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VIOLENCE
IN AMERICA
An Encyclopedia

RONALD GOTTESMAN
Editor in Chief

RICHARD MAXWELL BROWN

Consulting Editor

VOLUME 1

Charles Scribner 's Sons

An Imprint of The Gale Group
New York
 Editorial Board
EDITOR IN CHIEF
RONALD GOTTESMAN, Department of English, University of Southern California

CONSULTING EDITOR
RICHARD MAXWELL BROWN, Department of History, University of Oregon

THE ADVISORY BOARD

LAURA A. BAKER, Department of Psychology, University of Southern California
HOWARD B ECKER, Department of Sociology, University of California, Santa Barbara
ERIC FONER, Department of History, Columbia University
JAMES GILLIGAN, Cambridge Hospital, Cambridge, Massachusetts
SANDER L. GILMAN, Departments of Germanic Studies and Psychiatry, University of Chicago
J AMES A. INCIARDI, Center for Drug and Alcohol Studies, University of Delaware
W. J. T. MITCHELL, Departments of English and Art History, University of Chicago
ALEXANDER PIQUERO, Department of Criminal Justice, Temple University

Messner, Steven F., and Richard Rosenfeld. Crime and the
American Dream. 2d ed. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth,
1997.
Miethe, Terance D., and Robert F. Meier. Crime and Its Social
Context: Toward an Integrated Theory of Offenders, Victims,
and Situations. Albany: State University of New York
Press, 1994.
Reiss, Albert J., Jr., and Jeffrey A. Roth, eds. Understanding
and Preventing Violence. Washington, D.C.: National
Academy Press, 1993.
Wolfgang, Marvin E., and Franco Ferracuti. The Subculture
of Violence: Towards an Integrated Theory in Criminology.
New York: Tavistock, 1967.
RICHARD ROSENFELD
See also Nature vs. Nurture; Sociobiology.
BIOLOGY - - - by LAURA A. BAKER
Biological influences in aggression and violence
have been clearly established in studies of humans
and other animals. These factors have been exten-
sively reviewed elsewhere (e.g., Raine 1993, 1995;
Miczek et al. 1994; Niehoff 1999) and are summa-
rized in detail throughout this encyclopedia. Key
biological variables include genetic predisposi-
tions, hormones, physiological underarousal (au-
tonomic-nervous-system functioning), brain func-
tion (and dysfunction), and neurotransmitters.
These biological variables are not independent
from one another and are highly interrelated, often
in complex ways. Moreover, the interaction be-
tween social and biological factors appears to be
of critical importance in understanding human vi-
olence.
Some of the earliest scientific attempts to link
violence to physical characteristics were made at
the beginning of the nineteenth century. In what
eventually became known as phrenology, a Vien-
nese physician, Franz Joseph Gall, proposed links
between behaviors and mental characteristics (in-
cluding ”destructiveness”)with the size and shape
of bumps in the skull overlying certain functional
regions. Although seemingly farfetched compared
to more complex biological theories nearly two
centuries later, Gall’s work inspired other research
into brain function and violence, including that of
an American physician John Bell (see Finger 1994).
Charles Darwin (1859; 1871) also considered ag-
gression and violence in his theory of evolution
and natural selection, which became the basis for
popular evolutionary and genetic explanations of
violence- in the 1990s. Konrad Lorenz and E. 0.
Wilson brought an ethological perspective to hu-
man aggression and violence by emphasizing the
position of humans in the larger animal hierarchy.
T HE O RIE S OF V IOLENCE: B I O L O GY
By the end of the twentieth century, there were
several theories or explanatory models attempting
to integrate the findings from research into bio-
logical bases of aggression and violence. Human
violence itself, however, is a heterogeneous phe-
nomenon, and there is no single theory that can
explain all forms of violence in all individuals.
Most researchers of the biological underpinnings
of violence consider that there may be different eti-
ologies, or causes, for varying forms of violent be-
havior. In fact, there is support from animal stud-
ies for distinct biological pathways underlying
violence in predatory attack and in defensive be-
haviors (Niehoff 1999). Several major theories or
explanatory models encompassing the biological
bases of human violence are reviewed in this ar-
ticle: (1) sociobiology, (2) brain function and dys-
function, (3) neurochemical models, (4) autonomic
underarousal, ( 5 ) endocrinological (hormone)
models, (6) genetic predispositions, and (7) bioso-
cial interaction models.
Sociobiology
Sociobiology is a comprehensive biological ex-
planation of human violence based on Darwin’s
theory of evolution. This explanation focuses on
the profound implications of people’s desire to
maximize their individual reproductive status
through gains or protection of resources and access
to mates. That is, humans have evolved with
mechanisms for ensuring that their genes are
passed on to subsequent generations through re-
production. Two important consequences of sexual
reproduction, in which differential investment in
offspring occurs between sexes, are (1) competition
between males for ultimate access to .desirable fe-
males, and (2) female choice for desirable males.
In their book Homicide (1988), Martin Daly and
Margo Wilson provide an excellent account of the
profound implications of these consequences for
many important issues in human violence, includ-
ing infanticide; intermale conflict; and greater vi-
olence, aggression, and sexual jealousy in men
than in women.
One limitation of the Darwinian explanation of
violence is that it focuses on ultimate (evolution-
ary) rather than proximate (immediate) causes.
Although a great deal of explanatory power is
derived from evolutionary approaches to under-
standing human behavior, including violence,
there is little to say about the specific biological
mechanisms that account for individual behavior
in specific instances. Evolutionary causes explain
307
T HEORIES OF V IOLENCE : B IOLOGY
why humans may behave violently, but proximate
causes are needed to understand how individual
behaviors occur. Thus, other biological theories are
needed to provide greater details regarding prox-
imal mechanisms, which may ultimately have an
evolutionary basis.
Brain Function and Dysfunction
Two major areas of the brain have received a
great deal of attention in violence research. First,
the limbic system (including amygdala and hy-
pothalamus) appears to be essential in violent be-
haviors, both in humans and animals. Both the
amygdala and hypothalamus have been impli-
cated in predatory and defense attack behaviors,
although different regions and pathways appear
important to each type of aggressive behavior. Sec-
ond, the more recently evolved neocortex has
shown important relationships to human violence.
Of particular interest are the frontal and temporal
areas of the cerebral cortex, which have been iden-
tified with emotional responding and executive
functioning, including impulse control. Violent be-
havior has been linked to abnormalities in these
areas using electroencephalographic (EEG) studies
(see the entry "Psychophysiology:EEG"), brain in-
juries (see "Neuropsychology: Head Injury"), and
brain imaging (see "Neuropsychology: Brain Im-
aging"). An excellent account of the neurological
pathways involved in violent behavior may be
found in Debra Niehoff's The Biology of Violence
(1999). These brain abnormalities in violent offend-
ers may indicate a disruption in neural develop-
ment during gestation, pregnancy and delivery
complications, or other traumas. It is especially dif-
ficult to establish cause-effect relationships in head
injuries.
Brain mechanisms may be involved in percep-
tions of threat and subsequent responses. There
may also be indirect effects of brain dysfunction
on aggressive and violent behavior, via cognitive
deficits. Propensities toward violence may be the
direct result of neurological damage or may be in-
directly influenced-that is, mediated through
other factors. For example, cognitive deficits re-
sulting from dysfunction in these areas may lead
to school failure, dropouts, or alcohol and drug
use, which may in turn increase propensities to-
ward antisocial behavior, including violence.
Neurochemical Models
Several neurotransmitters (chemical messen-
gers that facilitate communication between nerve
308
cells), as well as their related enzymes and by-
products after breakdown, have demonstrated im-
portance in human violence. In particular, violent
behavior has been associated with high levels of
dopamine (which is involved in reward pathways
in the brain), low levels of serotonin (which is im-
portant to impulse control), low levels of mono-
amine oxidase (MAO, an important enzyme in the
breakdown of serotonin), or high levels of norepi-
nephrine (which excites the central and peripheral
nervous systems during high arousal states, and
initiates the fight-or-flight response). There have
also been studies of gamma-aminobutyric acid
(GABA, an inhibitory amino acid transmitter),
which has been shown to play an important role
in alcohol metabolism, and thus perhaps indirectly
in alcohol-related violence (see "Neurotransmit-
ters: GABA").
Some neurochemical factors, such as elevated
norepinephrine, may be involved in defensive re-
sponses, while others, for example, MAO defi-
ciency, may be more important in proactive forms
of aggression and violence. Thus, neurotransmit-
ters and their metabolic pathways themselves may
explain different forms of violence in different in-
dividuals in different situations.
The causal nature of these relationships is not
always apparent, however. For example, neuro-
transmitter levels may increase as a result of vio-
lent behavior, or violent behavior itself may be the
result of neurotransmitter increases. Some genetic
defects in loci involved in various aspects of neu-
rotransmitter systems (including MAO, dopamine,
and serotonin) have also been reported in several
studies (see the entries "Genetics: Molecular-Hu-
man" and "Neurotransmitters: Dopamine, Nor-
epinephrine, and Their Metabolic Enzyme, Mono-
amine Oxidase"), suggesting at least some causal
effect of neurotransmitter systems on violence.
Genetic defects in dopamine metabolism have
been found in excessive and compulsive behaviors
of many forms that often coincide with violence,
including drug abuse, conduct disorder, Tourette's
syndrome, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and
post-traumatic stress disorder. A group of inves-
tigators has suggested a "reward deficiency"
model in which an inherited imbalance in the do-
paminergic system alters the intercellular signal-
ing in the brain's reward process. The dopamine
deficiency leads to replacement of an individual's
feeling of well-being with anxiety, anger, or a crav-
ing for a substance that can alleviate the negative
emotions. A possible genetic aberration involves a

variant form of the gene for the dopamine D2 re-
ceptor, called the A1 allele, which has been found
to be associated with alcoholism and, to a lesser
extent, with a spectrum of impulsive, compulsive,
and addictive behaviors (Blum et al. 1996).
Autonomic Underarousal
One well-replicated finding is that of autonomic
underarousal (i.e., reduced activity or emotional
responding of the autonomic nervous system) in
antisocial (including violent) individuals. This re-
sult has been found for both heart rate (see ”Psy-
chophysiology: Heart Rate”) and skin conductance
(see ”Psychophysiology: Autonomic Activity”), in
both institutionalized and noninstitutionalized
samples. Violent individuals tend to show lower
resting heart rates, lower electrodermal respond-
ing (i.e., skin conductance), and smaller changes in
these factors in response to novel stimuli (e.g., au-
ditory presentation of tones). These findings have
been interpreted in a number of ways. First, low
heart rates may reflect ”fearlessness” or reduced
anxiety, lack of socialization (i.e., poor condition-
ing due to cognitive deficits or emotional with-
drawal), or reduced brain functioning in areas
involved in mediating psychophysiological re-
sponding. Another explanation is that low arousal
may lead to stimulation-seeking behaviors, includ-
ing violence, in an attempt to raise autonomic lev-
els to optimal levels.
Endocrinological Models
”Raging hormones” have been a popular expla-
nation for human violence. In fact, the endocrine
(hormone) system has been shown to play an im-
portant role in human aggression. However, these
effects are not simple, as endocrine glands and re-
sulting hormones interact with one another as well
as with other systems, including the central ner-
vous system and the sensory systems.
In hormone-behavior research, a distinction is
made between organizational influences (i.e.,
structural changes), which may occur especially,
but not exclusively, during prenatal and perinatal
development, and later activational influences,
which occur in response to circulating hormones-
In the entry ”Endocrinology: Overview,” the vari-
ous ways in which hormones may exert their in-
fluences on aggressive behavior are discussed.
Testosterone and another androgens have been
of particular interest in research on violence, due
to their relatively high levels in males, who display
greater violence and aggression than females in
T HEORI ES OF V IOLEN CE: B I O LO GY
most species. There are clear organizational effects
of prenatal exposure to testosterone on physical
structures (including the brain) as well as on some
aspects of behavior. However, organizational ef-
fects on aggressive outcomes are not particularly
strong, and may be limited to particular subcate-
gories of aggressive behavior (e.g., athletic and
other competitive situations). Moreover, although
some associations between circulating levels of tes-
tosterone and aggression (i.e., activational influ-
ences) have been found in adolescent and adult
males, these effects have not been consistently rep-
licated across studies.
The role of estrogen, particularly in female vi-
olence, has also been considered, although in a
much more limited way than testosterone. Higher
estrogen levels have been associated with hostile
outbursts in adolescent females, but not in adoles-
cent males (Inoff-Germain et al. 1988). However, a
greater proportion of crimes by women are com-
mitted just before or after the beginning of their
monthly menstruation, a time when estrogen lev-
els are lower compared to other portions of the cy-
cle (see ”Endrocrinology: PMS and Female Vio-
lence”). As in the case of testosterone, then, the
effects of estrogen on human aggression and vio-
lence are not simple causal ones.
One theory is that hormones play a role in vic-
tims’ ability to cope with stress, including threats
of violence. Testosterone in males and estrogen in
females have been noted to fluctuate in response
to stress and competition (Niehoff 1999). Also, the
ability to regulate physiological responses to stress
(including the stress hormone cortisol) appear to
be diminished in sexually and physically abused
children (see the entries ”Child Abuse: Physical”;
”Child Abuse: Sexual”; and ”Endocrinology: Hor-
mones in Child Abuse”).
Genetic Predispositions
Genetic predispositions to aggression are
clearly evident in both animal and human studies
(see the entries ”Genetics: Twins, Families, and
Adoptions” and ”Animal Studies of Aggression
and Violence”), although genetic effects vary
somewhat across definitions and measures of ag-
gression. Evidence for a genetic basis for human
aggression comes primarily from twin, family, and
adoption studies. However, research on specific
pathways from individual genes to aggressive
behavior is still in its infancy. Although some ge-
netic markers for aggression (and possibly vio-
lence) have been recently suggested (see the entry
309
THEORIES O F V IOLENCE : B IOLOGY
“Genetics: Molecular -Humans”), most of these
studies have not focused on aggression or violence
per se but on disorders for which aggression may
play some role (e.g., Tourette’s syndrome, sub-
stance abuse, and conduct disorder). One note-
worthy exception is the Dutch study (Brunner et
al. 1993) in which an omission of a single chemical
base-pair in the MAO-A structural gene was as-
sociated with a variety of antisocial behaviors, in-
cluding violence. This result, however, has yet to
be replicated in other samples. Thus, there is no
clearly established gene (or set of genes) for human
aggression or violence.
How might genetic and environmental factors
mediate the relationships between violence and its
biological risk factors? While many of the biologi-
cal risk factors important to human violence, as
described in detail throughout this encyclopedia,
may be functions of genetic predispositions, they
are almost certainly not entirely genetically based.
In particular, environmental factors that cannot be
transmitted (e.g., brain trauma and other experi-
ences) may be of considerable influence in the bio-
logical risk factors for violence.
In the same vein, it should be noted that social
risk factors (such as lack of parental supervision
and involvement or delinquent peer group asso-
ciations) may not exclusively represent environ-
mental influences. For example, individuals ge-
netically predisposed toward antisocial behavior
may selectively affiliate with delinquent peers, and
may elicit negative behaviors from their parents
(O’Connor et al. 1998). These possibilities call into
question the traditional assumptions about the
nature of peer and parental effects on youth
violence-that is, they may not represent pure en-
vironmental effects but may reflect a complex in-
terplay between genes and environment. Much re-
search is still needed to understand how genes and
environment may underlie the relationships be-
tween biological and social variables and their re-
lationships to human violence.
Most important, the interactions among bio-
logical (including genetic) and social (environmen-
tal) factors appear to be of critical importance in
understanding human violence. Genetic factors, in
particular, appear to exert their greatest influence
in the presence of adverse environmental condi-
tions. It is noteworthy that antisocial behavior is
the one behavioral domain in which gene X envi-
ronment interactions have been consistently rep-
licated in many samples, including the United
States. That is, the effects of genetic predispositions
for antisocial behavior appear to be amplified un-
310
der adverse environmental conditions. Moreover,
negative environmental factors often appear not to
be particularly influential, except in the presence
of individual genetic predispositions toward anti-
sociality.
Biosocial Interaction Models
The importance of biological factors in general
(not just genetic factors) may depend very much
on environmental or social conditions. In fact,
there is considerable evidence that many biological
effects described above and throughout this en=
cyclopedia may be small or nonexistent under
certain environmental conditions. For example,
Adrian Raine has found that birth complications
(which are considered to be primarily environ-
mental factors), in combination with maternal re-
jection, are most important to violent outcomes
(Raine et al. 1997). Even adult neurotransmitter
levels may be altered by early rearing experiences,
as discussed by Marcus J. P. Kruesi (Kruesi and
Jacobson 1997; also ”Neurotransmitters: Over-
view”). Moreover, the single domain in behavioral
genetics in which gene-environment interactions
have been found repeatedly is the study of anti-
social behavior, including violence. In both Scan-
dinavian and U.S. samples, genetic predispositions
for criminal behavior appear to be of greatest im-
portance when adverse environmental factors are
present.
An excellent overview of biosocial models may
be found in Biosocial Bases of Violence (1997), edited
by Adrian Raine et al. The book summarizes four
specific theories that have been articulated on bio-
social interactions. Three of the theories (Eysenck
1964, Mednick 1977, and Buikhuisen 1988)propose
enhanced conditioning and learning of prosocial
behavior as a function of biological characteristics,
particularly those related to the functioning of the
autonomic nervous system. The fourth biosocial
theory, byTerrie Moffitt (1993), proposes that neu-
ropsychological problems (manifested as cognitive
deficits, difficult temperament, and motor difficul-
ties) combine with adverse social conditions tu
produce the greatest risk for criminal outcomes in
what she terms ”life-course persistent offenders.”
Further elaboration on biosocial models, including
Moffitt’s developmentally based theory, may be
found in the entry “Age and the Life Cycle.”
Summary
The causes of human violence must certainly in-
clude biological factors at some level. There is a
wide range of influences with well-established as-

socia tions to violence, including brain dysfunc-
t ion, hormones, and neurotransmitters. These fac-
tors, however, are likely to differ across both
individuals and situations. Although genetic fac-
tors have been clearly demonstrated to play a role
i n some forms of violence, much is still to be
le arned about exactly how genes and environment
may mediate the relationships between violence
and many of the biological factors. Biosocial mod-
els of violence, which consider the complex inter-
play of both inherited conditions and life experi-
ences are likely to become of greatest importance
i 11 explaining human violence.
-
Blu m, Kenneth, et al. "Reward Deficiency Syndrome."
American Scientist 84 (March-April 1996): 132-145.
Brunner, Hans G., et al. "Abnormal Behavior Associated
with a Point Mutation in the Structural Gene for Mono-
amine Oxidase A," Science 262 (22 October 1993):
578-580.
Buikhuisen, Wouter. "ChronicJuvenile Delinquency: A The-
ory." In Explaining Criminal Behavior: Interdisciplinary Ap-
proaches edited by Wouter Buikhuisen and Samoff A.
Mednick. Leiden, the Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1988.
Pp. 27-50.
Iy, Martin, and Margo Wilson. Homicide. Hawthorne,
N.Y.: Aldine de Gruyter, 1988.
Darwin, Charles. On the Origin of Species. London: Murray,
1859.
-. The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex.
London: Murray, 1871.
Eysenck Hans Jurgen. Crime and Personality. London: Me-
thuen 1964; 3d ed., St. Albans, U.K.: Paladin, 1977.
Finger, Stanley. Origins of Neuroscience: A History of Explo-
rations into Brain Function. New York: Oxford University
Press 1994.
Inoff-Cermain, Gale, et al. "Relations Between Hormone
Levelsand Observational Measures of Aggressive Be-
havior of Young Adolescents in Family Interactions."
Developmental Psychology, 24, no. 1 (1988): 129-139.
Kruesi, Marcus J. P. and Teresa Jacobson. "Serotonin and
Human Violence: Do Enviromental Mediators Exist? In
Biosocial Bases of Violence, edited by Adrian Raine, Patri-
cia A. Brennan, and Sarnoff A. Mednick. New York: Ple-
num Press, 1997. Pp. 189-205.
Lorenz, Konrad. On Aggression. New York: Harcourt, Brace
and World, 1966.
Mednick, Sarnoff A. "A Biosocial Theory of the Learning of
Law-Abiding Behavior. In Biosocial Bases of Criminal Be-
havior edited by Sarnoff A. Mednick and Karl 0.Chris-
tiansen. New York: Gardner, 1977. Pp. 1-8.
Miezek, Klaus, et al. "An Overview of Biological Influences
on Violent Behavior." In Understanding and Preventing Vi-
olence Vol. 2, Biobehavioral Influences, edited by Albert J.
Reiss, Jr., Klaus Miczek, and Jeffrey A. Roth. Washington,
D.C.: National Academy Press, 1994.
T HE O R I E S OF V I O LE N C E : F EM I N I S M
Moffitt, Terrie E. "Life-Course Persistent and Adolescence-
Limited' Antisocial Behavior: A Developmental Taxon-
omy." Psychological Review 100 (1993): 674-701.
Niehoff, Debra. The Biology of Violence. New York: Free Press,
1999.
O'Connor, Thomas G., et al. "Genotype-Environment Cor-
relations in Late Childhood and Early Adolescence: An-
tisocial Behavioral Problems and Coercive Parenting.''
Developmental Psychology 34 (summer 1998): 970-981.
Raine, Adrian. The Psychopathology of Crime: Criminal Behav-
ior as a Clinical Disorder. San Diego, Calif.: Academic
Press, 1993.
Raine, Adrian, Patricia A. Brennan, and David I? Farrington.
"Biosocial Bases of Violence." In Biosocial Bases of Vio-
lence, edited by Adrian Raine, Patricia A. Brennan, and
David P. Farrington. New York: Plenum, 1997.
Wilson, Edward 0. Sociobiology: The New Synthesis. Cam-
bridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1975.
See also Animal Studies of Aggression and Vio-
lence; Child Abuse: Physical; Developmental
Factors: Perinatal and Prenatal; Endocrinology;
Fight-or-Flight Syndrome; Genetics: Chromoso-
mal Abnormalities and Molecular-Human;
Health and Medical Factors; Nature vs. Nurture;
Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder; Psychopathy,
Biology of; Psychophysiology; Sociobiology.
FEMINISM
Although the suffrage movement, or "first wave"
of American feminism, did encounter and attempt
to address certain types of violence, it was not until
the mid-1960s that feminists extensively theorized
about and created new policy to deal with men's
violence against women. The analysis of violence
played an important part in the development of
various branches of "second wave" feminism.
Late-twentieth-century feminists focused on dem-
onstrating that violence against women was per-
vasive and proving that it was a product of
culture-especially patriarchy.
Different feminist analyses of the causes of vi-
olence suggest widely different ways of eradicat-
ing violence: If violence is an extreme form of
power relations, violence could be abolished by
eliminating authority and hierarchy. If violence is
learned culturally, culture must be changed (for
example, men could learn to be more like women).
If violence is biological, men should be eradicated.
Nonetheless, although second-wave feminists di-
vided into several theoretical groups (radical, lib-
eral, socialist, Marxist), feminist analyses of issues
related to violence-including rape, pornography,
and battery-overlapped between and among
groups, perhaps as often as they conflicted.
311
b
THEORIES O F VIOLENCE : PSYCHOLOGY
Ritzer, George. Postmodern Social Theory. New York: Mc-
Graw-Hill, 1997.
Sabine, George H. A History of Political Theory. 4th ed. Hins-
dale, Ill.: Dryden Press, 1973.
Turpin, Jennifer, and Lester R Kurtz. The Web of Violence:
From Interpersonal to Global. Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 1997.
Watson, John B. Behaviorism. 1930. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1957.
Weber, Max. Sociological Writings. New York: Continuum,
1994.
Weiner, Philip, and John Fisher. Violence and Aggression in
the History of Ideas. New Brunswick, N.J.:Rutgers Uni-
versity Press, 1974.
MICHAEL J. WEBBER
JENNIFER TURPIN
See also Sociobiology; Structural Violence.
PSYCHOLOGY - - - by LAURA A. BAKER
Psychological theories of aggression and violence
are rooted in a long-standing debate about
whether humans are innately brutal or benign.
Two contrasting views of human nature are found
in the classical writings of philosophers and sci-
entific thinkers. On the one hand, Thomas Hobbes
argued in Leviathan (1651) that humans are natu-
rally brutal and that societal laws and their en-
forcement are consequently required to curb our
natural aggressive instincts. Conversely, Jean-
Jacques Rousseau in 1762 conceptualized the noble
savage, who is naturally benign, happy, and good.
According to Rousseau, the restrictions imposed
by society lead to aggression and corrupt behavior.
These opposing viewpoints emerge in psycho-
logical theories of human aggression. The pessi-
mistic Hobbesian view of innate aggressive
instincts is found in Sigmund Freud’s psychoana-
lytic theory, developed in the 1920s. Rousseau’s
perspective is more clearly seen in social psycho-
logical theories of the 1960s, which emphasize the
role of external factors in producing aggressive
outcomes. It is noteworthy, however, that most
psychological theories of aggression and violence,
including those that emphasize situational factors
and learning, place some importance on underly-
ing biological processes.
Instincts and Innate Aggressive Drives
In his psychoanalytic theory Freud (1930) ar-
gued that“each human is born with equally pow-
erful instincts toward life (Eros) and death (Than-
atos). When the death instinct is turned inward, it
results in self-punishment (in the extreme, sui-
cide). When directed outward, it results in hostility
322
and anger, leading to destructive behavior and
even murder. Freud believed that aggressive en-
ergy would build up and produce illness unless
released, ideally in acceptable behavior.
The idea of innate, biologically based aggressive
instincts dominated psychologists’ thinking dur-
ing the first quarter of the twentieth century. Sup-
port for this view was provided by discoveries of
brain mechanisms in aggressive behavior (e.g.,
Cannon 1925), as well as studies demonstrating
that animals could be bred for high levels of ag-
gression. In fact, the biological basis for aggression
was explored throughout the twentieth century
and remained an important and popular perspec-
tive in the broader scientific community (including
many psychologists).
Konrad Lorenz (1966) and E. O. Wilson (1975)
later developed an evolutionary perspective of
human aggression, by emphasizing the place of
human beings within the animal kingdom and
pointing to the apparent universality of aggression
among vertebrates. Aggression is considered a
valuable instinct necessary for survival, because it
enhances the ability to hunt, defend territories, and
compete successfully for desirable mates. ,How-
ever, strong inhibitory mechanisms coevolved,
enabling humans to suppress aggression when
needed.
Although most psychologists accept the role of
biological factors in aggression at some level, some
have focused on the external factors that elicit such
behaviors. The frustration-aggression hypothesis
was the first systematic explanation of human ag-
gression as a reaction to environmental factors.
This theory was originally formulated, in 1939, by
John Dollard et al., who proposed that frustration
always leads to aggression and vice versa. Other
research demonstrated, however, that frustration
does not necessarily lead to aggression and instead
may cause depression and lethargy (Seligman
1975). In his revised frustration-aggression hy-
pothesis, Leonard Berkowitz (1980) proposed that
frustration leads to anger, which may in turn in-
stigate aggression in the presence of certain ex-
ternal cues.
To social psychologists of the 1990s biological
factors provided ”background conditions that
moderate the effects of aversive stimuli in the in-
dividual’s immediate situation, particularly those
that involve conflict with other people” (Geen
1998). In this regard, aggression is viewed not sim-
ply as an innate drive but as a response to external
stimuli.

Situational Factors Important to Aggression
Extensive research in the last half of the twen-
tieth century demonstrated that a variety of social
situations may lead to aggression, including frus-
tration. Frustration may indeed increase the
chances of aggressive behavior. Frustration may
be exacerbated by the proximity of desired goals
or objects, the attainment of which has been
thwarted: the closer the goal when blocked, the
greater the frustration and its aggressive outcome.
However, while frustration may not always pro-
duce aggression, it may produce anger, annoyance,
or readiness to aggression if the situation is con-
ducive (for example, if the victim seems unlikely
to reciprocate, due to small size or physical dis-
tance). Also, if the frustration is understandable,
legitimate, or unintended, there may be less chance
of aggression.
Provocation, such as that arising from the need
to reciprocate in reaction to another’s aggressive
behavior, can also produce aggression, but not al-
ways. Reciprocation is more likely if the victim
perceives the provocation as intentional. Objects of
aggression, such as weapons, might also stimulate
human aggression. In a classic experiment con-
ducted by Berkowitz and Anthony LePage (1967),
college students were more aggressive (delivered
more shocks to a victim) when made angry in the
presence of a gun than in the presence of a bad-
minton racket. Dane Archer and Rosemary Gart-
ner (1984) have also shown a correlation between
handgun availability and homicide rate across
countries.
Psychological Processes Involved in Aggression
Beyond considering the external stimuli that
may invoke aggression, several lines of research
have explored the psychological processes and un-
derlying mechanisms involved in aggression. The
importance of cognitive processes, including per-
ception, memory, and appraisal, in responding ag-
gressively has been emphasized in social cogni-
tion. Examples of this focus include Berkowitz’s
(1989) theory of cognitive neo-associationism,
which posits that negative affective states (elicited
by aversive conditions) become associated in long-
term memory with specific motor tendencies to
fight or flight. Individual reactions to aggress or
flee depend on genetic predispositions, prior con-
ditioning and learning, and recognition of situa-
tional factors that inhibit or promote aggression.
The acquisition and maintenance of aggressive-
response tendencies are also emphasized in Albert
T HEORIES OF V IOLENCE : P S Y C H O L O G Y
Bandura’s social-learning theory (1963; 1973;
1983), which considers the effects of learning via
modeling and imitation. Through observation of
role models at home, at school, and through the
media, children learn social-conduct rules and a
repertoire of social behaviors, including aggres-
sion. Rewards and punishments then shape the
child’s behavior, determining the chances of re-
sponding aggressively in future situations. In the
presence of suitable incentives the probability of
aggressive behavior increases.
Reducing Aggression
Psychologists have considered various methods
for reducing aggressive behavior in both children
and adults. Much of this research has focused on
the effects of punishment. Mild threats of punish-
ment appear to have a greater effect than severe
threats in reducing the attractiveness of aggressive
actions (Aronson and Carlsmith 1963). Also,
teacher-training programs that emphasize the use
of swift and nonsevere punishment have signifi-
cantly reduced bullying behavior in schoolchil-
dren (Olweus 1991). In adults severe punishment
does not seem to deter violent crimes, in part be-
cause it is not swift and not certain for most violent
acts (for example, countries with the death penalty
do not have lower violent-crime rates). An inter-
esting study by the Minneapolis police found that
the immediate arrest of domestic abusers dramat-
ically reduced the chances of repeat offense (Sher-
man and Berk 1984).
Another psychological concept thought to be
important in reducing aggression is catharsis. Sev-
eral theorists, including Freud (1933) and Dollard
et al. (1939), have proposed that unreleased ag-
gressive impulses lead to a buildup of pressure.
Thus it is necessary to release this pressure, ideally
through socially acceptable forms of behavior, to
avoid the risk of illness or uncontrollable behavior.
This aggressive energy is thought to be released in
various ways, including physical activity, such as
competitive sport; watching other people engage
in aggressive play -in other words, experiencing
a vicarious discharge of aggressive energy; and en-
gaging in direct aggression-lashing out, hurting
someone, saying something nasty. Research has
provided no evidence, however, to support the
idea that participation in competitive sports has
any effect. For example, football players do not
become less hostile over the course of a season or
immediately after a game. Moreover, some re-
search suggests an increase of aggression among
323
T HEORIES OF VIOLENCE: RELIGION
spectators at sports events (e.g., soccer matches) or
immediately following a game (one study reported
greater rates of domestic abuse after Super Bowl
games). Similarly, the majority of studies on the
effects of direct aggression suggest no reduction
but sometimes an increase in the tendency toward
future aggression (see Geen and Quanty 1977).
Thus, catharsis is not a viable mechanism for re-
ducing aggression.
Summary
Throughout the twentieth century the pendu-
lum swung between nature or nurture as more im-
portant in determining human aggression. At the
turn of the millennium a more balanced perspec-
tive was prevalent, in which both nature and nur-
ture were considered essential in understanding
the causes of individual aggressive and violent be-
havior. While aggression most likely evolved as a
strategy in many species, whether or not it is ex-
pressed depends on previous social experiences, as
well as the specific social context in which the ani-
mal finds itself. There are also important individ-
ual differences in the propensity for aggression,
depending on both genetic and environmental fac-
tors, as well as their interaction. Any psychological
explanation for aggression and violence must
consider the role of both biological and situational
factors.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archer, Dane, and Rosemary Gartner. Violence and Crime in
Cross-National Perspective. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Uni-
versity Press, 1984.
Aronson, Elliot, and J. Merrill Carlsmith. ”Effect of Severity
of Threat in the Devaluation of Forbidden Behavior.”
Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 66, no. 6 (1963):
584-588.
Bandura, Albert. Aggression: A Social Learning Analysis. En-
glewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973.
. “Psychological Mechanisms of Aggression.” In Ag-
gression: Theoretical and Empirical Reviews, edited by Rus-
sell G. Geen and Edward I. Donnerstein. Vol. 1. New
York: Academic Press, 1983. Pp. 1 4 0 .
Bandura, Albert, and Richard H. Walters. Social Learning and
Personality Development. New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1963.
Berkowitz, Leonard. “Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis:
Examination and Reformulation.” Psychological Bulletin
106, no.1 (1989): 59-73.
. A Survey of Social Psychology. 2d ed. New York: Holt
Rinehart and Winston, 1980.
Berkowitz, Leonard, and Anthony LePage. ”Weapons as
Aggression-Eliciting Stimuli.’’ Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology 7, no. 2 (1967): 202-207.
324
Cannon, Walter B. Bodily Changes in Pain, Fear, Hunger, and
Rage. New York: D. Appleton, 1925.
Dollard, John, et al. Frustration and Aggression. New Haven,
Conn.: Yale University Press, 1939.
Freud, Sigmund. Civilization and Its Discontents, translated
by Joan Riviere. London: Hogarth Press, 1930.
. New Introductoy Lectures on Psycho-analysis. New
York: Norton, 1933.
Geen, Russell G. “Aggression and Antisocial Behavior.” In
The Handbook of Social Psychology, edited by Daniel T. Gil-
bert, Susan T. Fiske, and Gardner Lindzey. Oxford, U.K.:
Oxford University Press, 1998. Pp. 317-356.
Geen, Russell G., and Michael B. Quanty. ”Catharsis of Ag-
gression: An Evaluation of a Hypothesis.” In Advances in
Experimental Social Psychology, edited by Leonard Ber-
kowitz. Vol. 10. New York: Academic Press, 1977. Pp.
1-36.
Hobbes, Thomas. Leviathan. 1651. Harmondsworth, U.K.:
Penguin, 1986.
Lorenz, Konrad. On Aggression. New York: Harcourt, Brace
and World, 1966.
Olweus, Dan. ”Bully/Victim Problems Among Schoolchil-
dren: Basic Facts and Effects of a School-Based Intenren-
tion Program.“ In The Development and Treatment of Child-
hood Aggression, edited by D. J. Pepler and Kenneth H.
Rubin. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum, 1991. Pp. 4110-4448.
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The Social Contract and Discourses.
1762. New York: Dutton, 1913.
Seligman, Martin E. P. Helplessness: On Depression, Develop-
ment, and Death. San Francisco: Freeman, 1975.
Sherman, Lawrence W., and Richard A. Berk. ”The Specific
Deterrent Effects of Arrest for Domestic Assault.” Amer-
ican Sociological Review 49, no. 2 (1984): 261-272.
Wilson, Edward 0. Sociobiology: The New Synthesis. Cam-
bridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University
Press, 1975.
See also Aggression; Fight-or-Flight Syndrome;
Nature vs. Nurture; Neuropsychology: Brain
Function; Psychological Violence; Psychopathy,
Biology of; Psychophysiology: Autonomic Activ-
ity; Sociobiology.
RELIGION
Archaic religion emerged in the midst of violence.
By acquiring a monopoly on legitimate violence,
archaic religions were able to create and sustain
reasonably ordered societies. To understand the
rising tide of violence that washed over the world
in the twentieth century, therefore, one must begin
with a clearer understanding of the enormous an-
thropological shift that is taking place beneath the
surface events of contemporary history. As the
work of Rene Girard has made clear, that un-
derstanding rests on the recognition of the role
violence has played in generating the kind of
A G G R E SS I O N
Fox, James Alan. Trends in Juvenile Violence: A Report to the ably, but they have distinct meanings that must be
United States Attorney General on Current and Future Rates understood in order to elucidate their relation=
of Juvenile Offending. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department ships to biological, psychological, and other fac-
of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1996.
Gottfredson, Michael, and Travis Hirschi. A General Theory
of Crime. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press,
1990.
Hirschi, Travis, and Michael Gottfredson. The Generality of
Deviance. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1994.
Huesmann, L. Rowell, Leonard D. Eron, Monroe M. Left-
kowitz, and Leopold 0.Walder. ”Stability of Aggression
over Time and Generations.” Developmental Psychology
20 (1984): 1120-1134.
Loeber, Rolf, and Dale Hay. “Key Issues in the Development
of Aggression and Violence from Childhood to Early
Adulthood.” Annual Review of Psychology 48 (1997):371-
410.
Moffitt, Terrie E. ”Adolescence-Limited and Life-Course-
Persistent Offending: A Complementary Pair of Devel-
opmental Theories.” In Advances in Criminological Theory.
Vol. 7, Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency,
edited by Terrence Thomberry. New Brunswick, N.J.:
Transaction, 1997.
“Life-Course Persistent and ’Adolescence-Limited’
Antisocial Behavior: A Developmental Taxonomy.” Psy-
chological Review 100 (1993): 674-701.
“Natural Histories of Delinquency.” In Cross-
National Longitudinal Research on Human Development and
Criminal Behavior , edited by H. J. Kemer and E. Weitek-
amp. Dordrecht, Holland: Kluwer Academic Press, 1994.
Olweus, D. “Stability of Aggressive Reaction Patterns in
Males: A Review.” Psychological Bulletin 86 (1979): 852-
857.
Raine, Adrian, Patricia Brennan, and David P. Farrington.
“Biosocial Bases of Violence: Conceptual and Theoretical
Issues.” In Biosocial Bases of Violence, edited by Adrian
Raine et al. New York: Plenum, 1997.
Reiss, Albert, and Jeffrey A. Roth, eds. Understanding and
Preventing Violence. Washington, D.C.: National Acad-
emy Press, 1993.
Robins, Lee. Deviant Children Grown Up: A Sociological and
Psychiatric Study of Sociopathic Personality. Baltimore,
Md.: Williams and Wilkins, 1966.
. ”Sturdy Childhood Predictors of Adult Antisocial
Behavior.” Psychological Medicine 8 (1978): 611-622.
Sampson, Robert, and John Laub. Crime in the Making. Cam-
bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993.
West, Donald J., and David P. Farrington. The Delinquent
Way of Life. London: Heinemann, 1977.
ALEX PIQUERO
See also Birth Order and Birth Spacing; Child
Abuse; Children; Developmental Factors; Do-
mestic Violence; Elder Abuse; Teenagers.
AGGRESSION - - - by LAURA A. BAKER
The terms aggression and violence are used with
enormous flexibility sometimes even interchange-
54
tors.
Defining Aggression
Definitions of aggression have varied histori-
cally as well as with respect to different organisms.
Early studies of animal aggression emphasized in-
nate drives (e.g., fear and anger) that triggered in- -
dividual responses designed to maximize gain and
avoid pain. Animal aggression may largely reflect
evolved, adaptive responses that enhance the sur-
vival of the individual. Animal researchers often
distinguish between two types of aggression:
”predatory attack,” which is often quiet, planned,
and instrumental, versus ”affective defense,”
which is often based on reactions to fear and anger
and is often explosive. In the latter part of the
twentieth century, ethologists started to recognize
the importance of the behavior of nearby others in
eliciting aggressive behavior. In defining aggres-
sion, it is therefore important to understand the
context in which aggressive behavior occurs as
well as the properties (e.g., motivations) of the in-
dividual perpetrator of aggressive acts.
In contrast, the distinction between attack and
defense behaviors is not as clearly made in defin-
ing and measuring human aggression. In fact, the
definition and use of the word aggression in hu-
mans varies widely among researchers. One dis-
tinction in human-aggression studies, however,
that is similar to the attack-defense one in animal
studies, is that made between ”proactive” and “re-
active” aggression. (The former type of aggression
is sometimes referred to as ”appetitive” aggres-
sion, since the goal is often territory- or feeding-
related.) Although not completely parallel as
theoretical constructs, the animal and human ty-
pologies share many features, including the notion
that defensive (reactive) versus predatory (proac-
tive) forms of aggression may have distinct bio-
logical pathways and may be elicited through dif-
ferent mechanisms.
An important alternative distinction in humans
is often made between ”adaptive” versus ”mal-
adaptive” aggression, although much of (re-
searched) human violence and aggression often
falls somewhere between these two extremes. Ag-
gression may be adaptive to the extent that it en-
hances survival and reproduction. For example,
aggressive individuals may be more likely to ac-
quire and maintain resources (e.g., food, shelter)
and may have increased chances for desirable

mates. Aggression might be a particularly impor-
tant asset to individuals with limited cognitive
abilities. However, to the extent that aggression
limits access to resources and mates (e.g., if the ag-
gressor becomes injured, incarcerated, or ostra-
cized), aggressive behavior would be considered
maladaptive. In nonhuman animals, there are of-
ten clear benefits that result from aggression (e.g.,
killing prey, dominant males having greater sexual
- -
access). Whether violent offending in humans
should be generally considered as instrumental
and adaptive is open to question.
Several important features of human aggression
are apparent across various definitions. First, there
is general agreement that aggressive actions must
have the potential for harm, damage, or discom-
fort. This could be broadly defined, however, to
include physical, emotional, or reproductive harm,
for example. However, because some defensive ac-
tions may also cause harm to oneself, the potential
for harm and damage is not a sufficient condition
for classifying actions as aggressive.
Intent to cause harm or damage is another im-
portant aspect of aggressive acts. It is difficult,
however, to establish the intentions of others. This
results in problems for individuals attempting to
judge the degree of threat being made by another
individual as well as difficulties in measuring ag-
gression in scientific investigations.
Many researchers consider physiological
arousal to be another important component of ag-
gression. That is, aggression may involve altera-
tions in autonomic responses, including heart rate,
respiration, and the distribution of blood in the tis-
sues. There is considerable research in support of
the relationship of autonomic arousal and aggres-
sion in humans, but the degree of the relationship
may depend on the type of aggression being stud-
ied. For example, affective (defensive or reactive)
forms of aggression produce a greater autonomic
reaction, perhaps. as a “hot-blooded” response to
fear or anger, while instrumental (predatory or
proactive) aggression may produce little or no au-
tonomic reaction but may instead be highly orga-
nized , planned, and “cold-blooded.”
Some researchers also set as a condition for ag-
gression that the victim evaluate the action as be-
ing aversive (something to be avoided). Evaluating
the perceptions of the victim, like the judgment of
intentions, results in problems in clearly defining
and measuring aggression.
Many forms of human aggression have these
characteristics. David Buss (1971) attempted to
classlfy aggressive behavior on three dimensions:
A GGR E SS I O N
physical versus verbal, active versus passive, and
direct versus indirect. Other categorizations have
also been suggested, such as proactive versus re-
active aggression. In the 1990s, the concept of ”re-
lational” aggression gained attention from psy-
chologists (Crick and Grotpeter 1995) as a distinct
form of aggression that concerns the social manip-
ulation of peers through gossip and exclusion, for
example. One unanswered question, however, is
how these various types of aggressive behavior
may relate to one another. Do individuals dem-
onstrating strong relational aggression also dis-
play high frequencies of physical aggression? How
correlated are reactive and proactive forms of ag-
gression within individuals? Some studies suggest
they are not completely independent of one an-
other, but that they may be at least moderately cor-
related within individuals. Still, these correlations
are far from perfect, and there is support for dif-
ferent etiologies of varying forms of aggression.
For example, Emil Coccaro and colleagues (1993)
reported that genetic variations and serotonin de-
ficiencies are greatest for a subcategory of irritable
impulsiveness.
Measurement of Aggression
The measurement of aggression in animals in-
volves simple, highly reliable, and almost stereo-
typic motor behaviors. Predatory behaviors in-
clude the sequence of stalking of prey followed by
biting the back of the victim’s neck, while affective
defense behaviors involve noticeable signs-such
as piloerection, retraction of the ears, arching of the
back, marked pupillary dilation, vocalization, un-
sheathing of claws-that are usually explosive in
nature.
In humans, measurement of aggression is much
less precise and is often confusing and controver-
sial. In research, aggression may be measured by
eliciting opinions of peers, teachers, parents, or
other relatives or, most commonly, by questioning
an individual about his or her own aggressive be-
havior. Both interview and self-report question-
naires have been developed for use with subjects
of varying ages, although questionnaires are by far
the most popular means of measuring human ag-
gression. Observation of social interactions in nat-
ural or laboratory settings is an alternative but less
often used measuring scheme. The method of mea-
suring and defining human aggression is espe-
cially important to consider, since it affects the re
sults. For example, genetic influences come across
more strongly in questionnaire surveys than in
55
A GRARIAN V IOLENCE
studies using observational methods (see Plomin,
Nitz and Rowe 1990).
Distinction Between Violence and Aggression
How does aggression relate to violence? One
view is that violent behavior is simply an extreme
manifestation of normal-varying aggression. Vio-
lence may also represent aggressive actions that
attract greater than normal social disapproval.
Given the broadly varying definitions of aggres-
sion described here, however, not all forms of ag-
gression, even in extreme forms, may be consid-
ered as violence.
One of the more useful definitions of violence
comes from the Panel on Understanding and Con-
trol of Violent Behavior. It specifies that violent be-
haviors ”intentionally threaten, attempt, or inflict
physical harm on others” (Reiss and Roth 1993-
1994, p. 2). Thus, though the term aggression may
include nonphysical forms of-bringing pain or dis-
comfort to others (e.g., relational, indirect, or ver-
bal aggression), violence is generally more nar-
rowly defined as behaviors that involve overt,
physical acts. Several distinctions may still be
made, similar to those in the more general concept
of aggression, such as between proactive (unpro-
voked) and reactive (provoked) violent behaviors.
In general, specific clarification of the various
forms of aggression and violence needs to be made
in evaluating individual studies in this area.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brain, Paul F. “Hormonal Aspects of Aggression and Vio-
lence.“ In Understanding and Preventing Violence. Vol. 2,
Biobehavioral Influences, edited by Albert J. Reiss, Jr.,
Klaus A. Miczek, and JeffreyA. Roth. Washington, D.C.:
National Academy Press, 1994.
Buss, David. “Aggression Pays.“ In The Control of Aggression
and Violence: Cognitive and Physiological Factors, edited by
JeromeL. Singer. New York: Academic Press, 1971.
Carey, Gregory, and David Goldman. “The Genetics of An-
tisocial Behavior.” In Handbook of Antisocial Behavior, ed-
ited by David M. Stoff, James Breiling, and Jack Maser.
New York Wiley, 1996.
Coccaro, Emil, Cindy S. Bergeman, and Gerald E. McCleam.
”Heritability of Irritable Impulsiveness: A Study of
Twins Reared Together and Apart.” Psychiatry Research
48, no. 3 (1993): 229-242.
Crick, Nicky R., and Jennifer K. Grotpeter. “Relational Ag-
gression, Gender, and Social-Psychological Adjust-
ment.” Child Development 66, no. 3 (1995): 710-722.
Dodge, Kenneth. "The Structure and Function of Reactive
and Proactive Aggression.” In The Development and Treat-
ment of Childhood Aggression, edited by Debra J. Pepler
and Kenneth H. Rubin. Hillsdale, N.J.:L. Erlbaum As-
sociates, 1991.
56
Niehoff, Debra. The Biology of Violence: How Understanding
the Brain, Behavior, and Environment Can Break the Vicious
Circle of Aggression. New York: Free Press, 1998.
Plomin, Robert, Katherine Nitz, and David C. Rowe. “Be-
havioral Genetics and Aggressive Behavior in Child-
hood.“ In Handbook of Developmental Psychology, edited
by Michael Lewis and Suzanne M. Miller. New York:
Plenum, 1990.
Reiss, Albert J., and Jeffrey A. Roth. Understanding and Pre-
venting Violence. Washington, D.C.: National Academy, - -
1993-1994.
See also Animal Studies of Aggression and Vio-
lence; Fight-or-Flight Syndrome; Psychophysiol-
ogy: Autonomic Activity; Temperament; Theories
of Violence.
AGRARIAN VIOLENCE
Since the seventeenth century American farmers
have taken up arms to protest perceived injustices
in society. In some cases they rose up to put right
an aspect of the “moral economy” that disadvan-
taged them. Even more often, however, they re-
taliated against political inequities. Usually the
groups established by farmers to foment violence
were short-lived, single-issue oriented, and ho-
mogenous in their racial and ethnic composition.
Moreover, the majority of those who acted out vi-
olent impulses on behalf of agrarian ideals were
men. However, women also played critical roles in
the leadership structures and support networks of
these organizations.
Between 1650 and 1750 colonists in British
North America-and particularly those on the
frontier-rose up in violence more than forty
times. Generally they protested local land laws
and targeted local landlords, but they also rose up
against unresponsive governments in faraway
coastal capitals. So frequent and serious were these
violent incidences that, at the time of the Revolu-
tionary War, American urban leaders were not sure
they could count on their country cousins to form
a union with them.
A booming population trying to settle a rela-
tively small strip of land between the east coast
and the Appalachians would have spelled trouble
even if all that land had actually been available for
purchase. The fact that Native Americans held by
treaty the fertile lands west of Jamestown led to
the first major incidence of agrarian violence in the
colonies, Bacon’s Rebellion of 1676. Nathaniel
PSYCHOPHY~IOLOGY: V AGAL T O N E
of other factors: gender, ethnicity, a disinhibited
temperament, having divorced or separated par-
ents, socioeconomic deprivation, body size, physi-
cal health, and motor activity-all measured at
age three. By measuring heart rate at age three, this
study eliminated later environmental influences
on heart rate such as cigarette smoking, alcohol
use, drug use, exercise, and puberty.
In addition to these three major studies of heart
rate in relation to aggression and violence, there
are a few smaller-scale studies. For example, Dan-
iel J. Kindlon et al. in Montreal reported a link be-
tween low heart rate at ages eleven through twelve
and teacher-rated fighting, kicking, and bullying
at the same age. There are also heart-rate studies
investigating general delinquency and general
antisocial behavior rather than aggression and vi-
olence; all studies in which heart rate was mea-
sured between ages three and eighteen yield con-
sistent findings.
Despite the remarkably replicable results, a
number ofuncertainties remain. Since most results
are based on the study of males, it is unclear how
far results are replicable for females. It is also un-
clear how far results are replicable if the heart rate
is measured after age eighteen. More research is
needed on interactions between heart rate and
other biological, psychological, and social risk fac-
tors. Most important,. the causal chain linking low
heart rate to aggression and violence remains to be
elucidated, as do relationships between aggres-
sion, violence, and heart-rate variability and reac-
tivity. In order to resolve these and other issues, a
new generation of longitudinal studies should in-
clude frequent, repeated measures of heart rate,
aggression, violence, and other important biologi-
cal, psychological, and social variables.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Farrington, David P. ’The Relationship Between Low Rest-
ing Heart Rate and Violence.” In Biosocial Bases of Vio-
lence, edited by Adrian Raine et al. New York: Plenum,
1997.
Kindlon, Daniel J., et al. “Longitudinal Patterns of Heart
Rate and Fighting Behavior in Nine- Through Twelve-
Year-Old Boys.” Journal of the American Academy of Child
and Adolescent Psychiatry 34 (1995): 371-377.
Raine, Adrian. The Psychopathology of Crime. San Diego: Ac-
ademic, 1993.
Raine, Adrian, Peter H. Venables, and Sarnoff A. Mednick.
”Low- Resting Heart Rate at Age Three Predisposes to
Aggression at Age Eleven Years: Evidence from the
Mauritius Child Health Project.” Journal of the American
Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 36 (1997):
1457-1 464.
640
Wadsworth, Michael E. J. “Delinquency, Pulse Rates, and
Early Emotional Deprivation.”British Journal of Criminol-
ogy 16 (1976): 245-256.
DAVID P. FARRINGTON
See also Temperament.
VAGAL TONE - - - by LAURA A. BAKER
Vagal tone is one of many psychophysiological
measures of autonomic nervous system function-
ing. Specifically, it is a measure of the regulation
of the heart. Whereas heart rate (or pulse) reflects
the state of arousal at a given moment, vagal tone
reflects how well the organism is able to speed up
or slow down heart functioning, particularly in re-
sponse to stimulation. (See Porges et al. 1994 for a
detailed explanation of vagal tone and how it is
measured.)
The autonomic nervous system is divided into
two branches, the parasympathetic and the sym-
pathetic. These generally work in opposition to
each other in regulating the function of organs, in-
cluding the heart. When a person is in a relaxed,
nonstressful physical and mental state, the para-
sympathetic system works to slow heart rate,
lower blood pressure, and increase digestive and
eliminative processes. The sympathetic system
takes over when an individual is under mental or
physical stress, working to increase respiration, in-
crease heart rate, increase blood pressure, stop di-
gestive and eliminative processes, and cause the
release of hormones into the bloodstream.
While both the parasympathetic and sympa-
thetic nervous systems influence heart rate, vagal
tone is more strictly under parasympathetic con-
trol. That is, vagal tone indicates the ability of the
organism to maintain a slow heart rate, even under
stress. Individual differences in vagal tone are
thought to be related to one’s competency to react
physiologically to external stimuli, and the ability
to suppress vagal tone in response to stressful sit-
uations is considered indicative of the ability to
regulate one’s emotions (Porges et al. 1994).
The many studies of the relationship between
cardiac functioning and antisocial behavior, in-
cluding violence, have primarily considered mea-
sures of heart rate. Comparatively few studies
have been made of the relationship between vagal
tone and antisocial behavior. In children a rela-
tionship has been established between vagal tone
and emotional reactivity, such as crying and irri-
tability, to stressful stimuli (see Porges et al. 1994).
Adults’ ability to cope with moderately to highly
 * r
stressful situations appears related to vagal tone
(Fabes and Eisenberg 1997). A study of impulsive
criminal offenders suggested significantly ele-
vated vagal tone in subjects with intermittent ex-
plosive disorder (characterized by discrete epi-
sodes of failure to resist aggressive impulses, often
resulting in serous assaults or destruction of prop-
erty), indicating high autonomic and emotional
reactivity (Virkkunen et al. 1995). Although this
appears an area of potential importance to the un-
derstanding of emotional reactivity and regula-
tion, considerable research is still required to es-
tablish how aggression and violence may be
related to vagal tone and one's ability to suppress
or regulate it.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fabes, Richard A., and Nancy Eisenberg. "Regulatory Con-
trol and Adults' Stress-Related Responses to Daily Life
Events." Journal of Personality G. Social Psychology 73, no.
5 (1997): 1107-1117.
Porges, Stephen W., Jane A. Doussard-Roosevelt, and Ajit
K. Maiti. "Vagal Tone and the Physiological Regulation
of Emotion." In Monographs of the Society for Research in
Child Development 59, no.2-3 (1994): 167- 186.
Virkkunen, Matti, David Goldman, David A. Nielsen, and
Markku Linnoila. "Low Brain Serotonin Turnover Rate
(Low CSF 5-HIAA) and Impulsive Violence." Journal of
Psychiatry and Neuroscience 20, no. 4 (1995): 271-275.
PUERTO RICANS
The relationship between Puerto Rico and the
United States was spawned in violence when the
island was invaded by U.S. forces in 1898. Not as
bloody as the Cuba and Philippine campaigns, the
Puerto Rico war is largely overlooked; postwar re-
sistance to U.S. occupation and civic repression go
equally unacknowledged, contributing to a gen-
eral notion that Puerto Ricans are complacent
about their colonial past and ambiguous relation-
ship with the.United States.
Claims that all violence relating to Puerto Ri-
cans originates in the U.S.-Puerto Rican relation-
ship are overstatements, but it nevertheless in-
-_ forms many dimensions of their history and
culture. The ambiguity of the relationship causes
trenchant resentment and sometimes violent de-
bate among political factions espousing various
forms of relationship to the United States-state-
hood, independence, or the status quo of "associ-
ation" with a restrained degree of self-govern-
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P UERTO R I C A N S
ment. Dissent against U.S. colonialism and the
local government has provoked repressive state
actions by U.S. and Puerto Rican officials, who of-
ten cast separatism as a form of subversion, crim-
inalizing it despite its consonance with democratic
principles of self-determination.
Physically or ideologically violent policies and
practices have often been rationalized as objective
measures of social engineering needed to cope
with dire economic conditions. Prime examples are
the widespread campaign for female sterilization
and the testing of oral contraceptives on Puerto
Rican women. Because of its potential for contro-
versy in a predominantly Catholic society, the cam-
paign for sterilization of women was somewhat
subtle, almost covert. It was mobilized through the
expansion of public-health services, beginning in
the late 1940s. By the late 1960s the availability of
alternative contraceptive methods, the liberaliza-
tion of attitudes toward contraception, feminist
consciousness, and awareness of the government's
role in pushing sterilization as well as the risks in-
volved made sterilization less attractive. These of-
ficially sanctioned measures had been devised to
address presumed overpopulation, as was a vig-
orous labor emigration policy, which supplied the
United States with cheap, unskilled labor.
Because labor emigration has been intensively
promoted by the United States since 1899, Puerto
Ricans are divided between island and diasporic
communities across the United States. Circular mi-
gration inextricably connects both communities.
As a racialized immigrant group, Puerto Ricans
tend to share a subordinate position in the United
States with other racialized groups as well as prev-
alent conditions of poverty and societal distress.
Urban Puerto Rican communities in the United
States are daily confronted with a high incidence
of criminality, leading to elevated prosecution and
incarceration rates within the criminal justice sys-
tem. Persistent racism has made Puerto Ricans the
target of prejudice, de facto discrimination, police
brutality, and hate crimes.
The issue of violence, then, encompasses com-
munities on the island and in the United States; its
manifestations range from the everyday brutality
of life in urban ghettos to ideological repression. It
is the latter that is most dramatic and paradoxical.
The Violence of Repression
Resistance to U.S. occupation, especially after it
failed to restore the autonomy that Spain had
granted Puerto Rico in 1897, led to the suppression
643