ASSIGNMENT 5

Françoise Blum 

1. What were the broader implications of the referendum to establish the

Franco-African Community in September 1958?

The events that took place in the years leading up to the 1968 revolution that swept
across Europe largely conditioned the revolution itself. France had a problem with its
colonies, and that was that it did not know how to manage them. Therefore, in 1958 it
organised a referendum to find out whether the African population was in favour of
creating a Franco-African community. The immediate consequence was the
independence of Guinea followed by a student revolt. The revolt had little impact but
was "the prelude to a series of supposedly uncovered "plots," which were harshly put
down by a regime that increasingly plunged into paranoia" (Blum, 2018). The African
militants who were there and who had contact with the French were going to provoke
the start of a revolution beyond African borders.

2. What was the position of "metropolitan France" in the Congolese

revolution?

The Congolese Revolution established a new regime based on scientific socialism.

The revolution was led by young people, without military intervention. At the same time,
similar revolts were also taking place in France, led by young people who were not
happy with the status quo. In this sense, the Congolese Revolution was an example
because they managed to take power. Blum puts it this way: "The Congolese
Revolution provides an archetype of a youth revolt crystallizing into a form that allows it
to take power" (Blum, 2018). This was possible thanks to organisations like AEC that
had many contacts with France. Therefore, in metropolitan France, although it did not
intervene in this revolution, the revolutionary sentiment was established in the French
youth who would later lead the protests during the French May.

Sarah Benítez Serrano

 3. Why did protests in Madagascar and Congo focus on educational
policies? 

To explain this issue, it is important to note that about 8000 African students were
studying in France and that their role was very diverse in the events of 1968. Two of
these students are Lissouba and Noumazalaye. Territories such as Senegal were
protesting because they wanted to have a level of education and educational facilities
similar to those in France without having to go to France, as this was only possible for
the elites. In Madagascar the protests were started by students who opposed the
agreements with France, and after being arrested they became radicalised on the basis
of Marxist concepts. Since it was young people who carried out both revolutions, it is
logical to think that they focus on educational proposals that concern them and that
were established by those they are protesting against. We see so many similarities in
the revolutions around the late 1960s because the educational system was the same
for all: "The same books circulated in the various countries. An identical Marxist library
was accessible around the globe" (Blum, 2018).

Philipp Gassert

1. How did the Western New Left envisage 1968?

In 1968 the New Left began to criticise established democracy, which was also a
consequence of the left's disillusionment with Stalinism. For the New Left, culture
began to take on a marked importance, but they believed that a political revolution was
also necessary if they were to realise their goal. For this they drew on Marx. Gassert
says: "the New Left stressed alienation rather than exploitation" (Gassert, 2008). It is
interesting to note that democracy had taken on a different hue for conservatives and
liberals, with liberals becoming more radical and inclined to support totalitarian
positions such as Maoism, while conservatives favoured softer measures closer to
parliamentary democracy. The New Left had support because it was much more
detached from organisations. At this time people were not seeking to define their
personal identity.

Sarah Benítez Serrano

 2. Gassert argues a new "style of political communication" emerged in the
1960s. How does he describe it? Do you agree with his argument?

Gassert points out that a new form of communication has emerged which makes
politicians much more dependent on the electronic media (which clearly increases the
reach of information and is one of the causes of the onset of globalisation. Thus the
relationship between politics and the media changed in the late 1960s. Because of
these new media, Gassert states that: "The private and the political became more
aligned, and even conservatives would now occasionally take democracy to the
streets" (Gassert, 2008). This can also be related to the previous question when talking
about the evolution of conservatives and liberals after 1968. Based on my limited
knowledge of the evolution of communication, I can say that I do agree with his
arguments and that the consequences of the emergence of new media accessible to a
large population extend to the present day. Today, a politician has to be careful with his
public image and many negotiations have to be public. Yet the elites continue to pull
strings over these media without our knowledge.

3. What were the limitations of 1968 in the workers’ democracies in Central

and Eastern Europe?

The limitations were to be found in the deep-rooted ideals found in these territories
since the 1930s, with an anti-Stalinist tradition. Prominent people such as Kuron and
Modzelewski opposed parliamentary regimes, seeking the liberation of the countries
from the capitalist system (a system that Western Europe and North America were
widely accepting). The Prague Spring planted the idea that democratic socialism was
obsolete and was being heavily influenced by the existing communist regimes. Yet it
was the participants of the Prague Spring who kept the democratic dream alive during
the 1980s. In the case of Central and Eastern Europe 1968 did not bring about regime
change.

Sarah Benítez Serrano

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Blum, F. (2018). 1968 - A post-colonial phenomenon? Routledge.

Gassert, P. (2008). Narratives of Democratization. 1968 in Europe. Ney York:

Macmillan Transnational History Series.

Sarah Benítez Serrano