Those are the ones who yell, “What
are you doing here when it is so cold?”
Sometimes they even yell “miserable bum” at
me when they see us looking for work.

Similarly, participants shared stories of microaggressions from people in the communities

they went to find work in. Edwin shared stories of how day laborers are seen as a bother and

aggressively told to move out of the way and insult laborers who looked for work outside of a

Home Depot. Martin also shared how language intersects with microaggressions he and others

have faced in the community. He stated how Americans, like Italian Americans, tend to get

upset with day laborers who lack English language skills and end up cursing at the workers due

to having to repeat themselves when workers do not immediately understand. This experience is

also reflected Alberto’s account of how people would tell him to go back to his country because

he did not know English.

Two participants provided similar explanations for why they feel oppression towards

Latinx day laborers is upheld. Both Martin and Francisco expressed how contractors and

community members feel threatened if a day laborer attempts to rise above his station in the

power hierarchy of the community. Martin expressed how he may sometimes know more than a

contractor about the types of materials needed for a specific job he had been hired for, so he will

sometimes bring his own materials. He shared how some contractors react to him doing so:

Yo trato de llevar a veces. Pero a veces ellos
se molesten porque unos dicen que- dicen que
los hispanos andan mandando. Como quiere
ser jefe de ellos. Yo- yo siempre les digo que
yo no trato. Es que a todos nos están pagando
igual.
I try to bring [material] sometimes. But they
sometimes get upset because they say that-
say that Hispanics are trying to order people
around. Like that we want to be their boss. I- I
always tell them that isn’t what I’m trying to
do. Since they’re paying us all equally.

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Martin’s passage shows how behaviors like bringing in his own material shows his expertise,

which is then interpreted by contractors as a type of power move to rise from worker to “boss”.

Rather than being praised for his knowledge, which Martin expressed has also been his

experience with some contractors, he was looked down upon as a threat. The feeling of day

laborers being a threat was also shared by Francisco, where he expressed how contractors are

threatened when laborers learn skills and fear that they will then take the skills to work for

themselves- instead of continue to work for the contractors. Thus, his experience has been that

contractors will take advantage if a day laborer does not speak English well and avoid teaching

them skills:

El sistema es de que la gente- la gente
es egoísta y- y no quererle ensenar al
trabajador porque las cosas se hacen así- ese
es lo más difícil. Así se le
llama egoísta porque no le quiere que usted
aprende. Ósea no más ellos quieren saber -
eso es lo egoísmo y racismo… pasa porque
los patrones se sienten
inseguro porque piensan que uno
aprende el trabajo y ya no ya
no necesita trabajo uno de él. Si! Eh ese es
el problema de aquí porque son- son egoístas
en- cómo lo
dije- son egoístas porque no- no quieren que
uno supere… Pero ellos saben muy bien que
nosotros sabemos el trabajo y del trabajo
nosotros ellos viven y ellos se hacen ricos.
The system is that people- people are selfish
and- and don’t want to teach the day laborer
why things are done a certain way- that is the
most difficult thing. You call that selfish
because they don’t want you to learn. Like
they are the only ones who want to know- that
is selfishness and racism… it happens
because contractors feel insecure because they
think if one learns the work and will not need
to work for him anymore. Yes! That um is the
problem here because they are selfish, I tell
you- they are selfish because they don’t want
one to surmount [difficulties]… But they
know very well that we know how to work
and, from our work, they live and they
become rich.

These two participants share how there is a power structure that contractors try hard to uphold, as

they are able to reap the riches from the work of day laborers. It portrays how contractors want

day laborers to have knowledge, but just “enough” knowledge to still depend on the contractors.

Because if day laborers came to use their knowledge to be their own bosses, as Francisco

affirmed, contractors would no longer be able to profit and maintain their power at the top.

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 Despite having lived within this power structure as a day laborer, immigrant, and Latino

man, Francisco expressed that he has still been able to surmount his experiences within this

oppressive society. He stated that his family was the reason he was able to do so. He expressed

that he has been able to overcome in order to provide for his children and make sure that his

daughter who was born in this country would never be lacking anything. He shared happiness

and pride at being able to provide for his daughter through his work as a day laborer. He stated:

Me motivó y me siento feliz porque mi niña
tenía un año y yo necesitaba trabajar para
poder a- para poder ver crecer a mi niña. Y
ahora esta- es enorme mi niña.
It motivated me and I feel happy because my
daughter was 1-year-old and I needed to work
to be able to- to be able to see my daughter
grow up. And now- now my daughter is so
big.

Francisco is not the only participant to share stories of resilience and persistence. In the

following section, these stories of resilience, resistance, and advocacy are at the forefront.

Theme 2: Counterstories

Counterstories tell the untold experiences of members of marginalized communities with

the intention of challenging dominant narratives of these communities that were created by those

in power (Delgado, 1989). In utilizing a LatCrit and CRT framework, I was sensitive in listening

for the stories told by participants that challenge the damage-centered narratives typically

depicted in societal discourse and literature. As depicted in the previous section, stories of

oppression, racism, and discrimination are within the experiences of the majority of this study’s

participants. However, this is not the only side to their stories. As such, this section is dedicated

to portraying the strengths, the pride, the resistance, and advocacy within the lives of these

participants and with their voices being at the forefront.

Edwin was matter-of-fact in discussing his response to contractors and community

members who attempted to intimidate or discriminate against him.

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 Bueno conmigo, gracias a Dios, no- no he
sentido mucho mucha discriminación
va. Como otras personas. Porque el
problema- yo no permitía eso tampoco. Me
entiende? Sí a mí me asustaba un italiano, yo
le asustaba también. Porque tampoco me voy
a dejar.
Well, for me, thank God, I haven’t- I haven’t
felt much discrimination. Like other people
have. Because the thing is- I also don’t permit
that either. You understand? If some Italian
scared me, I would scare them too. Because
I’m also not going to let that happen to me.

Day laborers are also taking charge of reacting against any oppressive and racist behaviors

towards them. Martin also shared a story about how he demonstrated his agency against a

contractor he felt to be racist:

Mire. Yo- yo trabajé con un señor no se Look. I- I worked with a man who did not
miraba que era racista porque muchas veces look racist because a lot of the time you
no lo- no lo detecta, verdad? Pero esa vez yo don’t- you don’t detect it, right? But that time,
fui con un señor. Y me abrió, y me dijo que I went with a man. He opened the door for me
me montara atrás. Y él tenía un carro doble and told me to sit in the back. And he had a
cabina. Y llega el otro muchacho y dice, double cabin pickup. And another guy came
“Montase atrás.” Y el adelante en el carro con and he told him, “Sit in the back”. And he
la cabina del carro estaba un perro. Sí! Y was in the front of the car and in the car cabin
entonces, “Oye”. Dije, “Este señor es racista.” was a dog. Yes! So I said, “Hey. This guy is
Porque mire que nos está echando pa atrás y racist.” Because I saw that he was throwing us
había campo. Un campo allí al lado del perro. in the back [trunk] when there was room.
Porque el carro era doble cabina. Y yo le There was room there next to the dog.
digo, “Este señor es racista.” Le digo, “Yo no Because the car was a double cabin. And I tell
voy a ir. Y si quiere, usted vaya porque no- yo [the other day laborer], “This man is racist.” I
no voy.” Me entiende? Y el hombre más tell him, “I’m not going. You can go if you
bravo cuando no nos montamos al carro. want because I’m not- I’m not going.” You
Entonces le dije- el otro muchacho sí quería. understand? And the man was so mad when
Y yo le dije, “Miré que el perro anda mejor we didn’t get in the back of the car. So I
que usted”. Y que “No. Que él quiere que nos asked him- the other guy- if he wanted to. I
vayamos atrás?” Y estaba lloviendo. Y “Está told him, “Look, that dog is going more
lloviendo”, le dije. “Nosotros no vamos a comfortably than you are.” And that, “No.
mojarnos. Muchas gracias. Thank you, thank And he wants us to go in the back?” And it
you.” Y yo le digo, “Se da cuenta?” Pero otras was raining. And I told him, “It’s raining. We
veces no se da cuenta que son racistas. aren’t going to get ourselves soaked. Thank
you. [In English] Thank you, thank you.” And
I told him, “You see?” But other times, you
can’t tell that they are racist.

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When it was raining, the contractor asked the day laborers to sit in the pickup of the truck rather

than inside any of the two cabins of the vehicle. This was an indicator to Martin that this man

was racist and he then warned the other day laborer and decided to not take the job, as he knew

he was already being treated poorly with the contractor’s first gestures towards them.

Martin shared how another day laborer’s advice to him changed his approach when a

contractor attempted to not pay him for his work:

Yo conocí a un muchacho de El Salvador. Me I met a guy from El Salvador. He gave me

dio un consejo y- y se lo agarré y le dije, “No!
Si no te pagan...” Pues- pues… como le digo,
a veces no me quería pagar un señor- un
italiano. Y él lo hace todavía. Entonces yo-
iba a donde yo trabajaba, a la casa donde
trabajamos. Y ahí yo iba y le cobra al dueño
de la casa donde habíamos hecho el trabajo…
Y me pagó el señor 600 dólares y el señor me
pagó. Y llamó al que me había llevado a
trabajar. Y no le gustó. Y donde me lo
encontraba, el me “sieteciaba", y que no sé
qué. Y yo, “No. Yo no sé nada.” Digo, “Usted
no me pagó. Entonces yo fui al señor y el me
pagó. Ósea es problema suyo.” Porque el
señor le canceló el cheque.
advice and I- I took it and said, “No! If they
don’t pay you…” Well- well… like I tell you,
sometimes a man didn’t want to pay me- an
Italian. And he still does this. So, then I- I
went to where I worked. To the house that we
worked at. And there, I would charge the
owner of the house that we worked at… And
he paid me $600. And he called the guy who
took me to work. And [the contractor] didn’t
like that. And wherever he would find me, he
would curse at me and all that. And I’d say,
“No. I don’t know anything. You didn’t pay
me so I went to the [owner] and he paid me.
So, that’s your problem”. Because [the
owner] had cancelled his check.

Even when confronted by an angry contractor who was dealt with the consequences of holding

Martin’s pay, Martin still asserted his right to be paid for his labor. Martin also shared a

counterstory of a group of day laborers that told him how they had resisted against a contractor.

Martin shared that, after a long day of work in a nearby town, the contractor had refused to drive

the day laborers back:

Martin: Me contaron entonces que hicieron-
fue que llamaron a la policía. Y entonces sí lo
vinieron a dejar. Porque ellos llamaron a la
policía y todo. Y dicen que han despertado
ahora. Porque hay- en verdad ha cooperado la
policía también. Ah sí pero ya unos están-
Martin: They told me what they did then-
which was to call the police [on the
contractor]. So, then they were then able to be
dropped off. They say that [day laborers] have
now woken up. Because there are- because

100
 cómo le digo- la gente está se ha despertado
más.
I: Cómo que los mismos jornaleros como que
como que luchan por sus derechos?
M: Oh sí claro. Claro. Sí eso es lo que ha
cambiado. Pero antes era demasiado difícil.
Sí. Y sigue difícil por el idioma. La
comunicación.
the police have also cooperated. Yeah but
there are some- the people have awakened.
I: Like the day laborers are fighting for their
own rights?
M: Oh, for sure. Of course. Yes, that’s what
has changed. Before, it was very difficult to
do. Yes. And it remains difficult due to the
language. Due to communication.

Throughout his interview, Martin was open about the changes within the day laborer

community in regards to workers advocating for themselves. He stated that dissemination of

information of day laborers’ rights, particularly their right to charge for their work, was pivotal

in this movement. Martin expressed how knowing these rights allow day laborers to stand up

against any wage theft, intimidation, and explicit threats towards them- such as contractors

threatening to call immigration on them:

No sabíamos que había una ley que- que si We hadn’t known that there was a law- that,
usted fuera indocumentado o no tuviera even if you are undocumented or don’t have
nada, pero tenía derecho uno a cobrar su anything, but you have the right to charge for
trabajo. Pero antes no existía eso- antes- yo no your work. But this didn’t exist before-
sé si la ley existía, pero- pero nadie sabía de before- I don’t know if the existed but- but no
eso. Y amenazando con la one knew about it. And one would make
inmigración, uno se hacía no volver. Yo oneself not return if threatened with
fui uno de esos. Sí. Pero ahora por la radio, immigration. I was one of those who did that.
por la televisión se oye que eso no es Yes. But now over the radio, through the
importante- su estatus legal, su estatus, television, you heard that it isn’t important-
verdad. Usted cobra. Pero antes no existía your legal status, your status, you know. And
eso. Y cuando yo sentía en el verano- tardes I would feel it in the summer- evenings when
que yo no- no se oculta. Y lo tienen ahí hasta I didn’t- I didn’t hide it. And they would keep
la noche. Entonces estamos hablando de 10, you there until night. So, I’m talking about
12 horas. Ellos lo hacía trabajar. Yo 10, 12 hours. They would make you work. I
fui uno de esos- que yo puedo trabajar hasta was one of those- those who could work until
las 8, 9 de la noche. Entonces eso 8:00, 9:00pm. So, then that was a problem,
fue problema, pero ahora- y aún no sabe que but now- people still don’t know that you
lo que tiene que trabajar son 9 hora, 10 should work only 9 or 10 hours. And that they
horas. Y eso que lo paguen más. Que son 8 need to pay you more. And [to work] only 8
horas. Pero antes no existía eso. Antes no- hours. But this didn’t exist before. Before, no-
uno siempre trabajando. Y encima, no le one just always worked. And, on top of that,
pagaban. Ósea había unos por ahí un poco they wouldn’t pay you. Like there were
malucos. Entonces sí. Uno no sabía pues. Eso always some bad people. So, yes. One didn’t

101
 era el problema. Me entiendes? Porque know then. That was the problem. You
ahora lo anuncian en los radio- en la radio. understand? Because now they announce it on
Y sí. No importa su estatus legal de ley. the radio. And yes. Your legal status doesn’t
matter.

Later in his interview, Martin affirmed that the knowledge of being protected under the law,

regardless of his legal status, helped him and other day laborers to no longer stay silent when

threatened:

A muchos amigos que yo conocí cuando le
hablaba- que les iban a llamar la
inmigración. Ya se quedaban
queditos. No- no seguían, pero ellos no
sabían- ni yo sabía tampoco- que tenga
indocumentado o con documentos, usted
siempre les cobra. Sus derechos sí. Pero antes
no sabíamos. Ahora no. Ahora ya es muy
poco. Todos pagan.
In speaking to many of the friends I met, they
shared that they were told that immigration
was going to be called on them. So, then they
would stay quiet. They wouldn’t- wouldn’t
continue, but they didn’t know- and I also
didn’t know- that where you were
documented or undocumented, you always
charge them. Now it isn’t like that. Now it
happens very rarely. Everyone pays.

As Martin shared stories of self-advocacy among day laborers, he also discussed

community organizations that help advocate for day laborers experiencing problems like wage

theft with contractors. He shared:

Ah inclusivo, creo que ahí en [nombre de
pueblo] hay una oficina de trabajo para
eso. Centro de trabajo. Yo nunca he
ido. Pero- pero sabemos que ahí hay una
oficina que- que cobra- que llamaban a los
patrones. La- las citas pues, que tienes que
pagarles, sí. Pero sí sabemos que existe una
oficina y en [nombre de pueblo]. Sí. Es algo
de ahí de la corte.
Oh, I even think that there is a labor office in
[name of town] that does that. A career
center. I’ve never been. But- but we know
that there is an office there that- that charges
you- that calls the contractors. The- the
appointments, well, you do have to pay for
them. But we do know that this office exists
and it is in [name of town]. Yes. It’s
something there related to the courthouse.

Martin also discussed how a local organization can also help day laborers navigate wage theft:

Sí, pero ya cuestión de cobrar un trabajo que Yes, but charging a contractor for a job is
el patrón no le quiere pagar, es muy difícil. Si, really difficult. Yes, [name of local
[nombre de organización] más o menos organization] would call the contractor. And
llamaban al patrón. Y de ahí le decían, “Mire then, they would tell them, “Look, you have a

102
 que usted tiene una deuda debt and all that”, right. And sometimes they
y todo”, verdad. Y a veces would tell them that, “No, we are going to see
le decían que, “No, nos vemos en la you in court.” But I never had that problem.
corte.” Yo nunca tuve esa problema.

While he had shared that he felt day laborer exploitation was rare, Jose also discussed the

advocacy role he has felt this local organization has taken with day laborers. In the following

quotation, Jose shared that he felt this organization has supported day laborers and has acted as a

laborer’s representative when wage theft occurred:

Pero entonces ahí en [nombre de
organización] sea apoyada porque
representaba los trabajadores... [Nombre de
organización] tenía eso de que, si un patrón
no pagaba, yo no me pasó- a mí- pero yo creo
que sí a lo podían llevar a corte.
But there one is supported by [name of local
organization] because they represented day
laborers… [Name of local organization] had
that of, if a contractor did not pay, that never
happened to me- not to me- but I think they
could take someone to court.

Jose’s story also included another counterstory, which was present throughout his

interview. He shared that his work life as a day laborer was filled with happiness and this

happiness continues for him now that he is no longer a day laborer and became his own boss. He

asserted that his experience as a day laborer was not filled with suffering, but an experience that

opened doors of opportunity for him.

Para mí, un día de trabajo- trabajo yo no tomo For me, a day of work- I don’t see a day of
como qué es una dificultad. No. Yo lo tomo work as an effort. No. I take it with happiness.
con alegría. Y como le digo, si yo no tengo un Like I’ve been telling you, if I don’t have a
día de trabajo esta vez porque tengo que hacer day of work, it’s because I have to do
algo personal. Pero sí he visto hay otras something personal. But I have also seen that
personas que para ellos son muy difícil… [work days] are very difficult for other
siempre he encontrado personas people… I have always found good people.
buenas. Dónde ha ido, yo he encontrado Wherever I went, I found good people. Um
personas buenas. Eh me han abierto las they have opened the doors for me. Like I told
puertas. Como le digo, siempre he tenido you, I have always had work. I always have
trabajo. Siempre tengo algo, yo siempre tengo something. I always have something prepared.
algo preparado. Algo para hacer si hoy no Something to do today if I don’t have this, I
tengo de esto, yo llamo y tengo algo listo call, and then I have something ready to do.
para ya hacer. Eso es. Fui bendecido, sí. No That’s it. I’ve been blessed, yes. I haven’t

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 ha sido malo para mí. No he venido a- a decir come to- to say that I am going to suffer or
que voy a sufrir, o de esto, no. something, no.

Other counterstories in participants’ stories is their resilience in the face of identified

barriers and oppression. Martin’s story of coming to the U.S. and being a day laborer for three

decades was filled with difficulties; however, being able to talk about them and talk to me about

how he has been overcome these difficulties was a new experience for him:

Y nunca tuve esa oportunidad de contar And I’ve never that this kind of opportunity to
a alguien como yo seguí. O que estoy share with someone how I was able to
siguiendo pa’lante. continue on. Or that I am continuing to move
forward.

Francisco shared that another person allowed him to rise above his difficulties as a day laborer.

He expressed that a woman in the community helped him to become his own boss and, as a

result, he was able to provide more for his family. He expressed this person’s help was

instrumental in his life to help him to continue moving forward in this country:

Ella me ayudo a salir del trabajo, de allí yo
me superé yo para para poderme hacerme más
valor para- para seguir trabajando y yo así me
pude superar.
She helped me to leave work [as a day
laborer]. From there, I was able to improve
myself more to give me more courage to- to
continue working. And that is how I was able
to overcome [my difficulties].

Other stories, on the other hand, discuss participants’ resilience as a necessity to continue

on. Francisco expressed that starting from the easiest task for a day laborer was what helped him

begin his journey as a day laborer in the U.S. In addition, he knew he had to persist to live:

Cortar grama... Ósea eso es lo más fácil. Cutting grass… That is the easiest thing to do.
Cortar algo. Eso me ayudó a mí a ser To cut something. And that helped me
jornalero. Que tenía que ser todo para become a day laborer. The fact is that I had to
sobrevivir. do everything that I could to survive.

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David was also reflective of his difficulties, recalling the pain and also how those painful

experiences made him grow as a person and worker:

Pero digamos que me hizo- me enseñó a But you know, let’s say that they made me-
madurar. they taught me to grow up.

Towards the end of the interview, David restated these thoughts and added:

Es duro. Es duro, pero como te digo de las It is challenging. It is challenging, but like I
experiencias se aprende. Son dos cosas en tell you- you learn from your experiences.
este país: Aprendas vivir o te dejas morir. There are two things in this country: You
learn to live or you let yourself die.

Theme 3: Risk and Protective Factors for Problematic Alcohol Use

This theme was apparent in participant’s responses to the interview questions regarding

their problematic alcohol use in the Latinx day laborer community. Participants’ responses

included their perception of the risk and protective factors for problematic alcohol use among

day laborers, some of their own personal accounts of their experience with problematic alcohol

use, and their personal and the general community’s thoughts regarding problematic alcohol use

and its effects on day laborers.

Risk factors. All participants were asked what they felt were the things in the life

experiences of day laborers that they felt could increase the chance of problematic alcohol use in

the community. Three of the participants discussed how they felt that problematic alcohol use

was prominent, not only in the day laborer community, but also within the overall Latinx

community. Edwin expressed how he felt that most Latinx in the U.S. drink alcohol, while Jose

expressed that problematic drinking is common and is seen as “normal” for Latinx folx. He

further voiced:

Mire. En la comunidad latino es alta. Es- que Look. In the Latinx community, it is high.
le puedo decir? Siento que es 90, 95% con It’s- what can I say? I feel like 90%, 95%

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 problemas de alcohol. Es que la mayoría de
personas. La mayoría de personas tiene
problema… Usted sabe que la la clase de
trabajadores es la que más problemas tiene. Y
no lo puedo decir latinos en general
posiblemente- pero en Centroamérica, México
sí.
have alcohol problems. It’s the majority of
people. The majority of people have this
problem… You know that that is the type of
problem day laborers mostly have. And I
can’t say that it’s generally all Latinx
possibly- but in Central America, Mexico,
yes.

David expressed that his perception is that the majority of Latinx from certain regions of Latin

America, mainly Central America and Mexico, have problems with alcohol use. Interestingly,

these are the regions of Latin America were the majority of day laborers on Long Island- and the

majority of the participants of this study- are from.

Family arose in discussions related to both risk and protective factors of problematic

drinking in the population being studied- the latter will be discussed in the subsequent section.

David, who identified never having problems with alcohol use, expressed that he has heard that

family is supposedly a reason why day laborers drink and provided examples of what he had

heard from others- that someone’s wife had left them or that a family member who had been

residing in the U.S. before them had turned out to not be “the type of person they believed them

to be”. Abandonment by family was a typical narrative in many of the participants’ responses

throughout the interview. Alberto, who did identify having a history of problematic drinking,

shared:

Varios estuvimos con problemas del alcohol
porque no teníamos trabajo y los otros porque
queremos olvidar que muchas cosas que nos
ha dejado la mujer. Hay otros que ha tenido
problemas de diferentes po. Ahí recogimos el
vicio del alcohol. Lo queríamos dejar, pero
más se alejaba a veces. Problemas del trabajo
o problemas que tiene uno familiarmente.
A lot of us had alcohol problems because we
did not have work and others because we
wanted to forget things, like that our woman
left us. There are others who have had
different problems. We then pick up the vice
of drinking alcohol. We wanted to leave it,
but that would sometimes distance us even
more. Work problems or family problems.

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 Martin discussed how missing one’s family is a risk factor for alcohol use. He stated that

he felt day laborers’ mental health is impacted by their family being far away in their country-of-

origin, rather than being with them in the U.S. He expressed:

El problema es que yo creo que lo que ellos The problem is that I believe that depression
comiencen a tomar es por depresión. Me is what makes them begin to drink. You
entiende? De sus familiares que están understand? Because their families are far
largos. Entonces yo creo en eso, que eso es. away. So I believe that it is like that.

Participants identified how cultural differences that may serve as risk factors for

problematic drinking. Two participants discussed Latinx “party culture” and its relationship with

alcohol use. Edwin and Martin shared very similar depictions of how alcohol is typically

involved in Latinx celebrations and these celebrations tend to happen frequently in the

community to mark different cultural milestones. For instance, Edwin expressed:

En los países de nosotros es normal. Y no-
aquí rapidito le lleva la policía a uno… Es
que- el problema es cómo es diferente cultura,
va? El problema es del latino es que siempre
quiere estar en rumba. En fiestas. El latino
siempre tiene una algo para tomar. Sea un
cumpleaños, sí era el bautizo del otro.
Siempre hay algo! El latino siempre está en
fiesta.
It is something normal in our countries. And
not- here, the police will quickly take you
away… It’s that- the problem is that it is a
different culture, you see. The problem with
Latinx folx is that they always want to party.
To be at parties. Latinx always have them to
drink. It can be a birthday, or it can be
someone’s baptism. There’s always
something! The Latinx is always partying.

Similarly, Martin described:

Si, usted sabe que los sábados hay que ir a Yes, you know that on Saturdays, you have to
darse “un ride", como dicen ellos. O a una go for “a ride”- like they say. Or go to a party,
fiesta, un cumpleaños. Porque nosotros los a birthday. Because us Hispanics are party
hispanos somos muchos para esas fiestas. Que people. If there is a birthday, they invite you.
un cumpleaños, que lo invita a uno. A los 15 To a 15-year-old’s birthday, when a child will
años, cuando el niño va a tener 3 años, 4 turn 3-years-old, 4-years-old. Children who
años. Los niños que van naciendo. Siempre are born. There’s always an excuse. To drink.
hay una excusa. Para tomar. Ves? Y cuando You see? And when you notice, I’ve seen it-
se dan cuenta, ya aquí lo he visto- lo he I’ve seen it. They then don’t get up on
visto. El día lunes ya no van porque Monday because they are hungover.

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 amanecen con el “estar de goma”, como dicen
aquí, verdad.

Machismo is another aspect of Latinx culture that one participant felt was a risk factor for

problematic alcohol use. Machismo is a Latin American cultural concept that being more

explored for it complexity in recent literature. Colbert (2019) discussed how the concept refers

to the Latin American idea of the male gender and the gender roles assigned to Latinx men

within various domains of Latin American life. Brusco (1995) asserts that machismo has both

positive and negative aspects. In this passage, David is referring to the negative aspects of

machismo that Brusco (1995) stated included hyper-masculinity, hyper-sexuality, aggression,

irresponsibility, and arrogance. David discusses machismo’s role with alcohol:

Pero la mayoría dicen que son derechos
porque son machos. Ajá. Porque son- porque
yo no le encuentro lógica a eso de qué, “Ah!
Yo tomo porque soy hombre!” Bueno, si así
te gusta tirar el dinero por el toilet. “Eso es tu
problema”, le digo. “Porque a mí me cuesta
ganar 1 dólar.”
But the majority say they have the right [to
drink] because they are macho. Yeah.
Because they are- because it doesn’t make
sense to me that they say, “Ah! I drink
because I’m a man!” Well, if you like to
throw your money into the toilet like that.
“That’s your problem”, I tell them. “Because
it takes a lot for me to earn $1.”

One’s workplace culture and its norms around alcohol was also identified by a participant

to be a risk factor for problematic alcohol use. Jose shared how there are some workplaces

where it is normal to drink alcohol while working. Jose expressed that he felt it was different for

workers to drink one beer while working versus workers sitting down together to drink more

than that one beer. He expressed:

O también he visto que mucha gente utiliza
esto de que al trabajo llevan bebidas.
Entonces por eso le digo que el ambiente del
trabajo también puede influir. Sí hay una
costumbre que los compañeros toman, lleva
alcohol ahí entonces es difícil. Porque hay
Oh, I have also seen that people bring
alcoholic drinks to work. So, that is why I say
that workplace culture can also be an
influence. There is a norm that coworkers
drink, they bring alcohol there so it is
difficult. Because there are people who get

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 gente que se acostumbra a eso. Y, como le
digo, para mí es normal si llevamos una
cerveza. Eso está bien. Pero así que nos
vamos a sentar a tomar, eso es mal. Eso es
mal para la persona.
used to that. And, like I tell you, it’s normal
for me if we bring one beer. That is okay. But
it is bad to sit down and drink. That is bad for
the person.

Another participant shared that workplace culture also includes the contractor’s treatment of day

laborers. Francisco expressed that he felt poor treatment by contractors, as well as the

contractor’s own drinking, is a risk factor for day laborers’ alcohol use. He expressed:

El problema de que no hayas tomado alcohol,
pero tu estas agitado, estas asoleado. Viene el
patrón y te grita, y el trabajador está
trabajando bien. Pero como viene el patrón- y
los patrones también andan miedo tomados-
vienen y se toman su cerveza en tiempo de
calor. Allí viene los problemas y los sistemas
en que el patrón viene gritando. El trabajador
está trabajando, pero viene y le están
gritando… Aunque él no tenga problemas de
alcohol, pero como el patrón viene con una
copa de alcohol, viene acelerado. Los
problemas que él tiene en su casa, lo quiere
compartir con el trabajador. Y no es así.
The problem isn’t that you’ve had alcohol,
but you are agitated, you are isolated. The
contractor comes and yells at you, but the day
laborer is working well. But like how the
contractor- the contractors are also a little
drunk- they come and drink their beer during
hot days. There’s where the problems start
and the systems in which the contractor
comes yelling. The day laborer is working,
but [the contractor] comes and yells at them…
Even if he doesn’t have alcohol problems, but
the contractor comes with a glass of alcohol
and comes with a lot of stress. The problems
that he has at home, he wants to share it with
the day laborer. And it shouldn’t be like that.

Participants also shares how that loneliness is a common experience that may lead to day

laborers drinking alcohol. For instance, Edwin shared how loneliness and missing his family had

led him- and other day laborers he knew- to drink:

El problema es, que mire. Como aquí no- ósea The problem is- look. Like here there isn’t-
algunos porque le hace falta la familia. Y like some do because they miss their family.
están en El Salvador o en Honduras o Costa And they are in El Salvador, or in Honduras,
Rica. Y entonces no sé. Será por la soledad. or in Costa Rica. So, I don’t know. It could be
Porque por eso yo bebía. Porque- me due to loneliness. That’s why I used to drink.
entiende? Es otro ambiente. Entonces por eso Because- you see? It’s another environment.
es porque la gente toma aquí alcohol. Porque So that is why people drink alcohol here. To-
para- digamos los problemas un poco se because let’s say that problems may appear
aparecen y claro eso lo hemos hecho en and, sure, we have done that at times. Because

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 momentos. Pero la gente se siente bien. it makes people feel good. Imagine, there are
Imagínese, hay muchos solos aquí sin familia. so many here alone, without their families.

Several participants also discussed the loneliness of having been abandoned by their family.

Several discussed stories that included someone’s wife moving on with her life or dating, rather

than wait for her husband to come back:

La soledad. Algunos que yo conozco vea. Es
que tienen la esposa allá- y la lo han dejado,
como le digo. Y a veces el hermano, la mama
los llama, “Mire, su jefa está con otro.”
Porque tal vez porque uno se queda aquí unos
5, 6 años. Qué sé yo. Y la mujer la deja sola.
Y ahí este- lo deja... Por eso aquí empiezan a
tomar. Que la mujer lo dejó. Que sus hijos y
todo.
Loneliness. Like some people who I know.
That they have their wife over there- and they
have left them. Sometimes their brother or
mother will call them and say, “Look, your
wife is with another man.” Because
sometimes one stays here for 5, 6 years, I
don’t know. And they leave their wife alone.
And so then, she leaves them… That is why
some start to drink here. Because the woman
left them. And their children leave and
everything.

Some participants also discussed how the drastic transition of living and working in this

country can bring about a sense of worthlessness that may lead one to drink alcohol. David, for

example, discussed in his interview how difficult it was to come to the U.S. and be a day laborer

after having worked at a company in his country-of-origin. He plainly stated:

Yo allá era alguien y yo acá no era nadie. I was somebody there and, here, I am nobody.

Alberto also shared how this sense of worthlessness is not only an internal experience, but one

that is internalized when explicitly told by others that he and other day laborers do not have

worth in the U.S. He expressed:

Eso es lo que le lleva a emborracharse- a uno
esos problemas que uno se dice, “Yo no soy
nada, yo soy basura.” Entonces alguien le
dice, “Tú no eres nada en este país.” “A
qué has venido?” A mí me dijo un italiano-
That is what brings people to get drunk- to
one, these problems get one to say, “I am
nobody, I am garbage.” And so, someone tells
[day laborers], “You are a nobody in this
country.” “Why are you here?” An Italian told
me, he would tell me, “If you don’t know

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 me decía, “Si no sabes nada, porqué vienes a anything, why did you come to this country?
este país? Ándate pa’ su país.” Go back to your country.”

Alberto also shared how he had initially came to the U.S. to be his own boss, rather than a day

laborer. Although he had studied to become and worked as a mechanic in his country-of-origin,

Alberto stated that he was unable to become his own boss due to lacking English language skills.

He shared that he was a “nobody” because he did not have these language skills:

Pero fija, que como no podía el idioma, no era But see, because I couldn’t with the language,
nada. Aquí en este país no era nada. I was nothing. I was nothing in this country.

Participants discussed how all of the difficulties faced in a day laborers life, whether it

was loneliness, racism, wage theft, or not speaking English well, would lead one to find refuge in

alcohol. Martin stated how he felt that day laborers find refuge in alcohol as a way to escape

their own realities. David expressed similarly, expressing that while he did not understand why

people use alcohol as a way to cope, he has seen that this is the experience of others:

Se refugian en el alcohol. Ósea y se lo toman
así como un refugio. En mi pensar, es la
manera más tonta de pensar. Que refugiarnos
en el alcohol va a solucionar los problemas…
A mí pensar, yo creo para que te refugias en
el alcohol… el estrés del trabajo yo he tenido
bastante no- como le dijo- yo no he tenido la
necesidad de andar tomando el alcohol. Cómo
le digo, para desestresarse. Yo pienso que es
algo- no sé, algo tonto. Que tomar solo por el
estrés.
They find refuge in alcohol. Like they see it
as a refuge. In my opinion, it is the dumbest
thing to think of. That finding refuge in
alcohol will solve the problems… In my
mind, I believe that for you to find refuge in
alcohol… I’ve had a lot of work stress, right-
like I tell you- I’ve never had the necessity to
drink alcohol. To like de-stress. I think that
it’s- I don’t know, something dumb. To drink
only because of stress.

Some participants identified the price of alcohol to be another important risk factor for

problematic drinking among Latinx day laborers. Both Martin and Alberto shared how the price

of alcohol is significantly cheaper in the U.S. compared to their country-of-origin. Martin said:

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 Y porque también que aquí el licor es barato. And because liquor is cheaper here. Beers.
Las cervezas. Todo eso es barato. Sí, es bien Everything is cheap. Yes, it is really cheap.
barato. Porque hay cervezas aquí que vale 1 Because there are beers here that cost $1.25, I
dólar 25 creo. think.

Alberto shared how his problems worsened when he arrived to the U.S. due to how much

cheaper alcohol was for him. Although he was also a day laborer in El Salvador, he could not

afford alcohol as much as he is able to in the U.S.:

Yo con 100 dólares, yo agarraba de esos
carretillas que tienen ahí. Los traía llenito con
100 dólares. Eso era mi agua del tiempo
porque aquí son baratos las cervezas. Ahí en
El Salvador cuando quería tomar, en
El Salvador no tenía dinero para comprar
eso. Entonces quería ahogarme, me entiendes
vea? Porque tenía dinero.
With $100, I would grab the shopping carts
that were there. I would have them
completely filled with $100. That was my
water at the time because beer is so cheap
here. When I wanted to drink in El Salvador, I
did not have the money to buy them in El
Salvador. So, I wanted to drown myself in it,
you see? Because I had the money.

Finally, participants shared about how one’s social group can negatively impact one’s

alcohol use. Both David and Edwin discussed how day laborers may experience peer pressure to

drink at social events. David expressed how he will avoid gatherings to prevent any peer

pressure to drink more than he wants to (e.g. others yelling at him). He added that he would only

attend social gatherings with friends that he already knows have similar drinking habits to him.

Edwin shared how his social circle would make him relapse in the past when he had wanted to

change his drinking behaviors. He shared how his friends would coax him to drink again:

Yo siempre duraba poco. Yo siempre recaía
por la mala vía. “Que siempre- que
se echaste- es una, que el otro que –mira- que
por aquí por acá bueno”. Porque a mí me
convencía a uno seguir la mala línea.
I would always last very little. I would always
fall back to the bad side. “That you- that you
threw back [a drink]- it’s just one [drink], and
another- look- and so on.” Because they
would always convince me to follow that bad
path.

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Jose also shared how there was a day laborer he knew with problematic drinking and how this

person’s friends would influence his drinking. Jose shared what advice he had given this person:

Yo les digo, “Mira su vida. Qué está
haciendo?” Tiene tanto tiempo viviendo acá y
está como una persona que tiene un mes de
haber llegado. Cuando uno viene de su país,
viene sin nada. Indignada. No conocen nada.
Entonces yo le digo de qué trata de cambiar
su ambiente. De las amistades que tiene que
son las mismas como él. Usted sabe huir de
eso. De esos tipos de personas que usted se
lleve… La gente a su alrededor influye.
I would tell them, “Look at your life. What
are you doing?” Having so much time living
over here and being like a person who had
just arrived 1 month ago. When one comes
from one’s country, one comes with nothing.
Indignant. Not knowing anyone. So, I tell him
to try to change his environment. The
friendships he has that are just like him. You
know how to leave that. Those types of
people who lead you to… The people around
you are an influence.

Protective factors. All participants were asked what they felt were the things in the life

experiences of day laborers that they felt could prevent problematic alcohol use in the

community. Four of the six participants named family as a major protective factor against

alcohol use for day laborers in the U.S. Jose expressed that aside from one’s work environment,

“family is fundamental” in preventing alcohol use problems in the community. David also

expressed that his family was the reason he was able to overcome the difficulties he faced as a

day laborer. He shared how, whenever he cried, he would think of his daughter and remember to

take care of himself so that she would not suffer. Francisco and Martin both discussed how the

financial obligation to their families was a driving force in their life and they both also felt this

was the case for helping other day laborers cope with daily life stressors. Francisco discussed

how he would remind himself that his family depends on him and that day laborers need to

remember their families, rather than focus on contractors’ treatment towards them.

Martin expressed how focusing on his family’s stability and sending regular payments to

them in Costa Rica was his main motivator:

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 Y siempre es como pensando en mi familia…
Todo lo que yo ganaba eso ya estaba
comprometido fíjate. Ya sabíamos que cada
15 días, teníamos que mandarles ese dinero.
Había que mandarlo para pagar la casa pues.
And I’ve always thought of my family…
Everything I earned was accounted for. I
knew that every 15 days, I had to send them
that money. I had to send it so they could pay
for the house.

Martin shared how this dedication to providing for his family resulted in that the money he made

as a day laborer bought a house for his family in Costa Rica. He shared how, although he has

only seen this house via photos, the house being for his family was source of pride for him.

Martin expressed how he had also heard how one’s love for family had also helped day laborers

he knew to change their problematic drinking behaviors. He also added that this is not always

the case for everyone:

Y a veces algunos dejan de tomar por el amor
de la familia verdad. Pero hay otros que
no. Se van y que se fue, se dejan. Y después
la señora sale con otro. Hasta yo conozco un
muchacho en [nombre de pueblo] que cuenta
que la señora lo dejó, pero él se metió
alcohólico. Y se quedó alcohólico.
And sometimes some stop drinking due to
love for their family. But there are others who
don’t. They go and go, they let themselves go.
And later, their wife starts dating someone
else. I even know a guy in [name of town]
who told me that his wife left him, but he had
become an alcoholic. And he stayed an
alcoholic.

Edwin, on the other hand, expressed that he did not think anything other than going to

Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) or one’s religion- particularly Christianity- could help prevent

problematic drinking among day laborers. Surprisingly, Edwin was the only participant who

mentioned Christianity to be a preventative factor for alcohol use. He shared:

No, yo creo que no hay. A menos que vaya a
Alcohólico Anónimo. O si sea cristiano. No
hay para eso. La iglesia ayuda bastante. Sí, a
la iglesia evangélica ayuda bastante... A uno
le va dejando ya la mala “gradilla” y- y ya
poco a poco va dejando.
No, I don’t think there is anything. Unless
someone goes to Alcoholics Anonymous. Or
if they are Christian. There isn’t anything
[else] for that. The church helps a lot. Yes, the
evangelical church helps a lot… One will start
leaving the wrong path and- and little by little,
they will leave it.

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 Discussion of the strength of one’s willpower also arose in participants’ interviews. Jose

was especially adamant about the power of a person’s agency in changing their alcohol use. He

shared how he felt that the most powerful vehicle for change is a person’s own desire to change

his behaviors. He emphasized that no matter how much someone may help, the person will not

change without their own will to change:

No importa si en algún momento no tiene It doesn’t matter if someone doesn’t have

trabajo. No importa si está enfermo. Si existe
la fuerza de la voluntad para hacerlo, esa
persona lo hace. Esa persona lo hace… Pero
si la persona no tiene voluntad, nada va a
hacer. Las personas que han salido de los
vicios es por su propia voluntad.
work for a time. It doesn’t matter is someone
is sick. If there exists the will to do it, that
person will be able to accomplish it. That
person will do it… But if that person does not
have that desire, they will not do anything.
The reason people have come out of their
vices is due to their willpower.

Edwin’s account of his own past relationship with alcohol mirrors Jose’s words. After several

arrests for public intoxication, Edwin expressed that he was finally able to change his

problematic alcohol use due to his own internal power:

Entonces hay que tener una- como una fuerza
de voluntad… Entonces desde allí yo dije que
eso no era- no era vida. Y yo lo dejé así
nomás. Por fuerza de voluntad… Claro, que
es difícil! Los primeros 3 meses es difícil,
pero sí ya hizo- ya hizo- hoy una- “Ya tuvo
valor de hacerlo. Para que recaer?”
So, one needs to have a- like the willpower…
From there I told myself that this was not- not
a life. And I stopped [drinking] just like that.
Due to my willpower… Of course, it is
difficult! The first 3 months are difficult, but I
now have- now have- today a- “I already had
the courage to do it. Why relapse again?”

Three participants also pointed to control being an important protective factor in one’s

alcohol use. Jose, David, and Francisco all discussed control in terms of a person needing to

know their limits with alcohol or setting boundaries for how much they will drink, and

maintaining these boundaries with oneself. Jose provided the example of how he sets and

maintains his limits with his alcohol consumption, noting he pays attention to the signs in his

body that tell him that the alcohol is beginning to affect his senses:

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 Para mí, es de que- yo me tomo dos, tres For me, it’s that- I will drink two, three drinks
tragos y hoy ya siento la diferencia. Entonces and today I already would feel the difference.
yo ya digo que no más, no voy a seguir So, I now say “no more”, “I am not going to
porque si sigo tomando, lo que voy a hacer- lo continue drinking” because if I keep drinking,
que voy a hacer es a arruinar el momento para what I’m going to do- what I’m going to do is
las personas. Un límite. Saber que hasta ruin the moment for others. A limit. To know
cuando usted ya- usted siente cuando su your limits- you can tell when your mind
mente ya empieza a cambiar. begins to change.

Francisco also added that one’s intentions for drinking alcohol is important in one’s control over

their alcohol use:

Lo consumen el alcohol para relajarse de lo
que le ha pasado en el día con el patrón. Ellos
vienen y los consumen, pero no es para
relajarse. No. Es para quitar ese estrés. Pero
hay unos que no lo toman así para relajarse, si
no a unos que toman en exceso hasta llegar a
empezar a buscar los problemas porque lo
regañaron el patrón. El vino y se tomó su
cerveza- y se la toma, pero es para buscar
problema. No es para relajarse… El único
sistema para no caer en problemas es no
acelera a tomar alcohol.
They drink alcohol to relax after what has
happened during the day with a boss. They
come and drink, but not to relax. No. It is to
take away the stress. But there are some who
do not drink like that to relax, there are some
who drink excessively until they start to look
for problems because a contractor yelled at
them. He came and drank his beer- and he
drinks it, but it is to look for problems. Not
for relaxation… The only way to not fall into
problems is to not drink alcohol in excess.

In this passage, Francisco remarked that it is important to drink alcohol to relax and socially

gather with others, but that using alcohol as a way to destress from one’s life problems will lead

to a continuous cycle of creating more problems for a day laborer

Personal stories of alcohol use. Participants shared about their experiences with alcohol

use. Participants reported a range of experiences with alcohol use, where participants expressed

never having any issues with their alcohol consumption, some expressing they drink

“moderately”, one who shared of past problematic alcohol use, and a final participant who shared

having had a history of problematic drinking that was exacerbated when he moved to the U.S.

Martin shared that he does not have a history of problematic alcohol use, but also make the

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decision 19 years ago to not drink alcohol anymore. He shared how he made this decision to

take care of his health with his daughters in mind:

Pero algunos compañeros los veo que no- no
no- no hacen eso. Ósea como lo que yo hice.
Pero no es que yo hice lo correcto, pero
digamos que yo practiqué esa forma de no de
no entrar a un vicio así de... de tomar mi
cervecita, sí me ha perdido. Pero uno, dos y
me acostaba. Pero dejé de- dejé eso ya hace
19 años. No volví a tomar porque vi que no
era- me hacía daño. Venía y amanecía mal.
De pelado. Y- y vi que no era- no era- no.
(risa) Yo sé que eso no era para mí. Y así me
mantuve.
But there are some coworkers I see that don’t-
don’t do that. The way that I did it. I’m not
saying that it’s the right way, but let’s say that
I used this way to not enter a vice like that… I
have gotten drunk after drinking beer. But
after one or two, I would go to bed. But I
stopped- stopped that 19 years ago. I didn’t
drink again because I saw that it wasn’t- It
was damaging for me. I would go and wake
up sick. Hungover. And- and I saw that it
wasn’t- it wasn’t- no. (laughs) I knew that
wasn’t for me. And, like that, I kept at it.

David also shared more about his intentions with drinking alcohol and his definition of what

drinking “moderately” means for him:

Yo tomo moderadamente. Bueno, I drink moderately. Well, moderately is that

moderadamente es las personas que tal vez
disfrutan el momento. Yo pienso tomarse una
cerveza es para disfrutarla. No para
excederse. No para tomar una tras otra. Ósea
tú tienes algo para que disfrutas. Bueno, yo
pienso que puede ser. Yo me pongo a tomar
tal vez con un compañero qué se yo, no.
Disfruta el momento. Porque uno no tiene que
estar cayéndose borracho. Estando borracho
ni siquiera puede disfrutar. Yo no soy una de
esas personas.
people enjoy the moment. I think drinking a
beer is to enjoy it. Not to exceed the amount.
It isn’t for drinking one after another. Like,
it’s something for you to enjoy. Well, that’s
what I think it could be. I will drink with a
friend, right. To enjoy the moment. Because
one doesn’t need to be falling over drunk.
You can’t even have fun while drunk. I am
not one of those people.

David shared how his experience has been to drink socially and to be able to enjoy the present.

Whereas, drinking to the point of being drunk is something he feels does not allow one to do so.

Edwin, on the other hand, discussed how his past problematic drinking was not to enjoy- but to

forget. Although he did not provide many details about his past drinking, he shared his process

of thinking about his alcohol use over time:

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 Vea, el problema es que yo tomaba también.
Alcohol. Y eso le ayuda a uno más o menos a-
a olvidar -me entiende- un poco el- el duro
trabajo qué ha hecho. Pero gracias a Dios yo
ya tengo bastantes años de no- de no ingerir
alcohol. Me entiende? También que fue que
me aburrió también porque dije, “Eso no me
va a dar nada bueno”.
Look, the problem is that I used to drink too.
Alcohol. And that helps one kind of forget-
you see- a little bit of- of the difficult work
that I had done. But thank God that I know
have many years of not- of not ingesting
alcohol. You understand? It was also because
I also got bored because I told myself, “This
isn’t going to do me any good.”

Alberto, on the other hand, was the only participant who disclosed both historically and

currently having alcohol use concerns. He shared that growing up, he identified both his parents

as having been alcoholics. He shared that he began drinking from a young age, as he found that

it helped his confidence to flirt with girls he was interested in. In the following passage, he

shared how his alcohol use worsened upon arriving to the U.S. and how it impacted his life:

Ahora más o menos, estos días platicando con These days, I have been talking to someone- I
alguien- yo he sido borracho- así borrachito have been a drunk- like a lost drunk. I have
perdido. Tomo desde los 12 años y ya tengo been drinking since I was 12-years-old and I
50 años y no he dejado de tomar todavía pero am now 50-years-old and I have not stopped
ahora he parado un poco. Porque los doctores drinking but, now, I have slowed it a little.
me han dicho si sigo tomando como tomaba Because the doctors have told me that if
antes, me puedo morir. Aja. Pero el alcohol ha continue to drink like I did before, I could die.
sido un problema para mí en este país porque Yup. But alcohol has been a problem for me
aquí alguien le puede dar para comprar in this country because, here, someone can
comida, pero para comprar el alcohol- hasta give you money to buy food but to buy
se lo regala. alcohol- someone will even give it to you for
free.

Alberto expressed how medical providers were concerned about his alcohol consumption and

how continuing to drink in the way he had could be fatal for him. In the following excerpt,

Alberto provides more details as to how dangerous his alcohol use came to be for him:

Me llevaron a un hospital 3 veces este- como
le digo? En shock o porque uno se cae el
piso y ya no aguanta el alcohol en la
sangre. Me llevaron 3 veces al
hospital. Y cuando me pusieron el suero, lo
que corría por mis venas ya no era sangre.
They took me to a hospital 3 times um- how
do I say this? In shock or when one falls to
the ground and no longer can take the amount
of alcohol in the bloodstream. They took me
to the hospital 3 times. And when they put the

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 IV in me, what ran through my veins was no
longer blood.

Alberto expressed shock in the moment when he recalled the moment where he realized how

much alcohol had been in his system. He noted that this was a moment in his life where he was

faced with the seriousness of his relationship with alcohol.

Personal and community perspectives. Participants shared community and personal

perceptions of problematic alcohol use and its impact. Participants shared a variety of different

perspectives on alcohol use, from discussing problematic drinking as a sickness, how it affects

one’s life and behaviors, judgments, and impressions related to changing alcohol drinking

behaviors. Martin shared how he has attended AA meetings to socialize and support others.

Through this experience, he shared how he sees problematic drinking as a sickness rather than a

vice or bad habit. He added that he feels that problematic substance use may begin as a habit and

develop as a vice before a sickness. Edwin shared a similar view in seeing problematic drinking

as a sickness and then discussed how it comes to impact the body through continuous use:

Cómo le digo- el alcohol es una enfermedad.
Que el alcohol es una enfermedad y que es
progresiva. Entonces cuando el cuerpo está
alcoholizado, ya es muy difícil que deje de
tomar. Y ya la sangre está alcoholizada… Sea
difícil, sí. Como le vuelvo a repetir, es difícil
pero no imposible. Porque yo lo hice.
Like I tell you- alcohol is a sickness. Alcohol
is a sickness and it is progressive. When the
body is used to alcohol, it is then very
difficult to stop drinking. And the blood
already has alcohol in it… It is difficult, yes.
Like I tell you, it is difficult but not
impossible [to change]. Because I did it.

Edwin referred to his past alcohol use and how the body comes to develop a tolerance for

alcohol, as well as withdrawal that may make it very difficult to change one’s drinking.

Jose, on the other hand, described problematic alcohol use as a problem in the person.

He expressed that drinking alcohol is to drink socially. In his experience, Jose shared having

found that those who drink excessively look for problems and when one attempts to talk to them

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about their usage, he feels one does not listen and apply the advice given to their lives. He

expressed how he does not feel one’s life situations are what leads people to engage in

problematic drinking, but the problem lies in the person “liking this vicio (vice)”:

Eh mire. Los vicios son porque la gente le
gusta. Si uno dice por soledad, porque
muchos trabajadores le dicen la palabra que,
“Oh me siento solo, por eso tomo.” No. Es
mentira. Porque le gusta. Me entiende?
Porque a uno le gusta. Sí, yo le digo- tómese
un trago. Tómese un trago por para relajar.
Tal vez el día fue bastante trabajo, eso está
bien. Usted se relaja con un trago. Está bien.
Está- porque es- salió de una reunión, y se
tome una cerveza. Está bueno. Pero cuando
alguien habla porque se siente solo, que por
diferentes razones. De porque no le entiende
la gente. Este para mí, eso es una excusa del
vicio. Y es algo personal. No es la situación.
La situación uno se la hace.
Um look. Vices are because people like them.
If one says its due to loneliness, because there
are many day laborers who say, “Oh, I feel
alone. That’s why I drink.” No. That’s a lie.
Because they like it. You see? Because one
likes it. Yes, I tell you- have a drink. Have a
drink to relax. Maybe there was a lot of work
that day, that’s okay. You can relax with a
drink. It’s okay. It’s- because it- you came out
of a meeting and you drink a beer. That’s
okay. But when someone says that they feel
alone, or for other reasons. Because I don’t
understand people. To me, that is just an
excuse for the vice. It’s something personal. It
isn’t the situation. You create the problem for
yourself.

Participants had opinions on how they feel alcohol impacts one’s behavior and general

life/well-being. Jose shared about how he felt problematic drinking impacted people’s behaviors

by causing them to speak about the problems in their life when would not do so sober, as well as

cause people to fixate on the past and not the future. Both David and Edwin discussed how

alcohol can make one turn violent, where police may need to be involved. Edwin shared how he

had seen people turn to insults and “transforms” even the most passive into a more aggressive

person. Edwin shared his own experiences when he used to have problems with his alcohol use,

where he had even been arrested due to public intoxication and getting into physical fights on the

streets when under the influence of alcohol.

Alberto also identified how problematic drinking has personally affected him. He

identified the financial impact of drinking and his physical health, including the hospitalizations

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and also mentioned that he felt that the alcohol has also affected a part of his brain from

excessive alcohol use. Martin shared the shock of seeing people with problematic drinking and

the physical symptoms they exhibited, such as people’s body shaking from withdrawal, as a

result of their use:

Yo he visto mucho y yo hablo con I have seen much and I speak to them.
ellos. Ósea a veces yo le doy- los veo que se Sometimes I give them- I see that they are
están muriendo. Con una tembladera que dying. Seeing their body shake so much that
andan que me- como de nervios. they are- something like nerves.

Discussion around the effects of alcohol use were seriously discussed by all participants.

Both Alberto and Martin shared how they have seen problematic alcohol use lead to death within

the day laborer community. Alberto shared how he has seen many day laborers die from their

alcohol use in his community, estimating that he had heard of ten day laborers’ deaths.

Similarly, Martin shared stories of two people he knew who lived in “El Monte”, a tent city near

the local train station where some day laborers live, who were of different age groups but ended

up neglecting their work duties due to drinking, falling into alcohol-induced comas, and

eventually dying in El Monte.

Martin, along with David and Martin, also discussed how they have seen how day

laborers with problematic alcohol use are more likely to be deported. For instance, David spoke

about his experience from a friend:

Yo tengo un amigo que ya lo deportaron
apenas que tenía ese problema. Lo más que lo
ayudaron- Le dieron tratamientos por
aquí. Salió y llego al mismo sitio aquí, y
volvió a lo mismo. Y adonde
terminó? Devuelto a su país.
I have a friend that they deported as soon as
he had that problem. No matter how much
they helped him- He was in treatment here.
He got out and arrived to the same location
here, and he relapsed. And where did he end
up? Back in his country.

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These three participants discussed how they had seen day laborers continuously get into trouble

with the police for offenses like public intoxication or crimes. For instance, a coworker who had

gotten in trouble with the law for breaking into a bodega to steal wine and beer. Martin

expressed that police officers may get so frustrated with day laborers who get arrested for the

same offenses, that these day laborers get deported after being arrested several times:

Porque aquí había mucho- mucho y hay Because here there were many- many and
actualmente como unos 5. Que andan ahí now there are about five. That are suffering.
sufriendo. De tomar. Y hay muchos que los From drinking. And there are many that have
han regresado, deportado. La policía los been returned, deported. The police detain
detiene. Los cuándo- los encuentran tal vez them. When- maybe when they find that they
haciendo algo ahí ósea como orinándose ahí are doing something like urinating there on
en la calle, en la estación de tren. La policía lo the street, at the train station. The police arrest
arresta. Y los lleva y los vuelven a agarrar 4 them. They take them and then they catch
días después. Los vuelve arrestar. Se aburren them again 4 days later. They arrest them
y los deporta. Y este año han deportado uno 5, again. They get bored and deport them. This
6. Si. year, they have deported around 5 or 6. Yes.

Alberto, who has had a history of problematic drinking, disclosed how negatively he has

heard the general community make judgments about those suffering with alcohol use disorders.

He shared that he has heard the word “vicio” (vice) being used often within both the day laborer

community and general community to describe people with problematic drinking. In response to

the alcohol-related deaths of day laborers, Alberto expressed that there is commentary that is a

mixture of sadness, pity, and condemnation. The passage below depicts how Alberto described

how there is a moral judgment against those who drink alcohol:

Y varios lloran y comentarios dicen que “no
hubiera tomado”, “si no hubiera tomado, no
diera problemas si no consumiera”. Otros
dicen, “mejor que se mueren, que se
ahoguen”. Como diferentes comentarios. Ajá.
La verdad es que cuando uno es borracho, los
comentarios que suceden “al borracho ni a su
familia le quiere”. Que “el borracho roba, se
pone a fumar, que el borracho este- no
And many cry and make comments like “If
they only didn’t drink”, “If they didn’t drink,
there wouldn’t be any problems if they didn’t
consume alcohol”. Other say, “It’s better that
they die, may they drown in the alcohol.”
Like different comments. Yeah. The truth is
that when one is a drunk, the comments that
arise are, “A drunk doesn’t even love their
family.” That “drunks steal, smoke, and a

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 respeta, mal educado, mal hablado”. Hay drunk doesn’t respect others, they are poorly
bastantes cosas que la gente dice. educated, they speak poorly.” People say a lot
of things.

Alberto expressed how this type of harsh commentary is unhelpful for him to hear, as there is a

lack of empathy and concern from the community towards a serious issue.

Finally, David and Francisco shared their views of what one can do to cope or destress

without alcohol. David shared his own self-care strategies, which he stated includes listening to

classical music and journaling about his experiences. Francisco suggested leaving what

happened at work to the side and focusing on being present with the family by eating with and

speaking to them. He also encouraged other day laborers to seek advice from elders, which is

something he stated has always been helpful for him:

La gente grande les da consejos a unos para
que uno no caiga de cuestiones- que no caer
en problemas en relación del alcohol. Eso es
el máximo. Son gente que han trabajado para
otra gente, pero ellos me han dado consejos
cuando te metes con una persona, que no te
metes en problemas. “Tu trabaja, tu échale
adelante.” Eso me ha dicho la gente grande
que han sido trabajadores de otra gente.
Elders give advice to others so that one will
not fall into- not fall into problems related to
alcohol. That is the best. They are people who
have worked for other people, but they have
given me advice on who to develop
relationships with so that you don’t get into
problems. “Keep working, keep moving
forward”. That is what elders have told me
who have also been day laborers.

Theme 4: Culturally Sensitive Services and Community Resources

This theme encompasses participants’ responses to how they perceive community

conversations on alcohol use and mental health, culturally sensitive resources, and alcohol- and

day laborer-specific resources in the community. Participants also offered their suggestions for

how the community can better care for the well-being of Latinx day laborers.

Community conversations. A common topic among the participants was how there is

generally no conversation within the day laborer community and larger general community about

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alcohol concerns- especially problematic drinking among day laborers. Francisco was the only

participant who identified having conversations about alcohol use with his fellow day laborer

friends. He expressed that he and his friends frequently discuss these topics and, while none

have had issues with their alcohol consumption, they set their limits (e.g. 3 beers in a night) and

share these limits with one another. On the other hand, other participants like Edwin and David,

expressed that day laborers do not talk about problematic drinking with one another due to this

being a vicio or a taboo that cannot be voiced. Edwin affirmed that his experience has been that

the day laborer community does not speak about problematic drink, but that he has also heard

people with alcohol use concerns often say “That’s it. This isn’t a life. I will stop drinking

someday.” David was more incredulous about day laborers having conversations about alcohol

use due to him feeling people who drink in a problematic manner do not tend to have awareness

of their drinking:

Es que- digamos que estamos hablando entre
borrachos, nunca van a decir “yo tengo un
problema”… Tal vez porque está bien que no
están en algo bueno. Que no están en lo
correcto. También no quieren darse cuenta de
que tienen un problema.
It’s that- you know, among drunks, they will
never say “I have a problem”… Maybe
because it’s okay that they aren’t doing
something good. That they aren’t correct.
Also, that they don’t want to recognize that
they have a problem.

In regards to the general community, it was discussed that these conversations do not

happen often and, when they do, they are unhelpful. Jose and Alberto both expressed frustration

at how the general community discusses this topic. Jose shared that he felt these conversations

are not taken seriously by the community and by the person with problematic drinking. He also

expressed that cultural norms within the Latinx community’s style of communication is to not

discuss one’s feelings in regards to these topics:

Tal vez sí se habla, pero cuando uno va a la Maybe it is talked about, but only when one
reunión de la escuela. Pero dentro de acá de la goes to school meetings. But within one’s

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 comunidad de uno- digamos la comunidad de community- let’s say our community, no.
uno, no. Porque tenemos, como le digo, Because we have, like I tell you, our culture is
nuestra cultura es esa de que usted siente algo, that if someone feels something, they do not
y no lo dice. Estamos mirando que hay- que voice it. We are seeing that there are- there is
alguien está haciendo algo mal, pero a nadie someone who is doing something bad, but we
le decimos. Sólo nos enojamos y hablamos, don’t tell anyone. We only get mad and
pero no en frente de uno le decimos que está speak, but we don’t say to the person directly
mala, que está mal, que no sea así. Entonces that they are doing something wrong and to
eso es bastante el problema que hay aquí. not do it. So, that is the big problem here.

Alberto, on the other hand, expressed that he has often heard community members directly talk

about individuals with alcohol use concerns and that the harsh judgments community members

make are unhelpful. He stated that he has heard community members, including members of the

day laborer community, make assumptions that day laborers with problematic drinking smoke

marijuana, urinate in public, lack personal hygiene, and do not pay their bills.

Alberto, along with several other participants, discussed how the community does not

know how to properly help individuals with problematic alcohol use. Participants shared how

community and family members lack patience and, rather than provide advice, they often get

upset and insult with those who drink. Participants noted how they also felt that community

members lack interest in this topic unless a family member is directly involved. Alberto shared

his experience with community members not knowing how to help him with his alcohol use:

Bueno, el problema es que para en la
comunidad, nadie ayuda. Te invitan a tomarse
un trago! Mira, no le dan de comida, pero los
invitan a tomar. Si llega uno que con un poco
de- ósea en el caso mío que andaba con frío, a
mí me han ofrecido tragos. Yo le digo, “No.
Yo no tomo”, le digo. Y después yo me hago
el bravo. Para que no ofrezcan más. Pero
nadie- nadie le dice, “No tomes.” Te
invitan, más bien.
Well, the problem is that no one in the
community helps. They invite you to have a
drink! Look, they won’t give you food, but
they invite them to drink. If someone comes
with a little- or like in my case, when I was
cold, people have offered me alcohol. I tell
them, “No. I don’t drink”, I say. And then I
make myself look upset. So that they don’t
offer me more. But no one- no one tells you,
“Don’t drink”. They invite you [to drink]
instead.

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Jose also added that community members are not prepared for how to react when it comes to

mental health topics. He expressed that there should be more psychologists and counselors in the

mental health field available in the community to help people understand how to better respond

to those with alcohol use disorders:

Sí en eso, de pienso que- no sé si esto es
psicología también- lo que se
llama consejería. En esto pienso que debería a
ver más. Sí. Ósea para preparar las personas.
Como le digo, nosotros venimos- la mayoría
de personas que le hablo son las personas que
vienen de allá. Venimos sin conocimiento de
tantas cosas. Que no sabemos cómo actuar en
una situación.
On this topic, I think that- I don’t know if is
also psychology- what you call counseling. I
think that there should be more of this. Yes.
Like to prepare people. Like I tell you, we
come from- the majority of people that I am
talking about are people that come from over
there. We come here without knowing about
these things. We don’t know how to act in
this type of situation.

“Culturally sensitive” services. There was a general lack of full understanding of the

term “culturally sensitive” among participants, except for a few participants who recognized that

this indicated services that integrated aspects of their Latinx culture, religion, or food. One

participant expressed not believing that services could be fully culturally sensitive for different

Latinx communities. He highlighted that the Latinx community is not a monolith and, thus,

Latinx folx from different countries and geographical regions have distinct cultures from one

another that community services would not be able to fully attend to. Alberto expressed the

culturally sensitive services for day laborers did not exist in the community, expressing the

closest resource may be a local organization that helps more recently arrived day laborers.

Another participant, David, stated that he believed culturally sensitive services did exist in the

community, but did not have the knowledge of what services there are. He pointed to a local

church, but did not feel the services offered are specifically culturally sensitive:

Oh. Si. La verdad, yo sé que existe. Pero, Oh. Yes. The truth is that I know that they
como te digo, de ahí ya no sé si toman en exist. But, like I tell you, I don’t know if they
cuenta todo eso. Ahí sí te mentiría si te digo take into account all that. I’d lie to you if I

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 algo. Yo sé que existen, pero como te digo yo
no sé si toman en cuenta si eres hispano o no.
Como te digo, yo sé que dicen que te ayudan
en el [nombre de iglesia] que está en [nombre
de cuidad]. Pero de ahí, no sé. No sé nada
más.
said something. I know that they exist but,
like I tell you, I don’t know if they take into
account whether you are Hispanic or not. I
know that they help you in [name of church],
which is here in [name of city]. But from
there, I don’t know. I don’t know anything
else.

This lack of knowledge of resources was common among the participants of this study.

Not only in regards to services that are culturally sensitive for day laborers, but also lack of

knowledge of mental health services that could be accessed by day laborers and Latinx folx.

Many participants had never heard of mental health professionals within the community, nor had

known someone who had gone to seek counseling or psychological services. Some participants,

like Alberto, had knowledge of alcohol-specific resources like rehabilitation center or AA but not

of general mental health services that could be accessible. Alberto discussed how his framework

of thinking was that accessible psychological services do not exist due to the existing mental

health services not being free like AA and, thus, a barrier for the Latinx day laborer community.

Martin expressed similar thoughts that the only help for day laborers, particularly day laborers

with problematic alcohol use, was AA due to it being free and voluntary.

Several participants also discussed that there is generally a lack of resources for day

laborers in the community. Alberto expressed that the resources that did help day laborers in the

past no longer help the community as they did in the past. He expressed that a local organization

used to specifically help day laborers by helping them pay rent or run the day labor center, but

the center has been shut down for years and the services offered no longer specifically help the

day labor community but has shifted to help the general Latinx community. Furthermore, Edwin

expressed that there has not been a leader in the community to spearhead the creation of services

to help day laborers and, especially, day laborers who have problematic alcohol use.

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 Mental health, substance use, and day laborer-specific resources. All participants

shared their thoughts over mental health services, alcohol-specific resources, day laborer-specific

resources, and general community services that they know exist nearby. There were two

experiences that arose in conversation around mental health services. The first being that

participants expressed how mental health seeking is stigmatized in the community vs.

participants who expressed open appreciation of mental health counseling and the benefits it can

bring to a community. For instance, David shared that, although he had some experience with a

mental health professional from his work in Peru, mental health services and its existence in the

community is a taboo topic among people:

No sé. En mi trabajo ni siquiera ni de broma I don’t know. At work, we don’t talk about
se habla de eso. that- not even as a joke.

Meanwhile, Francisco discussed the importance of mental health services for a person, family,

and the general community, while also providing examples of where he has seen mental health

services being offered nearby:

Francisco: Hay un lugar que de digo que allí
está allí mismo en la iglesia está la consejería
que le ayuda a uno para salir adelante. Y ahí
mismo le aconsejan, le dicen. Hay tres locales
para dar consejos. Y hay un lugar allí mismo
que es como de terapista de los alcohólicos-
no es alcohólicos… Ese es lo más importante
de que les dan apoyo y uno se supere del todo
problema. Para la comunidad. Para todo. Es lo
más importante porque uno no está feliz. Hay
familias que no están feliz, ahora están feliz
gracias a Dios porque hay unos psicólogos
que están allí y algunas cosas. Para mí, eso es
el mejor.
I: Ok. Y siente también que respetan como la
cultura Latina?
F: Si, respetan a todo Latino y lo apoyan.
Moralmente lo apoyan… El que quiera venir
Francisco: There is a place that is right there
in the church where there is counseling that
they help you to move forward. And they
counsel you right there, they talk to you.
There are three places where they give you
advice. There is a place right there where
there is like a therapist for alcoholics- it isn’t
AA… That is the most important because
they support you and one is able to overcome
the entire problem. For the community. For
everything. It’s the most important thing
because one is not happy. There are families
who are unhappy who are now happy, thank
God, because there are some psychologists
there and some things. For, me that’s the best.
I: Ok. And do you feel that they also respect
the Latinx culture?
F: Yes, they respect all Latinxs and they

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 que quiere- “Mire, aquí no se pierde nada.
Aquí no le está cobrando, pidiendo dinero.
Sino que es estar unidos y estar este
agarrando consejos del psicólogo y para no
caer más allá.”
support them. They support one morally…
Whoever wishes to come- “Look, you don’t
lose anything here. They are not charging
here, asking for money. Only to be more
united and be taking advice from the
psychologist to not fall farther.”

As for alcohol-specific resources, the majority of participants discussed that AA is the

most common service- one participant claiming that AA in Spanish is available in every town.

Alberto also added there are no substance use rehabilitation centers that offer Spanish services

nearby, stating the closest one is located in the Bronx. Although he shared these services are

very helpful for day laborers with alcohol use concerns, they are far away:

Acá no hay, pero ahí por los lados del Bronx,
po’ lado de Hamptons eh- no. Hay algunos
lugares hay un poquito más lejos... Pero si
hay lugares. Cuando le agarran a uno la
policía o le detienen así policialmente pero no
ha cometido ninguna no sé- alguna grosería,
lo llevan a esos lugares lo llaman
“rehabilitación”… Lo agarran y lo detoxican
de todo el alcohol, lo tienen por 3 meses o 4
meses hasta que uno se porta bien. Lo educan
bien y ahí le mandan a la casa. Pues son
buenos. Son muy buenos. Ayudan bastante.
There isn’t anything here, except for locations
around the Bronx or by the Hamptons uh- no.
There are some places that are a bit farther…
But yes, there are places. When the police
catch someone or if someone is detained by
the police but they haven’t committed any-
like, I don’t know- any rudeness, they take
people to those places called
“rehabilitation”… They catch one and detox
them from all the alcohol. They have them for
3 months or 4 months until they behave. They
educate them well and then send them home.
They are good. They are very good. They
help a lot.

Jose’s words follow Alberto’s in that he stated knowing that a rehabilitation center for substance

use exists in Queens, but was unsure if anything was available on Long Island. He expressed

that while AA is helpful and abundant, he felt the rehabilitation centers are likely to help

someone much more to get out of the “vicio” (vice). He added that he felt these centers

especially help Latinx folx, as he reiterated feeling that the general Latinx community is the most

affect by problematic alcohol use.

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 Alberto discussed his experience of seeking alcohol-related counseling at a local

treatment center that provided outpatient mental health and substance use services. He was the

only participant to have spoken about this resource. He discussed what it was like to have been

mandated to group therapy and individual therapy at this location:

El [nombre de centro de tratamiento]. Ahí era
centro de ayuda para dejar de tomar. Ajá. Ahí
le ayudaban. Le han cambiado el nombre...
Cuando uno tenía problemas en el alcohol, en
el manejar, o al faltar el respeto a uno,
enfermo, a uno que toma. Entonces ahí lo
llevaban de castigo. Lo mandaban a 3 meses,
pero uno le dice cómo problemas sociales. Sí,
no era voluntario. Ósea del hospital lo
mandaban, o de la cárcel lo mandaban. Para
que lo llevaban ahí para que buscaron ayuda
porque ahí hay psicólogos y también creo que
hay enfermeras adentro. Y ellos le dan como
terapia uno. Cómo les daban “una plática”,
“una charla” como decían… ahí le ponen una
persona que hable el idioma que uno habla.
La persona puede ser de diferente país, pero la
persona se siente cómodo, no. Hablan, nos
pregunta de su familia, preguntas de sus hijos.
Esas preguntas. Todo qué es de la vida de
uno, cómo se siente, cuántas horas tiene de no
tomar alcohol, le pregunta de su trabajo- ósea
una plática con ella como platicar con la
mamá, con el papa.
The [name of local treatment center]. That
was a counseling center to help people stop
drinking. Yea. They helped people there.
They changed their name… When one had
alcohol problems, with driving, or to
disrespect someone, be sick, someone who
drinks. Then they would take you there as
punishment. They would mandate you to 3
months, but one would say it was for
interpersonal problems. Yes, it wasn’t
voluntary. The hospital would send you, or
people would be sent there from jail. They
would send people there to get help because
there are psychologists and I also think there
are nurses in there. They would give you a
“platica” or “a chat” is what they would call
it... they would give you someone there who
could speak your language. The person could
be from a different country, but the person
feels comfortable to one. They talk to us, ask
about your family, ask questions about your
children. Those types of questions. All about
what our life is like, how we feel, how many
hours it has been that one hasn’t had alcohol,
they ask about your work. Like having a talk
with [the counselor] felt like talking with your
mom or dad.

Alberto shared that what benefited him the most from this experience was being able to hear the

stories of the group members and what had led them to their substance use. As for the individual

services, he expressed the importance of having services with a psychologist who spoke his

language. Although this provider was from another country, speaking his language allowed

Alberto to feel safe with this person.

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 As for jornalero-specific (or day laborer-specific) resources in the community, half of the

participants discussed a local organization. Although this organization no longer has a day labor

center, participants discussed how this organization can help day laborers get connected to jobs,

an immigration lawyer, help with their taxes, or offer support for newly-arrived day laborers as

they get accustomed to living in the U.S. and on Long Island. Another participant also

mentioned how a local church can also help day laborers get connected to lawyers for

immigration concerns. Francisco also expressed that there is a club for day laborers with

problematic drinking that was created by members of the day laborer community. He expressed

the club is dedicated to going on day trips and engaging in activities that are not related to

drinking alcohol:

Han hecho un club de llevar ellos que están
mucho metidos al alcohol para que no sigan
en el alcoholismo. Los llevan a pasear- nos
reunimos todos. Pagamos $25 y nos vamos a
Manhattan, al Bronx, a la playa a convivir.
Pero nada de alcohol. Solo escuchar música y
convivir y platicar…Solo trabajadores, pero
son como tipo de- se le dicen Alcohólicos
Anónimos- pero no, le llaman, le dejan en ese
club que han hecho, los dejan fumar- los
dejan acercar a la hookah- pero menos el
alcohol… Empezado por los mismos
trabajadores- exacto… Si, para seguir en la
cultura- para que no tiene que existir el
racismo- si no, tenemos que estar unidos
todos.
They created a club for [day laborers] who are
very into alcohol concerns so that that they do
not stay in their alcoholism. They take them
on trips- we all gather together. We pay $25
and go to Manhattan, to the Bronx, to the
beach to spend time together. But no alcohol.
Only listen to music, spend time together, and
talk… Only day laborers, but they are like-
like what they call AA- but not, they call it,
they let you smoke or near a hookah in that
club- but not alcohol… It was created by day
laborers themselves, that’s right… Yes, to
continue in the culture- because racism
doesn’t need to exist- yeah. We need to all be
united.

As for general community resources, some also named a local organization due to this

agency offering English language classes and offering access to food for those who may be

having trouble affording groceries. Similarly, a church was also named for its English language

courses, helping parents with daycare services, and offering Spanish language classes to

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children. However, four of the six participants named a second church as the major community

resource due to it acting as a food bank and shelter. Edwin shared how individuals from this

church used to give out coffee, bread, and egg salad sandwiches to day laborers standing outside

the local train station. He, along with Francisco, also were aware that the soup kitchen at the

church is open on Tuesdays and Thursdays. Francisco also added that the church would inform

people of advertised rooms for rent. Alberto and Martin both emphasized the importance of this

church serving as a shelter for homeless people in the winter. Martin also expressed sadness that

the pandemic has caused this shelter to shut down, as this has caused homeless individuals to

suffer outside in the cold months and indicated that some individuals have died from having to

sleep outside from not having a warm place to go to.

Recommendations. All participants were asked for their recommendations on how the

community can better help the well-being of Latinx day laborers. Jose provided two responses,

the first being that he did not feel the community needed to change anything and the second

being that he felt there should be more mental health providers in the community. He expressed

there are many opportunities for day laborers and not feeling there should be any obstacles for

day laborers if they are “doing things well”. However, he also expressed the importance of

mental health services in the community and, similar to the majority of participants, expressed

that the community should have more psychologists and counselors. Francisco stated that there

should be five or ten places, rather than there just being one place he could think of for Latinx

day laborers and other members of the Latinx community to seek help. Alberto shared these

thoughts, expressing that the community should discuss this topic and go to the mayor of his

community to ask for more positions to be opened in the community for mental health providers.

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Martin noted that he felt the only thing that could help is AA due to financial constraints within

the day laborer community.

In addition, Jose voiced his recommendations for how to make mental health services

more accessible to day laborers and other Latinx folx. He indicated that, rather than mental

health providers setting up their own private offices or clinics, it would be more culturally

appropriate to have mental health services being provided within church settings:

Iglesias, sí. Eso nomás porque sí está en otro
lado, pienso que no… no va a dar mucho
resultado… si es en una iglesia, la persona
como que sí más algo de respeto. Por eso.
Entonces creo que puede dar mejor resultado.
Imagínese si tiene oficina de consejeros. Casi
nadie va a ir… Pero yo siento que, con esa
iglesia, sería muy excelente. Yo pienso que
deberían tener algo ahí. Más seriedad. Claro.
Y como le digo, por ejemplo, esa Iglesia es
donde va la gente que tiene más necesidad. Es
allí donde pueden entender, escuchar mejor.
Yes, churches. Only there because, if it were
in another place, I don’t think… I don’t think
there would be a good result… if it’s in a
church, the person will feel that is something
more respected. That’s why. So I think that
would yield better results. Imagine if there is
an office of counselors. Almost no one would
go… But I think it would be excellent if it
were in a church. I think they should have
something there. There would be more
gravity. Of course. For example, the church is
where people who have more needs go. It’s
there where they can understand and listen to
you better.

He also emphasized that having Latinx mental health providers and, of utmost importance,

providers who speak Spanish would be needed. He expressed having someone understand the

Latinx community without the use of a translator and having providers with similar ethnic

background would help make mental health services feel safer for those seeking help.

Other participants discussed how mental health providers can better market their services

in the community to make it more well-known that these services exist. Participants, like David,

discussed how they have never seen mental health services being publicized in places like a deli

or supermarkets. Edwin also shared laundromats and general ads on the street would be helpful.

Additionally, Edwin expressed that mental health providers should focus on marketing their

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services through social media, rather than paper advertisements, as that will provide much more

visibility. He recommended social medial applications that are more commonly used among

Latinxs and day laborers: Facebook, Instagram, Tango, and WhatsApp. Jose shared that more

efforts to market mental health services will lead to better dissemination of information within

the community, as it could be more normalized for friends and family members to recommend

seeing a counselor or psychologist to one another:

Y eso puede ayudarle a decir a su familiar,
“Oh mira. En tal lugar están haciendo esto.
Porque no vas a buscar ayuda allí?” Si usted
está involucrado en esto, se da cuenta,
además. De cosas que hay. Y usted se lo
transmite a otra persona.
And [marketing mental health services] can
help you say to a family member, “Hey, look.
They are doing this at this location. Why
don’t you go find help there?” If you are
involved in [marketing], people will notice
what types of things there are. And you can
then pass it on to another person.

Participants also noted the importance of community integration for mental health

professionals to be seen and their services be better known. Edwin suggested for psychologists

and other Latinxs interested in day laborer mental health and life experiences to directly go to

esquinas (street corners) to speak with day laborers. He affirmed that there will be many day

laborers willing to speak to and listen to what psychologists have to say. Jose expressed that

there are several opportunities for mental health professionals to gain community visibility,

suggesting mental health providers to attend social events or talking about their services at the

Sunday Catholic mass. He expressed that if providers are visible to the community, community

members will then be able to see that mental health providers are trustworthy individuals:

Que la comunidad lo conozca. Sí eso. Eso That the community comes to know [mental
sería una cosa importante de que la gente lo health providers]. Yes, that. It would be
conozca porque si ellos se ponen a servir la important for people to get to know them,
comunidad, si ellos dan a conocer, van a tener because, if they come to serve the community,
mejor resultado. Que ellos se involucran más. if they let themselves be seen, they will have
En las cosas sociales… Eh nosotros a better result. I suggest them to be more
celebramos la fiesta de hispanidad. Me involved. At social events… Um we celebrate

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 imagino que eso es buena oportunidad para
conocerlo. O la comunidad católica, [nombre
de iglesia] que hay- Hay bastante. Muchas
oportunidades para ponerse a la orden ahí.
Hacen eventos también. O simplemente el
domingo, ellos van y hablan… Porque si nos
damos conocer, tenemos- como le digo- si
usted se da a conocer, la gente la conoce, y
usted tiene valor, usted la gente sabe que
usted existe, la ayuda puede venir porque la
gente sabe que usted existe. Pero si no nos
damos a conocer, a gente no existimos.
the Hispanic Heritage Month festival. I
imagine that would be a good opportunity to
get to know them. Or in the Catholic
community, there are many opportunities to
take part in at [name of church]- there are
many. They also do events. Or even simply
going to speak on Sundays… Because if we
let ourselves be known, we have- how do I
say this- if you let yourself be known, the
people will know your face, and if you have
courage, the people will know you exist. But
if we don’t let ourselves be known, the people
will not know we exist.

Similarly, Alberto added that people and organizations wishing to better serve Latinx day

laborers should go back to esquinas (street corners) to let themselves be known. He expressed

that pastors from a local church used to go to the esquinas with refreshments and food to talk to

the day laborers. He expressed that it was nice to have pastors be curious about their lives and

ask them how they are feeling and how work has been. He suggested that going back to these

types of efforts would be appreciated and helpful for day laborers to feel seen and know what

resources are available to them.

Theme 5: Day Laborers Living in the Time of COVID-19

As data collection for this study occurred during the unprecedented times of the COVID-

19 pandemic, I felt it was important to ask all participants about their experiences of working and

living as a day laborer during COVID-19. Within this final theme, participants discussed the

impact of COVID-19 on their work life, alcohol use, well-being, and access to aid.

Half of the participants discussed how their ability to go to work was halted due to the

lockdown, as well as their own fear of getting sick. Time without work among these participants

ranged from a couple of weeks to months. These participants discussed the difficulty of not

being able to work and also seeing that other day laborers were finding it difficult to have even

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more instability with finding jobs. Jose shared that in the beginning of the pandemic, he would

go weeks with only working one to three times during a given week. Martin shared that he did

not work three to five days at a time in the beginning of the pandemic and would often not even

leave his home due to fear of coronavirus. He also expressed that his family in country-of-origin

would often call him during this time due to fearing for his safety after hearing about all of the

reported hospitalizations and deaths in the U.S.

Only two participants discussed their drinking and any changes in their alcohol use

during the course of the pandemic. David expressed that he already drank little before the

pandemic and, during the pandemic, he has neither increased nor decreased his alcohol use.

Contrarily, Alberto stated that his alcohol use has changed slightly during the pandemic. He

expressed drinking less during the pandemic because of there being less places open for people

to sit and drink due to health regulations at the time. He shared:

O un poco. Sí porque ya en los delis no puede
entrar uno a comer adentro. Hay delis que no
le dejan comer adentro. Hasta que no le dejan
tomar café. No tomo como antes.
Oh, a little. Yes, because now no one is able
to go and eat inside of delis. There are delis
that don’t allow you to eat inside. They don’t
even let you drink coffee. I don’t drink
[alcohol] like I used to.

Other than one participant, the resounding emotions regarding the COVID-19 pandemic

revolved around concern and focus on survival. Jose was the only participant who shared that,

although he also had lost work days during the pandemic, he did not feel that his life had been

impacted much. He took the time off as a chance to be with his family who reside with him and

also did not experience financial distress due to having saved money that he was able to use for

expenses during the time his work life was more unstable. He only expressed having some

concerns at work due to how many day laborers had been infected with COVID-19. Other

participants, like David, expressed having personally suffered or had heard about others

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struggling to pay bills during the pandemic due to the lack of available work. David shared what

his experience during the pandemic has been like for him:

No. La verdad, terrible. Terrible. El peor,
digo. Porque si uno no trabaje, sabes que
igual los biles le espera. Dicen “No te
preocupes. Te vamos a ayudar por la
pandemia”, pero los biles aumentan y
aumentan. Y esos biles- mayormente la
renta. Si no hubiera digamos nada que pagar,
talvez uno lo tomaría un poco más relajado,
no. Pero sabe que uno igual tiene un
montón de biles.
No. The truth is, terrible. Terrible. The worst,
I tell you. Because if one doesn’t work, you
know that the bills are still there. People say,
“Don’t worry. We will help you during the
pandemic”. But the bills pile up and pile up.
And those bills- mainly the rent. If there were
nothing needed to be paid, maybe one would
be a bit more relaxed. But one knows that
there are still a lot of bills to be paid.

A major concern for other participants, however, was concern for their family’s health

during the pandemic. This was a predominant concern for participants like David, who

expressed worrying about his daughter and granddaughter’s health more than his own. He also

described the feeling of helplessness in regards to how to stay healthy during the pandemic:

Mayormente preocupado por mi hija y por mi I have mainly been worried for my daughter
nieta. Me entiende? Cómo decir- sí a mí me and for my granddaughter. You see? For
pasa algo, bien. Pero a mí. No a ellos. Ósea es instance, if something happens to me, fine.
algo que uno- día a día dice le pido a Dios que But to me. Not to them. It is something that
no le pasa nada a ellas. Que no le pase nada a one- day to day, I ask God to not let anything
ellas. Ósea es algo digamos como frustrante, happen to them. May nothing happen to them.
no. Porque talvez Dios quiera que no le pase It is something frustrating. Because, God
nada- pero si les pasa, no puede hacer forbid, something happens- but if it happens
absolutamente nada. to them, I can do absolutely nothing.

One participant discussed that, not only had many day laborers in the community been infected

with the coronavirus, but that he noticed several Latinx day laborers who had died from COVID-

19. He described that he would come to find out about their deaths when he noticed people who

never came back to the esquinas (street corners) to search for jobs and other day laborers there

notifying him:

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 Yo conozco un muchacho que buscaba I know a young man who would look for
trabajo donde había una parte donde uno work in a place where others would find work
mismo iba a buscar trabajo y él era- parecía and he was- looked like- poorly, really. And
de- mal, verdad. Y vieras que un día no one day, he didn’t return. Everyone was
volvió. Todo el mundo preguntaba dónde asking where he was. His name was [person’s
estaba. Él se llamaba [nombre de persona]. “Y name]. “And [person’s name] didn’t come.”
[nombre de persona] no vino.” Había otro “He died.” Yes, he had died. People were
señor que “Muchos- muchos no han venido.” dying and one would see that they didn’t
“Se murió.” No sí, se murió. La gente se come back. In [name of city]. Well, they
moría y uno miraba que no llegaba. En didn’t come back to look for work. And it was
[nombre de cuidad]. No llegaban a buscar because they had died.
trabajo pues. Y era porque se había muerto.

One participant, Francisco, discussed how racism towards the day laborer and Latinx

community had shifted during the pandemic. He described an instance of going to the hospital

and, without having done a COVID test, the providers had assumed and told him he was likely

positive for COVID-19. He described that racist sentiments had shifted in a way, where white

Americans have been assuming that day laborers and other Latinx groups are infected by the

virus. He expressed:

La gente no más- sea americano o sea
italiano. No más lo ven a uno y lo primero
que lo dicen es, “O! Tú tienes coronavirus, tu
tiene coronavirus". Eso es un racismo. Y el
que no tenga problema de eso, pero ellos lo
toman como que es así.
The people just- both Americans and Italians.
They just look at you and the first thing they
say is, “Oh! You have the coronavirus. You
have the coronavirus.” That is racism. And
one may not even have that problem, but they
assume that is the case.

Five of the six participants stated that their mental well-being was negatively impacted by

the pandemic. For instance, Martin described feeling desperation (desesperación) and fear

(asustado), while Edwin feeling worried (preocupado) about how he was going to live due to

being without work. Edwin shared that while he did not feel his mental health was severely

impacted, he did often have thoughts worrying about his finances. Alberto shared that his

emotional well-being and social life were impacted because he has had to maintain a distance

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from friends during the pandemic. Both Francisco and David expressed a higher level of distress

during the pandemic. Francisco discussed his stress (estresante) and being constantly worried

(se preocupa eternamente). He also shared how he drew from the self-care strategies he learned

from the psychologist at his workplace in Peru and has been maintaining a routine with his

family when stressed, such as going for walks, listening to music, or going for drives. Francisco

described the impact the pandemic has had on his mood and how his preoccupation with the

pandemic, along with a sense of hopelessness, affected his interactions with his family:

No. Yo m- yo me deprimí. Yo bajé como
unos seis libras en dos días, tres días… Este
es- como te deprime. Y no es para darte una
solución bien- es esos días tú no eres feliz, tu
estas amargado, no quieres saber nada. No
quieres saber de esto. Ni tu hija, ni a tu
familia le escuchas porque tú estás pensando
en otras cosas.
No. I- I got depressed. I lost around six
pounds in 2 days, 3 days… This is- like it
depresses you. And it’s a situation where you
can find a good solution- those are the days
where you are unhappy, you are bitter, and
you don’t want to know about anything. You
don’t listen to your daughter. You don’t even
listen to your family because you are thinking
about other things.

There was discussion about known availability and access to COVID-related aid. All

participants discussed how there has not been any community aid or services offered for day

laborers struggling during the pandemic. Martin expressed how aid has mainly come as

information of COVID-19 guidelines being spread through via radio and television:

Ningún. Ninguna clase de ayuda. Sí. La única
ayuda que había que era por radio y por
televisión que uno miraba. Que se lava y que
se cuide. Que la distancia es 6 pies. Este- que
se mantuviera en los en los delis, sí lo mismo
en la ciudad.
Nothing. No type of aid. Yes. The only help
has been from the radio or from watching
television. That we must wash [our hands]
and take care of ourselves. Of the 6-foot
distance. Um- that you need to keep this
distance in the delis, and around the city.

Only one participant discussed receiving aid in the form of government checks that have been

$300 weekly during the pandemic. However, another participant had mentioned the difficulty of

some day laborers being able to receive any community or governmental aid to their

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undocumented status. The resounding experience from participants has been that COVID-

related aid has predominantly come from the community, as in one’s neighbors, friends, schools,

and local businesses. Alberto stated how deli owners had been a major support for him,

describing how delis handed out masks to day laborers and other members of the community:

Pues aquí en la comunidad, eh- aquí en
[nombre de cuidad]- con COVID-19 no ha
habido mucha ayuda. Aquí la ayuda viene de-
de otros lugares. Aquí unos los amigos a
veces muy bien ha ayudado. Los amigos de
los delis- de la comunidad de los delis.
Entonces esos son que nos ayudado. Con las
mascarillas. Me arreglaron una paquete de
mascarillas. En eso me ha ayudado un poco.
Well, in the community- um, here in [name of
city] there hasn’t been much help with
COVID-19. Help here comes from- from
other places. Here, some friends have
sometimes really helped. Friends from the
delis- from the deli community. So, those are
the people who have helped us. With masks.
They put together a package with masks for
me. That’s how they have helped me a bit.

Jose shared how schools and a local church have been helping day laborers and the general

community through the distribution of food. He also shared how community residents had also

brought food to him and his family during the pandemic:

Mire, que de lo que yo me he dado cuenta
más es que lo que ha ayudado más es la
escuela. Las escuelas han repartido alimentos.
La misma [nombre de iglesia] está dando
alimentos también... No, es muy excelente.
Nosotros hemos ido nosotros… había una
señora que nos llevaba comida como dos, tres
veces. Pero sí, la escuela ha ayudado mucho.
Mucho. Y eso es muy bueno. Y ahí nos
llevaba talvez una gente, y otra gente llevaba,
y después compartíamos con otra gente. Que
nos damos cuenta que ellos están ayudando.
Así es. Recibiendo y dando porque así que
tiene que ser. No sólo estar preparado para
recibir.
Look, what I have seen more is that the
school has helped more. Schools have been
handing out food. [Name of church] has also
been giving out food. It has been excellent.
We have gone… there was a woman who
brought us food two, three times. And that is
really good. And from there, some people
would bring us [food], and other people
would bring, and then we would also share
with other people. We would notice that they
were helping. That’s how it is. Receiving and
giving because that’s how it should be. Not
only expecting to receive.

Community members helping one another by receiving and giving was discussed by other

participants. Others discussed how neighbors and friends offer families help, predominantly by

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bringing food, when finding out they had gotten COVID. Francisco shared that this

communication can also be seen within the Latinx day laborer community:

Comunicándonos- comunicándonos, Communicating with one another-

hablándonos que, “Como le va a ellos?” Que
bendito sea Dios- Dios no me ha dejado solo.
Siempre me ha dado días de trabajo y yo les
digo a ellos yo- me invitaron ellos a trabajar y
que “no”- que llevaran a otros que- Si yo
estoy trabajando, que llevaron a otro.
communicating, talking among one another
of, “How are they doing?” Thanks to God-
God has not left me alone. He has always
given me work and I tell [other day laborers]
who invited me to work that “no”- told them
to take others who- If I am working, to take
someone else.

Francisco described how day laborers communicate with one another over who is well, who may

need help, and who may be in more need of acquiring work during the pandemic. Rather than

competing for work and aid, this sense of unity during a time of tragedy was beautiful to hear.

Summary

I organized the stories told by the study’s six participants into 5 central themes. Utilizing

a CRT and LatCrit lens, these overarching themes all reflect the life experiences of this group of

Latinx day laborers. The five major themes I identified include: Life in the U.S. as a Latinx Day

Laborer, Counterstories, Risk and Protective Factors for Problematic Alcohol Use, Culturally

Sensitive Services and Community Resources, and Day Laborers Living in the Time of COVID-

19. Participants’ voiced experiences reflect aspects of the five themes that all interact with one

another. They include stories of Latinx day laborers’ resilience, oppression and racism,

obstacles, well-being, perception of alcohol use, and access to resources (culturally sensitive, day

laborer-specific, alcohol-specific, and mental health services).

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 Chapter 4

Discussion

Theoretical Framework

The purpose of this study was to better understand the unique lived experiences of Latinx

day laborers. Specifically, this study aimed to explore how day laborers’ life experiences may

impact this group’s relationship with alcohol use through CRT and LatCrit Theory. CRT and

LatCrit Theory were not only utilized as a lens for analyzing the data for this study, but were also

used as a framework for empowering Latinx day laborers to share counterstories that challenge

dominant societal narratives created to disempower and further marginalize this community

(Delgado, 1989; Salinas et al., 2016). The counterstories detailed in this study represent a

strengths-based portrait of day laborers not commonly seen in media or discussed among general

community members, as these counterstories depict narratives of self-advocacy, uniting to resist

against oppressors, hopeful and happy perspectives, and fighting for one’s rights. Valdes (2005)

writes, that LatCrit Theory is an analytical approach and mindset “that goes beyond

intersectionality to recognize the coexistence of multiple identities and their constant social

interaction in the lives of human beings” (p. 159).

As such, the CRT and LatCrit lens allowed for a more complex view of this group’s

strength and marginalization by acknowledging the intersections of ethnicity, power, oppression,

language, advocacy, resilience, and immigration status within the participants’ geographical and

sociopolitical context. CRT and LatCrit Theory have been used in the literature to empower

participants and see them as active agents of change (e.g. Fay, 1987; Given, 2008; Gonzalez,

2018; Taylor, 2009). Participants of this study were seen as active agents who are given power

back through the ability to share their life stories and, in turn, help bring changes that will better

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serve this population’s needs regarding mental health, alcohol use, and the community’s

sentiment and treatment towards day laborers.

Summary of the Study

Three research questions were generated to better understand the unique context, personal

strengths, and stressors of Latinx day laborers’ lives that influence their alcohol use:

1. What are the perceptions of Latinx day laborers of the unique life experiences that

contribute to their psychological distress, resilience, and well-being?

2. What are the perceptions of Latinx day laborers on the life experiences that influence and

prevent problematic alcohol use?

3. How do Latinx day laborers perceive resources available to them in the community that

may help members of their population receive culturally-sensitive care surrounding

alcohol use?

Five themes were present in the narratives of all six participants in this study. Six participants

from Long Island, New York were interviewed- one participant in-person and the other five

participants by phone due to COVID-19 social distancing restrictions. The participants of this

study were almost all from Central America, with only one participant from South America. The

participants’ countries-of-origin reflect the greater Central American presence on Long Island.

The countries represented in this country include: Costa Rica, Honduras, El Salvador, and Peru.

In the interviews, participants discussed their experiences as day laborers working in the U.S.,

their alcohol use, perceptions of culturally sensitive community and mental health services, and

the impact of living as a day laborer during COVID-19.

Five primary themes were present in the data that described the general experiences

discussed by the participants of this study: (1) life in the U.S. as a Latinx day laborer, (2)

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counterstories, (3) risk and protective factors for problematic alcohol use, (4) culturally sensitive

services and community resources, and (5) day laborers living in the time of COVID-19. Theme

1 had five sub-themes: (a) reasons for coming to U.S., (b) transitions and cultural adaptations, (c)

work life, (d) day labor centers and patrones, and (e) oppression, racism, and rising above.

Theme 3 also had four sub-themes: (a) risk factors, (b) protective factors, (c) personal stories of

alcohol use, and (d) personal and community perspectives. Theme 4 had the following four sub-

themes: (a) community conversations, (b) “culturally sensitive” services, (c) mental health,

substance use, and day laborer-specific resources, and (d) recommendations. The findings of this

study depict intersections of topics that reflect the tenants of CRT and LatCrit Theory (e.g.

counterstories, language, immigration status, oppression, racism, nativism, well-being, substance

use, and advocacy), which further supports the theoretical framework of this study. As these five

themes all connect with one another, the themes will be summarized below in the discussion of

the study’s research questions.

Question 1: What are the perceptions of Latinx day laborers of the unique life experiences

that contribute to their psychological distress, resilience, and well-being?

The majority of participants discussed the difficulty of working as a day laborer in the

U.S. Similar to other Latinx immigrants who come to the U.S., participants all shared about the

various cultural adaptations they lived through as recently-arrived immigrants. However, many

of the participants came to the U.S. without family and without knowing the English-language.

Coming from a monolingual background, participants discussed the difficulty of becoming

accustomed to various languages and having difficulty with daily life activities like ordering

food or conversing with patrones (contractors/employers) about job details. Many participants

discussed the distress initially resulting from having to suddenly adapt to a different culture,

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language, and way of working. However, some of the participants discussed these transitions as

a source of hope and increased safety, such as pride in making money for their families, sense of

safety in U.S. compared to his country-of-origin. One participant also discussed a history of

homelessness in his country-of-origin that brought gratitude due to the roof over his head and

better sense of financial security in the U.S.

As for unique aspects of the Latinx day laborer experience, the majority of participants

discussed the intersection of oppression, racism, and power with their work life. While some

participants expressed being blessed with having work, they also echoed other participants’

voices of the financial insecurity resulting from having to consistently look for work during the

week, by either going to a day labor center or standing at esquinas (street corners) for a patron

(boss) to pick them up. The experiences discussed by participants reflect the existing literature

of day laborer work life in that stories discussed wage theft, contractors threatening and/or

having a “habit” of calling immigration on day laborers, and long work days with little to no

breaks for food or water (Negi, 2011; Ordóñez, 2015; Valenzuela et al., 2006). Wage theft was

discussed by several day laborers in this study. While a few attributed wage theft as something

that occurred for day laborers more so in the 1990s, a recent study by Fernández-Esquer and

colleagues (2021) conducted a secondary analysis of 2013-2014 survey data from Latinx day

laborers and found that about 25% of the 331 participants had reported experiences of wage theft

from contractors. While this study did not find a relationship between wage theft and poor

mental health outcomes (Fernández-Esquer et al., 2021), there are other studies that have found

wage theft and poor contractor treatment to be associated with increased depression and binge

drinking (Negi, 2011; Organista et al., 2017).

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 All participants also discussed how one’s well-being may be impacted in winter months

when there are significantly less job opportunities and, thus, increased financial insecurity and

stress about paying bills or sending money back to family in their country-of-origin (Galvan et

al., 2015). During COVID-19, several participants discussed how their psychological distress

increased- especially in the first months of the pandemic- due to various concerns. Participants

discussed how they faced increased financial insecurity from not having any or being limited in

their work opportunities due to state-wide lock-down. Almost all of the participants discussed

concern for their health and the health of family members. In addition, day laborers discussed

how their ethnic identity and day laborer identities were particularly salient during the pandemic,

as some discussed COVID-related racism during this time. For example, one participant

discussed how he experienced community member and health professionals assuming he and

other Latinxs had the virus without any evidence. As such, several participants discussed

wishing for greater interest, patience, and compassion from the greater community.

A common topic of discussion among participants was police racism. While one

participant expressed only having good experiences with police officers, three others shared

stories of police profiling them and “looking for excuses” to fine day laborers- especially in

white-majority areas of Long Island. Participants also discussed how police officers may get

“tired” of arresting day laborers for repeated public intoxication or other alcohol-induced

behaviors and deport day laborers, rather than getting them connected to alcohol-related

resources (e.g. rehabilitation centers). Several participants discussed experiences of, as Ordóñez

(2015) called it, being “the ‘other’ among others” (p. 123). Almost all participants discussed

experiences of racism and microaggressions from Italians and Italian-Americans in the

community (e.g. cursing at day laborers who lack English language skills, shouting at day

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laborers looking for work at esquinas, wage theft, intimidation, refusing to teach day laborers

certain skills so that they do not become their own patrón). This tension among Italian

community members and Latinx day laborers appears to reflect the overall racial tensions present

on Long Island (See Ruff, 2009). Although Ruff (2009) writes that Italian immigrants were the

first day laborers of Long Island, it is ironic this was the ethnic group to most commonly be

named by participants as exploitative, racist, and discriminatory towards Latinx day laborers.

Some day laborers also named other marginalized groups, like Koreans, to have immigrated to,

struggled, and experienced racism in the U.S. but also show disinterest in the realities of Latinx

day laborers. Italian immigrants, especially Southern Italians, were previously an ethnic group in

the U.S. that were seen as racially inferior, “uncivilized”, as well as were victims of violence due

to not being considered white until the early 20th century (Staples, 2019). However, today’s

Italian and Italian-Americans on Long Island asserting their power over Latinx and day laborers

reflects a historical pattern of Italians in the U.S. asserting their own whiteness. Vellon (2014)

explored mainstream and radical Italian newspapers between 1880-1910 and found that both

types of press focused on distancing themselves from other non-white groups (e.g. Native

Americans, Asians, and Black communities) and labeled them as “uncivilized”, while upholding

Italian whiteness. It is quite possible that today’s Italian Long Islanders continue to uphold their

power as a way to distance their own history of “non-whiteness” and immigration from Latinx

day laborers’.

The second theme within this study’s data focused on counterstories, which included

topics that participants expressed contributed to their well-being and the well-being of other

members of the day laborer community. Participants told stories of resistance and self-advocacy

among day laborers. This included a story of how a group of day laborers called the police on a

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contractor, a participant sharing how he refused a job from a racist contractor, and another

participant who stood up for himself when a community member attempted to frighten him.

Some participants discussed advocacy for day laborers, such as from day labor centers that used

to exist in the community. Participants expressed how these day labor centers served as a shelter

for those seeking work and protection from contractors taking advantage of them. Actions

involved writing down contractors’ license plate numbers, negotiating work with contractors and

detailing work to day laborers who do not speak English well, and speaking up against

contractors who attempt to avoid paying workers their wages (Theodore et al., 2006; Valenzuela

et al., 2006; Valenzuela, 2007). Finally, the participants’ stories all included aspects of

resilience. Whether it was motivation for one’s children, learning new skills to develop as a

competitive worker, or knowing that siguiendo pa’lante (continuing onwards) was a means for

survival, all the participants expressed future orientation and a desire to continue moving forward

in life.

Question 2: What are the perceptions of Latinx day laborers on the life experiences that

influence and prevent problematic alcohol use?

I had hypothesized that psychological distress and social isolation would emerge in

participants’ stories on what influences day laborers’ engagement in harmful alcohol use (e.g.

Negi, 2013). As hypothesized, a prominent topic of discussion of mental health in regards to

loneliness, worthlessness, depression, and day laborers’ life stressors were identified by

participants as risk factors for problematic alcohol use (Bacio et al., 2014; Organista et al., 2016).

The majority of day laborers discussed personal stories or knew of many other day laborers’ who

had their families far away in their country-of-origin and family members who “abandoned”

them after day laborers had been working in the U.S. for years (e.g. wife going on to date or

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remarry another person). Participants discussed a sense of worthlessness that can lead day

laborers to drink, sparked by acculturative transitions, their worth being questioned by others

(e.g. “Why are you here?” “Go back to your country”), or having to experience career transitions

(e.g. a participant who worked at a company or another who studied/worked as a mechanic in

their country-of-origin and had no choice but to become a day laborer to work in the U.S.)

(Worby & Organista, 2007). Participants discussed alcohol use among day laborers as a

“refuge” to escape the reality of loneliness, racism/oppression, lack of English language skills,

and contractors’ treatment. These participants’ narratives reflect the existing literature linking

discrimination and stressful working conditions to problematic drinking among Latinx day

laborers (e.g. Negi, 2011; Organista et al., 2019; Organista et al., 2020). It was also

hypothesized that living conditions may impact Latinx day laborers’ alcohol use. Interestingly,

none of the participants discussed their living conditions and how it may be related to alcohol

use. However, all of the participants in this study either lived alone or with family and, thus,

their living conditions are not the living contexts (e.g. crowded housing) that have been shown to

directly relate to alcohol use in day laborers (Organista et al., 2019).

Some participants discussed how they perceived the rates of problematic alcohol use to

be high in both day laborers and the general Latinx community, and expressed they perceived

this to be due to Latin American culture’s normalization of high alcohol consumption. Some

participants named that Latinx party culture, especially among Central Americans, made it

common to have multiple celebrations (e.g. baptisms, weddings, birthdays) where alcohol was

available and common to drink heavily at these events (Medina-Mora et al., 2000; Mitchell,

2004; Worby & Organista, 2007). One participant also discussed how he had seen the way

machismo is related to problem drinking in Latinx day laborers, such as when he would hear

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fellow day laborers say, “I’m a man” in relation to their alcohol use. Although not commonly

mentioned in the data, it still reflects an important cultural value that remains to show mixed

results in substance use literature on different Latinx groups. For instance, a study by Mogro-

Wilson & Cifuentes (2020) found traditional machismo be related to increased problem drinking

in Latinx men. Another study by Perrotte and colleagues (2020) found that baseline

endorsements of masculine norms in Latinx men were related to general and problematic alcohol

use after 6 months, although their use of broad bidimensional measures of machismo were

unrelated to general and problematic drinking after 6 months. As such, it was deemed an

interesting result in this study and is recommended to be further researched within this specific

Latinx population.

Several participants in this study also identified that a risk factor for problematic drinking

is the price of alcohol. These participants all discussed how alcohol is cheaper in the U.S. than

in their county-of-origin and one participant especially highlighted how the cheaper prices was a

factor in how his alcohol use worsened significantly when he came to live in the U.S. (Worby &

Organista, 2013). Aside from contractor treatment at work, some participants discussed how

workplace culture with alcohol can contribute to problem drinking among day laborers.

Participants discussed that it can be common for individuals to drink a beer while working, but

that it then becomes problematic when it is a norm to sit down together to consume more than a

single beer. Finally, some participants noted the impact of one’s social support system with

drinking. Participants discussed how negative peer influences impacted alcohol use and falling

into vicios (vices), reflecting some of the psychosocial stressors identified in Negi (2011)’s study

on substance use among Latinx day laborers. Similar to Negi (2011), some participants

discussed how they avoid going out at all or avoid going out with certain people who are more

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prone to pressure others to drink. One participant who had a past history with problematic

drinking expressed how he often returned to alcohol use due to being peer pressured by friends to

drink again.

As for protective factors, a common theme among participants was that family is

“fundamental” in preventing problematic drinking among Latinx day laborers. The majority of

participants discussed how having financial responsibility to family in or outside of the U.S. and

love for family- especially their children- can prevent and help change one’s alcohol use (Negi,

2011). This was present in both participants’ personal stories and their description of others’ in

the day laborer community. Being a father was an especially salient identity among several

participants and reflects literature on how fatherhood identity decreases problematic drinking in

Latinx men (Mogro-Wilson & Cifuentes, 2020). These results may denote positive aspects of

Latinx masculinity that may aid in preventing problematic alcohol use, such as the family-

centered, nurturing, gentleman-like values of caballerismo (Arciniega et al., 2008) or the positive

elements of cultural machismo that center on family, responsibility, and being a good provider

and protector (Torres et al., 2002). It was hypothesized that having family in the U.S. may be

crucial in preventing and helping day laborers overcome problematic alcohol use. This

assumption was present in the results in how participants with family in the U.S. discussed the

familial activities they engaged in instead of going out to drink, another participant’s sharing of

how he takes his family with him when engaging in self-care activities when he is stressed, and

also general discussion of how one’s love for family could be a motivation to change one’s

alcohol use. One participant discussed how he felt religion- particularly Christianity- was the

only prevention against problematic drinking. Other studies have indicated that religiosity may

aid Latinx day laborers’ mental health (Boyas et al., 2018; Negi, 2013) and spirituality can buffer

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the negative outcomes of perceived discrimination on life satisfaction (Ojeda & Piña-Watson,

2013), but this literature remains limited.

Another common topic of discussion among participants was of one’s willpower and

control over alcohol use being protective factors. Some participants discussed how the strength

of one’s willpower is one of the most important vehicles for changing one’s alcohol use. This

results was reminiscent of concepts within Alcoholic Anonymous’ (AA) 12-Steps and, also, the

Moral Model of Addiction. The very first step of AA indicates that individuals acknowledge a

lack of control over their alcohol use (AA, 1981; Greenfield & Tonigan, 2013), while the

traditional “Moral Model” holds the view that problematic substance use stems from a lack of

willpower and weakness of a person’s character (The Center for YouthAOD Practice

Development, n.d.; The Department of Health, 2004). Relatedly, one participant with a past

history of problematic drinking expressed that he faced several consequences for his alcohol use,

including several arrests for public intoxication, and he was finally able to change his drinking

behaviors due to his own fuerza de voluntad. Other participants expressed how setting

intentionality for how to use alcohol (e.g. socially or to convivir), as well as setting and keeping

to limits for how much to consume during a drinking occasion, are essential for preventing

problematic alcohol use.

Question 3: How do Latinx day laborers perceive resources available to them in the

community that may help members of their population receive culturally sensitive care

surrounding alcohol use?

In general, the term and definition for “culturally sensitive” was not well understood

among participants, except for a few who recognized that this indicated services that integrated

aspects of their Latinx culture, religion, or food. I used Resnicow and colleagues’ (2000)

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definition for culturally sensitive treatments during the interview, which describes culturally

sensitive treatments as those that are designed and implemented according to clients’

“ethnic/cultural characteristics, experiences, norms, values, behavioral patterns, and beliefs” (p.

272). However, this continued lack of understanding may be due to how participants generally

expressed lacking any knowledge of services that may be mindful of their ethnicity or jornalero

identity, especially in regards to alcohol use. Only one participant shared about alcohol-specific

services through a local treatment center that resembled cultural sensitivity. This participant

discussed how group and individual alcohol-related services were provided in Spanish and the

ways in which the counselors interacted with him felt culturally familiar, such as feeling he was

speaking to a family member. He expressed the importance of having a counselor being able to

speak his language even when it was not this person’s native language, as well as the importance

of showing curiosity towards his work and family life. As such, it was possible that the

counselor’s interactions with him showed conscientiousness of Latinx values of respeto

(respect), personalismo, and familismo. Personalismo refers to engaging with warmth, curiosity,

and attentiveness towards the interpersonal relationship, while familismo is an important value

within Latin American culture of centering family over an individual (Organista, 2006).

What was not explicitly discussed among participants that may impact how they perceive

available alcohol services was the probable continued stigma in Latinx culture over mental

health services and this may contribute to lack of awareness or discussion of seeking help for

alcohol use (e.g. a participant saying he and other day laborers never discuss mental health with

one another- not even as a joke). One participant also expressed that he did not think counselors

and psychologists could do work around alcohol and other substance use, to which I was able to

express that there are mental health professionals trained and specialized in substance use

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treatment. Another participant discussed a community resource that was created for day laborers

by day laborers. He shared that this resource is a club that was created for day laborers to go on

day trips and socialize without alcohol. This participant stated it was to help day laborers with

problematic drinking, while also building unity among day laborers.

Beyond this initial research question, participants also discussed the general lack of

services for day laborers (e.g. day labor centers being shut down and no longer existing in the

city they work in). This was especially apparent when participants discussed how there has been

no aid from local government for helping day laborers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Rather

than community organizations providing aid, participants stated that aid came in the form of

food, job opportunities, or pandemic necessities (e.g. masks) from neighbors, friends, local

schools, and day laborers helping one another. Participants did share knowledge of alcohol-

specific resources that they knew, but stated that they did not conceptualize these identified

resources as being tailored to Latinx day laborers or to the general Long Island Latinx

population.

It is well documented in the literature that Latinxs have lower rates of engaging in

substance use treatment (e.g. Guerrero et al., 2013; Pinedo et al., 2018; Schmidt et al., 2006) and

are less likely than any other racial/ethnic group to engage in specialty treatments like formal

substance use treatment at rehabilitation facilities (Chartier & Caetano, 2011; Schmidt et al.,

2007). The majority of participants cited Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) as the prime resource, as

they shared AA is widely available on Long Island, provided in Spanish, and free; whereas,

counseling and other mental health resources are costly and identified as a barrier for seeking

help (Galvin et al., 2015; Schmidt et al., 2007; Verissimo & Grella, 2017). Some participants

also discussed rehabilitation centers that were deemed as a good source of treatment for

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problematic alcohol use, but it was noted that they are far away (e.g. the Bronx, Queens, and the

Hamptons).

One participant did share about a community mental health center, where he sought

treatment for his alcohol use. He expressed having been mandated to group and individual

services there for alcohol use and that he felt respected by his Spanish-speaking counselor and

was able to learn from others’ stories in group. This passage reflects the importance of cultural

considerations in substance use treatment of Latinx day laborers. Researchers have found that

substance use treatment for Latinxs tend to be lower quality, conducted with decreased cultural

sensitivity, and less satisfaction with services by members of this population (Alegría et al.,

2006; Marsh et al., 2009). Cultural barriers were found to be one of the major reasons Latinxs

avoided use specialty substance use treatments in a study by Pinedo and colleagues (2018).

Latinx participants were interviewed and shared how they perceived providers as not having

knowledge of Latinx culture or experiencing important social contexts (e.g. experiences with

immigration and discrimination) that they felt would make providers unable to relate to and,

thus, make treatment ineffective for them (Pinedo et al., 2018).

Finally, participants identified three other community resources for day laborers and

general community resources that have been helpful for day laborers to use. Several participants

identified a local church that many day laborers frequented, as it is an accessible place that

provides food to lower income individuals during the week and shelter to individuals who are

homeless during the winter. However, they also noted that this resource has been closed during

pandemic. Participants also named a second church and a local organization as sites that connect

community members to immigration lawyers, English classes, and child care.

Implications

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For Mental Health Providers and Trainees

This study provides numerous implications for mental health professionals and trainees-

especially trainees who are bilingual and work with Latinx and/or undocumented populations.

This study’s ability to provide a more in-depth look into Latinx day laborers’ lives was due to the

intersectional lens provided by CRT and LatCrit theory. As such, this study serves as an

example for the importance of mental health providers and trainees in utilizing an intersectional

lens with all clients (Cole, 2009; Rosenthal, 2016; Silverstein, 2006). This includes questions on

intakes that incorporate intersectionality (e.g. “How do you believe your experiences of adjusting

to life in the U.S. are influenced by being an undocumented Latino man with an accent when

speaking English?”). This also includes using an intersectional lens in case conceptualizations

and when considering diagnoses (e.g. Ruling out ‘Major Depressive Disorder’ on session notes

in favor of ‘Other Problem related to Psychosocial Circumstances’ to better reflect a client’s

emotional response as a reaction to oppression and the sociopolitical climate). Mental health

professionals and trainees should also consider the Cultural Formulation Interview (CFI), a

cultural assessment located in the DSM-5, as a tool to be incorporated into diagnosis and

treatment planning (APA, 2013). Considering psychosocial circumstances or acculturation

difficulties can paint a more accurate picture of a client’s presenting concern, may be less

stigmatizing, and less blaming a client for their distress as being a fault in their person. This may

especially be the case for clients who come from backgrounds where mental health and seeking

services are still considered taboo. In the case of Latinx day laborers, this study shows that it is

especially important to understand how alcohol use intersects with the day laborer and Latinx

immigrant experience. As participants in this study depicted, there are different cultural norms

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for alcohol in Latin America vs. U.S., and also various protective and risk factors within day

laborers’ personal and work life that impact their alcohol use.

The stories of resistance and advocacy in this study reflect the social justice components

of CRT and LatCrit, which allow this study to view Latinx day laborers as humans who face

struggles and oppression, as well as hold strength, hope, and agency. As such, mental health

providers should incorporate social justice values into their practice to both engage in advocacy

to better the lives of Latinx day laborers and empower clients to advocate for change in their own

lives (Rosenthal, 2016). Rosenthal (2016) writes, “Attending to resistance can help us to better

understand individuals and communities as actors responding to (and not just passively

receiving) experiences of oppression, inequality, and stigma, and can help us to identify novel

ways to intervene to improve well-being among those with these experiences” (p. 481). When it

comes to serving undocumented populations, it is crucial for trainees and professionals to learn

about the rights undocumented people hold in the U.S. Similarly, it is important ask clients

directly in session whether they know their rights and make this information readily accessible

for possible encounters with police or immigration officials (e.g. providing handouts or placing

small cards with this information, along with other relevant resources, in waiting room).

Similarly, it is important for providers and trainees to learn about the political climate,

immigration history, and racial/ethnic tensions that exist in the communities they provide

services, as mental health and substance use treatment must be designed according to clients’

socio-cultural background (American Psychological Association, 2017; Gloria & Peregoy,

1996). In this work, the American Psychological Association’s 2017 Multicultural Guidelines

express that it is imperative that providers, trainees, and instructors engage in reflection of their

own internalized messages and biases towards undocumented Latinxs and day laborers, in

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addition to consulting with supervisors/peers to prevent harm towards members of this

population.

Moradi and Grzanka (2017) further assert that the knowledge and awareness we attain in

classrooms is to then bring counseling psychologists to name and transform the toxic systems

that hurt marginalized populations. Within training programs, it is also important for instructors

to be cautious of generalizing Latinx and immigrants in courses (Fuentes & Shannon, 2016). In

my own training, day laborers were never discussed when conversations about immigrants in the

U.S. emerged in my courses. Ramos-Sánchez (2009) asks training programs to consider creating

courses that center on working with different Latinx populations. It is important for counseling

instructors to instruct trainees in considering different subgroups of immigrants and Latinx

immigrants, as day laborers hold experiences that are both similar and uniquely different from

other immigrants, refugees, and undocumented communities.

Participants also provided recommendations for mental health providers that will be

useful to incorporate into clinical practice for the betterment of this population’s needs. A

participant discussed how incorporating aspects of Latinx culture (e.g. personalismo, respeto,

familismo) was helpful in creating a comfortable experience while speaking to a counselor. As

such, showing warmth and curiosity about a client’s context, including family and work life, may

help to develop trust in the therapeutic relationship (Gloria & Peregoy, 1996). In addition, if an

undocumented client were to seek counseling services, having a discussion about their family

(e.g. whether they live in U.S. or in country-of-origin) may be helpful to better understand their

context and responsibilities. Torres-Rivera and colleagues (2004) discuss a multifaceted

multicultural approach to counseling Latinx clients with substance use disorders. They suggest

counselors consider language, cultural factors, and familial values in this work (Torres-Rivera et

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al., 2004). As a result, normalizing discussions about internalized messages of mental health,

masculinity, machismo, and alcohol will be helpful towards addressing possible stigma and

misconceptions of mental health, in addition to alcohol-related norms, beliefs, and patterns.

Participants shared the importance of having counselors in the community who speak

Spanish and are also Latinx. Similar to Arredondo and Perez (2006) and Stringers’ (2015) call

for clinicians to consider client’s primary language in treatment and the need for more Spanish-

speaking counselors, one participant particularly noted that having more Latinx Spanish-

speaking therapists in the community would make counseling services be perceived as more

accessible, safe, and comfortable for Latinx day laborers. In addition, participants specified the

necessity for mental health professionals to better market their services. A major

recommendation was the importance of mental health professionals being integrated within the

Latinx community, so that community members are able to see a face for the mental health field,

increase trust in the provider, and be more willing to refer friends and family members to mental

health services. In addition, this study would not have been possible without the help of

community gatekeepers. Relatedly, it is important for mental health providers to connect and

build relationships with community gatekeepers of Latinx, undocumented, and day laborer

populations. With the help of trusted gatekeepers, the normalization and dissemination of

information regarding mental health may help to better market mental health services, as well as

spread information about how there are mental health providers who can help with alcohol and

other substance use concerns.

Other considerations for counseling services may be for mental health providers to create

a support group for Latinx day laborers, where providers can provide psycho-education on

alcohol use and day laborers have a space outside of work life to build community with one

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another, learn from one another’s stories, and have their experiences of resilience and

marginalization be validated. Group counseling facilitates the creation of close relationships and

community, which reflects collectivistic values within Latinx culture (Sue & Sue, 2016).

Ramos-Sánchez (2009) also expressed that undocumented Latinxs are more likely to attend

psycho-educational groups, as they not only discuss their presenting concerns, but also perceive

themselves to be gaining important information. In addition, some participants discussed how

the cost of therapy is a barrier to seeking services for day laborers. As such, mental health

providers should consider whether they can have a certain amount of pro bono clients on their

caseload and/or offer sliding scale options for clients who experience financial insecurity.

Mental health providers should also consider offering free limited time groups or workshops,

which may help save costs and time for clients due to not having to commit to a group for a long

period of time (Gonzalez, 2018). Scheduling these limited groups or workshops in the evenings

may also be more accessible to day laborers and others with long days or inconsistent work

schedules. Finally, to better reach Latinx day laborers in a non-therapy context, providers should

consider partnering with local organizations or public libraries to provide community workshops

and outreach services. One-time workshops that cover the following topics may be helpful for

this population: immigrant experiences and mental health, substance use, communication skills,

stress management skills, and Q&A panels with other mental health providers, community

organizations, and immigration specialists.

For Community Members and Loved Ones of Latinx Day Laborers

Similar to the suggestion for mental health providers, it is equally important for

community residents to learn about the history of immigration of where you reside. If it is a

diverse area, what have the waves of immigration looked like for different racial/ethnic groups in

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your area? What has been the history of tension between different racial/ethnic groups? What

do the socioeconomic gaps look like? Do people of color mostly live in specific areas of your

region? If so, be curious and critical of why that may be the case (e.g. racial segregation of Long

Island, redlining, and differences in wealth/ resources across towns). A common experience

depicted in this study is that the life of day laborers is commonly filled with long days of

physical labor, financial instability, pressure to provide for family amidst inconsistent

employment, and having to undergo the jolting process of doing all this while adjusting to a new

culture and language. Participants expressed wishing community members would notice the

complexity of this experience and show both respect and patience towards day laborers.

In addition, participants discussed how community perspectives and conversations

surrounding day laborers’ alcohol use is done in an unhelpful manner. Participants expressed

how there may be sadness and pity, but that conversations in general- even among day laborers-

turn towards blaming day laborers for the consequences of their vicio (vice), including death.

Community conversations have also been perceived by participants to hold judgments toward the

person who engages in problematic drinking, such as themes of lacking personal hygiene,

engaging in unseemly behaviors (e.g. urinating on the street), or lacking respect. It is important

for community members to learn about substance use disorders and unlearn any myths, as

making assumptions and blaming can lead to more harm (e.g. contribute to isolation and sense of

shame that may further exacerbate problematic drinking). Substance use disorders tend to be

framed within a moralistic lens in society. However, these types of conversations can also

further stigmatize and decrease motivation towards seeking help and continuing mental health

services (Corrigan, 2004; Williamson, 2012). While often referred to as a vicio (vice) within the

Spanish language and Latinx culture, the psychological field conceptualizes problematic

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drinking that impairs major areas one’s life (e.g. work, interpersonal relationships, academics,

health, communication) as an ‘alcohol use disorder’ (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).

The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) is a book used by mental

health professionals that holds the classification of mental disorders and the criteria for meeting

these mental disorders. One of the classifications for mental disorders is substance use disorders.

The DSM-5 outlines the complex cognitive, behaviors, and physiological symptoms involved in

substance use disorders like alcohol use disorders, including discussion of how brain circuit

changes, such as the connection of alcohol use to the pleasure circuit in the brain, are an

important characteristic of alcohol cravings and repeated relapses. Alcohol use disorders are,

therefore, much more complex than a “bad habit” or “vice”.

As such, it is recommended that individuals attempting to have conversations about

alcohol use show curiosity and openness when reaching out to an individual who engages in

problematic drinking. Rather than shaming, it is appropriate to express one’s concern with the

problematic alcohol use behaviors. Several participants noted that people are generally unsure

how to approach discussions about problematic drinking. It is appropriate for community

members and loved ones to draw from Motivational Interviewing (MI) strategies during

conversations about problematic drinking. MI is a counseling style created for individuals with

problematic drinking that has been adapted to work with Latinx groups- like day laborers- due to

MI’s ability to be framed within a person’s cultural/social context (Field et al., 2015; Lee et al.,

2011; Lee et al., 2013; Ornelas et al., 2015). Lee and colleagues (2011) shared their cultural

adaptations of MI with Latinx clients, which included having discussions about the impact of

heavy drinking on the client’s family and children (e.g. emphasizing being a good role model

and noting the dangers of drunk driving with child passengers), asking about the important

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people in their lives and how their drinking impacts these loved ones, and how loved ones can

support them if they are interested in changing their drinking. The researchers also provided

information on problematic drinking from the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and

Alcoholism that allowed for discussion of how heavy drinking can increase risk of harm to self,

which the majority of participants in this intervention expressed finding particularly useful (Lee

et al., 2011). Researchers also suggest having conversations about the pros and cons of drinking,

which is a MI skill used to help people increase their motivation to make changes to their

substance use by specifying what makes them hesitant to change (Rollnick et al., 1992) and

using this skill to voice how cultural and familial values influence this motivation (Lee et al.,

2011; Lee et al., 2013). Individuals may also benefit from having open discussions about how

social and familial events (e.g. cultural gatherings or peer pressure) may impact problematic

drinking or any changes to drinking, as well as what familial, cultural, community resources are

available to support them in changing their drinking behaviors (Field et al., 2015).

Consequently, it is also appropriate to consult with a mental health professional on how

to communicate with a loved one about one’s concern over their alcohol use. Mental health

professionals are trained in conflict management and interpersonal communication skills. In

addition, there are mental health providers who also specialize or have experience in treating

alcohol use disorders and, whether through workshops or one-on-one consults, can also provide

community members and families with further information on alcohol intoxication, tolerance,

withdrawal, and treatment options.

For Policymakers and Community Decision-Makers

This study aims to provide policymakers and community decision-makers with awareness

of the layers beneath the experiences of a population both visible and invisible within Long

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Island and general American society. In addition, the stories entrusted to me are aimed to have

those in power ask themselves how they are using that power. Facing exploitation, abuse, and

violations of basic labor laws within the informal day laborer economy, day laborers continue to

be one of the most vulnerable groups of immigrants working within the U.S.- yet are a vital part

of the economy (Espana, 2003; Meléndez et al., 2014). So, this dissertation asks this: Mayors,

representatives, and other members of local and national government, what are you doing to

protect and advocate for the human rights of day laborers? And, just as important, what are you

doing to enhance the well-being of this population? How are you helping this community during

the COVID-19 pandemic?

This study demonstrates that the current laws and services that exist are not enough. An

outstanding topic of discussion among the participants was the overall lack of culturally sensitive

day laborer-specific, mental health, and alcohol-related services. Participants asked for

community decision-makers to create more positions for mental health professionals, especially

for Latinx-identifying and Spanish-speaking counselors and psychologists. Participants also

expressed that AA was one of the only nearby resources for treating problematic alcohol use. As

a result, it is crucial that alcohol be regarded as mental health and to invest in creating local

positions for mental health professionals with substance use expertise. All participants noted that

the lack of resources for them has been especially pronounced during COVID-19, which is

concerning due to how hard COVID-19 has disproportionally impacted Latinx and immigrant

communities in regards to rates of infection and death (Clark et al., 2020; Martínez et al., 2021;

Page et al., 2020; Rodriguez-Diaz et al., 2020). COVID-19 has also been shown to increase

experiences of isolation, grief, loss, and loneliness that impact mental health and contribute to

problematic substance use (Jemberie et al., 2020). As discussed in the previous section, alcohol

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use disorders are biopsychosocial disorders and, thus, require treatment that addresses these

various components. This is not only limited to culturally sensitive mental health services, but

other areas of life for individuals with alcohol use disorders. Substance use disorders require

culturally sensitive interventions that encompass the following: alcohol and drug treatment,

mental health, medical services, housing services, unemployment services, and family support

services (Jemberie et al., 2020). In this study, it is evident that the stories of the Latinx day

laborers intersect with all of these topics.

Racism and anti-immigrant rhetoric was found to be a salient experience among the

majority of the participants of this study and impacted their well-being, as well as their sense of

safety (e.g. a participant expressing to me that fellow day laborers were too wary of being

interviewed in the current sociopolitical context). Lee and Zhou (2019) conducted a study where

they interviewed Latinx immigrants in New York City. The study revealed that predictable

sociopolitical contexts and confusing and punitive immigration policies impact Latinx

immigrants’ mental well-being, such as increased fear, hopelessness, and substance use. This

study also found that immigrants’ perception of the sociopolitical context impacts their health

seeking behavior. Within the context of COVID-19, another study by Blackburn and Azurdia

Sierra (2021) found that increased fear among immigrant and mixed-status families from anti-

immigrant rhetoric made these families less willing to access healthcare. Within this newer

presidential administration, it is unclear what the stance on immigrants are. However, at the time

of writing this chapter, Vice President Kamala Harris delivered a speech in Mexico City where

she told Central American migrants “Do not come” to the U.S., while never addressing the

unrest, poverty, and violence that forces migrants to seek refuge in the country. It is necessary

for proper immigration reform, aid, and pro-immigrant rhetoric to be the next step in this

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country’s climate. May these changes also include undocumented individuals who have

substance use concerns, so that they may have access to and are willing to access culturally

sensitive treatment. In reducing fear, may immigrants with substance use disorder receive aid

and be given the chance for change, rather than fearing that this mental health concern will

threaten their ability to find safety and provide for their families. Substance use disorders are not

crimes and it is time to take the moralistic component out of a biopsychosocial disorder. Just as

any other person in the U.S. would be referred to AA, therapy, or rehabilitation, Latinx day

laborers and other immigrant groups also have the human right to be given access to these

opportunities.

Finally, day labor centers were spoken of positively by the participants of this study. In

2006, only 63 labor centers were functioning in 17 states and only 15 other community

organizations provided services for day laborers (Valenzuela et al., 2006). However, the number

of labor centers has decreased since then. In Glen Cove, for example, the hiring hall in this city

of Nassau County is no longer operating. Another site in Huntington Station closed in 2010 after

12 years of operating (Morris, 2019). After 20 years of functioning, the Freeport Trailer- a labor

center in Freeport Village- was forcibly shut down and a nearby encampment that housed many

of the day laborers were removed during the COVID-19 pandemic (Reyes, 2020). Amidst a

global pandemic and these generally turbulent times, it is vital that national and local

policymakers make it a priority to serve their vulnerable communities.

While the labor center system may not be perfect, labor centers benefit day laborers and

the community as a whole. Participants described labor centers as a location that provided

shelter during the hottest and coldest of weather, a place of safety from being exploited by

contractors, and a place of advocacy and empowerment. As echoed by participants, many labor

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centers also provide day laborers with educational opportunities to help them have more skills

for entering the formal economy (Theodore et al., 2006). In addition, labor centers have not only

helped to provide day laborers with more safety and security, but they have also helped to

decrease resident complaints and tensions in communities (Espana, 2003; Reddy, 2009;

Valenzuela et al., 2006).

Limitations of Study

The purpose of this study was to explore the unique life experiences of Latinx day

laborers and how they impact problematic drinking among members of this population. The

sample size of participants in one region of Long Island may be considered a limitation of this

study. Due to limitations of social distancing during the pandemic, I was limited to recruiting

participants in Nassau County, rather than both Nassau and Suffolk County. Thus, the results of

this study may not reflect the full depth of current and past tensions among Latinx day laborers,

employers, and general Long Island communities. As New York is considered a “Blue State”,

the day laborer experience depicted in this study is not generalizable to all day laborers in the

U.S. Other states in the U.S., such as southern states or states with a history of restrictive

immigration laws like Arizona, have their culture, history, politics, and geographical location

that impact the lives of day laborers in other regions of the U.S.

Another limitation of this study is that only two of the six participants disclosed having a

history of problematic alcohol use. Consequently, these results may not fully reflect the various

risk and protective factors for problem drinking, as well as the known culturally sensitive

resources that Latinx day laborers can seek out or be referred to for alcohol-related treatment. It

is recommended that this study be replicated with participant criteria being altered so that all

participants have past and/or current concerns with alcohol use.

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 Due to COVID-19 restrictions at the time of data collection, two of the participants in this

study were recruited by me directly reaching out to known day laborers in my life and the other

four being recruited through community gate-keepers, who are personal contacts in the

community. Due to some of the existing relationships that existed between the majority of the

participants and either me or the community gate-keepers, there is always the possibility that

participants may have withheld some of their experiences or thoughts in interviews for

impression management. To minimize this occurrence, I was explicit in screening calls that

participation was voluntary and I would not tell the community gate-keepers whether they had

participated or not. In screening calls and, again, at the beginning of the interviews I detailed

confidentiality and that I would not be discussing anything from the interviews with the

community gatekeepers. On the other hand, the community gatekeepers’ and my connections to

the day laborer community may have made it more likely for participants to have been recruited

due to trust. While I had originally planned to show my face more to the community by going to

esquinas to pass out coffee and introduce myself to day laborers I did not know, the participants

that did know me expressed that having known me allowed for more trust that their privacy

being protected. One participant expressed that it was helpful to have known me previously and

that he also did not know others who would feel safe being interviewed during these times. I

also asked participants to recommend participating in this study to others; however, none of this

study’s participants were actually recruited in this manner. This may also further reflect the

wariness of participants during a climate where safety may have been a higher concern (e.g. the

2020 Presidential Elections, COVID-19, anti-immigrant rhetoric, Black Lives Matter Movement,

migrant children being held in concentration camps, rise in Asian hate crimes in New York and

across the country, etc.). This participant also added that news reporters had recently gone to

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local esquinas (street corners) and attempted to interview day laborers, which had scared the day

laborer community and made them wary of being interviewed again- as there are several who

hold undocumented status.

Another limitation of this study is that all quoted passages of participant interviews

(conducted in Spanish and coded according to its original language) were translated into English

for the purpose of sharing the results of this study. Thus, it is possible that there may be parts of

the participants’ narratives that could have been lost in translation or words/phrases that were not

fully translatable to English (e.g. Spanish sayings or metaphors). However, the original Spanish

of all quoted passages are included in the results section so Spanish-speakers may also read the

original words of participants, alongside the English translations and summary of the five themes

present in the data. I also used a reflexive journal, did member checking within interviews

(paraphrased and used reflections to ensure content/context was heard correctly), and consulted

with two members of committee to validate the findings of this study. In addition, a thorough

literature review is also included in this dissertation, so that readers may make their own

connections to existing research on alcohol use, Latinx mental health, and Latinx day laborers.

This literature review details important information about the community context of the region

the participants were recruited from, including immigration history, significant events regarding

treatment of day laborers, and current ethnic/racial tensions that readers may keep in mind as

they read through the themes and participant stories included in the results and discussion.

Strengths of Study

This study attempted to move away from damage-centered narratives of this population

to, instead, center on a desire-based framework. Described as the “antidote” to damage-centered

narratives (Tuck, 2009), I utilized a desire-based framework by placing participants’ voices at

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the forefront of this manuscript and, not only acknowledged the oppression and hardships, but

also highlighted the stories of advocacy, resilience, and resistance among Latinx day laborers.

A large part of the literature on alcohol use among Latinx day laborers are quantitative

studies (e.g. Bacio et al., 2014; Hill et al., 2019; Organista et al., 2016; Organista et al., 2019;

Organista et al., 2020; Ornelas et al., 2016). As such, this study attempted to add depth to the

literature by providing participants with the opportunity to delve into their life experiences- the

good and the painful- in a confidential manner. As one participant put it, “Fue un placer para mí

y si es así- que el recordar es vivir. Y nunca tuve esa oportunidad de contar a alguien como yo

seguí. O que estoy siguiendo pa’lante” (It was a pleasure and it’s like this- to remember is to

live. And I’ve never had this kind of opportunity to share with someone how I was able to get by.

Or that I am continuing to move forward).

This study adds to the literature in that it places importance on participants’ words by

including their original spoken words first in the results chapter. I had noticed throughout my

review of the literature that published works tend to either only include the English translations

of interviews conducted in the Spanish language within the body of the paper or include the

original Spanish transcripts within appendices. As a researcher conducting this study within a

CRT and LatCrit lens, it felt important to honor and center the original words spoken by

participants so that they may appear side-by-side to my English translation. I believe that the

original words are more important than the English translations and, as such, the original Spanish

is placed before the English translation.

The vast majority of the existing research on Latinx day laborers has been conducted on

the West Coast, predominantly in the state of California (e.g. Arellano-Morales et al., 2016;

Bacio et al., 2014; Negi, 2013; Ordóñez, 2015). This study differs from the existing literature in

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that all participants are Latinx day laborers working in New York State- specifically, on Long

Island. This will provide more complexity to the research, as not all Latinx day laborers will

have the same experiences across the U.S. By collecting data from a different geographical

region of the U.S., consumers of this literature are able to learn more about the experiences of

Latinx day laborers within a region influenced by a distinctive immigration history and its

resulting community tensions. Similarly, five of the six participants in this study identified as

Central American, while one participant was from South America. This pool of participants also

differs from existing literature on Latinx immigrants and day laborers, as the existing literature

has predominantly centered Mexican experiences. As Central Americans are more visible on

Long Island and in New York State, the nations represented in this study better reflect the region.

In addition, Central and South America have their own histories and civil unrest that impact day

laborers’ reasons for immigrating to the U.S. and, in turn, impact how community residents react

to the day laborers’ presence.

Another contribution of this study is the length of time since participants had been day

laborers. At the time of data collection, participants had worked as day laborers as recent as the

day of their interview and one participant had not worked as a day laborer in the community for

fifteen years. This difference of fifteen years serves to provide context for how some day laborer

experiences continue to remain similar across almost two decades, as well as provide insight into

what changes (e.g. knowing one’s rights to charge for work and self-advocacy) unfolded across

the years and across four presidential administrations: George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald

Trump, and Joe Biden. And across New York’s post 9-11 immigrant fear, to major deportation

numbers under the Obama administration, to Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric and rise in hate

crimes, and migrant children continuing to be kept in concentration camps. Participants in this

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study have worked in the U.S. as day laborers across one or all of these periods, which is

important in reflecting how day laborers face and continue to move forward within the

sociopolitical climate of Long Island and general U.S. The findings of this study confirm past

research on the experiences of oppression and marginalization of day laborers in the U.S.

(Arellano-Morales et al., 2016; Malpica, 1996; Negi, 2011; Negi, 2013; Ojeda & Piña-Watson,

2013; Ordóñez, 2015; Theodore et al., 2006). Participants from this study also confirmed the

impact of this “othering” on their mental health, including depression, stress, adjustment

difficulties to life in the U.S., and problematic alcohol use.

Few researchers have addressed day laborers’ alcohol use within the mental health field

(Bacio et al., 2014). This study contributes to existing literature that places attention on alcohol

use among this unique population. All participants in this study discussed risk factors within the

day laborer experience for problematic alcohol use, in addition to protective factors that

participants identified that prevented or changed their/other day laborers’ problematic drinking.

As such, this study aimed to provide more context into day laborers’ alcohol use and continue to

highlight participants’ voices in centering what participants themselves perceive to be the

influences on problematic drinking for them and the day laborer community.

Recommendations for Future Research

The results of this study suggest that Latinx day laborers and their substance use is to be

further researched. This study also emphasizes the importance of future research to continue to

stray away from traditionally damage-centered narratives in literature when conducting research

on marginalized groups. While it is still crucial to acknowledge the discrimination,

microaggressions, oppression faced by marginalized groups, it is equally important to discuss

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their strengths, resistance, advocacy. As was the case with the results of this study, honoring the

pain and the strengths allows for a more complex picture of a study’s participants.

A useful next step is for this study to be replicated with a bigger sample size and across

various geographical regions of the U.S. to gather a better understanding of the similarities and

differences of the day laborer experience across various contexts. This may also allow for a

better understanding of how different community climates, including sentiment towards

immigrants and Latinx groups, can impact day laborers’ mental health and substance use. There

has been research that shows how anti-immigrant sentiment and policies negatively impact the

mental health of Mexican immigrant families (Moya Salas & Ayón, 2013). Accordingly, it will

also be helpful to replicate this study well under the new presidential administration to

understand how community and national climates post-Trump’s presidency may impact the lives

and well-being of Latinx day laborers.

The influence of family on Latinx day laborers’ mental health and their substance use are

important additional areas to be researched. The American Psychiatric Association (n.d.) created

a stress and trauma toolkit for treating undocumented immigrants and state that separation from

family is a risk factor for mental health, as being separated from family can be traumatic for

undocumented immigrants in the U.S. Depending on ties to family, it can be possible that family

in the U.S. may provide day laborers with distractions or different coping strategies for stress,

impact social situations where one may drink, and impact day laborers’ knowledge and access to

alcohol-related treatment.

Interestingly, participants did not discuss work injuries as a part of their experience.

Work injuries have been well documented in research on day laborers (Espana, 2003; Fernández-

Esquer et al., 2019; Organista et al., 2019; Seixas et al., 2008; Theodore et al., 2006; Walter et

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al., 2002). Further research may benefit from also considering the impact of work injuries, along

with contractor response following injury, on day laborers’ alcohol use. What was also

interesting to me was that none of the participants of this study discussed any of the cases of

violence towards day laborers that have been publicized. However, the majority of the cases

occurred in Suffolk County and these participants were all from Nassau County (e.g. Espana,

2003; Shapiro, 2009; Valenzuela, 2006). It is possible that these incidents may not have as

salient for the participants of this study. Nonetheless, it would be important for future research

to explore how media coverage and known instances of violence towards day laborers influences

the mental well-being and alcohol use of members of this population.

Day laborers are important members of communities. They are parents, church goers,

volunteers, students, tax payers, consumers, and more. Yet, participants of this study

emphasized the lack of culturally sensitive resources available to them- whether it was mental-

health, alcohol use, or day laborer-specific. As a result, it is important that future psychological

research is able to identify culturally sensitive clinical interventions for this group that are low-

cost and time-limited to match their changing schedules. As substance use appears to be an

important method of coping within this population, individual and group therapy interventions

centering on Latinx day laborers’ alcohol use are also warranted.

Researcher Reflection

After proposing this dissertation to my committee, I never would have fathomed what the

world held in store of all of us. The COVID-19 pandemic began in the U.S. and led to state-wide

shut down in New York a week before I was supposed to begin recruiting for this study. As I

had originally planned to go to esquinas, community organizations, and labor centers to show my

face and speak to members of the Latinx day laborer community before officially beginning the

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recruitment, I was at first very concerned about how I would build trust within this community

and have individuals be willing to share their stories with me about personal topics like work

life, discrimination, mental health, and alcohol use.

However, I have such overwhelming appreciation towards my gatekeepers within the

community. I hold overwhelming pride towards them, as their advocacy and support of this

community is the overwhelming reason why the majority of my participants trusted me- a person

they have either not seen in years or ever knew. As a result, the process of talking with them as

they called people they knew, the willingness to go to an esquina during a pandemic to help

spread word of the study, and my own screening of the individuals who had spoken to these

gatekeepers has been such a heartwarming experience for me as an individual and researcher.

While it had been disappointing to not have been able to interview the majority of my

participants in-person, I am so grateful for the individuals who took time after their long work

days to share their stories with me and to you all. My eyes are tearing up as I think about the

openness and willingness of my participants. My participants expressed willingness to not only

share their stories for hope of change, but also stated for their pride in seeing me as a Latina in

higher education. They expressed that helping me to move forward in my career would also help

to move the entire Latinx community pa’lante. Within the difficult moments of conducting this

study and preparing this manuscript during this pandemic, these are the words that have given

me hope and motivation to continue.

This dissertation has been my source of anger, sadness, pride, and fortitude. I felt such

anger to hear about the hardships day laborers face, sadness at hearing the longing for family or

consequences of problematic drinking and not being able to “fix” the concerns that were brought

up. However, I was delighted to hear some participants say that being able to voice their

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experiences and have someone show curiosity was helpful for them- especially when they

recognized their resilience and how they are continuing to move forward. These words validated

my initial desire to have a more balanced perspective on this population. There are no words to

fully describe the gratitude I hold for my gatekeepers and participants. I know I have grown a

better understanding of a community that has been so close to my heart. Through their trust, I

can recognize that I have matured as a researcher, clinician, Latina, Long Islander, and

developing social justice advocate.

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 References

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 Appendix A
Interview Guide: “THE LIVED EXPERIENCES OF LATINX DAY LABORERS”

Domain Topics:

A. Life Experiences
Leadoff Questions:
1. What is a day like in the life of a day laborer? ¿Cómo es un día en la vida de un
trabajador/jornalero?

2. What has your experience been like as a day laborer in the Unites States? ¿Cómo ha sido
su experiencia como trabajador/jornalero viviendo en los Estados Unidos?

Covert categories [Barriers and discrimination due to marginalized identities, resilience, sense of
community, providing assistance to family in country-of-origin, fear of deportation, seeking
opportunity in the United States]

Follow-up Questions:
1. How were you able to transition to living in the United States? ¿Qué le ayudó en la
transición de vivir en los Estados Unidos?

2. I am hearing you have faced many difficulties. What were the things in your life that has
helped you overcome these difficulties? He oído que ha enfrentado muchas dificultades.
¿Cuáles fueron las cosas en su vida que le ha ayudado a superar/sobrellevar estas
dificultades?

3. What are some things people may not know or understand about day laborers? ¿Cuáles
son algunas cosas que la gente puede no saber o entender acerca de los
trabajadores/jornaleros?

B. Alcohol Use
Leadoff Questions:
1. When I say “problematic drinking”, what does that mean to you? What are some
examples of what this might look like? Cuando digo "beber de manera problemática",
¿qué significa eso para usted? ¿Cuáles son algunos ejemplos de lo que esto podría
parecer?

2. In terms of alcohol use, there is drinking in moderation and there are also cases when
people drink in a problematic manner. Have you ever known someone with an alcohol
problem in the community of trabajadores? En el caso del consumo de alcohol, hay
manera de beber con moderación y también hay casos en los que la gente bebe de
manera problemática. ¿Alguna vez ha conocido a alguien con un problema de alcohol en
la comunidad de trabajadores?

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 3. What do you think are some aspects of a day laborer’s life that might contribute to
problematic drinking? ¿Cuáles crees que son algunos aspectos de la vida de un jornalero
que podrían contribuir al consumo problemático de alcohol?

4. What are some aspects of a day laborer’s life that may prevent problematic alcohol use?
¿Cuáles son algunos aspectos de la vida de un jornalero que pueden prevenir el consumo
problemático de alcohol?

Covert categories [Loneliness and sadness of leaving country-of-origin, using alcohol to develop
social ties and gain information, stress from being undocumented in today’s political climate,
stress of providing for family while in another country, community and familial support, religion
as a source of hope for the future]

Follow-up Questions:

1. (If participant speaks about their own experience with problematic alcohol use and/or
changes in alcohol use) What were the things in your life that contributed to these
changes in your alcohol use? ¿Cuáles fueron las cosas en su vida que contribuyeron a
estos cambios en su consumo de alcohol?

2. From your perception, what might a day laborer be able to do to receive help when they
are struggling with problematic alcohol use? De su punto de vista, ¿qué que podría hacer
un trabajador/jornalero para recibir ayuda cuando está luchando con problemas del
alcohol?

3. How is problematic alcohol use discussed within the community? What about within the
day laborer population? ¿Cómo se habla sobre el consumo problemático del alcohol
dentro de la comunidad? ¿Y como se habla entre los trabadores/jornaleros?

C. Culturally Sensitive Care

Leadoff Questions:
1. When I say “culturally sensitive” services, what does that mean to you? Cuando digo
servicios "culturalmente sensibles", ¿qué significa eso para usted?

2. Can you tell me about the services in the community that offer help and resources to the
day laborer population? ¿Puede hablarme de los servicios en la comunidad que ofrecen
ayuda y recursos a la población jornalera?

3. Can you tell me about the culturally-sensitive services available to day laborers with
problems of alcohol use? ¿Me puede contar sobre los servicios culturalmente-sensibles
disponibles para los trabajadores/jornaleros con problemas del consumo de alcohol?

Covert categories [Stigma towards seeking help, lack of Spanish-language services, mental
health is not discussed, problematic alcohol use is normalized, fear of safety from mental health
professionals]

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Follow-up Questions:

1. What is your perception of the mental health services in the community? How safe and
culturally-sensitive do you feel these services may be? ¿Cuál es su percepción de los
servicios de salud mental en la comunidad? ¿Qué tal seguro y culturalmente-sensible
siente que estos servicios pueden ser?
2. What could the community do better to help make mental health services more
accessible? ¿Qué podría hacer mejor la comunidad para ayudar a hacer más accesibles
los servicios de salud mental?

3. What could counselors do to help make mental health services feel safer for day laborers?
¿Qué podrían hacer los consejeros/psicólogos para ayudar a que los servicios de salud
mental se sientan más seguros para los jornaleros?

4. What suggestions do you have on how the community as a whole can improve the well-
being of day laborers who may be struggling with alcohol use? ¿Qué sugerencias tiene
sobre cómo la comunidad entera puede mejorar el bienestar de los jornaleros que
pueden estar luchando con el alcohol?

D. COVID-19
Leadoff Question:
1. How has your life been impacted by COVID-19? ¿Cómo ha sido su vida afectada por
COVID-19?

Follow-up Questions:

1. How has the pandemic affected your mental well-being? ¿De qué manera usted se ha
sentido afectado en su bienestar mental con esta pandemia?

2. How have your experiences during COVID-19 impacted your alcohol use? ¿De qué
manera el COVID-19 ha afectado su consumo de alcohol?

3. How has the community and city been helping you and other day laborers during
COVID-19? ¿Cómo ha estado ayudando la comunidad y la cuidad a usted y a otros
jornaleros/trabajadores durante el COVID-19?

Demographic Questions:
1. Can you please describe your background to me? (Where you grew up, are you
religious/spiritual, how old are you?) ¿Me puede describir sus antecedentes? (¿Dónde
usted creció, es usted religioso/espiritual, cuántos años tiene usted?)

2. Please tell me how you came to the United States? (How long have you been living in the
U.S.? How long have you been living in New York?) ¿Me puede hablar sobre cómo

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 usted llegó a los Estados Unidos? (¿Cuánto tiempo ha estado viviendo en los EE.UU.?
¿Cuánto tiempo ha estado viviendo en Nueva York?)

3. Do you have family members here in the U.S.? (Who do you currently live with? Did you
know anyone when you came to live in the U.S?) ¿Tiene familiares aquí en los EE.UU.?
(¿Con quién vive usted? ¿Conoció a alguien cuando usted vino a vivir en los EE.UU.?)

4. How many years have you worked as a day laborer? (What type of work do you do?
What led you to the path of becoming a day laborer? If not currently a day laborer, what
led you to stop being a day laborer?) ¿Cuántos años ha trabajado como jornalero? (¿Qué
tipo de trabajo hace usted? ¿Qué le llevo a ser un trabajador/jornalero? ¿Qué le llevo a
parar de ser un trabajador/jornalero?)

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 Appendix B
RECRUITMENT SCRIPT

(For phone recruitment during COVID-19 and cannot recruit in-person/labor centers
closed)

English
Hello, my name is Patty Gonzalez. I am currently a doctoral student in Counseling Psychology at
Indiana University. I am conducting a study on the experiences and well-being of Latino day
laborers and would like to invite you- and anyone else you know who may be interested- to
participate. I am cognizant of our links to one another, so I first want to emphasize that this is
completely voluntary and I will not be upset if you choose to not participate.

Participation in this study would involve meeting with me individually to converse about the
experience of being a day laborer, well-being, and alcohol use. The conversation should take no
more than 1.5 hours and will be audio-recorded. All participants will receive a $20 gift card at
the end of the conversation.

Again, participation in this study is completely voluntary. Your identity and the identity of all
other participants will remain anonymous during and after the study. Identities of all participants
will be protected through the use of a pseudonym. All interview transcriptions will be stored on
IU OneDrive (an encrypted password protected internet storage site). All data, along with any
identifying information, will also be stored on this storage site

If choose to participate: [Proceed to phone script for checking if meets criteria]

If choose to not participate: That is okay! Thank you for listening to me. Please feel free
to still contact me at [researcher’s phone number] if you have questions or if you later
decide you would like to participate.

If there are some people you think would be interested in participating, do you feel comfortable
sharing their names and numbers with me? If not, can you please pass on the information on my
study and give them my phone number to contact me?

Spanish
Buenos días, mi nombre es Patty Gonzalez. Yo soy estudiante de doctorado en psicología de
consejería en la Universidad de Indiana. Estoy realizando un estudio sobre las experiencias y el
bienestar de los trabajadores latinos y me gustaría invitarlo a usted- y a sus conocidos quien
pueden ser interesados- a participar. Estoy consciente de nuestra relación entonces primero
quiero remarcar que esto es completamente voluntario y no me enojare si usted decide que no
quisiera participar.

La participación en este estudio implicaría juntarse individualmente conmigo para conversar

sobre la experiencia de ser un jornalero, el bienestar y el consumo de alcohol. La conversación

215
no debe durar más de 1,5 horas y se grabará en audio. Todos los participantes recibirán una
tarjeta de regalo de $20 al final de la conversación.

Otra vez, su participación en este estudio es totalmente voluntaria. Su identidad u la identidad de

los trabajadores que participan permanecerá anónima durante y después del estudio. Se protegerá
la identidad de todos los participantes por uso de un seudónimo. Todas las entrevistas serán
guardadas en IU OneDrive (un sitio especial del Internet encriptado protegido por contraseña).
Todos los datos, junto con cualquier información que lo puede identificar, también serán
guardados en este sitio especial.

If choose to participate: [Proceed to phone script for checking if meets criteria]

If choose to not participate: Está bien. No se preocupé! Se lo agradezco mucho por

escucharme. Si tiene preguntas o si piensa que desea participar, por favor contácteme al
[número de teléfono de la investigadora].

Si hay algunas personas que cree que estarían interesados en participar, ¿estaría bien con usted si
le pido los nombres y números de esas personas? Si no está cómodo con eso, ¿puede por favor
pasar la información de mi estudio y darles mi número de teléfono para ponerse en contacto
conmigo?

PHONE SCRIPT
(Checking if participants meet criteria for study and scheduling interview)

English
Thank you very much for your interest in the study. I just have a few questions to ensure that you
are eligible for the study. Are you at least 18 years old? Do you identify as Latino/x? Are you
currently a day laborer? (If not, have you worked as a day laborer for more than 6 months in the
last 15 years?)

If meet criteria: Thank you very much. You are eligible to participate in the study. At this
time, let’s go ahead and schedule when we can speak.

If does not meet criteria: Thank you so much for your interest in the study.
Unfortunately, you are not eligible to participate because [state reason why]. I really
appreciate your time.

Spanish
Muchas gracias por su interés en el estudio. Sólo tengo algunas preguntas para asegurarme de
que usted es elegible para el estudio. ¿Tienes al menos 18 años? ¿Se identifica como latino/x?
¿Es usted un trabajador/jornalero en este momento? (Si no: ¿ha trabajado como
jornalero/trabajador durante más de 6 meses en los últimos 15 años?)

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If meet criteria: Muchas gracias. Usted es elegible para participar en el estudio. En este
momento, podemos seguir adelante y programar cuando podemos tener nuestra platica.

If does not meet criteria: Muchas gracias por su interés en el estudio.

Desafortunadamente, usted no es elegible para participar porque [la razón]. Le agradezco
mucho su tiempo.

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 Appendix C
INDIANA UNIVERSITY INFORMED CONSENT STATEMENT FOR
“The Lived Experiences of Latinx Day Laborers” IRB Study #1912296837

About this research

You are being asked to participate in a research study. Scientists do research to answer important
questions which might help change or improve the way we do things in the future.

Taking part in this study is voluntary. You may choose not to take part or may leave the study at
any time. Leaving the study will not result in any penalty or loss of benefits to which you are
entitled. Your decision whether or not to participate in this study will not affect your current or
future relations with the investigator and employers.

This form will give you information about the study to help you decide whether you want to
participate. Please read this form, and ask any questions you have, before agreeing to be in the
study. Before obtaining your consent to participate, the investigator will also review important
information to help you decide if you would like to participate. The investigator will discuss the
study, which will include:
• The reason for which this study is being conducted
• What will occur during your participation, including the duration of your participation
• The potential risks and benefits of your participation
• How your information will be protected and how it will be used in the future
• If you will be paid for your participation
• What may occur if you decide to not participate in the study

Why is this study being done?

The purpose of this study is to better understand the experiences, well-being, and alcohol use of
Latino/x day laborers.

You were selected as a possible participant because of your current and/or past work as a day
laborer.

The study is being conducted by Patricia Gonzalez and Ellen Vaughan, Ph.D. from the
Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology at Indiana University.

What will happen during the study?

If you agree to participate in this study, you will participate in a 90-minute interview at your
convenience. Your interview will be recorded on an audio-recording device. Topics that may
come up in conversation may include alcohol use, well-being, document status, and
discrimination.

What are the risks and benefits of taking part in this study?
While participating in the study, the risks, side effects, and/or discomforts include: distress or
discomfort, loss of confidentiality, and legal risks associated with disclosure of substance use
and document status. The risk of participating in this study involve discomfort in responding to

218
questions about high risk behavior such as alcohol. There is also the risk of emotional distress
that typically occurs when discussing experiences of racism and discrimination.

There is also risk for loss of confidentiality. Efforts will be made to keep your personal
information confidential. However, we cannot guarantee absolute confidentiality. In addition,
there may be legal risk with disclosure of illegal behaviors and document status. Study staff
make every effort to keep your information confidential.

Please note that, when participating in the interviews, you can tell the researcher that you are
uncomfortable or do not care to answer a particular question.

How will my information be protected?

All research includes at least a small risk of loss of confidentiality. Efforts will be made to keep
your personal information confidential. We cannot guarantee absolute confidentiality. Your
personal information may be disclosed if required by law. Your identity will be held in
confidence in reports in which the study may be published.

The investigator will use pseudonyms throughout and all reports and transcripts will be held in
confidence. The investigator, and one other bilingual student, will be the only individuals with
access to the recorded data. These recordings will then be removed from the recording device
and stored in a password-protected computer that only the investigator will have access to. Audio
recordings will be transcribed. After they have been transcribed, the recordings will be deleted
from the hard drive of the computer. A copy of the transcripts and all other confidential
information will also be stored on IU OneDrive (an encrypted password protected internet
storage site). A master list with your personal information (first name, phone number,
pseudonym, and date/time of interview) will be stored separate from the study’s data. These
documents will be deleted from IU OneDrive once data analysis has been completed. All
physical copies of transcripts (for purpose of data analysis) will be kept in a locked personal
office.

Will I be paid for participation?

You will be given a $20 gift card at the end of your interview.

Who should I call with questions or problems?

For questions about the study, contact Patricia Gonzalez at (516) 399-9592 or Dr. Ellen Vaughan
at (812) 856-8243.

For questions about your rights as a research participant or to discuss problems,

complaints or concerns about a research study, or to obtain information, or offer input,
please contact the IU Human Subjects Office at 800-696-2949 or at irb@iu.edu.

219
DECLARACIÓN DE CONSENTIMIENTO INFORMADO PARA PARTICIPAR EN UN
ESTUDIO DE LA UNIVERSIDAD DE INDIANA
"Las experiencias vividas de los trabajadores latinos" IRB Numero de Estudio
#1912296837

Se le está solicitando que participe en un estudio de investigación. Los científicos hacen

investigación para obtener respuestas a preguntas importantes que pueden contribuir a cambiar o
mejorar la forma en que haremos las cosas en el futuro.

Puede elegir no participar o abandonar el estudio de investigación en cualquier momento. Si

decide no participar o abandonar el estudio de investigación más tarde, esto no resultará en una
penalidad ni en la pérdida de beneficios a los que tenga derecho, y no afectará su relación con los
investigadores ni sus empleadores.

Antes de que esté de acuerdo en participar, la investigadora resumirá la información importante

que le ayudará a decidir si va a participar. Seguidamente la investigadora le hablará sobre el
estudio de investigación, incluyendo:
• El motivo por el cual se realiza el estudio de investigación
• Lo que ocurrirá durante el estudio de investigación, incluyendo por cuánto tiempo usted
participará
• Los riesgos o beneficios potenciales
• Cómo se protegerá su información y cómo se utilizará en el futuro
• Si se le pagará por participar
• Lo que ocurre si usted decide dejar de participar

¿Por qué se está realizando este estudio?

El propósito de este estudio es entender mejor las experiencias, el bienestar y el consumo de
alcohol de los trabajadores/jornaleros latinos.

Usted fue seleccionado como un posible participante debido a su trabajo y/o trabajo del pasado
como un trabajador/jornalero.

El estudio está siendo realizado por Patricia González y Ellen Vaughan, Ph.D. del Departamento
de Psicología de Consejería y Psicología Educativa de la Universidad de Indiana.

¿Qué pasará durante el estudio?

Si acepta participar en este estudio, participará en una plática de 90 minutos a su conveniencia.
La plática se grabará en una grabadora de audio. Los temas que pueden surgir en la conversación
pueden incluir el consumo de alcohol, el bienestar, estatus migratorio y la discriminación.

¿Cuáles son los riesgos y beneficios de participar en este estudio?

Durante la participación en el estudio, los riesgos, efectos secundarios y/o molestias incluyen:
incomodidad, pérdida de confidencialidad y riesgos legales asociados a la divulgación del
consumo de sustancias y el estatus legal. El riesgo de participar en este estudio implica posible
incomodidad en la respuesta a preguntas sobre el comportamiento de alto riesgo como el

220
consumo problemático del alcohol. También existe el riesgo de angustia emocional que puede
ocurrir cuando uno habla sobre experiencias del racismo y de la discriminación.

También existe el riesgo de la pérdida de confidencialidad. Se harán esfuerzos para mantener su

información personal confidencial. Sin embargo, no podemos garantizar la confidencialidad
absoluta. Además, puede haber riesgo legal con la divulgación de comportamientos ilegales y el
estado legal. El personal de estudio hace todo lo posible para mantener su información
confidencial

Tenga en cuenta que, al participar en la conversación, puede decirle a la investigadora que se

siente incómodo o que no le importa responder a una pregunta en particular.

¿Cómo se protegerá mi información?

Todos los estudios incluyen al menos un pequeño riesgo de pérdida de confidencialidad. Se hará
lo posible para mantener su información personal confidencial. No podemos garantizar la
confidencialidad absoluta. Su información personal puede ser revelada si lo requiere la ley. Su
identidad se mantendrá en secreto en todos los reportes que el estudio puede publicar.

La investigadora usará seudónimos en todo momento y todos los informes y transcripciones de

audio serán confidenciales. La investigadora, y otro estudiante bilingüe, serán las únicas
personas con acceso a las grabaciones. Las grabaciones serán inmediatamente transferidas a una
computadora protegida con contraseña al que sólo la investigadora tendrá acceso. Las
grabaciones de audio serán transcritas. Después de que hayan sido transcritas, las grabaciones
serán eliminadas del disco duro de la computadora. Una copia de las transcripciones y toda su
información confidencial también se guardará en IU OneDrive (un sitio especial del Internet
encriptado protegido por contraseña). Una lista con su información personal (nombre, número de
teléfono, seudónimo y fecha/hora de la entrevista) se mantendrá separado de los datos del
estudio. Estos documentos se borrarán de IU OneDrive una vez que se haya completado el
análisis de los datos. Todas las copias físicas de las transcripciones (con fines de análisis de
datos) se mantendrán en una oficina personal cerrada con llave.

¿Se me pagará por participar?

Se le dará una tarjeta de regalo de $20 al final de su entrevista.

¿A quién debo llamar con preguntas o problemas?

Para preguntas sobre el estudio, comuníquese con Patricia González al (516) 399-9592 o con la
Dra. Ellen Vaughan al (812) 856-8243.

Si tiene preguntas sobre sus derechos como participante de un estudio de investigación,

para discutir problemas, quejas o inquietudes o para obtener información u ofrecer
comentarios, comuníquese con la Oficina de Sujetos Humanos de IU al 800-696-2949 o en
irb@iu.edu.

221
 PATRICIA D. GONZALEZ
pdgonzal@iu.edu

EDUCATION

Indiana University Bloomington, Bloomington, IN

Ph.D. in Counseling Psychology, APA-Accredited, August 2021

Indiana University Bloomington, Bloomington, IN

M.S.Ed. in Learning and Developmental Sciences-Educational Psychology, July 2018

Cornell University, Ithaca, NY

B.A. Psychology and Asian Studies, May 2015

CLINICAL EXPERIENCE

Doctoral Psychology Intern Fall 2020-Summer 2021

Colorado State University Health Network, Fort Collins, CO
Supervisors: Aki Hosoi, Ph.D., Jeff Nepute, Ph.D., and Chloe Wright, Ph.D.

• Provided bilingual (English and Spanish) mental health services to undergraduate and
graduate students of Colorado State University.
• Facilitated short-term and semester-long telehealth services, maintaining a caseload of
approximately 8-11 weekly clients from diverse backgrounds and presenting concerns
(e.g. grief, adjustment difficulties, anxiety, depression, eating concerns, multicultural
issues, anger, trauma, and COVID-19).
• Engaged in semester-long rotations within the CSU Health Network:
o Behavioral Health Rotation (8hrs/week)
▪ Collaborated with CSU health providers to offer students a team-based
approach for supporting their physical and mental well-being.
▪ Provided brief interventions and psycho-education focusing on student
presenting concerns (e.g. sleep hygiene, anxiety, and self-care).
▪ Assessed students for risk and worked with students to create safety plans.
▪ Connected students to community and campus resources (e.g. scheduling
counseling and/or psychiatric resources, workshops, groups, multicultural
hours, cultural centers).
▪ Worked as On-call Counselor (OCC) support to briefly gather information
on student presenting concerns and connect students to appropriate
services within Counseling Services.
o Post-Hospitalization Support (iTEAM) Rotation (Spring 2021)
▪ Provided DBT-informed individual counseling to students who had
recently been hospitalized for mental health concerns.
▪ Co-facilitated an 8-week DBT Skills group for students to learn
mindfulness and emotion regulation techniques to navigate distressing
situations.
 ▪ Participated in weekly iTEAM seminar to gain additional training in risk
assessment, safety planning, and DBT.
o BIPOC Students: Special Interest Area Rotation (Summer 2021)
▪ Providing multicultural and social justice-informed individual counseling
to students who identify as Black, indigenous, or persons of color
(BIPOC).
▪ Co-facilitated a 4-week Women of Color Support Group to provide a
validating and supportive space to students who identify as women of
color to discuss topics such as intersecting identities and womanhood,
microaggressions, racism, social relationships, cultural experiences,
community, and mental health.
• Co-facilitated two 8-week interpersonal process groups, holding 6-8 members, one group
in the Fall and Spring semester.
• Supervised 1 doctoral-level practicum counselor in the Fall and Spring semesters.
o Provided live supervision of telehealth (intake and individual) sessions and
delivered informal/formal evaluations of supervisee’s work 2hrs/week.
• Member of two interdisciplinary teams: Transgender Health Care Team and Eating
Disorders Treatment Team. Team members ranged from psychiatrists, medical
personnel, psychologists, Assistant Director of a campus cultural resource center, and
undergraduate representatives.
• Engaged in outreach with El Centro (CSU’s Latinx cultural center) by planning
presentations, workshops, and Instagram Live talks for various CSU Latinx student
groups. [See ‘Invited Presentations’ and ‘Media Appearances’]
• Engaged in outreach with the Summer Bridge Program by presenting and leading small
group dialogues related to topics like healthy relationships, sex, substance use,
intersectional identities, imposter syndrome, and mental health with incoming first-
generation (predominantly Latinx) freshman at CSU.
• Advocated for clients to receive support from various university resources (e.g. CSU
Housing).
• Participated in regular didactic seminars focused on the topics of: diversity, supervision,
group counseling, professional issues, outreach, assessment, and research.

Assistant Director Summer 2018-Spring 2020

Center for Human Growth, Bloomington, IN
Supervisor/Director: Lynn Gilman, Ph.D., HSPP

• Assisted the director in clinical, administrative, and organizational activities associated

with the daily operation of a non-profit mental health clinic that serves the community
and campus populations and provides training to doctoral and master’s level counselors
• Provided live supervision and consultation on all intake sessions in accordance with an
intake protocol devised to assess client risk and match counselor competencies to client
needs.
• Delivered supervision of student counselors during crisis situations, such as client safety
planning and facilitating reporting to Indiana Department of Child Services (DCS).
 • Coordinated and supervised counselors of the Student Assistance Program, which
provides individual and group counseling to students at a local middle school.
• Co-conducted weekly staff meetings that include intake presentations and facilitating
discussion on numerous topics (e.g. mindfulness, suicide assessment, sexual assault,
managing
• Planned and conducted the orientation and training sessions for new counselors each
semester.
• Facilitated end of semester counselor/client transitions to ensure appropriate assignment
and continuity of care for all clients.
• Managed requests for and received releases of information for clients’ treatment record.
• Assisted the director in preparing the Center for Human Growth (CHG) annual report.

Doctoral Student Clinical Supervisor Fall 2018-Spring 2020

Advanced Practicum in Counseling Supervision, Bloomington, IN
Supervisor: Lynn Gilman, Ph.D., HSPP
• Supervised 2 master’s level counseling students placed at the CHG in Fall 2018, 1
master’s student in Spring 2019 and Summer 2019, and 4 master’s students in Fall 2019
on a weekly basis.
• Evaluated supervisee’s clinical competency by reviewing video recorded sessions,
engaging in role-plays with supervisees, and overseeing sessions during crisis
management.
• Provided written/oral final evaluations for each supervisee to highlight their strengths and
growth areas.

Practicum Counselor Spring 2016-Spring 2017; Summer 2018-Spring 2020

Center for Human Growth, Bloomington, IN
Supervisors: Ellen Vaughan, Ph.D., HSPP, Michael Tracy, Ph.D., HSPP
• Conducted weekly intake sessions for new clients and provided individual sessions in
English and Spanish to Indiana University students and members of the greater
Bloomington community, ages 19-50.
• Utilized Spanish language skills to conduct the AUDIT and provide psychoeducation on
substance use to Spanish-speaking clients on probation for alcohol-and other substance-
related concerns.
• Facilitated short-term relational counseling to a couple in Spanish (3 sessions),
maintaining a caseload of approximately 5 to 8 weekly clients.

Practicum Counselor Fall 2017-Spring 2018

IUPUI Counseling and Psychological Services, Indianapolis, IN
Supervisors: Julia Lash, Ph.D., HSPP, Michelle Doeden, Ph.D., HSPP, Steve Baughman, Psy.D.,
HSPP
 • Provided mental health services to undergraduate and graduate students at IUPUI, a
university that serves a substantially large population of non-traditional, commuter, and
international college students.
• Participated in weekly 2-hour counseling didactics, which ranged from topics on working
with transgender clients, counseling ethics, trauma, and counseling theories such as
Solution-Focused Therapy.
• Responded appropriately to clients undergoing crisis by consulting with staff
psychologists, conducting thorough risk assessments, and collaborating with clients to
develop safety plans.
• Presented case conceptualizations twice each semester, both written and orally, to staff
psychologists and fellow practicum counselors.
• Co-facilitated a 6-week Mindfulness-Based Stress Management group and a 6-week
Unwind Your Mind group, where group members practiced mindfulness meditation and
skills to combat daily stressors within group sessions.
• Assessed readiness and wrote letters of support for transgender clients to be evaluated for
gender affirming treatments (i.e. hormone replacement therapies and surgery).
• Maintained a caseload of approximately 6-8 weekly clients of diverse presenting
concerns (e.g. substance use, body image, gender identity, disordered eating, grief,
anxiety, depression, etc.) and of diverse ethnic/racial identities, sexual orientation, gender
expression, and nationalities.

Mental Health Consultant Spring 2016-Spring 2017

La Casa, Bloomington, IN
Supervisor: Ellen Vaughan, Ph.D., HSPP
• Provided drop-in consultation services in English and Spanish for undergraduate and
graduate students affiliated with Indiana University’s Latino Cultural Center “La Casa”,
2hrs/week.
• Connected students to various resources within Indiana University and the city of
Bloomington
• Established and maintained connections with Latino student organizations and staff
members to break down barriers and stigma in seeking mental health services.

Gratitude Group Co-Facilitator Spring 2017

Indiana University Bloomington, Bloomington, IN
Supervisor: Y. Joel Wong, Ph.D.
• Co-facilitated a psychoeducational group focusing on cultivating gratitude in the
members’ lives, 1.5hrs/week for 6 weeks.
• Recruited participants from undergraduate classes and student organizations.
• Publicized groups through social media and cultural center newsletters.
• Scheduled group screenings and connected with interested participants through email and
telephone.
 • Immersed self in positive psychology literature on gratitude as a student in G632:
Advanced Group Leadership in Counseling.
• Sharpened group facilitation skills that prepared for leading gratitude groups.

Spanish Parent Group Co-Facilitator Fall 2015-Fall 2016

Monroe Public Library, Bloomington, IN
Supervisor: Ellen Vaughan, Ph.D., HSPP
• Co-led open psychoeducational groups in Spanish with Latinx parents of the greater
Bloomington community, each group occurring once a semester and covered a different
topic each meeting.
• Presented communication tips for adults with children growing up in a Latin American
household and U.S. society and provided information on the stages of development in
children.
• Engaged participants in practicing effective communication between romantic partners.
• Facilitated discourse on the characteristics of bullying, the psychological effects of
bullying, and how take action to protect children from bullying.

PROFESSIONAL LEADERSHIP & COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT

Social Justice-Advocate & Consultant Spring 2018

Bloomington, IN
Instructor/Supervisor: Kerrie Wilkins-Yel, Ph.D.
• Provided consultation services to a local nonprofit organization serving a neuro-diverse
population to strengthen multicultural competence among the organization’s staff.
• Gathered information about the consultee’s goals by conducting several visits to the
organization.
• Collaborated with team members to develop and administer an online needs assessment.
• Utilized the literature on social-justice consultation and advocacy to inform consultation
work.
• Co-conducted interviews with key stakeholders within the organization, such as the
organization’s CEO.
• Provided an oral presentation and written report to the organization’s CEO that identified
the organization’s strengths, areas of growth, and recommendations on how to strengthen
staff’s multicultural competence.
• Received group supervision in weekly course (G650: Social Justice Consultation,
Advocacy, and Leadership).

Mental Health Columnist Summer 2016-Fall 2017

Community and Family Resources Department of the City of Bloomington, IN

• Volunteered to write monthly articles on mental health-related topics for the Spanish
language publication of the Boletín Comunitario.
 • Published 13 articles both in online- and paper-format [See ‘Other Publications’].

Professional Development Committee Member Fall 2015-Spring 2018

Counseling Psychology Student Organization, Bloomington, IN

• Planned workshops that informed Indiana University undergraduate and graduate

students about applying to Master’s and Doctoral programs for Counseling and
Counseling Psychology.
• Co-coordinated with the Diversity Committee of the Counseling Psychology Student
Organization to plan a series of panel discussions on researching and counseling
individuals from different marginalized groups.
• Collaborated with co-president of CPSO and chair of Professional Development
Committee to organize an event called “Psychology in the International Arena”. This
event featured a panel composed of international visiting scholars at Indiana University
and a Q&A session.
• Assisted co-president of CPSO to arrange a “Personal Branding” workshop, hosted by
Dr. Kerrie Wilkins-Yel. This workshop provided counseling graduate students with the
opportunity to learn how to hone and cultivate their online presence for future job
preparation.

TEACHING EXPERIENCE

Associate Instructor Fall 2016-Spring 2018

School of Education, Indiana University Bloomington, IN
Instructional Supervisor: Catherine Gray, M.A.

• Instructor of record for the following semester-long undergraduate Counseling minor

courses:
o EDUC-G203: Communication for Youth Serving Professionals (Fall 2016-Fall
2017)
o EDUC-G375: Multicultural Skills in Counseling (Fall 2016)
o EDUC-G206: Introduction to Counseling Psychology (Second-8-weeks: Fall
2017, Spring 2018)
• Navigated online learning platform, CANVAS, to post grades and lecture slides, provide
feedback that emphasized students’ strengths and areas of growth, upload campus
opportunities for students’ professional growth, and maintaining attendance.
• Created syllabi for all courses and designed activities for community building within the
classroom, continued development of students’ multicultural humility, and practice of
basic counseling skills.
• Led lectures and created teaching plans for courses with 20-27 students.
 • Invited guest speakers to discuss experiences of being multiculturally sensitive
counselors and researchers, as well as discuss the development of understanding their
own privileges and identities.
• Facilitated group discussions on difficult dialogues, such as identifying privilege and
microaggressions, at a predominantly White institution.
• Wrote recommendation letters in assisting students’ graduate school application.
• Trained on pedagogy through a weekly course, EDUC-P650: College Teaching and
Instruction, that included topics, such as learning theories, multicultural classrooms,
student learning assessment, experiential activities, and providing students with feedback.
Workshop Facilitator Fall 2015-Spring 2016
Indiana University Bloomington, Bloomington, IN
• Partnered with Indiana University’s Latino Cultural Center, “La Casa”, to create a talking
circle, where undergraduates discussed the link between managing stress and using
positive coping methods with a hands-on Guatemalan Worry Doll activity.
• Co-led a workshop, “Sex and Sexuality within Latino Culture”, which was attended by
undergraduate and graduate students affiliated with La Casa.
• Co-led a presentation and activity on how to manage stress, especially while preparing
for midterms and final exams.
• Co-facilitated dialogue with Indiana University students on the stress involved in going
home for the holidays and taught skills on how to communicate with family and
hometown friends in times of conflict.
• Co-presented on the graduate school application process. Specifically, how Indiana
University Master’s and undergraduate students can apply for counseling psychology
PhD programs.
• Discussed prominent college and mental health issues with undergraduate Latinx students
affiliated with La Casa at Indiana University.

Skills Observer Fall 2015-Spring 2020

Indiana University Bloomington, Bloomington, IN
• Observed and rated counseling and communication skills of undergraduate students
taking EDUC-G206: Introduction to Counseling Psychology and EDUC-G203:
Communication Skills for Youth-Serving Professionals.
• Provided students with feedback on their strengths and areas of growth for
communicating with peers, parents, and future clients.

INVITED PRESENTATIONS

(12) Tilzey, S., & Gonzalez, P. D. (2021, July). Healthy relationships. Invited facilitator and
presenter of mental health seminar for students of the Summer Bridge Program at
Colorado State University, Fort Collins, Colorado.
(11) Gonzalez, P. D., & Aparicio, A-J. (2021, July). Identity exploration. Invited facilitator
and presenter of mental health seminar for students of the Summer Bridge Program at
Colorado State University, Fort Collins, Colorado.

(10) Gonzalez, P. D., & Aparicio, A-J. (2021, January). What to say and do to help students
in crisis. Invited panelist to El Centro’s La Conexión Peer Mentor Meeting at
Colorado State University, Fort Collins, Colorado

(9) Gonzalez, P. D., & Worley, B. (2020, November). Navigating post-election stress.
Invited facilitator and presenter of El Centro’s Hot Chips Hot Topics: Election
Reflection virtual event at Colorado State University, Fort Collins, Colorado.

(8) Gonzalez, P. D., & Aparicio, A-J. (2020, October). Small skills to communicate care.
Invited panelist to El Centro’s La Conexión Peer Mentor Meeting at Colorado State
University, Fort Collins, Colorado.

(7) Gonzalez, P. D., Purnell, D., McCullough, K., Gonzalez, N., & Hyman, J. (2018,
January). Counselors of color integrating intersectionality into counseling. Invited
panelist to Crimson CORPS training orientation at Indiana University, Bloomington,
Indiana.

(6) Gonzalez, P. D., Cawthra, J. N., & Powless, M. (2017, April). Mental health
professionals panel. Invited panelist to Nancy Goodrich Mitts’ undergraduate level
Introduction to Counseling Psychology course at Indiana University, Bloomington,
Indiana.

(5) Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, February). Research and practice with undocumented

immigrants. Invited guest lecturer to Jacks Cheng’s undergraduate course EDUC-
G375: Multicultural Skills in Counseling at Indiana University, Bloomington,
Indiana.

(4) Gonzalez, P. D., Wang, L., Purnell, D., McCullough, K., Gonzalez, N., & Hyman, J.
(2017, January). Counselors of color integrating intersectionality into counseling.
Invited panelist to Crimson CORPS training orientation at Indiana University,
Bloomington, Indiana.

(3) Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, October). Child and adolescent suicide prevention. Invited guest
 lecture for Deb Pardue’s undergraduate course EDUC-G203: Communication for Youth
Serving Professionals at Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.

(2) Gonzalez, P. D. & Wang, S. Y. (2016, October). Suicide awareness. Invited panelist for
Gammi Phi Omega’s ‘Love is Louder’ event at Indiana University, Bloomington,
Indiana.

(1) Gonzalez, P. D. (2015, October). The graduate program application process and
graduate student experience. Invited panelist for the Career Development Center’s
program to undergraduate honors students at Indiana University, Bloomington,
Indiana.

PUBLICATIONS

• Gonzalez, P. D. & Vaughan, E. L. (2020). Substance use among Latino international and
domestic college students. Journal of Ethnicity in Substance Abuse, 1-23. Advance online
publication. doi:10.1080/15332640.2020.1747037
• Shea, M., Wong, Y. J., Nguyen, K., & Gonzalez, P. D. (2019). College students’ barriers to
seek mental health counseling: Scale development and psychometric evaluation. Journal
of Counseling Psychology, 66(5), 626-639. doi:10.1037/cou0000356

PUBLICATIONS UNDER REVIEW

• Gonzalez, P. D., Lee, C. S., Li, P. F. J., Pardue, D. A., Kennedy, K. W., & Wilkins-Yel, K. G.
(Under review). Counseling psychologists as consultants: Lessons learned from a social
justice consultation project.
• Vaughan, E. L., Stevenson, N. J., Gonzalez, P.D., Gonzalez, N., Murphey, Q., & de Dios, M.
A. (Under review). Associations between sexual assault and alcohol use among Latina
college students.

PUBLICATIONS IN PROGRESS

• Wang, L., Gonzalez, P.D., Lau, P. L., Costa, M., & Vaughan, E. L. “Dando Gracias": Effects
of Gratitude and Social Connectedness on Subjective Happiness among Latinx College
 Students.
• Vaughan, E. L., McKean Blackwell, N. B., Klann, E. M., Gonzalez, P.D., Zounlome, N.,
Limas, E. F., & Chase, A. Results of a pilot study of a parent-based prevention group to
address alcohol related sexual assault among college students.

PEER-REVIEWED CONFERENCE PRESENTATIONS & SYMPOSIA

• Vaughan, E. L., Blackwell, N., Stevenson, N. J., Gonzalez, P. D., Gonzalez, N., Paneto, A.,
Gastil, N., & Peng, J. (2019, August). Parent-Based Prevention to Address Alcohol-
related Sexual Assault. In J. Schwartz (Chair), Innovative Approaches to Working with
College Men to Prevent Sexual Assault. Symposium conducted at the 2019 American
Psychological Association Convention, Chicago, IL.
• Lee, C. S., Gonzalez, P. D., Li, P. F. J., Pardue, D. A., Kennedy, K. W., & Wilkins-Yel, K. G.
(2019, August). Counseling psychologists as consultants: Lessons learned from a social
justice consultation project. Poster presented at the 2019 American Psychological
Association Convention, Chicago, IL.
• Wang, L., Gonzalez, P. D., Lau, P. & Vaughan, E. L. (2019, August). “Dando Gracias”:
Gratitude and psychological outcomes among bilingual Latino college students. Poster
presented at the 2019 American Psychological Association Convention, Chicago, IL.
• Lee, C. S., Gonzalez, P. D., Li, P. F. J., Pardue, D. A., Kennedy, K. W., & Wilkins-Yel, K. G.
(2019, February). Counseling psychologists as consultants: Lessons learned from a social
justice consultation project. Poster presented at the 2019Winter Roundtable Conference
in Psychology Education at Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, NY.
• Gonzalez, P. D. & Vaughan, E. L. (2018, August). Factors associated with Latino
undergraduates’ self-harming behaviors. Poster presented at the 2018 American
Psychological Association Convention, San Francisco, California.
• Vaughan, E.L., Limas E. F., Chase, A. Gonzalez, P. D., McKean Blackwell, N., Klann, E.,
Zounlome, N. (2017, June). Results of a pilot study of a parent-based prevention group to
address alcohol related sexual assault among college students. Poster presented at the
2017 Research Society on Alcoholism, Denver, CO.
• Gonzalez, P. D. & Vaughan, E. L. (2016, August). Substance use among Latino international
and Latino domestic college students. Poster presented at the 2016 American
Psychological Association Convention, Denver, Colorado.
• Gonzalez, P. D., Holmes, A., McGuire, T., & McCormick, K. (2014, October). “Dear Diary”:
Writing about life changes. Poster presented at the Cornell Cooperative Extension 2014
Summer Internship Poster Session, Ithaca, NY.
• Gonzalez, P. D. & Wang, Q. (2013, September). Episodic future thinking in second-generation
children of Chinese immigrant families: A literature review. Poster presented at the
Diversity in Scholarship and Engagement Symposium, Ithaca, NY.
• Gonzalez, P. D. & Wang, Q. (2013, August). Episodic future thinking in second-generation
children of Chinese immigrant families: A literature review. Symposium and poster
presented at the Diversity Undergraduate Summer Research Symposium, Ithaca, NY.

PEER-REVIEWED CONFERENCE ROUNDTABLES

• Murphy, Q., Gonzalez P.D., Zounlome, N., & Gardner, L. (2017, April). Phinishing first:
Experiences of first- gen students in doctorate programs. Roundtable conducted at The
Great Lakes Regional Counseling Psychology Conference, Muncie, IN.

• Wang, L., Gonzalez, P. D. & Cheng, J. (2016, April). Bilingual counseling: Where do we go
from here? Roundtable conducted at The Great Lakes Regional Counseling Psychology
Conference, Bloomington, IN.

OTHER PUBLICATIONS

• Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, September). Suicidio entre jóvenes latinos(as). Boletín Comunitario,

166, 5. Retrieved from
https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_septiembre_2017
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, August). ¡No es cosa de broma! Reír trae beneficios a nuestra salud.
Boletín Comunitario, 165, 5. Retrieved from
https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_agosto_2017
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, July). La salud mental y los medios de comunicación. Boletín
Comunitario, 164, 5. Retrieved from
https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/final_boletin_julio_2017
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, June). El abuso a las personas mayores. Boletín Comunitario, 163, 5.
Retrieved from https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_junio_2017_web
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, May). La salud mental. Boletín Comunitario, 162, 5. Retrieved from
 https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_may_2017_web
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, April). Una comunidad de seguridad: Como usted puede ayudar.
Boletín Comunitario, 161, 5. Retrieved from
https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_abril_2017_web
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, March). Como crear y mantener sus metas. Boletín Comunitario, 160,
5. Retrieved from https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_march_2017_web
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, February). Relaciones saludables. Boletín Comunitario, 159, 5.
Retrieved from https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_febrero__2017_web
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2017, January). Estrés después de la elección. Boletín Comunitario, 158, 5.
Retrieved from https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_enero__2017_web
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2016, December). Cómo combatir la melancholía del invierno. Boletín
Comunitario, 157, 5. Retrieved from
https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_diciembre__2016_web
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2016, November). Dar gracias todos los días es saludable. Boletín
Comunitario, 156, 5. Retrieved from
https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_noviembre_2016_web
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2016, September). Mantenerse social es mantenerse saludable. Boletín
Comunitario, 154, 5. Retrieved from
https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_sept_2016_web
• Gonzalez, P. D. (2016, August). Los beneficios de tomar tiempo para usted mismo. Boletín
Comunitario, 153, 5. Retrieved from
https://issuu.com/boletincomunitario/docs/boletin_aug_2016_web

MEDIA APPEARANCES

• CSU El Centro [@elcentro1979]. (2020, November 9). “Sana Sana” – Live with Latinx
Counselors [Instagram IGTV video]. Retrieved from
https://www.instagram.com/p/CHZEXQuFJlI/

• Boufford, H. (2017, February 8). Spanish mental health support available. Indiana Daily
Student. Retrieved from https://www.idsnews.com/article/2017/02/spanish-mental-health-
support-available

• Viloria, M. A. (Host). (2017, February 24). Hola Bloomington – February 24, 2017 [Radio
 program]. In M. Britton (Producer), Hola Bloomington. Bloomington, IN: WFHB.
Retrieved from https://wfhb.org/news/hola-bloomington-februray-24-2017/

PROFESSIONAL MEMBERSHIP

American Psychological Association (APA) 2015-Present

• American Psychological Association of Graduate Students (APAGS), Student Affiliate
• Division 17: Society of Counseling Psychology, Student Affiliate
• Division 35: Section Hispanic Women, Student Affiliate
• Division 50: Addictions, Student Affiliate

Psi Chi, Member 2014-Present

Chi Alpha Epsilon, Member 2014-Present

Ronald E. McNair Scholar 2013-Present

PROFESSIONAL AWARDS & HONORS

Indiana University Bloomington Spring 2020

• IU Graduate and Professional Student Government Research Award

Indiana University Bloomington Fall 2018-Spring 2020

• Ida Giotto Medlyn Award

National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism Summer 2016

• Early Career Travel Award
Division 50: Addictions, American Psychological Association, Denver, CO

Indiana University Bloomington Fall 2015-Spring 2016

• Proffitt Fellowship

Cornell University Spring 2015

• Urie Bronfenbrenner Award for Outstanding Research in Human Development

LANGUAGES

• Fluent in listening/speaking/reading/writing
o English and Spanish
o Travelled extensively throughout Latin America
• Intermediate in listening/speaking/reading/writing
o Korean
o Lived in Seoul, South Korea for seven months
 o Took Korean language classes extensively for 4 years

COMPUTER SKILLS

• Solid computer skills in using the following programs:

o Titanium
o Pyramed
• Comfort with information technologies to create, store, secure, and exchange electronic
data- including confidential information.
 ProQuest Number: 28716588

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