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    Semana 7 Stanford Et Al. (2009) CAP 17

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    Naaomy Duque

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    Gras The Eyolution | of Human Behavior CHAPTER OUTLINE Studying the Evolution of Human Behavior Ecological Perspective Sexual Selection and Human Behavior Language-Related Cross-Cultural Behaviors Behavioral Disease i {chats about the relevance of bologcal and evolutionary aproaches te understanding human behavior have 2 long story. One ofthe valet pero in his ongoing inte lect iogue (to use a polite term) wae the mid-1970 During this period new routonary and ecologal approaches to understanding anal behavior were Starting tobe applied to human behavior Increasing knowlage abou the sah cated socal behavior ofthe primates further ila the flor fo place human be hhsor ina broader evolsionary and zoologial context In early 1978, the Ameriean Association forthe Avancement of Science held a eating in Washington, DC. which attempted to bring together represetaies from al side inthe sociobciogy "debate" Two of the most promsnnt sient attend the meeting ware Edvard Wison. 2 propenent ofthe eiutonary study of human behavior (which wat then eae tocobilogy) and Stephen jy Goud who cautioned that argaments about the biclgil bass of human behavior hstoriealy had been used to jl act and sei deo (es. Mary of Wilton’ erties accused him of arrogance for suggesting tat evolutionary explanations of hunan behavior woul come fo dominate thinking in the tractonal socal scenes, In contrast proponents of socsbilogy fae hat Wikon and other workers in the Feld were Being wiry accused af holding pital and Geologeal view that they themselves found 1a be repugnant Advocates on both ides ofthe cebate were fel by zrogence and Pahteouress a vlie combination Sedcloget of scence Ula SegersSleatended this lindmark meting She describes the extraordinary sane hen Wisan faced some of hi more erties "Ta two-day symposium etired about twenty speakers all Ara mamberof the audience, can say that for ‘hose who antcpated 2 pubic showdown, twas Somewhat dsappointing to st trough rater echt dealng ith arial socobicingy But here wae arcipton nthe aspartic in the session vere bath Won ane Gould were to speak The balroom wa ld oeapacy oud Goua damalah socobioog? Weuld son stand up to Gould 8 now. the auience warted sore acon The rest exceeded anybody expecttion. ‘What happen is a total surprise The sesion ha lead featured Goud among otters and Won is one of ‘the ater speakers just a Win is about to begin, about tn peopl nah yp on the speacer podium shoving Racist Woson you ca hie, we charge you wth genocide! Whe some tke ovr the mkophone and denounce ociobilogy. couple of ther rsh up behind Won (who esting nhs ace) and pour a ache of ie-vater over hishead shouting sor you are al vt! Then {hey quickly disappear again. Great commotion asues but tings cam down when the session organize step up to the microphone and apologies to Wilson fer the incident Theausience aves Witon a standing ‘ion Now Gould sep up to rcroohone ssjng that ths kind of Betis is ot the right vay to fgntsocobology—here he has a Lenin quote nan. on rade. man ifable Gsoder of ali rr ns vant narting ot the stustion Gout gate « ancing ovation (The audience a hatqute in how to ect to any ahi bi applauding sens foreman rghit) Wison—stll wer 494 PartV + New Franti in Biological Anthropology \We ane FORTUNATE THAT MOosT DEBATES about the evolution of human behavior do not end (or begin) with someone being doused with water. But the incident pro Wis an indication of jure how heated these debates cas become. They reflect basic conflict over whether human behavior is “inthe genes" or isa product of four culture and upbringing: the old nature versus mrtare debate. The nurture, fr cultural, side accuses the nature, or evolutionary, side of being genetic determin. ts, people sho believe that all observed behavioral difeences between individ tale he sexes, or populations ean be ascribed onl to differences in genetics, The tenetc side accuses the cultural side of embracing che legic of creationism: That ‘nce culture evolved, the rules of the game changed, and we were no longer sub ject (atthe Behavioral level zo the frees of evolution, which are so really apparent fn the animal world "As you might expect, nether of dese wo extreme vaws reflects the views of| ‘most biological anthropologists. Biological anchropologiss, with thee appreciation for the biology aad behavior of axe closest primate relatives, understand that shaman bodies and human behavior evolved. Although behaviors do not fosiize, iweccan draw inferences about how they may have evolved by examining coatem- porary human and nonhuman primate behavior and biology Biological anthro- ppologists also understand the importance of culture ard experience in shaping fRaman behavior. Behavioral plasticity is one ofthe eeitcaladapeations that ac- companied the evolution ofa large brain. Bur many behavioral scientists today believe that although a large brain allows humans to adop® a wide range of be- havioes some patterns of behavior we observe across cultures and populations are ‘most directly explained by evolution and natucal seleticn, The behaviors are not {genetically determined but reflec the interactions of gents and environments that ‘ield pattems of behavior observable cross-culeurally—we can analyze statistically “To understand the evolutionary foundations of contemporary human behavior ‘we need to apply the same logic and inferences that we use when studying other ‘volutionary phenomena. We can use the vast amount of information we have bout human behavior and look for patterns tha re consistent with evolutionary ‘models. We ean also take advantage of “natural experiments" that provide unusual Combinations of variables and allow us to gain new perspectives on human behav for The same principle that we use to make inferences about the phylogenetic clationships of the Old World monkeys, the adapeve value of the trunk of on tlephant, the plumage of the male peacock, or the Socal behavior of prairie does fan also guide our inferences about the evolution of human behavior. Howeves, hhuman behavior occurs ina cultural context, Like the medical antheopology approach to health and illness (discussed in Chapter 16), comprehensive under- Standing of the evolution of human behavior entails a bioculeural perspective. In this chapter, we will address several aspects of Fuman behavior from an evolutionary perspective. These include the ecology and demography of traditonal ‘human societies, patterns of human behavior that have been shaped by sexual selection, the interaction between clture and biology inte expression of language, {ide cuieigence of behavioral disease in an evolutionary context. Wo ccognize, ‘of cours, that each of these topics can be productively analyzed from a cultural ‘or nonevolutionary perspective; these other perspectives may provide alternative ‘or complementary analyses to those provided here. Howere, as we have emphasized ‘throughout this text, the biological anthropological aprroach is defined both by {evolutionary theory and by the quest to understand the oman species—incleding Inuman behavior—ina bioculural context. Therefore, tis chapter focuses on these ‘evolutionary and biocultral explanations of human behavior. Studying the Evolution of Human Behavior Evolutionary approaches to understanding behavior dd noe make much of an impact through the first haf of the rwentieta century. A major development inthe ‘Chapter 17 + The Bolu of Human Bshavior 495, study ofthe evolution of behavior was the publication of GC. Williams's book ‘Adaptation and Natural Selection (1966). Williams saw the evolution of social ‘behavior in terms of benefits not tothe group a5 a whole batt the individuals who ‘made up the group (and their genes). Fllowing on tis work and others, in 1975 zoologist Edward O. Wilson published a book ealled Sociobiology: The New ‘Synthesis. For a variety of socal and political easons, which are beyond the scope ‘ofthis text (see Segerstrile, 2000; Alcock, 2001), Wilson's book became a light ning cod for critics of evolutionary interpretations of human behavior Wilson defined sociobiology spl as the seience ofthe biological basis of ocal behaviow. Only a small pact of his book was dedicated to humans, with most of ie focusing fon examples and discussions drawn from the animal world, especially the insects ‘that were the main focus of his esearch. Akhough a classic work, Saciobiology was no The Origin of Species: I emerged from an intellectual climate that was, at east in pac, aleady in rane with the message, Grits of sociobiology, suchas the paleontologist and writer Stephen Jay Gould, laimed that sociobilogy in general was not good science and was susceptible political misapplication, Mindfl ofthese criticisms, the field of the evolution of ‘human behavior has moved away fom Wilson’ grand vision of human socio biology (chat ic would subsume all the socialsciences) and embraced several iferen, sometimes competing approaches to human behavior, which are seen to be complementary o or a part of traditional human behavioral sciences, ‘THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR: FOUR APPROACHES Anthropologists and other scientists interested in the evolution of human behavior tse quite different approaches to the subject depending on ther particular esearch interests and training (Figure 17-1). Four of the most common approaches are paleontological reconstructions of behavior, biocultural approaches, evolutionary octal tewrshire chore sho obtener a x FIGURE 17.1 Foursppreace to dying the elation ofharan Seon From an evolutionary theory perspective, a “fost herd of deers not the same as a“*herd of fast deer” by O.Mian or ha eon uy of al sac tahoe 496 PareV + New Frontiers in evolutionary psychology pyran derstanding ‘Srotneer te slecton of pectic hora pater nthe cone of Ge crionmene of erstonary Magnes ‘environment of evolutionary incedness (EEA) Acrorng ‘Solon pyeaogss ‘eal pere for understanding tbe Soece oc tht shape arn ‘enna semp nar pre sys ofhomiis etre benef ait human eolutonary ecology ogo undercard ‘aon of hava ear at Stange egiore ecb nd ‘mapas knporane Steganos jological Anchropology psychology, and human evolutionary (or behavioral} ecology. The examples ‘Covered inthis chapter make use ofthe latter three approaches. Paleontological Reconstructions of Behavior In Chapters 8 through 14 ive discussed several reconstructions of che behavior of earlier hominids. These ‘Teconstructions were based on the anatomy of extinct hominids and, when present, the archacological remains with which they were associated. They were also based ‘on corzelations among behavior, anaomy, and ecology we have observed in ‘nonhuman primate species and in contemporary humass, especially those living tinder tradicional hunter-gatherer conditions. Any reconstruction of the behavior ‘of our hominid ancestors is a synthesis of both paleontological and contemporary data. Although theze are limits to how much we can lean from such reconstruc- tions, they are the only soutc of information we have tounderstand the sequence bt events in human behavioral evolution. Biocultural Approaches Iris lear that human cutuel behavior has influenced human evolution, For example, the adoption of slash-and-burn agriculture had att inditec effect on the evolution ofthe sickle cell polymorphism, and the devel- ‘opment of dairying in some populations was a direct selcive Factor inthe evolu- ton of lactose eoletance (se Chapter 5). Our biological and evolusonary hestage may have shaped several patterns of behavior that are expeessed in a cultural, Context, One aspect of human behavior chat we have already discussed in detail— language—is prime example. Evolutionary Psychology An adherence to three main principles charactecies evolutionary peychology. Fics human and animal behavior is not produced by Iminds chat are general purpose devices. Rather, che minds composed of cognitive modules, which are assumed to have an underlying neuroanatomical basis. These Inodules expres specific Behaviors in spife stations. Second, cagitive modules {ce complex design features of organisms. Because natural selection i the only way to evolve complex design featutes, evolutionary psychology focuses on under standing behaviors or cognitive modules as adaptations. Third, for most of our history humans and hominids have lived in small groups as buncer-gatheres. Evolutionary psychologists believe that our evolved behavior may reflect of should be interpreted in terms of this hypothercal envionment of evolutionary adaptedness (EEA), Evolutionary psychologists acknowledge that some behaviors, like some physical features, are the by-products of other evolutionary forces and therefore {Should not be considered adaptations (musical ability may be such a behavig, for example) Furthermore, although the EEA figures prominencly in their incerpre- {ation of behavioral data, most evolutionary psychologies study the behavior of contemporary humans living in developed countries, va surveys, psychological, experiments, and observations of people in day-to-day setings. Tiss noe simply ‘A matter of convenience: Evolutionary psychologists seek speceswide adaptations, ‘which can be examined in any cultural setting (although data from cross-cultural ‘ules is always helpful). They use such data fo uncover the adapations that char- ‘acterized life in the FEA, whatever that may have been, Over the past two decades the principles of evolutionary psychology have been elucidated by two ofits main, ‘proponents, anthropologist John Tooby and psychologist Leda Cosmides (Barkow eral, 1992; Tooby 8 Costides, 2000), Human Evolutionary (or Behavioral) Ecology In contrat to evolutionary psychology, which focuses more on psychological experiments and surveys of ‘people living in developed countries, human evolutionary ecology focuses on the ecological factors that influence reproductive success in the few emaiing hunter-gatherer populations. Among the groups studied most intensely have been the Yanomam6 of Amazonia (Chagnon, 1988, 1997), tke Aché of Paraguay (Hill & Hurtado, 1996), and the Hladza of Tanzania (Hawkes etal 2001). Topics of ‘Chapter 17 + The Evolution of Human Bahavioe 497 inceres to human evolusionary ecologist include the celationship beeween status and reproductive success, demographic effects of tribal warfare and aggression, and the underlying social impact of hunting and food sharing. Researchers use data on contemporary hunter-gatherer groups to refine models that purport t0 reconstruct the behavior of extinct hominids (Marlowe 2005) BEHAVIORAL PATTERNS AND EVOLUTION. Human behavior can be observed at the individual, culeual, or even species-wide levels, Biological and evolutionary explanations of diferent behavioral patterns vaty depending on the contexts in which those behaviors are expressed. To under stand the natural history of human behavior, i is important ¢o remember the ‘mosaic nature of is evolution. Just as different parts ofthe human body evolved at diffeent poins in our past, different aspects of human behavior may reflect ferent evolutionary peti, Cognitive Universals As 2 species we share many behavioes by virte of ove shared biology. These cognitive universls include behaviors seuied by cognitive scientists, such as sensory processing, che basic emotions, consciousness, motor control, memory, and arention (Gazzaniga eal, 1998), Language also i typically included among the cognitive behaviors shared by all people. Ata biological level, wwe shate the neurological mechenisms underying some of these cognitive univer. sals with many other mammalian species, For example, much of what we know bout the specifics of visual processing comes from experimental work on cts and ‘monkeys. Other universal, suchas language, clearly have emerged fll only inthe hominid ineap (love we may say Biologia! antecedents by ooking at other species). Given the universal, and in many cases cross-species, expression of these ‘cognitive processes, itis feasonable to assume they ae biological adaptations that hhave been shaped by natural selection. Although cognitive universals have a basic common expeession in all people, ve often see variation inthe way they are expressed, [eis likely that ths variation results from both environmental and genetic factors, in the same way, for example, that variation in stature arises ‘within and between populations. Cross-Cultural Universals When we look across the diverse cultures of the world cis easy to notice chat many commonalities emerge, which can be caled «cross-cultural universals (Brown, D.E., 1991). For example, ll eultures have a language. We also find that each culture develops rituals and traditions to mark and recognize status. They develop systems for identifying end naming kin. They or- {gaize social and occupational roles along sex and gender lines. Standatds of sex- tal attractiveness and beauty may show common patterns across cultures, Many biological anthropologists argue that common cultural practices did aot develop, Independently ovee and over again but rather retleet uncerying genetic factors that are widely distributed in our species. If we cannot find a common cultural origin for a widespread behavioral pattern observed across cultures then iti ea ‘sonable to hypothesize hae the pattern may reflect a common biological origi, This is especially tee if we find the behavior in a majority of human cultures or if we can show ito be asociated with a common ecological variable. One way to look at this is that we are not “hardwired” to develop these behaviors but rather are “prewired” to express them given a proper ecological or cultural envigonment (Marews, 2004) Remember that cross-cultural univesals are rot individual universals. For ‘example, we could say that singing and dancing are cross-cultural universals, but that does not mean thae all members of every culture sing and dance, Similar locmns ‘of behavioral disease are found in diferent cultures, 50 in one sease we can say that cognitive universe Coie phenomena mich a try proceig the be ‘Sroione sonscouiets motor {oneoL memory nd taton Os tre sored ty ror Indiv cros-cleral universal Babar paromenn uh ging, anerg and mena pss ht re ‘oant anata human cures bt ararecnecnarly ered by each tmomoer of clara goo. 498 Part + New Frontiers in Biological Anthropology mental ilnessts ate a cross-cultural universal, even if only a small proportion of the population develops these conditions. Within-Culture Variation Male and female mammels may adopt different sexual and reproductive strategies because of thee differential investment in time and energy in each offspring. How has this mammalian pattern been rendered ins human cultural context? Do we se evidence that hunans have evolved away fom typical primate patterns? If so, how and why has thisvthie-ultre variation happened? Variation in behavior corelated with age may also have been shaped by evolutionary pressures, For example, is che young, risk-taking male a Western cultural constructor a cross-cultural phenomenon amenable o evolutionary theorizing? Although age and sex are che primary biologeal variables thar figure {nto stadies ofthe evolution of within-ultre variation, we an study other aspects of within-culure variation from an evolutionary perspective. Biological Constraints on Human Behavior People ae capable of doing just, about anything and any number of behaviors shaped by culture aze aot easily explained in a bioevolutionary context. On the othe hand, when we look across Cultures, there seem to be some constraints on what people do, which in curn Iecad to Behavioral convergences across cultures. Unlike coss-cultural universals, Ieavioral convergences that arise from biological constraint ae not che primary ‘esl of biological processes. A nonbehaviora example of «behavioral convergence is footwear, Footwear tends o converge on a similar basc shape, which is func tionally constrained by the shape and action of the heman foot. In a similar fashion, human behavior may be channeled into similar patteras by constraints imposed by ou neurobiology. A basic issue in the evolution of behavior is deter mining whether any given behavior is an adaption or simply the result ofa bio Togical constraint on behavioe Of course, similar debates arise about anatomical features as wel Traditional Lives in Evolutionary Ecological Perspective ver th pst thre decades hua evolutionary eclogite vdetaken intensive study af anal entrs ro bees undertand the inteplay between belo Sh Zaurl factor in human Bcavior and uan behavioral evolution. Stix fF wadtionl hner-gthees and atonal agiclur culture are mporent Scuae thle elect ore clon the sectve environment (he EEA) {hae shaped hominid evolution, unl the advent of agrcuture and largescale {oti tring abou 10,000 yeas ag. Evolutionay ecology represents profound theoretical depactre from tradiional cultural entcopology.Invesgating the complex insplay between ichaviog cau, and ecology, evolutonaryeclogiss pili ve for exend- CENUeG of ume wit tne Cups they ae ody es clarl anthropologists Sof igure 172). Howeres they die rom ote cura anthroplogt in ‘hed ane on quantitative research methods, which are necsrary te ‘Soltonary hypothe. QUANTIFICATION IN EVOLUTIONARY ECOLOGY RESEARCH “To rigorously text evolutionary hypotheses and to discover how ecological factors, affect man behavior, evolutionary ecologists mast collect quantifiable data. Thest data include birt, death, and macriage statistics (that is demographic variables); hutrtional data; and calculations of dily energy expendiure, Some evolutionary (Chapter 17 + The Evolution of Human Behavior 499 FIGURE 172 Erksonary ‘coli iv and ao research incareangory eure tthe waco! vs ‘chat then rbespeapie from Now Guinan ecologiss use sophisticated mathematical models to try to understand human ‘oholic, presumably because their physiology prevents then from ever consuming ‘enough alcohol to become dependent on it Evolutionary Psychology Theories about Psychoactive Substance Use and ‘Abuse Randolph Nesse and Kent Berridge (1997) have taken the view that ‘psychoactive substances are an evolutionarily novel feature ofthe contemporary fnvironment. They argue that psychoactive drug use cannot be adaptive because itso fundamentally disrupts longstanding emotional mecsanisms that have been shaped by natural seevtion- Drugs st snnlate sine esapou (croin cocaine, alcohol, marijuana, and amphetamine) send false signals of fitness benefit, which in tur has che potential to disupt a person's enie biological sytem of “wants” and “likes.” Drugs that block negative emotions or reduce anxiety are potentially ‘even more disruptive because they remove the body's sigralsto take action or t0 ‘avoid potential threats. ‘Roger Sullivan and Ed Hagen (2002) provide a diferest evolutionary analysis of human prychoaetive substance use. They argue that hominid have probably had {Chapter 17 + The Evokson of Human Behavior ‘Alcohol Metabolism (Common Pathway) util oll rogenase rogenase (ASE "aba Ehenel ———peAcsldehyde, §< Aaa ‘Alcohol Metabolism (ALDH2"2 Pathoecy| AHO"? fi ehonet AON tala pe Acslte ‘lowed Aste lap open tyederend eta” Eig Were coh ast eh FIGURE 17.18 Gensticvarition nthe meal of lho «long-term evolutionary relationship with psychoactive substances. With the exception of aleohol, most ofthe active ingrediens of commonly used psychoac- tive drugs are formed nauraly in plans and ate simula to neurotransmitter found in the brain Sullivan qnd Hagen argue that we benefit rom consuming small uan- tts of these neater ie chia i the su way at we ned 0 ‘consume small quantities of essential vitamins and minerals. An ineresting point "raised by Sullivan and Hagen isthavin many traditional cultuees, no distinetion is made between deugs and food. People consume food" for sustenance and to have ‘moze energy; for example, some traditional cules classify tobacco asa food. ‘Much psyehoaetive substance use in traditional cultures is associated not with

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