Global Ecology and Conservation 31 (2021) e01816

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Global Ecology and Conservation

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/gecco

Socio-environmental perceptions and barriers to conservation

engagement among artisanal small-scale gold mining communities
in Southeastern Peru
Alessandra Cuya a, Jenny A. Glikman b, c, Jessica Groenendijk a,
David W. Macdonald d, Ronald R. Swaisgood c, Adi Barocas a, c, d, *
a
San Diego Zoo Global Peru, Av. Peru F-10, Quispicanchis, Cusco, Peru
b
Instituto de Estudios Sociales Avanzados (IESA-CSIC), Campo Santo de los Mártires 7, 1400 Cordoba, Spain
c
San Diego Zoo Wildlife Alliance, 15600 San Pasqual Valley Road, Escondido, CA 92027, USA
d
Wildlife Conservation Research Unit, Recanati-Kaplan Centre, Department of Zoology, University of Oxford, Tubney, Abingdon OX13 5QL, UK

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Artisanal small-scale gold mining (ASGM) poses threats to biodiversity and to the health and well-
Conservation being of human communities. However, ASGM also economically supports several populations
Extractive activities from lower social-economic backgrounds, especially in the Global South. In Madre de Dios
Deforestation
(MDD), Peru, ASGM is the most significant economic activity, involving several stakeholders form
Pollution
Policy
different levels of governance. To protect this area’s forests and aquatic systems from further
Gold mining degradation, it is necessary to understand the socio-economic background and the impediments
to mining formalization, as well as the local perceptions and willingness to engage in conserva­
tion. In this study, we aimed to establish the drivers of and barriers to participation in environ­
mental conservation among communities in MDD, which economically rely on ASGM. Using a
mixed method approach, we surveyed 85 households in six communities in the MDD gold
corridor. Half of participants were cognizant of the effects of ASGM and concerned about
deforestation and local decreases in fish and wildlife abundance, declaring willingness to take
part in environmental conservation. Native participants in particular expressed concern about
land degradation and the action of immigrants. However, several participants reported feeling
alienated by government institutions and raised doubts about the intentions of non-governmental
conservation organizations, and the purpose of protected areas. Participants in general felt that
ASGM-related policies were not realistic and bureaucratic barriers were raised to prevent
formalization. Our findings suggest that current policies and communication strategies may
hinder efforts to transform relatively prevalent pro-environmental attitudes into matching be­
haviors, including participation in conservation initiatives. To achieve this goal, more efficient
communication and more active involvement of local stakeholders in mining governance and
conservation planning are necessary.

* Corresponding author at: San Diego Zoo Global Peru, Av. Peru F-10, Quispicanchis, Cusco, Peru.
E-mail address: adibarocas@gmail.com (A. Barocas).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gecco.2021.e01816
Received 28 April 2021; Received in revised form 1 September 2021; Accepted 10 September 2021
Available online 12 September 2021
2351-9894/© 2021 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
A. Cuya et al. Global Ecology and Conservation 31 (2021) e01816

1. Introduction

Conservation problems − such as deforestation and gold mining − often occur near communities whose livelihoods and well-being
depend on the local environment (Naughton-Treves et al., 2005). Especially in areas of high biodiversity, understanding these com­
munities’ perceptions regarding environmental issues can have significant payoffs for conservation (Bennett et al., 2017). Further,
recent research suggests that conservation initiatives which count on the involvement and approval of local inhabitants are more
effective and have increased chances of long-term success (Bennett et al., 2019). Thus, understanding the environmental perceptions of
local communities and their willingness to be part of conservation initiatives can provide a strong foundation for conservation pro­
grams (Shanee and Shanee, 2015).
Artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM) is driven by flows of capital from international gold markets into low-cost workforce
incomes in developing economies (Hammond et al., 2007; Salo et al., 2016; Seccatore et al., 2014; Swenson et al., 2011). The low skill
requirements, basic technology, and lack of regulations make ASGM the main source of livelihood for several communities. Such
communities are subject to environmental impacts and threats to health and wellbeing (Duff and Downs, 2019; Gonzalez et al., 2019;
Hinton et al., 2003). ASGM also impacts neotropical rainforests and freshwater ecosystems, through habitat degradation, sediment
transport and water and air pollution (Sonter et al., 2018). Especially in the Global South, major efforts are invested by governments
and non-profit organizations (NGOs) to control the expansion of ASGM operations, and manage the resulting social and environmental
conditions (Duff and Downs, 2019; Swenson et al., 2011).
The widespread informality of ASGM reaches up to 90% of miners. It is driven by high costs and geo-political conditions, overly
complicated bureaucratic licensing rules, and a lack of political will, which raise considerable barriers hindering the process (Hilson
et al., 2018; Persaud et al., 2017). In addition, other significant impediments to widespread formalization originate from a substantial
class of fiscals and administrators that benefit from informality, and the prioritization of large-scale mining (Hilson et al., 2017; Hilson
and Maconachie, 2017; Maconachie and Conteh, 2020). Also, the benefits of formalization to miners and local social-ecological
systems are not always evident (Siwale and Siwale, 2017), especially where women involved in ASGM are concerned (Buss et al.,
2021). The formalization topic is extensively treated by the Minamata convention, signed by 92 countries in 2013, aimed primarily at
reducing global mercury emissions and increasing the sustainability of ASGM for local populations (Selin, 2014; Sippl, 2015; Spiegel
et al., 2015). Even following the decision to ratify the Minamata convention, several challenges remain for countries seeking to
formulate National Action Plans, including obtaining reliable environmental and geological data and estimating the quantities of
mercury used (Hilson et al., 2020; Stylo et al., 2020). The effectiveness of actions promoted by the convention in reducing mercury
emissions is another key aspect for understanding the feasibility of its implementation (Clifford, 2014; Selin, 2014; Selin et al., 2018).
The Madre de Dios (MDD) province, located in southeast Peru, is recognized as a biodiversity hotspot due to the exceptionally high
numbers of terrestrial and aquatic species, low human population density, and low degree of habitat degradation and fragmentation
(Soto-Navarro et al., 2020; Thieme et al., 2007). Within this region, there are several natural protected areas (PAs) with varying levels
of protection and participation of local communities (GOREMAD, 2015; Vuohelainen et al., 2012). However, ASGM is the region’s
most widespread economic activity, accounting for 750 million US dollars of gold production in 2018 (Andina, 2018). ASGM in MDD
began in the 1930´s, with a rapid increase since 1950. During this period, ASGM operated without government regulation and most
ASGM activities were either illegal or informal. The majority of people involved in ASGM moved to MDD from the Andean highlands
over the last four decades (Cortés-McPherson, 2019). In contrast to illegal mining, informal ASGM is in a stage of formalization, which
involves property rights resolution and enforcement, land use planning, fiscal regulation, and the implementation of environmental
and social norms (Salo et al., 2016). Informal operations pose an increased environmental risk because they are often established
without impact assessments or prior remediation plans (Brack et al., 2011). Local ASGM stakeholders include the Peruvian central
government and the regional government of Madre de Dios, clusters of economic and political power, non-governmental organizations
(NGOs), miners’ associations, and indigenous organizations, as well as people which depend on tourism, agriculture, or other uses of
natural resources such as Brazil nut harvest, forestry, and fishing (Salo et al., 2016). Current formalization schemes for ASGM have
been criticized for insufficiently integrating the perspective of the local mining actors, for imposing conditions that are not feasible for
local gold miners, and for relying on inconsistent policies attempting to create a compromise between land use based on agricultural
production and forestry and the development of more lucrative extractive activities (Damonte, 2021). The regional government’s
Formalization and Restructuring Plan (2011) confines mining along the Madre de Dios River and its tributaries, where a ca. 5000 km2
“mining corridor” accommodates up to 2800 mining concessions and claims (Salo et al., 2016). However, ASGM in the province also
takes place inside PAs such as Tambopata National Reserve, where its effects may be particularly destructive to local ecosystems (Asner
and Tupayachi, 2017).
Within MDD, ASGM has major economic and environmental implications. From 1999–2016, land conversion in MDD increased by
400%, with approximately 70,000 ha of forest cleared (Caballero-Espejo et al., 2018; Valencia Arroyo, 2014). Over the past decades,
ASGM has facilitated massive migration, estimated at between 30,000 and 50,000 informal and illegal workers, into MDD
(Cortés-McPherson, 2019; Hinton et al., 2003). ASGM also results in large emissions of mercury into air and watersheds. In addition to
its environmental effects (Scheuhammer et al., 2007), mercury pollution and bioaccumulation in the food chain pose potential health
threats, including impaired cardiovascular and neuropsychological function, to children and adults (Grandjean et al., 1999; Mergler
et al., 2007).
In 2010, the Peruvian federal government recognized the potential problems of ASGM, declaring the regularization of MDD mining
operations of a national interest. The President’s Executive Order (2010) prohibited mining in water courses and subsequently several
dredges were bombed by the Peruvian army. In 2016, Peru ratified the Minamata convention (Supreme Decree No. 061–2015-RE)
towards sustainable mining policy (Smith, 2019; UNEP, 2013). In addition, in view of findings of increased mercury levels in water,

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sediments, fish and human tissue (Dethier et al., 2019; Martinez et al., 2018; Moreno-Brush et al., 2016), in May 2016, the president of
Peru declared a state of emergency in MDD and ten additional provinces (Bendezú-Quispe et al., 2017). In 2019, only 117 mining
concessions were formalized in MDD (MINEM, 2019).
As elsewhere, communities in MDD are faced with conflicts between ASGM economic returns and environmental conservation
(Cortés-McPherson, 2019). It is beneficial for local stakeholders to balance economic gain against environmental costs, including those
that directly affect human health and future economic potential lost to environmental degradation. For example, economic exploi­
tation for resource extraction in ASGM may damage fish resources that local communities depend on as a food source and revenue
(Barocas et al., 2021), or may damage ecotourism and other alternative livelihoods.
ASGM and the impediments to formalization also have strong social influences on local inhabitants. These include precarious
working and living conditions, poor health and safety records, child labor, sexual exploitation, human trafficking, tax evasion,
deforestation and pollution (Cortés-McPherson, 2019; Hammond et al., 2007; Hilson, 2010; Vallejo Rivera, 2014). Driven to undertake
‘illegal’ activities and participate in corrupt relationships with public officials (Duff and Downs, 2019), local actors embody complex
vulnerability. At the same time, the profitability provided by ASGM has boosted the socio-economic status of several families, igniting
the creation of a new class of entrepreneurs of considerable political influence (Cortés-McPherson, 2019).
Campaigns or communication strategies to influence people’s perception, attitudes, or actions will require an understanding of
baseline awareness and attitudes for these actions to be influential. Previous research in communities dependent on ASGM, conducted
in Ghana (Obeng et al., 2019) and Ayacucho, Peru (Smith, 2019), have demonstrated that awareness and willingness to participate in
conservation efforts can be altered under certain circumstances. Findings from previous questionnaire surveys in MDD (MINAM, 2015;
SPDA, 2015) indicate that local miners have the ability to integrate knowledge from multiple local and regional actors and are
motivated to increase technical capacity that could also lead to social mobility (Cortés-McPherson, 2019; Duff and Downs, 2019),
suggesting these communities may be amenable to change that reduces environmental impacts. However, the attitudes and percep­
tions of MDD river basin residents regarding the economic, social, and environmental impacts of ASGM are not well understood.
In this study, we aimed to examine the drivers of and barriers to engagement in environmental conservation among MDD com­
munities. We used a mixed method approach to examine attitudes and perceptions towards ASGM, its environmental impacts, and
conservation initiatives. We defined attitudes as positive or negative assessments of a particular object, composed of affective (i.e.
feelings, emotions) and cognitive (i.e. beliefs) components (Durán et al., 2013; Eagly and Chaiken, 1993; Verplanken et al., 1998).
While it is best to analyze these two types of components separately, as they can explain different elements that influence human
behaviors (Decker et al., 2012; Verplanken et al., 1998), both are influenced by the participant’s experience and available information
(Verissimo et al., 2018). Environmental beliefs have been considered referential frameworks to understand interactions between
humans and the environment (Corral-Verdugo et al., 2003). Thus, by identifying internal and external factors, we assessed the

Fig. 1. Map of Peru (a) and detail of the research area (b), showing regions affected by gold mining activity (Caballero-Espejo et al., 2018) and
communities where interviews and surveys regarding the impacts of gold mining activities were conducted during 2019.

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awareness of participants of the environmental impacts of ASGM and their attitudes towards conservation. In addition, based on
previous studies illustrating the importance of demographic and socioeconomic attributes as predictors of environmental perceptions
(Harvey et al., 2017; Liu et al., 2011; Zhang et al., 2020), we examined whether such variables predicted assessments of the state of
nature and attitudes towards nature conservation in MDD. The resulting understanding of MDD communities’ attitudes and beliefs is
necessary for any effort to influence actions that favor enhanced environmental protections benefitting people and wildlife.

2. Methods and materials

2.1. Study area

The MDD province, located in southeastern Peru, has an area of 85,182 km2, comprising 6.64% of Peruvian territory (Peru National
Census, 2017). The land along the MDD River, where independent gold miners have settled in rural communities and mining con­
cessions, is commonly called the "Mining Corridor". Because the region spans several districts and has several recent migrants and
informal habitants, its current population is difficult to estimate. The study focused on six settlements in the MDD River basin. (Fig. 1),
including the communities of Nuevo San Juan, Lagarto, Fortuna, Lago Inambarillo, and two native communities, Boca Inambari and
Tres Islas (Fig. 1). These locations belong to the MDD, Laberinto and Tambopata districts (Peru National Census, 2017).

2.2. Instruments

We carried out a mixed methods approach (Bennett, 2016) to understand local perceptions and attitudes regarding environmental
impacts of ASGM and conservation. We designed two instruments: a semi-structured and a structured questionnaire. Qualitative in­
terviews explored experiences and perceptions of, as well as attitudes and intentions towards nature, ASGM impacts, and conservation
(Bennett, 2016; Biggs et al., 2011; Rust et al., 2017). Subsequent structured questionnaires provided additional insights into the
magnitudes of qualitative findings (Newing, 2011). The themes of both instruments fell into three main areas: Socio-economic;
environmental impacts of ASGM, and environmental conservation (Table 1). For both instruments, we collected basic

Table 1
Themes, category variables and example statements for the questionnaire conducted in six communities primarily involved in ASGM in Madre de
Dios, Peru, during 2019. The full list of questions is available in Table S2.
Theme Category variables Example statement/ question Answer type

Socio-economic context Basic services provision The medical center of my community has the staff and medications required for Likert scale
good care. (0–4)
Economic activities Which economic activities were you or your family involved in during the last Open
year?
Safety conditions Insecurity and crime have increased here. Likert scale
(0–4)
Household income This area has prospered in the last 5 years. Likert scale
satisfaction (0–4)
Migration Where did you live before coming here? Open
Native community territory There are miners who invade the territories of the native communities. Likert scale
(0–4)
Gold mining ASGM Production In which place or places is mining done? Open
Socio-economic impacts There are other economic alternatives more profitable than mining. Likert scale
(0–4)
Formalization What difficulties does the formalization process pose? Open
State of emergency Do you support the emergency declaration made in 2015? Likert scale
(0–4)
Environmental impacts Environmental impact I believe that mining is the main cause of forest deforestation and water pollution. Likert scale
awareness (0–4)
Deforestation Currently, there is less forest for animals to live in. Likert scale
(0–4)
Wildlife endangerment Currently, there are not as many fish as before. Likert scale
(0–4)
Mercury pollution Mercury is harmful to human health. Likert scale
(0–4)
Environmental Nature value Do you think nature is important? Yes/No
conservation
Ecosystem self-regeneration We should not worry about hunting too many animals because in the long term the Likert scale
beliefs number of animals will be stable. (0–4)
Environmental conservation What does conservation mean? Open
meaning
Conservation willingness Have you or any of your family members collaborated in environmental activities? Yes/No
Environmental organizations Who should be primarily responsible for promoting conservation and protecting Open
relations biodiversity?
Responsible mining I think that mining should be done with environmental responsibility. Likert scale
(0–4)

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socio-demographic data (age, sex, marital status, etc.), and household information for each individual.

2.2.1. Qualitative instrument

The semi-structured interview included 35 questions developed from topics raised by participants during a previous pilot project in
the study area, (see Table S1 for topic areas). The interviewer also posed supplementary questions to allow the subjects to expand on
specific points of view and opinions.

2.2.2. Quantitative instrument

The questionnaire was designed on the basis of ecosystem services questionnaires (MINAM, 2015), ASGM-related assessments
conducted in MDD (MINEM, 2019), and previous qualitative interview responses. The structured questionnaire contained 86 items,
mainly closed-ended, multiple-choice questions and Likert-type items, organized by three sections: community relations, economic
activities, and beliefs regarding environmental impacts and environmental conservation (Tables 1 and S2). Multiple-choice items
included a set of pre-defined answers, each with a numerical value. For example, responses given to questions regarding household
economic activities (e.g. "Which is the activity that generates more income for your family?", with responses such as hunting, agri­
culture, fishing, commerce, woodwork, gold mining, office work and transportation), and beliefs around mercury pollution (e.g. "In
your opinion, does Madre de Dios have a problem with mercury contamination?" with possible answers ‘yes’, ‘no’ and ‘ I don’t know’).
For Likert-type questions, such as “Conserving nature is important for the future well-being of my children”, respondents rated a
statement according to the extent they agreed or disagreed with it (Newing, 2011) by choosing a score between 0 and 4 (Do not know =
0; Disagree = 1; Partially agree = 2; Agree =3; Strongly Agree = 4).

2.3. Implementation protocols

We selected six native and immigrant communities, located in the Mining Corridor (Fig. 1). The selection was based on spatial
accessibility and willingness of leaders to participate. In each location, research team members initially asked local community leaders
for authorization. Following the ethical code of San Diego Zoo Global, every potential participant was informed of the goals of the
study. Ethical approval was obtained from Miami University Ohio IRB for Human Subject Research, Protocol Number 03371e. Semi-
structured interviews were recorded with participant approval. Average interview duration was 40 min. Interviews were performed
between May and October 2019 and conducted in Spanish by two or three Peruvian interviewers.

2.4. Data analysis

Sampling was semi non-probabilistic, and participants were chosen at random (Newing, 2011) for both methods. To ensure a
balanced and representative sample of the population, we selected one adult (+18 years) per household, with a reference goal of 10–15

Table 2
Demographic information for participants in quantitative and qualitative assessments of local perceptions of ASGM in Madre de Dios, Peru. Subjects
were interviewed during 2019.
Demographics

Sample type Quantitative sample Qualitative sample

n % n % Mann-Whitney value Independent t value

Total households (n = 244) 198 (81%) 224 (92%)

Sample (n = 85) 48 (56%) 37 (44%)
% sample of total households 34% 24% 17%
Community Native community 18 (38%) 12 (32%) U = 765.5*
Migrant community 30 (63%) 25 (68%)
Gender Female 24 (50%) 15 (41%) U = 804*
Male 24 (50%) 22 (59%)
Age Range 18–69 20–65 t = − 1,11*c
Average 36.8 40.1
Median 34.5 40
Education level Primary 12 (25%) 9 (24%) U = 829.5*
Secondary 13 (27%) 21 (57%)
Superior 7 (15%) 5 (14%)
Household economic activityb Fishing 1 (2%) 1 (3%)
Agriculture 6 (13%) 4 (11%)
Mining 17 (35%) 19 (51%) U = 746.5*
Timber 3 (6%) 5 (14%)
Commerce 15 (31%) 12 (55%)
Transportation 5 (10%) 2 (5%)

*Difference is not significant on the 95% level (p > 0.05).

a
National Census 2017 (INEI, 2017).
c
Test conducted on the continuous variable Age.
b
Only monetary income purpose.

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interviews or questionnaires per community (Table 2). All interviews were transcribed, and the data later categorized and prioritized
in a systematization process. We used the software Atlas TI and Excel dynamic tables to process a diversity of responses regarding the
codes detailed in Table S1 (Friese, 2019). Complementary codes were added resulting from new information contributed by partic­
ipants (Tables S1 and S2). The outcome, obtained in the form of insights and narratives, was subsequently used in the design of the
structured questionnaire.
To evaluate whether our questionnaire methodologies (qualitative and quantitative samples) were employed similarly across
sampled communities, we examined associations between methodology and demographic variables, using parametric and nonpara­
metric tests, implemented in SPSS software. We used an independent T-test for the age variable (McDonald, 2009). Categorical var­
iables, such as community, gender, education level and involvement in mining were tested with the Mann-Whitney U test (Newing,
2011). Neither test showed significant difference between the two samples of variables tested at α = 0.05 (Table 2), indicating that our
two questionnaire methodologies were performed similarly across communities and social and demographic variables. We therefore
conclude that there were no systematic biases in the use of different questionnaire methodologies as a function of these factors.
We examined whether demographic attributes were predictors of perceptions of and attitudes towards the state of nature and
willingness to participate in conservation efforts. First, we used Cronbach’s Alpha, a metric used to estimate the internal consistency of
responses to similar statements (Vaske et al., 2017). After establishing consistency, we used the mean scores for each statement
(agreement varied between 1 and 4) as response variables in linear models. The first group of statements was an assessment of the state
of nature surrounding the community and the second was an examination of the subject’s willingness to be involved in conservation
efforts, even at a personal cost (Table 3). The examined predictors were age, sex, ethnic category (native or not) and degree of
involvement in mining. We built a full model with all four predictors and estimated significance for each using β coefficients and
F-values. We subsequently compared these models with models with gender only using Likelihood Ratio tests. We performed these
analyses using the package lme4 (Bates et al., 2014) in the R computational environment (R Core Team, 2019).

3. Results

3.1. Participant socio-demographics

We interviewed 85 subjects from six communities, of which 37 responded to semi-structured interviews and 48 to structured
questionnaires. The sample for males and females was similar (Table 2), and although the sample included subjects aged 18–69, the
largest age group was comprised of young adults aged 20–30 years old (n = 26). Participants from the Boca Inambari and Tres Islas
native communities (n = 22) belonged to an ethnic Amazon group, of which most identified as Harakmbut-Amarakaeri (n = 13).
Households were mostly composed of unmarried couples (n = 51), with children (n = 49), and single parents (n = 13). The majority of
families were migrants born outside MDD (n = 50). Structured questionnaire data revealed that a minority of respondents had lived in
their current place of residence for less than ten years (n = 17). However, nearly half of questionnaire respondents declared that they
will not stay in the area for long (n = 23; Table 2). Most respondents considered their household economic situation good or average
(n = 42) and reported that the area has prospered in the last few years (n = 36). However, a slight majority of subjects also agreed that
the community had economic problems (n = 28), such as lack of public water and electricity services (n = 29). Additional issues raised
in interviews were low productivity of economic activities, lack of jobs, and poor community health and education services.

3.2. Attitudes towards the environmental impacts of ASGM

Participants agreed to describe the intensiveness, location, size, and productivity of ASGM activities. Over a third of households
(n = 18) reported that miners work from four to seven days a week. Remarks portrayed high mining intensity, both on river beaches
and in forests, with workers laboring extensive hours while machines run “day and night”. Participants expressed disapproval of the
strenuous job of miners, who often started early in the morning and worked until late night, or even the next day, to increase earnings.
Most participants identified the magnitude of mining activities as artisanal and small-scale operations (n = 38), and locations reported

Table 3
Statements regarding the state of the environment and willingness to engage in conservation, mean agreement scores and Chronbach’s alpha
examining internal consistency (Vaske et al., 2017). Data represent 48 interviewees in ASGM communities of Madre de Dios, Peru, during 2019.
Theme Statement Mean agreement (on a scale Chronbach’s
of 1–4) α
State of nature When I go into the forest there are fewer animals than before. 3.02 0.89
There is currently less forest for animals to live in. 2.79
Animals are going further into the forest because there are more human 2.52
activities.
I believe that rivers, lakes, and streams near the community are 2.96
contaminated.
Willingness to participate in Conserving nature is important for the future well-being of our children. 3.75 0.59
conservation
I am willing to reduce my income to conserve an animal or plant species. 2.85
I would make personal sacrifices to reduce contamination, even if results are 3.13
not visible in the short term.

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varied between wild forest areas in the vicinity of communities (n = 32) and nearby rivers (n = 30). Several participants reported a
major recent decrease in mining productivity, due to perceived increases in non-local miners, reduced daily payment, fewer available
mining sites, increases in state interventions, and state policies in general (Fig. 2). Participants also reported unequal conditions
between workers and concession owners: "The miner (concession owner) enjoys the profits while the worker does all the hard work”
(Boca Inambari male).
More than half of participants (n = 37) considered ASGM the most harmful activity to the environment, due to disposal of oil,
motor noise, and mercury contamination. The primary perceived environmental damages caused by ASGM were deforestation, wildlife
disruption and habitat destruction, and mercury impacts, especially in aquatic systems (Fig. 2). Over half of households recognized
that rivers and other water bodies are polluted (n = 29) and agreed that mining is the major cause of deforestation and water

Fig. 2. Conceptual map of interview perceptions regarding ASGM environmental impacts. Numbers in brackets refer to the frequency of the
perception. Arrows represent cause/effect relationships. Dotted lines refer to literal quotes. Positive and negative signs represent beliefs
and attitudes.

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contamination (n = 27). Nearly half stated that there is less forest than before for animals to live in (n = 26; Fig. 2). Participants in
general agreed that fish and animal populations in their vicinity were declining (statement agreement mean ± SE = 2.82 ± 0.15).
Similar statements showed high internal consistency (Chronbach’s α = 0.89; Table 3). None of the demographic or cultural variables
predicted agreement with statements on the declining state of nature. The full model was not better supported than a sex-only model
(LRT χ2 = 0.92; p = 0.82).
Around half of participants (n = 20) believed that the main contaminant of water bodies is mercury. Questionnaire participants in
general showed awareness of risks involved with mercury emission in water bodies (n = 33) and consumption of fish with high levels
of mercury (n = 30). Interviews suggested two opposing views regarding mercury: one of acknowledgment or concern about mercury
emissions in water bodies, and another of rejection and distrust of information about mercury (n = 15, Fig. 2). Even subjects reporting

Fig. 3. Conceptual map of interview perceptions regarding conservation and government policies. Numbers in brackets refer to the frequency of
each perception. Arrows represent cause/effect relationships. Dotted lines refer to literal quotes. Positive and negative signs represent beliefs
and attitudes.

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awareness of contamination problems often began interviews with statements such as “It is said” or “We were told”, indicating
reservation.

3.3. Attitudes towards environmental conservation

Participants of the structured questionnaire held variable perceptions about environmental conservation, including support for
restriction of economic activities in PAs (Fig. 3). The majority (n = 34) associated environmental conservation with nature protection,
stating that it is important to conserve nature nearby (n = 38) due to the alarming environmental situation in MDD (n = 28). Most
subjects believed that conserving nature is important for the sake of their children and wellbeing (n = 44, Fig. 3). Disapproval of
conservation was partially linked to unfair perceived limits on livelihood-supporting economic activities and designation of PAs
deemed unlawful, forcing the abandonment of communities. Few participants (n = 14) linked conservation with bans of economic
activities, but participants were generally opposed to specific conservation policies. Interview findings were similar (Fig. 3). For
instance, only eight subjects strongly agreed with the imposition of the ‘state of emergency’.
Participants expressed high willingness to protect forests and aquatic ecosystems, even when it entailed time investment or a
reduction in individual income (statement agreement means ± SE = 3.25 ± 0.11, Table 3). Agreement with such statements showed
good internal consistency (Chronbach’s α = 0.59). The only variable significantly supported as a predictor of willingness to engage in
conservation was the degree of mining activity, with a positive coefficient (β ± SE = 0.21 ± 0.09, p = 0.02). This model did not
significantly differ from the sex-only model (LRT χ2 = 6.34; p = 0.1). Around half of participants either would not comment on how
they would contribute or stated refusal to give up resources for conservation (n = 21; Fig. 3). Several respondents expressed the need
for ASGM reforms towards environmental sustainability (n = 41). Despite skepticism that mining methods could be improved due to
previous unsuccessful attempts (using retorts and vibrating tables) or inadequate technology, subjects recognized the necessity of
adapting these technologies to suit the area (Fig. 3). Most subjects (n = 34) expressed the need for more action to mitigate mercury
pollution.
All participants mentioned at least one problem in the formalization process (n = 48), citing predominantly bureaucratic and
economic factors. Respondents felt that completing the process towards a fully legal activity was inconvenient (Fig. 3). Nearly half of
subjects (n = 26) declared their community´s mining associations were “in the process of formalization”, which means current practices
did not meet environmental regulations. Negative attitudes towards environmental conservation were based on mistrust of local NGOs.
Most respondents believed that NGO-led conservation initiatives worked in their own interest instead of fighting against pollution and
deforestation (n = 36). In addition, almost half of subjects (n = 24) felt that foreigners working in conservation were responsible for
restricting the use of forests and river resources by communities (Fig. 3).

4. Discussion

We conducted semi-structured and structured interviews in a representative portion of households in the middle MDD mining
corridor to explore local perspectives regarding nature, ASGM impacts, and environmental conservation. Despite precarious work
conditions, informality, evident environmental impacts, safety and health risks, and a perceived decrease in productivity, participants
in MDD favored ASGM over alternatives. Acceptance of such conditions may be explained by this population’s low initial socioeco­
nomic status, which may drive prioritization of immediate income, as well as its Andean highland origins, which may comprise values
such as hard work, frugality and an aptitude for business (Cortés-McPherson, 2019; Salo et al., 2016). Despite evident disadvantages,
pursuing careers in ASGM can be explained by aspirations of social mobility, symbolized by achieving similar conditions to concession
owners. Thus, the choice of ASGM is not only unlikely driven exclusively by economic constraints, but also by additional social and
cultural factors. Our findings were in line with reports in other developing economies, for example, in Eastern and Western Africa
(Bryceson and Jønsson, 2010; Obeng et al., 2019).
ASGM operations were described as low-tech and rudimentary, taking place in rivers, forests and in the proximity of communities.
Participants expressed motivation to increase the size of operations and use larger machinery, in line with previous findings (Salo et al.,
2016). Participants mostly agreed ASGM was a harmful activity to the environment, expressing concern about deforestation, wildlife
endangerment, water pollution, and mercury contamination, and showed awareness of declines in local animal populations and
surrounding forest ecosystems (Bolaños-Valencia et al., 2019; Obeng et al., 2019). Participants also attributed aesthetic and intrinsic
values to nature (e.g. pretty, diverse, calm), expressing the need for more measures to reduce pollution, especially mercury related.
Whereas several participants stated acknowledging the value of ecosystem services, nature was also perceived as an economic
resource, providing profit opportunities. Overall, most pro-environmental attitudes, including willingness to invest resources in
conservation initiatives, were prevalent in around half of structured interviews, indicating polarization within communities and
throughout the region, similar to findings from other studies (Cortés-McPherson, 2019; Salo et al., 2016).
Despite reporting knowledge of exposure risk and environmental effects of mercury, participants were doubtful about available
information on mercury contamination. Such information was not fully understood, likely because mercury effects are not always
visible or immediate. Similarly, in Guyana, subjects were aware of the risks of mercury exposure, but did not fully understand the
reasons and thus were unconcerned about using it (Hilson and Laing, 2017). Several studies conducted in MDD reported elevated
mercury concentrations in fish and aquatic environments (Martinez et al., 2018), permeating to humans involved with ASGM (Ashe,
2012; Gonzalez et al., 2019; Wyatt et al., 2017). In our study, despite acknowledging the prevalence of mercury in the environment and
its influences on health and cognition, participants were not always willing to change their practices. Similar attitudes of mistrust of
scientific findings may be prevalent among defendants of ASGM in the MDD region, and a symptom of their generally negative

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perception of information provided by government and NGOs.

Participants showed negative attitudes when conservation entailed a restriction of economic activities, especially alluding to PAs.
However, the majority agreed that ASGM should be practiced responsibly with consideration for its environmental impacts. In a
similar study, Obeng et al. (2019) found high levels of willingness to participate in forest restoration projects among miners provided
these did not damage ASGM activities. This willingness could potentially be enhanced through environmental educational programs,
addressing the gravity of ASGM impacts on resources such as clean water and fish (Soe and Yeo-Chang, 2019), social marketing
campaigns (Verissimo et al., 2018), and/or interpersonal communications (Butler et al., 2013). Nevertheless, in MDD, recent
awareness campaigns focused on mercury impacts on health or the environment were not sufficient to motivate behavioral changes
(GOREMAD, 2015). In other systems, income opportunities, payments for ecosystem service schemes, and overall economic profit
from conservation appear to be successful drivers of community engagement in conservation (Newmark et al., 1993; Obeng et al.,
2019; Soe and Yeo-Chang, 2019; Zhang et al., 2020).
Most subjects reported never having participated in environmental conservation, suggesting that factors such as pro-environmental
beliefs and awareness did not influence behavior at the community level. Such behavior may be more influenced by external factors
(Corral-Verdugo et al., 2003). Participants also reported highly inefficient payments, changing laws, and increased bureaucracy when
attempting to formalize mining concessions. Therefore, when environmental conservation was associated with government policies,
participants mostly reported negative perceptions, especially of four policies: ASGM formalization, prohibition of river mining, the
state of emergency due to mercury contamination, and the promotion of PAs. These policies were perceived as damaging for the
freedom and monetary income of households and communities, consistent with findings that mitigating environmental damage can be
economically costly for miners, especially in terms of income and working hours (Salo et al., 2016). Previous studies in MDD and other
areas where ASGM is prevalent also report attitudes of fear of persecution and concern about the prohibition of ASGM (Duff and
Downs, 2019; Salo et al., 2016).
Specifically, the concept of PAs was perceived as a means to prevent local inhabitants from profiting off the land. Because some
participants questioned their ability to access the benefits of conservation such as monetary profit, they expressed opposition to the
maintenance and creation of PAs, and the institutions responsible for these initiatives, in this case mostly NGOs. Similar conflicts
between land protection and interests of adjacent communities in developing regions were reported in Africa and Asia (Mutanga et al.,
2015; Newmark et al., 1993; Zhang et al., 2020). In our case, participants also showed specific negative attitudes towards the
involvement of foreigners in NGOs. This resource-nationalistic perspective, also linked to the ownership of legally disputed land, is
commonly found among indigenous peoples, farmers, coca growers and miners (Cortés-McPherson, 2019; Mutanga et al., 2015; Salo
et al., 2016).
Participants reported economic and cultural conflicts between native communities and migrant settlements. Most immigrants into
MDD come from the Peruvian highlands, where perceptions around nature may differ. These perceptions may also be affected by their
temporary status and lack of intention of staying long-term. The main issue raised by indigenous participants was the recurrent use of
land by external miners without the community’s permission. Native participants did not oppose ASGM in general, but invoked their
territorial rights and autonomy to control ASGM within their borders (Hilson and Laing, 2017), stating the practice of ASGM was
“forced” upon them because traditional activities could no longer sustain their current economic needs. Native subjects also blamed
migrants for environmental damage resulting from ASGM. However, our findings suggested that identification as native did not in­
fluence perceptions of the condition of nature or willingness to participate in conservation. This suggests that, because of ongoing
cultural and economic processes, indigenous communities may no longer hold nature in higher regard or feel more connected to
ancestral lands compared to migrants (Bedoya, 2004). More fundamentally, past and recent government policies that have failed to
adequately address the needs and land rights of native communities likely underlie their conflicts over resources with migrant pop­
ulations (Bedoya, 2004).
It may be beneficial for MDD stakeholders, in particular miners, to learn from solutions found in areas facing similar conditions to
the formalization issue. For example, in the Ivory Coast, a shared property scheme with increased participation from local communities
and miner cooperatives has facilitated the formalization process (De Jong and Sauerwein, 2021). The decentralization of licensing
platforms has also been successful elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa (Hilson, 2020). In addition, as in several areas ASGM’s sustain­
ability remains questionable, recently there have been efforts among miners to diversify and develop alternative livelihoods (Pedersen
et al., 2021).

5. Conclusions

Our findings indicate that participants that economically rely on informal ASGM are aware of and concerned about the associated
environmental problems and generally have positive perceptions of nature. State policies favoring biodiversity conservation and
restricting economic activities are controversial, representing barriers for engagement in environmental conservation, especially at the
community level. We conclude that opposition to conservation action does not indicate hostility to nature preservation itself, but to its
material consequences. To overcome this conflict of interest and mitigate misconceptions around the goals of environmental con­
servation, stakeholders and organizations should communicate more efficiently and tailor their efforts to the specific needs of com­
munities (Zhang et al., 2020). In MDD, it is specifically important to clarify the agenda and intentions of environmental NGOs.
Additional recommended strategies to engage local participants in environmental initiatives include the establishment of effective,
accessible communication of scientific findings (Redpath et al., 2013). Finally, to secure the persistence of valuable aquatic and forest
ecosystems in MDD, local stakeholders should consider the creation of economic incentives and livelihood possibilities that create
alternatives to ASGM, such as Brazil nut concessions (Nunes et al., 2012). The environmental complexities and heterogeneous human

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A. Cuya et al. Global Ecology and Conservation 31 (2021) e01816

fabric in this area may serve as a case study to assist stakeholders and mangers in understanding and mitigating conservation conflicts
in other systems (Redpath et al., 2013).

Supplementary Material

Supplementary data is available in the accompanying file.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors declare the following financial interests/personal relationships which may be considered as potential competing
interests.

Acknowledgments

We are grateful to Lara von Hildebrand, Amy Young, Alonso Centeno, Israel Guzmán, Camila Koc, Berenice Mendoza and Yerko
Rios for assistance with field work. In addition, Veronica Chávez, Cesar Flores, Roxana Arauco and Maryori Condori Quispe (San Diego
Zoo Global Peru) provided crucial logistical and administrative support. The research was funded by the San Diego Zoo Wildlife
Alliance and a grant to the WildCRU by the People’s Trust for Endangered Species.

Appendix A. Supporting information

Supplementary data associated with this article can be found in the online version at doi:10.1016/j.gecco.2021.e01816.

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