Book of the Dead, Book of the Living

BD Spells as Temple Texts

by Alexandra von Lieven

In 1979 in Grenoble, LASZLO KÁKOSY drew attention to the peculiar fact that there are more than just
a few graeco-roman temples making use of some of the „Spells for Going Forth by Day“ or, as these
texts are commonly known, the „Book of the Dead“ 1 . Departing from a quotation from Ammianus
Marcellinus where Bishop Georgios of Alexandria is reported having called an egyptian temple a
sepulcrum, KÁKOSY developed his argumentation that these BD spells might be proof of a change in
religious attitudes and practices. He thought that in the latest period the concept of mortal gods
increased in significance and that for that reason the BD spells were incorporated into the corpus of
temple decorations.

Either this important remark has gone widely unnoticed or everyone was satisfied with KÁKOSY’s
explanation since the topic vanished from the egyptological agenda as quickly as it had been
introduced.

Indeed no one will deny that the burial places for the gods occupied an important place in egyptian
religion which is especially well known from the late period. But these divine tombs were not located
in the main temples where the BD spells occur but outside in some segregated space where access was
limited. Mostly these tombs were not conceived as temple buildings but as an |#.t, a mound of earth 2 .
Unfortunately very little of the decoration of the fascinating ptolemaic Osiris catacomb at Karnak is
preserved 3 . It would be interesting to know if there were any allusions to the Book of the Dead in that
building, which really was some sort of divine tomb. There is only one divine tomb known to me
featuring not only texts from the BD but also other compositions today mainly known from tombs, i.e.
the Osireion in Abydos 4 . Since it is a very special case I have omitted it from the temple list.
Furthermore as it is of New Kingdom date using it as an argument would at least not prove the
occurence of religious change in the late period.

But for the Ammianus Marcellinus quotation there is some easy explanation. From other early
christian testimonies it is quite clear that sepulcrum „tomb“ or the like were derogatory expressions for
„pagan“ temples in which - from the christian point of view - dead idols were worshipped in vain.
These were opposed to the „living god“ of the new faith. This becomes clear, when e.g. Rufinus writes
about the destruction of the temples: „if any temples could be found - which one should better call
tombs - they were torn down and flattened to the earth through the initiative of the local bishops“ 5 .
Obviously one cannot use such hate-driven statements as reliable sources for traditional (i.e. „pagan“)
late egyptian beliefs.

* I am greatly indebted to Mr. P. FORD for improving my English. Besides, I wish to thank all participants in the
symposium for their remarks. Since the original symposium several years have elapsed. I have tried to update
the paper where necessary. Besides, I have treated related aspects in several other papers and communications
since then. For a discussion of the cosmographical treatises like the Amduat and the Litany of the Sun in temple
contexts see VON LIEVEN 2002, for a case study of the Osireion in Abydos (including cosmographic texts and
BD spells) see VON LIEVEN, i.pr. a. Finally, in VON LIEVEN, i.pr. b, it is demonstrated how the adaptation process
that made all these texts become „funerary“ was still active in the latest periods, changing tombs into veritable
temples.
1
KÁKOSY 1982.
2
On such a sacred mound within a temple see LECUYOT/GABOLDE 1998.
3
COULON/LECLERE/MARCHAND 1995; LECLERE/COULON 1998; COULON 2003, 140-141.
4
MURRAY 1903; FRANKFORT 1933, VON LIEVEN, i.pr. a.
5
The expression for tomb used here is bustum. Elsewhere Rufinus calls the temples „huts of shame and
powerless tombs“ and the destroyed Serapeum is labeled as „tomb of Sarapis“, see MERKELBACH 1995, 325-
326.
 2

That leaves to be explained the occurences of BD spells in the temples. If they are not funerary, what
else are they? To answer that question let’s have a look at the texts themselves, first. In the list of
attestations I have put together all the material I could find both from graeco-roman and older periods,
but I am sure it is not exhaustive. To determine its significance one must look for three factors: first,
which spells occur? Secondly: Is the version in the temple at variance with the funerary attestations in
e.g. private papyri? And thirdly: What is the wider context of the spell in the temple, what is adjacent
on the same wall, what is on the other side of the room?

The first question is simply answered when looking on the list of attestations:

BD spell Temple (Publication) Location Special notes

110 (Fields of Hetep) MEDINET HABOU VI, pls. room 27, north wall: text, associated with BD 148 in
469, 470, 473 room 26, south wall: text, room 27
north wall: vignette
125 (Judgement hall) DEIR AL-MÉDÎNA 57, 58 south wall of south opposite: ritual scene in
sanctuary (dedicated to front of Sokar bark,
Osiris) allusion to Stundenwachen
144 (Seven gates) Abydos: MARIETTE 1880, room G, left side associated with Litany of
pl. 15 the Sun, gods addressed
by pelican goddess
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- --------------------------------
- - -
DENDARA X 344-346, pl. western roof chapel 2, east same register as BD 145
192 wall (niche), 3rd register and 146 and Stunden-
wachen
145 (Twentyone gates) DENDARA X 350-354, pls. western roof chapel 2, same register as BD 144
194, 195 north and west walls, 3rd and 146 and Stunden-
register wachen, spoken by Horus
146 (Fifteen gates) Hibis: DAVIES 1953, pl. 23 north wall of stairway K 1 spoken by Horus
opposite: ritual for the
Feast of Hacking the Earth
recited by Thot
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- --------------------------------
- - -
DENDARA X 346-349, pls. western roof chapel 2, east same register as BD 144
192, 193 and north walls, 3rd and 145 and Stunden-
register wachen
148 (Seven cows & bull) Deir el Bahari: upper court, hall, north associated with offering
PORTER/MOSS 19722, 359; and south niches scenes
JANSSEN 1957
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- --------------------------------
- - -
Deir el Bahari: cultchapel associated with godesses
PORTER/MOSS 19722, 361 of night and day
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- --------------------------------
- - -
Abydos: MARIETTE 1880, room G, right side associated with Litany of
pl. 17 the Sun, Ramesses II.
offering
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- --------------------------------
- - -
MEDINET HABOU VI, pl. room 27, south wall opposite: Ramesses III.
474 before Osiris (BD 110)
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- --------------------------------
- - -
Philae: BENEDITE 1895, north wall of offering hall ass. with seven snakes,
31, pl. 11 (framing door) opposite: other divine
cows, „Seven Arrows“
south wall: Maîtres
 3

-------------------------------- -------------------------------- d’autel

- - --------------------------------
EDFOU I 547-548, pl. offering hall, east wall -
XXXV b (door to stairway) ass. with 4 divine cows, 7
snakes, opposite: protec-
tive gods, genii of the
flood, „Seven Arrows“
EDFOU I 524-525, 532, pl. western stairway, north
XXXVI a/b wall (cows), south wall associated with genii of
(rudders with four other the flood (west wall),
divine cows) Maîtres d’autel (south
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- -------------------------------- wall)
- - - --------------------------------
148 (cont.) KOM OMBO I 307 offering hall -
290: mention of „cows of
Re“, genii of the flood,
messenger demons and
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- Maîtres d’autel
- - --------------------------------
DENDARA VII 124, pl. room U, north wall -
DCXLIII (annexe of offering hall) south wall: depiction of
seven Hathors, „Seven
Arrows“ inside entrance
of offering hall, Maîtres
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- d’autel (offering hall)
- - --------------------------------
EL QALCA I 94-102 doorframe in south wall of -
offering hall, left side on the right: offering
scenes, doorframe of main
entrance to offering hall:
„Seven Arrows“, to the
left of doorframe leading
to „Sanctuaire nord“:
Maîtres d’autel
149 (Fourteen mounds) EDFOU III 224 first hypostyle hall, north excerpt (field of rushes) in
wall ninth hour of a Stunden-
ritual-like composition
-------------------------------- -------------------------------- --------------------------------
- - -
DENDARA X 363-364, western roof chapel 2, same register contains
372-373, pls. 199, 202- north wall, 4th register protective deities and the
203 Dangerous Godess’s
„Seven Arrows“
168 (Qererets) DENDARA X 292-296, pls. western roof chapel 1, relatively free adaptation,
154, 170 south wall, soubassement above: protection ritual for
and first register Osiris

There is one attestation for each of the spells 110, 125, and 145, two for 144 and 146 and let’s say
„one-and-a-half“ for 149, since the Edfu attestation consists only of a very insignificant excerpt. This
is also valid for the one attestation of spell 168 in Dendara because it is only a quite free adaptation of
that spell. And besides, this so-called BD spell has long been proven to be in fact a composition of its
own, known under the name of „Qererets“ 6 . As PIANKOFF was able to demonstrate it has some
affinities with the Litany of the Sun. Since its adaptation in Dendara is consistent with my general
argumentation, I included it into the list but I will not discuss it in detail.

6
PIANKOFF 1974, 40-114, on the relations with the Litany of the Sun see PIANKOFF 1964, 179.
 4

By far the most important spell seems to be BD 148, which is attested ten times in eight temples 7 .

The temples in question stem from different epochs. On the one hand there are the late period temples
with which KÁKOSY was mainly concerned, on the other hand we find the NK temples of Deir el
Bahari, Abydos and Medinet Habu. Since the latter are usually called „royal mortuary temples“ in
egyptological literature one might consider it inappropriate to compare them with the late cult temples.
But the problem is, what makes these temples „mortuary“ 8 ? There are mainly two reasons, the one is
the cult of the king himself along with the gods, the other one is the occurance of so-called „royal
funerary texts“ as e.g. scenes from the books of the netherworld or the heavens, the Litany of the Sun
or the Book of the Dead. But as these temples are parted from the tomb unlike the pyramid temples of
the OK or MK, and as there are plenty of other gods besides the divinized king venerated 9 , one might
become suspicious against that concept. Besides there is also a cult of the royal Ka in, e.g., the clearly
nonfunerary temple of Luxor, and royal Ka-chapels can be found elsewhere, too. Further, the concept
of „royal mortuary temples“ has been severely problematized by e.g. GERHARD HAENY and M.
ULLMANN 10 . The latter consequently abandons this designation completely, using instead the
Egyptians’ own designation „House of Millions of Years“.
That leaves us with the decoration with so-called „funerary texts“. As J. ASSMANN has already very
convincingly shown years ago, all these „royal funerary texts“ are in fact cosmographical texts
originating from the solar cult 11 . So the idea of a specifically mortuary character of these temples
should be abandoned and I feel free to look for a different explanation of the use of the Book of the
Dead as a wall decoration. From this basis I consider it appropriate to treat these older temple
attestations along with the later ones.

What are the attested spells about? For the moment, the famous spell 125 containing the weighing of
the heart and the negative confession will be postponed 12 . Its interpretation will be established after
the others. Without exception, they concern supranatural beings and regions. With their description of
these features they resemble closely the books of the netherworld and the heavens 13 . With them they
share e.g. the concept of clearly numbered and structured places and gods, especially including heavily
guarded gates (144-146 14 ) 15 or mounds and caverns (149 and 168). The divine cows of 148 are busy
with nourishing gods and humans. The theme of food provisions is prominent e.g. in the Amduat, and
there can also be found the theme of measuring fields for the inhabitants of the netherworld. This is
not very far from the concept of the Fields of Hetep in spell 110. This theme of ploughing and
harvesting divine crops is also alluded to in 149. I think it is not by accident that just that verse has
been excerpted in Edfu and incorporated into a depiction of the sun’s course during the different
hours.

This leads to the second and third points: how do the temple texts differ from the funerary attestations
on private papyri 16 and with which other texts and pictures are they associated?
A very instructive case is Medinet Habu 17 . Departing from the second hypostyle are a series of rooms
which have been called „royal mortuary complex“. At the end of this series, there are two rooms,

7
I am quite sure that it was present in more temples. For a possible fragment from a temple of Thutmose I (most
likely would be his „House of Millions of Years“, if the text is indeed part of spell 148) see JØRGENSEN 1998,
42-43, where on the left one reads: &k#\.w ç#| |Æ.wt. This recalls the name of the bull of BD 148 k# k#.w ç#| |Æ.wt.
8
On the distinction between „funerary“ and „mortuary“ see ASSMANN 1990, 1-2, fn. 2.
9
Compare STADELMANN 1979, 320: „Eine andere Eigenheit der thebanischen Totentempel ist die Vielzahl der
Götter und Götterkapellen, die sie zu echten Göttertempeln macht“.
10
HAENY 1997, 86-126; ULLMANN 2002, especially 668-670.
11
See ASSMANN 1969; 1970 and 1983a.
12
DEIR AL-MÉDÎNA 57, 58.
13
An up-to-date if not exhaustive bibliography and short informations can quickly be obtained from HORNUNG
1997.
14
On the solar connotations of spell 146 see GRAEFE 1983.
15
On these spells see the interesting remarks by LEPROHON 1994.
16
As basis I took NAVILLE 1886; LAPP 1997; LEPSIUS 1842 and VERHOEVEN 1993. Also of help are the notes to
the texts in HORNUNG 1979.
17
For bibliographical references see the list of attestations.
 5

labeled 26 and 27, where spells 110 and 148 are depicted on the north and south walls. The sequence
is of course to be read from the inner to the outer parts. It begins with 148 on the south wall of room
27. There are depictions of cows, rudders and gods with their names and respective invocations
written along with them, but the text of the spell itself is missing. On the north wall, spell 110 begins.
The king is addressing Osiris and the text is written between their two figures. In the text itself, there
are only some small variants, which might be of interest for textual criticism but are of no help here.
Besides there is plenty of text omitted, obviously to save space. But there are some important features
in the beginning and in the end. The main title of the spell is missing, it begins with it’s purpose. But
instead of the clearly funerary oQ pr+.t m xr.t-nçr „to enter and go forth in the necropolis“ attested in
private papyri it says oQ m Htp „to enter in peace“, a formula that can also be used in cultic
circumstances. When in the end the text is interrupted - to be continued in room 26 on the south wall -
the king adjoins some political wishes, e.g. that all countries should be placed under his sandals. The
same is true with the identically arranged continuation in room 26. There the spell is terminated by „I
give praise in the Night-bark (skt.t)“ instead of „I give praise to the gods in the Fields of Hetep“. Then
the king asks Osiris, whose titles he enumerates, for a stable kingship, jubilees, victories and years in
joy. All these things are quite worldly wishes, no word of death and afterlife. This is not contradicted
by the expression m#o Xrw s# Row nb Xo.w ¾Ramesses¿, since other examples show clearly that m#o Xrw
need not necessarily mean that the person to whom it refers is already dead. Opposite on the north
wall, the vignette shows the king in the Fields of Hetep. Remarkable is the snakeheaded bark, which is
labeled „bark of Re-Harakhte“. The link with the bark of the sun-god in the fourth and fifth hours of
the Amduat was already noted by HORNUNG in the annotations to his translation of the BD.
As stated on p. X of the Medinet Habu publication, it was only from it’s decoration, that the so-called
„royal mortuary complex“ derived its modern designation. But as the texts clearly avoid any notions of
death and afterlife on the one hand and formulate wishes for the living king on the other, this seems to
be a misinterpretation 18 .
In Medinet Habu, the two spells 110 and 148 are closely related to each other and stress the
importance of the provisions which come from the divine fields. Through the bark in the vignette,
there is a clear allusion to the sun-god in 110. That the cows of 148 are also closely associated with the
sun-god is obvious from the spell connected with them in papyrus manuscripts, where they are called
his cows. This is also valid for the short version of this spell in TT 222 dated to Dyn. 20 beginning
with the words „Adoring Re in his secret on the part of N. He says: Be thou greeted, thou radiating as
living Ba 19 going forth from the horizon. N knows you and he knows the names of the seven cows and
the appertaining bull ...“ 20 . That in fact the bull might be no other than the sun-god himself is very
likely. It might not be by chance when the cat in Mythos Leiden 4,13-14 speaks of „Re my father“, k#
Hwß t# #ty.t „the male bull of the female“ 21 which closely resembles the bull’s name „Bull of the Bulls,
Male of the Females“. Of course, this is a late source, but the epithet „bull“ or the like for Re is
already attested in the NK.
Moreover, at the end of the Medinet Habu room ensemble prominently featuring the two spells 110
and 148, on the east wall, the king is shown adoring a ram-headed form of Amun-Re and the nile-god
Hapi. These gods resume the themes of solar cycle and food provisions.
On the other side of the temple, there is a sequence of three rooms numbered 17 to 19, which
constitutes the chapel of Re 22 . Looking out of the temple it is on the left, while the so-called „royal
mortuary complex“ is on the right. It is interesting to note that in the private tombs of the NK there is a
comparable partition between hymns to Re or the rising sun on the left and to Osiris or the setting sun
on the right 23 . The only difference is that there the directions are seen from the outside instead of the

18
Of course, the rooms focus on the king but it is rather the living than exclusively the dead king.
19
Despite SALEHs translation „Stier“, the printed hieroglyph is a ram, which according to ASSMANNs copy is the
correct version. I am very indebted to J. ASSMANN for allowing me to use this information and to K.-J. SEYFRIED
for sending me a copy of ASSMANNs notes on this inscription.
20
SALEH 1984, 82. In the Osireion at Abydos and some other places the cows of spell 148 are even associated
with the figures from the Litany of the Sun, see FRANKFORT 1933, pl. LXXI, LXXII; VON LIEVEN, i.pr. a and
below.
21
DE CENIVAL 1988, 9.
22
On the typical architecture of a „royal mortuary temple“ see STADELMANN 1986.
23
ASSMANN 1983b, XIV-XV.
 6

inside. There are two explanations possible: either there are different underlying concepts which seems
unlikely because the basic idea seems to fit both cases, or rather the difference lies in the status of the
„inhabitants“, i.e. in the temple the god is looking from his sanctuary on the people outside, while with
a tomb the sun-god is looking from heaven, i.e. the outside into the tomb, where the dead owner is.
Anyway it seems very likely with the temple of Medinet Habu to interpret the two architectural
complexes as abodes of Osiris and Re, in other words, as the two poles of the solar cycle, it’s climax
and anticlimax respectively. In the Re-chapel various cosmographical and liturgical texts are to be
found, e.g. excerpts from the Book of Day and Night and in room 18 the hymn known as BD 15 24 . As
ASSMANN has treated this text in extenso in his Liturgische Lieder 25 , I consider it unneccessary to
demonstrate again what is long known. For that reason I even have it omitted from the list of
attestations.
Turning to the oldest extant example, Deir el Bahari, it is quite the same picture. Structurally, the
architecture is identically arranged, only in details it is simpler. On the right (from within) there is a
complex of rooms leading to a cultchapel. In the center on the back wall is a depiction of the cows of
BD 148 and a second one is in a niche in the foreroom. The ones in the foreroom are associated with
the offering king Hatshepsut. In the cult chapel depictions of the godesses of the hours of night and
day are especially noteworthy. As in Medinet Habu and all other attestations to follow, only the names
of the gods are noted, the spell is absent. In the niche, the other genii and the rudders are also present.
Again the solar cult complex is exactly on the opposite of the court.
The last attestation from the NK I want to discuss is very instructive. In the Abydene temple of
Ramesses II. there are four small rooms flanking the „First Octostyle Hall“, two on either side. The
first on the left (from within) exhibits on its north wall a very interesting ensemble. In the center of the
wall there is the title picture of the Litany of the Sun and half of the litany’s figures face it on either
side 26 . To the figures on the left are added Ahmose I, Ahmose-Nefertari and Amenhotep I, on the right
it is Seti I, Tuy and Ramesses I. On the left then follows the pelican-goddess facing the gates and gate
keepers of BD spell 144, on the right the cows followed by the gods of the four rudders face Ramesses
II, who is offering to them. Here the association of BD 148 and the solar cult is unmistakeably clear
not only from the physical closeness to the Litany of the Sun but also because the animal herd is
headed by Re-Harakhte.
It is important to see that also spell 144, of which only the texts of the gates are present, while the rest
of the spell is missing, is associated with the solar cult. That this is not as odd as it seems to be at first,
becomes clear if one looks at the postscript of that spell as found in papyri. There we are told: „To be
spoken above this picture which is painted with nubian ocre. The second collegium of the bark of Re,
sacrifice food, fowl and incense to them.“ After the things to be sacrificed have been carefully listed in
the appropriate amount for each one, it continues: „To be spoken, while effacing each after having
acted according to this prescription during the fourth hour of the day. Guard yourself heavily against
midday in the sky!“ From this postscript there can be no doubt as to the solar connection of the
concepts presented in the spell. As I already said the spells mentioning gates resemble somewhat the
books of the netherworld and heavens, especially the Amduat, the Book of Gates and the Book of the
Night.
There is another remarkable detail demonstrating the close link between BD 144 and the Litany of the
Sun, namely the pelican-goddess addressing the gate keepers. Above the whole scene there is an
inscription: „Recitation: „O gate keepers (2x) guarding their gates, slurping up Bau, devoring those
[prone to death] that pass them when they are designated for the place of destruction! Guide this Ba of
the excellent Akh, Osiris ¾Ramses-beloved of Amun¿, like Re!“. The text is a direct quote from the
Litany of the Sun (verses 188-190). There the speaker is none other than the pelican-goddess actually
depicted in Abydos.
In the Litany itself the gate keepers crop up quite unexpectedly in this place. However this happens
just in a textual passage treating entry into closely shielded Osirian rooms and ritual actions for his
benefit by an officiant identified with Re. In allusion to this there is another inscription directly above

24
MEDINET HABU VI, pl. 422, 424. On the whole ensemble and its parallels in other temples see VOSS 1996.
25
ASSMANN 1969, 15-164.
26
Text: HORNUNG 1975, translation and commentary: HORNUNG 1976 with special notes on the Abydos version
34-50.
 7

the Abydene pelican-goddess, saying: „Oh gate keepers (2x) guarding your gates, open for ¾Ramses-
beloved of Amun¿, do not repel him!“.
As the groundplan of the Abydos temple is absolutely symmetrical, there is no solar vs. „mortuary“
complex visible in the architecture. Accordingly, there is no clear division between night and day in
the decoration. Nevertheless, if we look at the chapel on the opposite side of the „First Octostyle
Hall“, we find at least some „Osirian“ components on that side. On the north wall there was once the
famous kinglist of Ramesses II. 27 .
Then we would find the nightly part of the course of the sun on the right and the daily one - remember
the figure of Re-Harakhte and the mentioning of daytime in the postscript to BD 144 - on the left,
exactly like in the two other temples already discussed. But the daily element on the left is relativized
by the nightly link with the Litany of the Sun, which is to be recited during midnight (wS#w). The
reason for this prevalence of the nightly side of the sun’s course is probably that in Abydos everything
was theologically focussed on Osiris i.e. the dark side of the sun’s journey and his corpse. The union
of both gods is just the main focus of the Litany. So the opposition between them is rather superficial
especially in Ramesside times.

Having found a quite consistent pattern of BD use in NK temples, let’s turn to the late and especially
graeco-roman periods.
The spells concerning the gates, not only 144 but also 145 and 146, are again encountered. All three
spells are written down in the third register on the walls of the second western roof chapel in
Dendara 28 .
Again, only the texts of the gates and their keepers are present, the spell itself is missing. But there is
one very interesting feature. Along with each spell there is a figure of Osiris being attended by Isis and
Nephthys. With spells 144 and 146, which have no additions to their texts 29 , Horus is seen together
with his father. But with 145 he is not shown together with his father, but in front of the row of
twenty-one gates and again as hawk above each gate. Accordingly, the text to each gate is preceded by
the words |n@ Hr=k |n "rw „Be thou greeted, says Horus“. If we look at the arrangement on the wall it
is the first spell to be encountered when entering and then walking along the walls to the left. Thus I
think the situation in the divine sphere is the following: Horus arrives at the first gate which parts him
from his father. He addresses the keepers, legitimizes himself as Horus and enters. This he does with
each of the following gates until he reaches his father and joins him. Behind the two gods, the then
again closed gates are shown. This has its equivalent in the human sphere, i.e. in the cult. The priest
legitimizes himself by identifying with the appropriate god to be allowed to enter the realm of the
gods. This practice is known from other rituals and it will surely have had its place in the cult of
Osiris. Especially for the holy mounds associated with him, it is clear from egyptian texts that
admittance was severely restricted 30 . As the roof chapels were used for osirian rites, the purpose of
these texts becomes clear. The chapels were the focus of the Khoiak-ritual - the famous text is to be
found in the first eastern chapel - and as such they had to be guarded heavily against any evil. The
pillars framing the door show the Stundenwachen in the same register as the mentioned BD spells. The
forth register is occupied by gods guarding the body of Osiris. Among other guardians, the „Seven
Arrows“ 31 of the Dangerous Godess 32 are to be noted.
Since I originally wrote this paper, a major source supporting this interpretation has been published,
pMMA 35.9.21 33 . This papyrus from the Ptolemaic era contains six rituals from the Osirian sphere.
27
PORTER/MOSS 1939, 35-36, ARNOLD 1962, 69, pls. XXV-XXVI, KUHLMANN 1979, 191, ULLMANN 2002,
309.
28
For the edition see the list of attestations, for translation and commentary see CAUVILLE 1997a, 186-192;
1997b, 166-168.
29
Spell 144 is designed to open Osiris Khentiimentiou the different regions of his empire, with 145 no
beneficiary (either Osiris or Horus) is named.
30
E.g. in the Book of the Temple, anyone found walking around the sacred mound unauthorized is said to be
burned (QUACK 2000, 6. See his article in this volume for more information on this most interesting priestly
manual).
31
See RONDOT 1989.
32
As such I denote (with J. YOYOTTE) the fierce mistress of the demons, who can take the guise of Sakhmet,
Bastet, Hathor, Mut or other godesses. On this complex see VON LIEVEN 2000, passim.
33
GOYON 1999.
 8

They are only very superficially adapted for private funerary use by addition of the deceased persons
name whenever the god Osiris is named as beneficiary. One of these rituals, „The Great Decree Done
with Regard to the Border of the Igeret“ (col. 1-17) 34 contains among other elements like stanzas of
mourning by Isis and Nephthys and recitations by Anubis, the sem priest and other gods/ritualists what
the editor labels an adaptation of BD spells 144 and 145. Spell 144 is used to let Osiris himself pass,
while 145 is recited by Horus on his way to see his father.
On the north wall of the same chapel the gods from BD spell 149 parade 35 . Again there are only brief
captions concerning the fourteen mounds, while the entire spell is missing. One may ask whether this
spell might be related to rituals connected with the sacred mound.
Only briefly would I like to mention that in the first western chapel, so-called spell 168 occupies the
first register on the south wall 36 . As I already stated, this text is sort of a book of the netherworld
somewhat related to the Litany of the Sun.
Connections to the Litany of the Sun have already been evident in the case of spell 144 in Abydos. It
is surely not by coincidence that in the 7th litany following the address of the pelican-goddess to the
gate keepers the ritualist says: „Indeed you let me proceed to this staircase to which you are
proceeding, where the gods are called, who are the followers of Re and Osiris! (...) Indeed you let me
proceed to the chamber hiding the secrets, in which there is Osiris!“ The architectural situation of a
staircase and a chamber above it as described in the Litany of the Sun fits exactly with the real
situation in Dendara, Hibis and Philae and it is just there where gate spells and the like from the BD
occur 37 .
As shown above, the BD spells in Dendara are indeed clearly related to the cult of Osiris. The same is
true with the attestation of 146 in Hibis. The text is engraved on the north wall of a stairway leading to
an Osiris-chapel. There the text of the spell without the vignettes is engraved on the wall. The
addresses to the gates themselves are absent accordingly 38 . The text is spoken by Horus, whose figure
at the end is lost. The spell itself is preceded by an address of Horus to his father. Interestingly, on the
south wall Thot is shown reciting from the ritual for the Feast of Hacking the Earth 39 . There we have
the two prototypes of the priest united: Horus as loving son and Thot the lector priest. Again the real
world equivalents are easily imaginable.
As I already mentioned, spell 149 is only briefly excerpted in Edfu. The passage is concerned with the
celestial fields of Re and it is incorporated in a series of Stundenritual depictions. From the above
explicated association of so-called „funerary texts“ with the solar cycle it is now no longer problematic
to understand the link between the two compositions.

If all the other spells encountered in late temples are somewhat sporadically represented, this is
definitely not the case with spell 148 40 . As it figured prominently in the older temples discussed, it is
also present in most of the graeco-roman ones as far as they are sufficiently preserved and published.
At present I know of at least five temples. As in that period the ground plans of the temples have a
rather standardized structure, a comparison is quite rewarding.
In all five instances the cows of 148 are closely associated with the offering hall. In Edfu they are
represented twice, once above the door leading to the eastern stairway, once on the north wall of the
western stairway. In Philae, Kom Ombo and El Qal’a they are equally associated with the doors as is
to be seen on the plans. Only Dendara places them on the north wall of a side chamber of the offering
hall. On the south wall the seven Hathors are represented. The association of the cows with Hathor, the
Eye of Re, is also to be found in their epithet „cows of the Golden One“ in Edfu. In Dendara, Philae,
Kom Ombo and Edfu the cows are accompanied by other divine beings related to food provisions in
one or the other way, especially the „Dieux maîtres d’autel“ Apis, Mnevis, Sema-wer and Ageb-wer
34
GOYON 1999, 17-26 (introduction with comments), 27-47 (translation), pl. I-XVI.
35
CAUVILLE 1997a, 197, 201; 1997b, 175.
36
CAUVILLE 1997a, 157-159; 1997b, 145-146. The gods from this spell are again encountered in the third
eastern chapel together with the gods from spell 182 and other protective divinities, see DENDARA X 194-198,
pl. 94-95, CAUVILLE 1997a, 101-104; 1997b, 90-95.
37
For a more detailed discussion see VON LIEVEN 2002, 52-56.
38
On the last part of the spell in papyri see VERHOEVEN 1992.
39
This interesting text is translated by BARUCQ/DAUMAS 1980, 301-306 (labeled by them as a hymn to Amun of
Hibis).
40
On this spell in general see ASSMANN 1973, 89-92; EL SAYED 1980.
 9

and their feminine counterparts, the divine cows Hesat, Sekhat-Hor, Weryt and Shedyt 41 . For example,
in Edfu in the offering hall the four cows are associated with the seven others, while in the western
stairway they appear on the south wall together with the four rudders, while the seven cows are on the
north wall. On the west wall gods responsible for the flood of the Nile are depicted, e.g. the „astral
snake“ Pxr-Hr 42 . In the offering hall these flood-gods are to be found on the west wall opposite the
cows.
The same arrangement can be seen in Philae where the seven cows of 148 and three of the four other
divine cows frame the northern doorway of the offering hall, while the „Maîtres d’autel“ are present
on the southern doorframe. Unfortunately the registers below the three cows are destroyed so it is
impossible to say if the snake gods of the Nile where also present. The only labeled figures preserved
are two of the „Seven Arrows“.
In Kom Ombo there were not only depictions of the seven cows and the „Maîtres d’autel“ but a text
describing the offering hall which along with them mentions also the messenger demons and the
divine counsel of the inundation 43 . Interestingly, in the offering hall in Edfu the messenger demons,
i.e. the „Seven Arrows“ are in fact represented. They are closely associated with the Eye of Re and it
is not by chance that Kom Ombo explicitly speaks of the „cows of Re“. As SIMONET has found a close
link between the „Maîtres d’autel“ and the festival of New Year’s day the circle comes to closing
itself. New Year’s day is the time when ideally the flood should rise, it is a time when the divine
messengers are especially active and it is of course Re’s birthday.
Unfortunately, in El Qal’a very little is preserved from the decoration of the offering hall but the
connection of the cows with provisions should be beyond debate as opposite to them offering scenes
are depicted. The „Seven Arrows“ are present at the main entrance to the offering hall, the very place
where they are to be found in Dendara. Finally, the „Maîtres d’autel“ are shown on the north wall to
the left of the door leading into the „Sanctuaire nord“.

Obviously there is a common programme behind all this. Fortunately this programme has been come
down to us though in a very fragmentary state. I am very grateful to J. QUACK for having checked the
following references for me. The Book of the Temple, which he is going to publish 44 , contains a list of
gods to be venerated in the temples arranged according to their appropriate places in the building. On a
fragment mentioning the offering hall (wsX.t Htp.w) the two names Hesat and Sekhat-Hor are
preserved. Aditionally, there are other fragments where Shedyt, Ageb-wer, Hapi and two of the seven
cows’ names appear. I am pretty sure that this section once listed all the beings I have named above. I
would like to mention only briefly that in the next line Hu, Sia and Iru are preserved. The following
lost name must have been Sedjem, and just these two gods, namely Iru and Sedjem are to be found in
Edfu in the register above the „Maîtres d’autel“ on the south wall of the eastern stairway.

Probably the best known instance of a vignette from the BD in a temple up to now has been the
weighing of the heart scene (BD 125) in the Hathor temple of Deir el-Medineh. It is located on the
south wall of the southern sanctuary. On the opposite wall there is a depiction of rituals in front of the
bark of Sokar: the king offering incense and a priest masked as Anubis beating a round frame drum 45 .
That a masked priest and not the god himself is meant is demonstrated by the fact that he is wearing a
contemporary tasseled cloak, not the timeless god’s kilt. Clearly, this is intended to show an episode
from the actual cult, not some mythical past. There is also a distinction between the king and the
priestly “Anubis” standing on the bottom line on the one hand and the statue of Min standing on a
socle on the other. The frieze above the scene on the north wall shows the hourly wakes of Osiris in a
stylized way. The bandeau inscription between frieze and scene also refers to these wakes. That the
whole chapel is dedicated to Osiris is evident from the decoration of the remaining walls where an
offering to Osiris and Isis is shown on the back of the room and the Ba of Osiris above the entrance.
The weighing scene on the south wall is absolutely coherent with contemporary parralels from BD
papyri. Thus it is not surprising that without further comment the person in front of the scales is

41
On this subject see in extenso SIMONET 1994.
42
KÁKOSY 1981.
43
Translated and commented by GUTBUB 1973, 235-248.
44
See his article in this volume and especially on the list of gods QUACK i.pr.
45
On the ritual significance of the round frame drum in this context see VON LIEVEN i.pr. c.
 10

labeled “défunt” in the edition. But who is it? As in the front rooms of the temple there are depictions
of the two divinized sages Imhotep and Amenhotep son of Hapu, there have been speculations as to
whether it could be one of them 46 . However, this would be rather astonishing as the person is
anonymous while all other major figures in this scene are labeled with their names and epithets.
Therefore it has been proposed that the person was supposed to be a generic dead man and that the
whole scene should be explained with the character of Deir el-Medineh as a necropolis 47 .
As by now it should have become clear that BD spells as temple decorations are not an odd singularity
of this particular place I would like to opt for an alternative interpretation. In my view the relief does
not depict the judgement of a dead person but the legitimation of a living priest officiating in the cult
of Osiris or Sokar respectively.
This interpretation is much more plausible than it might seem in the first place. In fact, BD 125 is
exactly one of the few spells for which a priestly origin has already been proposed earlier. R.
GRIESHAMMER and R. MERKELBACH have argued convincingly, that the negative confession of the
BD spell fits amazingly well with commandments for ritual purity and assertions of innocence in
priests’ oaths 48 . MERKELBACH drew attention to a fragment of such an oath from a greek papyrus from
Oxyrhynchos. Unfortunately, these papers did not get much credit at the time. Especially arguing from
supposedly “greek” material met with much disapproval. However, the proof for the correctness of
this hypothesis has recently been found when it could be established that the greek fragments in
question are indeed nothing else than a translation of the section on the priestly oath from the Book of
the Temple 49 .

Having discussed all temple attestations of BD spells in my list two different Sitze im Leben could be
found: on the one hand there are spells closely associated with the solar cult, on the other there are
spells to gain admission into restricted areas. Both groups stem from a priestly milieu. There was
nothing funerary with them originally.

This leads to the question: what are these spells doing in the Book of the Dead, that seemingly
funerary text par excellence?
To find an answer one has to begin early in the history of Egyptology. CHAMPOLLION believed the
composition to be a ritual in it’s entirety. LEPSIUS instead, realizing that the text was no coherent work
of one author wrote in his preface to the famous Turin manuscript: „Dieser Codex ist kein Ritualbuch,
wofür es CHAMPOLLION’s Bezeichnung „Rituel funéraire“ zu erklären scheint; es enthält keine
Vorschriften für den Todtenkultus, keine Hymnen oder Gebete, welche von den Priestern etwa bei der
Beerdigung gesprochen worden wären: sondern der Verstorbene ist selbst die handelnde Person darin,
und der Text betrifft nur ihn und seine Begegnisse auf der langen Wanderung nach dem irdischen
Tode.“ 50 . Accordingly he labeled the text „Todtenbuch“. With this verdict in mind generations of
egyptologists had not any doubt about the funerary nature of the text. The first counterarguments came
in the sixties and seventies when ASSMANN included hymns from the BD, especially 15 B III in his
Liturgische Lieder 51 and when GRIESHAMMER proposed a priestly nonfunerary background for spell
125 52 . Unfortunately, as has been stated above, these ideas seem to have found few followers among
the BD specialists.

46
KÁKOSY 1968, 110, n. 11 opted for Imhotep, this has already been questioned by WILDUNG 1977, 218.
47
MONTSERRAT/MESKELL 1997, 195.
48
GRIESHAMMER 1974; MERKELBACH 1968.
49
QUACK 1997a.
50
LEPSIUS 1842, 3. Interestingly he seems to have slightly changed his mind later on, see his statement in
LEPSIUS 1867, 8: „Das Todtenbuch, oder die Sammlung der auf die Auferstehung, das Gericht, und das
jenseitige Leben bezüglichen Texte, war seinem wesentlichen Charakter nach ein Buch praktischer Belehrung.
Es sollte den Einzelnen, der auf sein Seelenheil bedacht war, unterrichten über das, was er schon auf Erden
wissen und für seinen Tod vorbereiten sollte.“ It would be interesting to know if this change is due to the fact
that he is really dealing with Coffin Texts in that book.
51
ASSMANN 1969 and 1983c.
52
GRIESHAMMER 1974.
 11

If one looks closely at the spells themselves and particularly at their postscripts 53 , it is quite obvious
that there are two groups of spells: Some might in fact be originally funerary but most of the spells
have their original „Sitz im Leben“ somewhere else. Two examples might suffice here.

The famous spell 175 indeed makes display of the title „Not to die again in the netherworld“ but in
fact the postscript states that the text, when spoken above an amulet, would produce an effective
protection on earth, help in the netherworld, favor by men, gods, and dead, protection against divine
brutalities and liberation from every evil. The opposition earth vs. netherworld is clear proof that the
effects are meant for the whole life which extends from the earthly existence to the postmortal one.
Moreover these effects are all things useful on earth, so at least to me it seems very plausible to take
this for a magical spell principally intended for the living. Like numerous other magical texts from
ancient Egypt this one too adduces different mythical precedents 54 and states to be proven effective a
million times. In fact this spell can be found in a ritual against enemies of pharaoh preserved in a late
papyrus from a temple library 55 .
Very significant for the process of textual incorporation into the BD is spell 128. HORNUNG writes:
„Ein Hymnus an Osiris, der seit dem Neuen Reich belegt, aber erst in das ptolemäische Totenbuch
übernommen wurde.“ 56 In fact this text is already attested as BD spell in e.g. the saitic pIahtesnakht 57 .
The text is clearly structured. At first there is an invocation to Osiris, then follows a part I would like
to interpret as kind of ritualistic description. Horus and Thot are surely priests, probably this is also
true with Isis and Nephthys. The „Horus“-priest is manipulating Osiris, who might have been
represented by a statue or Khoiak-figurine. Then „Thot“, i.e. the lector priest recites s:#X.w wr.w.
When he has finished, he incites the „Horus“-priest to continue his part. The rest of the spell consists
of „Horus“’s invocation to Osiris. At the end a rubricized postscript states: „Words to be spoken above
the offerings to this god on occasion of the Wag-festival.“

As is well known lots of BD spells have their antecedents in the Coffin Texts. For at least some of
these spells there might have been nonfunerary uses, too. As the spells appearing for the first time in
the saite recension of the BD show, the process of adapting and incorporating continued from the MK
down to the late period.

Such being the state of affairs it is not astonishing if texts known from the BD are in fact found
elsewhere. Such is e.g. the case with spell 18 which can also be found in the magical pChester Beatty
VIII 1,1-2,9 58 . As spell 18 is a spell to gain victory over one’s enemies the magical use in life is
clearly the original one but on the other hand it is equally clear why this spell was also taken over into
the BD. I already mentioned the similar case with spell 175.

Among the originally nonfunerary BD spells different groups are to be distinguished:

BD spells

originally funerary originally nonfunerary

53
Unfortunately, postscripts have not received very much attention yet. Symptomatic is the complete absence of
an article on that subject in the LÄ. Browsing through the index volume I could not find the word „Nachschrift“
anywhere even mentioned. See now the somewhat disappointing ESCHWEILER 1994 and the reviews by RAVEN
1996 and QUACK 1997b.
54
See e.g. OTTO 1962.
55
SCHOTT 1956.
56
HORNUNG 1979, 249; for the NK version and parallels see ASSMANN 1975, nr. 205.
57
VERHOEVEN 1993, 243-245, 87*-88*.
58
GARDINER 1935, 67, pl. 39.
 12

cultic sphere (solar/osirian) magical

ritual spells cosmographic texts hymns teleologic apotropaic

offering litanies admission spells

Some stem from magical backgrounds, especially the ones to gain specific goals (teleologic) or to
ward off dangers (apotropaic), others are rooted in the cultic sphere. It should be noted that the
division between cultic and magical is but a theoretical one while in praxi both areas are often closely
linked 59 . The spells from the cultic sphere can again be split into hymns, ritual spells parted into
offering litanies and admission spells and lastly cosmographical texts constituing priestly knowledge.
The cultic group is also parted into spells originating in the cult of Osiris, and others belonging to the
solar cult. But as Re and Osiris can be conceived as two poles of the same phenomenon, i.e. the daily
cycle of the sun, this separation is somewhat superficial as was visible with BD 144.

As I hope to have demonstrated in the beginning, all BD spells attested in temples either of the NK or
the late period belong to that cultic group. Contrary to generations of egyptologists the ancient
Egyptians themselves were well aware of that fact even in the graeco-roman period when the texts in
question had been incorporated into the Book of the Dead for centuries.
Accordingly these spells found on the walls of temples are not oddities to be explained by a change in
religious attitudes and practices but they are encountered exactly in their appropriate place. Playing
with the title of the symposium one could say that the purely funerary character of these spells is an
imaginary concept of egyptology while their nonfunerary origin was social reality 60 .

59
See the remarks by J.F. QUACK 1997, 185-186.
60
Nonetheless, there is no question about the actual funerary use of these spells perhaps already within a short
time after the composition of the texts for cultic purposes. The aim of this paper is simply to distinguish between
origin and adapted use, which may be different, while not contradicting each other in practice. To me there is
also a clear distinction between cultic use for Osiris (which may seem „funerary“ to some) and real funerary use
for dead individuals. That the adaptation of such osirian ritual spells for some „Osiris N“ was possible is
perfectly within the logic of egyptian religion.
 13

Bibliography

ARNOLD, D.
1962 Wandrelief und Raumfunktion in ägyptischen Tempeln des Neuen Reiches, MÄS 2, Berlin 1962
1994 Lexikon der ägyptischen Baukunst, Zürich 1994

ASSMANN, J.
1969 Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott, MÄS 19, Berlin 1969
1970 Der König als Sonnenpriester, ADAIK 7, Glückstadt 1970
1973 Das Grab des Basa (Nr. 389) in der thebanischen Nekropole, Grabung im Asasif 1963-1970 II, AV 6,
Mainz 1973
1975 Ägyptische Hymnen und Gebete, Zürich/München 1975
1983a Re und Amun, OBO 51, Freiburg (Schw.)/Göttingen 1983
1983b Sonnenhymnen in thebanischen Gräbern, Theben I, Mainz 1983
1983c Tod und Initiation im altägyptischen Totenglauben, Sehnsucht nach dem Ursprung (Fs. Eliade),
Frankfurt (M.) 1983, 336-359
1990 Egyptian Mortuary Liturgies, Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim I, Jerusalem 1990,
1-45

BARUCQ A./ DAUMAS, F.

1980 Hymnes et prières de l’Ègypte ancienne, Paris 1980

BENEDITE, G.
1895 Le temple de Philae, MMAF 13, fasc. 2, Paris 1895

CAUVILLE, S.
1997a Dendara. Les Chapelles osiriennes. Transcription et traduction, BdE 117, Le Caire 1997
1997b Dendara. Les Chapelles osiriennes. Commentaire, BdE 118, Le Caire 1997

CENIVAL, F. DE
1988 Le mythe de l’œil du soleil, DSt 9, Sommerhausen 1988

COULON, L.
2003 Le sanctuaire de Chentayt à Karnak, Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century, Proceedings
of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000, Volume 1 Archaeology (ed. Z.
HAWASS), Cairo 2003, 138-146

COULON, L./ LECLERE, F./ MARCHAND, S.

1995 «Catacombes» osiriennes de Ptolémée IV à Karnak, Rapport préliminaire de la campagne de fouilles
1993, Cahiers de Karnak X, 1995, 205-238

DAVIES, N. DE G.
1953 The Temple of Hibis in El Kh~rgeh Oasis III. The Decoration, New York 1953

DEIR AL-MÉDÎNA
Le temple de Deir al-Médîna (ed. P. DU BOUGUET/L. GABOLDE), MIFAO 121, Cairo 2002

DENDARA VII
Le temple de Dendara VII (ed. É. CHASSINAT/F. DAUMAS), Le Caire 1972

DENDARA X
Le temple de Dendara X. Les chapelles osiriennes (ed. S. CAUVILLE), Le Caire 1997
 14

EDFOU I
Le temple d’Edfou I (ed. M. DE ROCHEMONTEIX/S. CAUVILLE/D. DEVAUCHELLE), Le Caire 19872

EDFOU III
Le temple d’Edfou III (ed. É. CHASSINAT), Le Caire 1928

EL QUALCA I
Le temple d’El-Qalca I (ed. L. PANTALACCI/C. TRAUNECKER), Le Caire 1990

ESCHWEILER, P.
1994 Bildzauber im alten Ägypten, OBO 137, Freiburg (Schw.)/Göttingen 1994

FRANKFORT, H.
1933 The Cenotaph of Seti I at Abydos, EES 39th Memoir, London 1933

GARDINER, A.H.
1935 Chester Beatty Gift, HPBM 3rd series, London 1935

GOYON, J.-C.
1999 Le Papyrus d’Imouthès Fils de Psintaês, New York 1999

GRAEFE, E.
1983 Der «Sonnenaufgang zwischen den Pylontürmen». -Erstes Bad, Krönung und Epiphanie des
Sonnengottes à propos Carter, Tut-ankh-Amen, Handlist no 181-, OLP 14, 1983, 55-79

GRIESHAMMER, R.
1974 Zum „Sitz im Leben“ des Negativen Sündenbekenntnisses, ZDMG Supplement II, Wiesbaden 1974,
19- 25

GUTBUB, A.
1973 Textes fondamentaux de la théologie de Kom Ombo, BdE 47, Le Caire 1973

HAENY, G.
1997 New Kingdom «Mortuary Temples» and «Mansions of Millions of Years», Temples of Ancient Egypt
(ed. B.H. SHAFER), London/New York 1997, 86-126

HORNUNG, E.
1975 Das Buch der Anbetung des Re im Westen I, AegHelv 2, Genève 1975
1976 Das Buch der Anbetung des Re im Westen II, AegHelv 3, Genève 1976
1979 Das Totenbuch der Ägypter, Zürich/München 1979
1997 Altägyptische Jenseitsbücher, Darmstadt 1997

JANSSEN, J.M.A.
1957 Die Inschriften der Nische der sieben Kühe in Deir el-Bahri, WZKM 54, 1957, 86-90

JØRGENSEN, M.
1998 Catalogue Egypt II (1550-1080 B.C.) Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek, Copenhagen 1998

KÁKOSY, L.
1968 Imhotep and Amenhotep son of Hapu as patrons of the dead, Acta orientalia academiae scientiarum
hungaricae 21, 1968, 109-117
1981 The Astral Snakes of the Nile, MDAIK 37, 1981, 255-260
1982 Temples and Funerary Beliefs in the Graeco-Roman Epoch, L’égyptologie en 1979 I, Paris 1982, 117-
127

KÔM OMBO I
(ed. A. GUTBUB/D. INCONNU-BOCQUILLON), Le Caire 1995

KUHLMANN, K.P.
 15

1979 Der Tempel Ramses II. in Abydos. Vorbericht über eine Neuaufnahme, MDIK 35, 1979, 189-193, pls.
57-58

LAPP, G.
1997 Catalogue of the Books of the Dead in the British Museum, I. The Papyrus of Nu (BM EA 10477),
London 1997

LECLERE, F./ COULON, L.

1998 La nécropole osirienne de la ‘grande place’ à Karnak. Fouilles dans le secteur nord-est du temple
d’Amon, Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists (ed. C.J. EYRE), OLA 82,
Leuven 1998, 649-659

LECUYOT, G./ GABOLDE, M.

1998 A ‘Mysterious ew#t’ Dating from Roman Times at the Deir er-Rumi, Proceedings of the Seventh
International Congress of Egyptologists (ed. C.J. EYRE), OLA 82, Leuven 1998, 661-666

LEPROHON, R.J.
1994 Gatekeepers of this and the Other World, JSSEA XXIV, 1994, 77-91.

LEPSIUS, R.
1842 Das Todtenbuch der Ägypter nach dem hieroglyphischen Papyrus in Turin, 1842 (reprint Osnabrück
1969)
1867 Aelteste Texte des Todtenbuches nach Sarkophagen des altaegyptischen Reichs im Berliner Museum,
Berlin 1867

LIEVEN, A. VON
2000 Der Himmel über Esna. Eine Fallstudie zur Religiösen Astronomie in Ägypten am Beispiel der
kosmologischen Decken- und Architravinschriften im Tempel von Esna, ÄA 64, Wiesbaden 2000
2002 Mysterien des Kosmos: Kosmographie und Priesterwissenschaft, Ägyptische Mysterien? (eds. J.
ASSMANN/M. BOMMAS), München 2002, S. 47-58
i.pr. a Bemerkungen zum Dekorationsprogramm des Osireion in Abydos, Function and Use of Ancient
Egyptian Temple Space, 6th ‘Ägyptologische Tempeltagung’ (ed. B.J. HARING), ÄAT 33,4, Wiesbaden,
(in print)
i.pr. b Tombs as Temples. Towards an Understanding of Late Egyptian Tomb Decorations, IV. Dakhleh Oasis
Project Symposium, (ed. A. MILLS), (in print)
i.pr. c Eine punktierte Osirisliturgie (pCarlsberg 589+PSI inv. I 104+pBerlin 29022), Hieratic Texts from the
Collection (ed. K. RYHOLT), The Carlsberg Papyri 7, CNIP 30, Kopenhagen (in print)

MARIETTE, A.
1880 Abydos. Description des fouilles II, Paris 1880

MEDINET HABU VI
Medinet Habu VI, The Temple Proper II, OIP LXXXIV, Chicago 1963

MERKELBACH, R.
1968 Ein ägyptischer Priestereid, ZPE 2, 1968, 7-30
1995 Isis regina - Zeus Sarapis, Stuttgart/Leipzig 1995

MONTSERRAT, D./MESKELL, L.
1997 Mortuary Archaeology and Religious Landscape at Graeco-Roman Deir el-Medina, JEA 83, 1997, 179-
197

MURRAY, M.
1903 The Osireion at Abydos, Egyptian Research Account 9, London 1903

NAVILLE, E.
1886 Das aegyptische Todtenbuch der XVIII. bis XX. Dynastie, Berlin 1886

OTTO, E.
1962 Zwei Paralleltexte zu TB 175, CdE 37, 1962, 249-256
 16

PIANKOFF, A.
1964 The Litany of Re, Bollingen Series XL 4, New York 1964
1974 The Wandering of the Soul, Bollingen Series XL 6, Princeton 1974

PORTER, B./MOSS, R.
1939 Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, VI. Upper
Egypt: Chief Temples, Oxford 1939
1972 Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, II. Theban
Temples, Oxford 19722

QUACK, J.F.
1997a Ein ägyptisches Handbuch des Tempels und seine griechische Übersetzung, ZPE 119, 1997, S. 297-300
1997b Review of ESCHWEILER 1994, WdO 28, 1997, 185-188
2000 Das Buch vom Tempel und verwandte Texte. Ein Vorbericht, ARG 2, 2000, 1-20
i.pr. Die Götterliste des Buches vom Tempel und die überregionalen Dekorationsprogramme, Function and
Use of Ancient Egyptian Temple Space, 6th ‘Ägyptologische Tempeltagung’ (ed. B.J. HARING), ÄAT
33,4, Wiesbaden, (in print)

RAVEN, M.J.
1996 Review of ESCHWEILER 1994, BiOr 53, 1996, 692-697

RONDOT, V.
1989 Une monographie bubastite, BIFAO 89, 1989, S. 249-270

SALEH, M.
1984 Das Totenbuch in den thebanischen Beamtengräbern des Neuen Reiches, AV 46, Mainz 1984

SAYED, R. EL
1980 Les sept vaches célestes, leur taureau et les quatre gouvernails, MDIK 36, 1980, 357-390

SCHOTT, S.
1956 Totenbuchspruch 175 in einem Ritual zur Vernichtung von Feinden, MDIK 14, 1956, 181-189

SIMONET, J.-L.
1994 Le college des dieux maîtres d’autel, Montpellier 1994

STADELMANN, R.
1979 Totentempel und Millionenjahrhaus in Theben, MDIK 35, 1979, 303-321
1986 Totentempel III, LÄ VI, Wiesbaden 1986, 706-711

ULLMANN, M.
2002 König für die Ewigkeit - Die Häuser der Millionen von Jahren. Eine Untersuchung zu Königskult und
Tempeltypologie in Ägypten, ÄAT 51, Wiesbaden 2002

VERHOEVEN, U.
1992 Textgeschichtliche Beobachtungen am Schlusstext von Totenbuchspruch 146, RdE 43, 1992, 169-194
1993 Das saitische Totenbuch der Iahtesnacht, Bonn 1993

VOSS, S.
1996 Ein liturgisch-kosmographischer Zyklus im Re-Bezirk des Totentempels Ramses’ III. in Medinet Habu,
SAK 23, 1996, 377-396

WILDUNG, D.
1977 Imhotep und Amenhotep. Gottwerdung im Alten Ägypten, MÄS 36, Munich/Berlin 1977
 17

Bildunterschriften für bookdead.doc

Fig. 1 Edfu temple, offering hall, west wall (lower half), from Edfou I, pl. XXXV b (I 507,16-513,9).

On the far left the „Seven Arrows“ are depicted. Above the door (first register) Re, Maat, Thot, Isdes, Iri,
Sedjem and two forms of Seshat receive Maat. In the second register the celestial snakes of the flood are shown.
Pxr-Hr is the entwined one on the right. On the far right and directly flanking the door are groups of demons that
are closely associated with the fierce goddess.

Fig. 2 Edfu temple, offering hall, east wall (lower half), from Edfou I, pl. XXXV b (I 547,8-548,6;
491,1-13).

Around the door seven snake goddesses, the seven (lying) cows and their bull from BD spell 148 and the four
(standing) cows Hesat, Weryt, Shedyt and Sekhathor are depicted. In the register above, the king is shown
running with vases before Horus, Hathor, Horus-Semataui, Nun-wer, Niau, Heh, Shu, Thot and Ptah. On the
left, there are two registers of offering scenes.

Fig. 3 Edfu temple, western stairway, north wall, from Edfou I, pl. XXXVI a (I 531,16-532,12).

In the third register, Horus, Hathor and the seven cows from BD spell 148 together with their bull receive
offerings. The bull is standing in the original, not lying as on the drawing. The registers below show offering
scenes before gods and ptolemaic ancestors.

Fig. 4 Edfu temple, western stairway, south wall, from Edfou I, pl. XXXVI b (I 518,17-520,6; 521,7-
522,4; 524,3-525,3).

In the first register, several gods receive an incense offering, the four last ones are the „Maîtres d’autel“. In the
second register, Horus, Re, Maat, Thot, Isdes, Iri, Sedjem and two forms of Seshat receive Maat. In the third
register, the four holy cows Hesat, Weryt, Shedyt and Sekhathor and the four celestial rudders are depicted.

Fig. 5 Edfu temple, western stairway, west wall, from Edfou I, pl. XXXVI b (I 525,9-16; 533,1-8).

In the third register, Horus and the snake genii of the flood receive offerings. The upper one on the right is Pxr-
Hr. The registers below show offering scenes and the recording of years for the reigning monarch.

Fig. 6 a Location of BD spell 148 in Graeco-Roman-period temples

1 BD spell 148 5 Messenger demons (Seven Arrows)

2 Other divine cows 6 Seven Hathors
3 Maîtres d’autel 7 Text 290 (Gutbub)
4 Snake gods of the flood The offering hall is marked in grey.

Fig. 6 b Location of BD spell 148 in Graeco-Roman-period temples

Plans have been adapted in a modified form from the following publications:
Dendara: ARNOLD 1994, S. 65
Edfu: ARNOLD 1994, S. 71
Kom Ombo: ARNOLD 1994, S. 127
Philae: ARNOLD 1994, S. 192
 18

El Qal’a: EL QUALCA I, unnumbered foldout plate.