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To cite this article: Ronald Klingebiel & Christian Stadler (2015) Opportunities and challenges
for empirical strategy research in Africa, Africa Journal of Management, 1:2, 194-200, DOI:
10.1080/23322373.2015.1026758
DIALOGUE
Opportunities and challenges for empirical strategy research in Africa
Ronald Klingebiela* and Christian Stadlerb
a
Frankfurt School of Finance and Management, Frankfurt, Germany; bWarwick Business School,
Coventry, UK
empirical research in and about Africa. It highlights some interesting examples of data
sources that carry the potential to further theory of strategic management in general, an
objective central to the proliferation of African empirics in mainstream theory
journals. The Africa researcher has to, at least initially, jump through a number of
extra hoops. To this end, ways are suggested in which the fascinating context of
African business can make inroads into the international conversation on strategy.
Keywords: strategy in africa; data sources
INTRODUCTION
The founding of the Africa Journal of Management is a consequence of the dearth of
Africa papers in leading management journals. AJoM is meant to bridge the gap between
so-called regional journals and the international theory journals. This endeavor starts with
good empirics that allow scholars to explore intriguing contradictions to existing theories,
find contextual parameters not available elsewhere, and remove blind spots in the
literature. Many of the existing theories in management were tested in Europe and North
America, since such data are more readily available and international scholars more
accustomed to them. It is fair to assume that context shapes theory even in conceptual
papers, with the cognition of scholars influenced by their experience, so broadening the
empirical base is crucial.
As strategy scholars, we have a direct interest in African empirics. We would like to
see papers with data from Africa that can extend and challenge existing theory. We are
not nearly as interested if nothing new can be learned from such data even if the setting is
novel. Fortunately, however, new contexts typically offer plenty of opportunity for theory
enhancement. Previous forays into empirical blind spots elsewhere have revealed
phenomena that altered theory. For example, studies of business groups in Chile and
India (Khanna & Palepu, 2000a, 2000b) have rendered important qualifications to the
conventional understanding of the relationship between diversification and performance.
Coverage of the African continent suggests that there are plenty of phenomena we
cannot yet explain easily using extant theory. We do not, for instance, fully understand
why M-PESA (M for mobile, pesa is Swahili for money) took off phenomenally in Kenya
but not in Eastern European markets, and we are only just beginning to explore the
ecosystem dynamics that led to its rise (Adner, 2012) and the ripple effects mobile
technology has throughout the entrepreneurship and venturing scene in Africa (Klingebiel
& Stadler, 2014). We are enthralled by the frugal innovations coming out of Africa (e.g.
Kamkwamba & Mealer, 2010), but have yet to get a handle on the mechanisms of their
emergence (Radjou, Prabhu, & Ahuja, 2012). We do not know why the rate of portfolio
entrepreneurship in Africa is higher than research suggests is optimal (Economist, 2012),
how local champions span multiple institutional voids (Berman, 2013), and how outside
capital helps and hinders business growth (French, 2007), just to name a few (see Mol &
Mellahi’s commentary for further pointers).
Despite the great opportunity offered by Africa as a research setting, there have not
been a great deal of African empirics published in top-tier journals. Several studies that
include data from Africa (Dutt et al. 2015; Khanna & Rivkin 2001; Vaaler 2011) use the
African context as just one of many interchangeable settings, rather than as a conscious
choice to go after theoretically interesting phenomena. Others, like Elbanna and Child
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(2007) go a step further and use the uniqueness of the setting, in this case Egypt, as a
selling point. But more could be done to elucidate the idiosyncrasies of their choice of
data. The attraction of doing this is evident from recent work by Uzo and Mair (2014)
who provide a detailed account of the evolution of Nollywood, the world’s second largest
film industry. By doing so, they are able to contribute to the literature on informal
economic activity, revealing mechanisms of how firms get by on informal rules.
Research that truly embraces the uniqueness of Africa and makes this the starting
point of a theoretical pursuit is in our opinion the most promising. We are aware of a
number of scholars who are in the middle of interesting projects of this kind, including
some exciting field experiments, archival work, and also secondary databases. We
highlight some of these in this editorial. We concentrate on promising areas for near-
future inquiry with examples primarily from innovation and strategy. We then suggest
some basic dos and don’ts for publishing such novel and interesting data sources. Perhaps
it can offer some ideas for aspiring Africa researchers.
DATA SOURCES
Secondary Data
The number of large secondary datasets in Africa is rather limited. For most firms
financials are not easily accessible in a way that US and European data can be
downloaded from Compustat, Datastream, or Orbis. Other data, for instance patent data,
are less relevant in an environment with a weaker enforcement of intellectual property
(IP). The dearth of easily accessible and reliable data creates opportunities for those who
collect primary data but also increases the value of the few existing datasets.
One source of datasets is the World Bank. Dutt et al. (2015) use data from Worldbank
infoDev to show how intermediaries – in their case business incubators – emerge to
address institutional failures. Alternatives for cross-country research projects are typically
census data but they are hard to access and compare. A second cross-country data source
made available by the World Bank is the Doing Business database in the World
Development Indicator program. It includes variables such as access to capital, opening
up possibilities to study, for example, the impact of remittances on entrepreneurial
activities (Vaaler, 2011). A third source from the World Bank is their Enterprise Surveys,
previously called Regional Program on Enterprise Development Data. It covers firm-
level data on variables such as capital stock, employment, sales, property rights, labor
skills, and product innovation (Sleuwaegen & Goedhuys, 2002). The advantage of the
196 Africa Journal of Management
World Bank surveys is that the data are collected in a harmonized way, so that they can be
pooled across countries.
Other secondary sources increasingly include data on Africa, too. Those interested in
investment behavior will find that the Venture Capital & Private Equity Country
Attractiveness Index now includes statistics for most African countries (Groh, Liechten-
stein, & Lieser, 2013). Those familiar with the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (Kelley,
Singer, & Herrington, 2015) will similarly have seen more data on entrepreneurial
activity, attitudes, and aspirations become available for African countries, including some
at the level of individual entrepreneurs. This is important, since, although country-level
data can provide important parameters for strategy research, scholars would ideally have
access to information on organizational heterogeneity.
One of the few larger-scale datasets offering such firm-level data is the African
Innovation Outlook (AIO), which mirrors the European Community Innovation Survey
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(NEPAD, 2014). To date AIO includes data from Egypt, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho,
Mali, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. The data collection is
still work in progress and not all of it is representative but it is an invaluable start to establish
a dataset that mirrors the European one used in several studies on strategy and innovation
(cf. Klingebiel & Adner, 2015). AIO permits scholar to ask how the relationship between
innovation inputs and outputs might differ in contexts across Africa. This could, for
example, facilitate a better understanding of how firms appropriate value from innovation
when legal IP protection might be weaker, how firms ought to vertically integrate, explore,
and exploit knowledge, or how distributed scale might influence innovation efficacy.
Finally, Africa also sees the emergence of new big data sources. For example,
cellphone traffic data captured in countries like Ivory Coast and Senegal (cf. de Montjoye,
Smoreda, Trinquart, Ziemlicki, & Blondel, 2014) allows researchers to ascertain to which
extent social structures influence business activity (e.g. Bucicovschi, Douglass, Meyer,
Ram, Rideout, & Song, 2013). Social media and sensor data are also becoming increasingly
available across the continent (Letouzé, 2014).
costs of conducting RCTs are also worth mentioning. Particularly thorny empirical
problems such as the efficacy of different managerial incentive systems, for example,
might thus be cracked in the unique setting that Africa provides.
ally. We are ourselves engaged in one such effort, probing the phenomenon of portfolio
entrepreneurship by sampling from four different countries. The smaller the organization,
the easier it is to contact (though not necessarily to measure).
In-depth studies of decidedly African phenomena often hold greater promise than
traditional surveys, at least as an initial step towards understanding contexts better.
A prescient example is a recent investigation into the Nigerian film industry that was able
to explore strategic behavior where market norms are frequently controverted and many
agreements informally enforced (Uzo & Mair, 2014). That setting then also lends itself to
follow-on quantitative analysis, collecting such data as those available through iRoko, a
Nigerian version of Netflix with a catalogue of more than 5000 movies. Although the
data are not as comprehensive as those used in previous Hollywood-based studies (e.g.
Miller & Shamsie, 1996; 2001; Shamsie, Martin, & Miller, 2009), they offer the
opportunity to analyze the world’s second-largest movie industry and its challenges in the
African context. Additional data are available from Nollywood’s equivalent to the Oscar
(http://www.nollywoodmoviesawards.tv/). The awards identify stars and hence enable
scholars to explore questions related to the role of stars in product development
(Groysberg, Polzer, & Elfenbein, 2011; Groysberg & Lee, 2009).
The nascent venture culture in Kenya has similarly inspired new researchers to go
after questions of value creation and capture in highly uncertain environments. A doctoral
thesis at Cambridge currently pursues these through ethnographic embedding in the
research context, in this case iHub, a Kenyan venture program (De La Chaux, 2015).
Another dissertation on Kenya uses interviews to illuminate the transfer of entrepreneurial
templates to the burgeoning ICT sector in Kenya (Weiss, 2015).
Another aspect that received attention in the past is the role of politicians and
bureaucrats. Acquaah (2012) for example shows that family firms benefit more from
relationships with bureaucrats while non-family firms benefit more from relationships with
community leaders. And Vaaler (2008) shows that foreign firms increase investments
before elections if it looks likely that the Right will beat the Left. As institutional
frameworks keep shifting, tracking their impact on business decisions and outcomes
remains a promising avenue of inquiry.
The data sources we have outlined offer a great many opportunities to exploit the
uniqueness of Africa to challenge established findings and develop new theory. Upon
completion of such an undertaking, the final hurdle that awaits African empiricists is that
of publishing the results in top-tier strategy journals.
198 Africa Journal of Management
as best possible. One may expect the data section of papers on Africa to be much longer
than that of papers based on Compustat.
Finally, it is good practice to acknowledge and address natural prejudices international
editors, reviewers, and readers may have concerning African data. Many expect poor data
quality and collection methods. They might even wonder about the appropriateness of the
research effort, given that, as popular myth has it, African businesses are mostly concerned
with navigating corruption and violence, leaving little room for the kind of deliberate
competitive strategizing found in the West. While these notions are clearly misconceived,
they ought to be tackled proactively to prize open the route towards publication in
international theory journals. They can be avoided only if the publication target is a field
journal such as Journal of African Business or South African Journal of Business
Management, where such prejudices are a smaller issue. Unfortunately, field journals are
seldom attended to in the debates going on in theory journals.
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CONCLUSION
We are excited about the many new initiatives aimed at increasing coverage of the last
empirical blind spot in management research. The Africa Journal of Management is a
case in point. Beyond data generated through private local connections, we have seen
little empirical research that has made it into top-tier journals. Our editorial provides some
pointers as to where one can find interesting data even in the absence of local contacts.
We also offer our 10 cents’ worth of advice on how best to publish such research.
Focusing on phenomena unique to Africa stands to provide invaluable theoretical
contributions in the field of strategy and beyond.
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