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NATIONALISM, SELF-PRESERVATION,
`

AND SOCIAL CONTRACT THEORY

CHURCHILL II D. DEOCAMPO
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Contents
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ..................................................................................................................... 3
THE LIFE OF JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU.................................................................................................. 4
SUMMARY OF THE SOCIAL CONTRACT ................................................................................................... 5
ANALYSIS ................................................................................................................................................. 6
THINKER'S VIEWS AND WORKS IN THE SOCIETY AND THE POLITICAL ARENA........................................ 9
REFERENCES .......................................................................................................................................... 12
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HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The primary intellectual current was the enlightenment in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, where many thinkers and doctrines emerged. The age of enlightenment put its faith
in reason and science to oppose religion and superstition that are said to be the source of all
ills of humankind (Klosko, 2013). The age of enlightenment contributed a lot to the modernity
we know today. As Jean le Rond d'Alembert puts it, this age is of philosophy par excellence
due to philosophical and scientific breakthroughs that would help improve human life (William,
2017). In politics, however, the enlightenment had brought revolutionary ideas. The French
Revolution, for example, ideas are from the enlightenment (William, 2017).

One of the most compelling contributions of Jean-Jacques Rousseau in society is his

work, Emile. Rousseau's Emile is a book centered on education where it imposes negative
education, which means a child-centered education. Rousseau's education model was a
novelty during the enlightenment since the predominant model was where teachers were
authoritarian figures that teach knowledge based on the preset curriculum (Bertram, 2017).
The main idea of the book Emile is that education, as much as possible, should be carried out
in harmony with the development of a child's inherent talents through the process called
autonomous discovery (Bertram, 2017). In Rousseau's book Emile, he detailed the various
stages of protecting and developing the natural goodness of a child and isolating children from
other people's domineering will (Bertram, 2017).

Aside from teaching, Rousseau contributed a lot to politics as well. One of his political
works is the Political Economy and The Social Contract. These books both revolve around the
"General Will." The concept of the general will is something that scholars are debating. The
analogy of such a concept is that political society is similar to the human body, with different
parts and functions. Regardless of these differences, the body is a unified whole. The central
conflict of the concept of the general will is when it is at odds with one or more individual wills.
To combat these conflicts, a politically virtuous must follow these maxims: first is in every
action, the general will must be obeyed, second is that individual will is at all-time by the
general will. Finally, the needs of the public must be satisfied (Fieser & Dowden, n.d.).

Aside from politics, teaching, and economy, Jean-Jacques Rousseau contributed to arts,
particularly in music. Rousseau's musical interests range from musical antiquarianism,
musical ethnography, music theory, operatic aesthetics, systems of musical notation, and
many more (Martin, 2017). Rousseau's musical pieces are diverse in genre. One of his finest
works are Decourvete du Nouveau Monde an opera and lyrical piece, Airs pour Etre Joues la
Troupe Marchant a symphonic piece, Sonata: 2 violins-b.c a chamber music, Airs Pour La
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Comtesse d’Egmont a vocal music, Printemps de Vivaldi an instrumental piece (Musicalics,

n.d.). Rousseau stated in his confessions that his music and philosophies are intertwined and
in harmony with its system, where he stated that regardless of the wickedness of men, he is
good (Scott, 1998).

One of the remarkable contributions of Rousseau in society is his work's impact on the
French Revolution. Jean-Jacques Rousseau was regarded as one of the prominent figures of
the French Revolution. His idea of equality and sovereignty of the people and the society plays
a pivotal role in the French Revolution. The Jacobins referred to Rousseau as a figurehead of
the French Revolution and regarded his works as a touchstone of societal radicality like the
idea of Karl Marx (Kelly et al., 2018).

THE LIFE OF JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU

Jean-Jacques Rousseau was born in the Swiss city of Geneva in 1712. His father is a
watchmaker, and his mother is a middle-class housewife. His mother passed away nine days
after he was born. Due to his mother's death, Rousseau was left and raised by his father,
deemed irresponsible. Rousseau was then left to his relatives, given little education, and once
apprenticed an engraver. Rousseau is a highly talented man. He wrote plays, operas, a music
dictionary, and novels such as The New Heloise, Emile, and Social Contract. His
autobiography called Confessions emphasizes emotion and man's attachment to nature over
reason and its accomplishments, which then lunch the Romanticism movements where
Rousseau was regarded as the apostle of feelings and emotions, which are the epitome of
Romanticism. Rousseau left Geneva when he was sixteen years old and married Therese
Levasseur, a semi-literate servant girl with whom he had five children for the rest of his life.
During his time, the church and significant intellectuals of the enlightenment had an uneasy
relationship with Rousseau. One of these intellectuals whom he had quarreled with is Diderot,
who claimed that he despised Rousseau's company, claiming that Rousseau is a damned
soul able to convince him of devil's existence (Boucher & Kelly, 2003), and David Hume, who
took Rousseau to England in attempt to help him.

Rousseau is known for resenting arts and sciences. In 1750 when he achieved his literary
fame, an essay competition sponsored by the Academy Dijon, which Rousseau won, had a
question about whether the rebirth of arts and sciences contributes to the purification of
society. Rousseau argued that man's soul becomes corrupt as arts and sciences progress
(Klosko, 2013). He added that modern culture did nothing in making man happier or virtuous.
Virtue for Rousseau is achievable only in simple societies similar to Sparta (Boucher & Kelly,
2003). His argument is rooted in Plato's Republic, where artists pose a threat to the ideal Polis.
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Hence, they must be exiled from the city (Boucher & Kelly, 2003). In 1750 Rousseau
denounced Catholicism and adopted the title of Citizen of Geneva, for which he is proud. He
refused to build a theatre in Calvinist arguing that theatres may be more suitable for monarchs.
Free entertainment, however, may not be suitable for the ideal republic (Boucher & Kelly,
2003). Rousseau was persecuted for religious reasons in 1762 during the publication of his
major political work, the Social contract, and Émile, which then are burned both in Paris and
in Geneva (Klosko, 2013) due to his unorthodox and heretic religious views. Despite his claim
that he is the only person in France devoted to God, France and Geneva denounced
Rousseau. He lived a nomadic life and died unexpectedly on July 2, 1778. His body was
transferred to the Pantheon (Boucher & Kelly, 2003).

SUMMARY OF THE SOCIAL CONTRACT

One of Rousseau's political works is the Social Contract which consists of four books. The
first book talks about obedience and disobedience that people will give up their liberty in
exchange for preservation. Hence, he becomes a slave stripped of his liberty and that the
conqueror has the right to do everything to the conquered, but if the conquered surrender its
liberty, then the conqueror will preserve its life to do what the conqueror pleases. Some believe
that men will give up their liberty for preservation hence become slaves stripped of their liberty.
However, it contradicts the nature of man, for it takes a man his morals and will to give up his
liberty. Hence for Rousseau, Imposing total power and obedience without constraining either
is incompatible; here is where the Social Contract comes into play. Men cannot establish new
forces but establish an assembly or a body politic to safeguard their rights and property.
Hence, the people must obey but be free and agree to limit their freedom to prevent them from
hurting each other and the sovereign; This then forms a civil state where a man loses his
natural liberty in exchange for civil liberty, which means the general will limits freedom.

The second book talks about sovereignty and how laws are created, and how they should
be enacted. It explicitly stated that sovereignty is inalienable and indivisible since it only
exercises the general will and should be universal or limited. In connection to this, the general
will is vital to sovereignty, for it is the interest of all. Hence, there must be no partiality in the
state. Right to life and death were also stated, which means that if an individual became the
enabler of chaos and vices in the society, the state might take his life to preserve itself and its
people. Laws were also defined as when people legislate between the whole object from a
different point of view free from divisions. The relationship of the sovereign and legislator was
also discussed, where the sovereign must adhere to the legislator's model where one builds
and a machine, and the other operates and uses it. The size of the state is significant since it
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will take a heavy toll on the state, and there should be no divisions in the legislation to prevent
the law from becoming weak. Finally, the second book defined the divisions of law where there
is the fundamental law, the action of the entire body upon itself, Civil law, which is the relation
of members between members of the body, Criminal law to sanction others, and finally, the
fourth law which makes the actual constitution of the state.

The central theme of the third book is the government. The power of the state depends
on the number of people. The larger the people, the powerful the state could become, and the
lesser are liberties. The relation of the state to people must be at an all-time in equilibrium.
Concerning the citizen-state ratio, the divisions of government depend on the sovereign's
restrictions on the government. Hence, a specific type of government suits the citizen-state
ratio and depends on the sovereign's restriction on the government. The signs of good
government were also stated where a government is good when it preserves and prospers its
members. It was stated that the political body is like that of the human body, where the
executive is the brain, and the legislative is the heart. If the heart stops beating, the political
body will die. Also discussed was how sovereign authority is maintained by deciding whether
to divide or concentrate sovereign authority. Stated also is that the establishment of laws and
the execution of laws are vital to establishing the government.

The fourth book mainly talks about the people's general will that it is indestructible for it is
constant and unchanged. However, it is subordinate to other forces that counterbalance it.
Suffrage concerning the general will must be unanimous, for the more unanimous it is, the
more dominant the general will is. The greater the need for quickness in the matter at hand,
the more restricted the required opinions should be, and if deliberations are dire and more
critical, prevailing opinions must reach unanimity. In a democracy, selection by lot is the
manner of selecting officials. In an absolute democracy, however, magistracy is not a benefit
but a burdensome responsibility. In an aristocracy, their government is preserved by itself, and
votes are well placed. Mentioned that Political establishment should not become rigid to the
point that its effect will not be suspended, and censors may help prevent customs but never
re-establishing them.

ANALYSIS
Many philosophers agree that man will always find himself in a society that protects him
and shelters him from outside elements. Philosophers like Thomas Hobbes believed that the
life of men without society is nasty, brutish, poor, and short. Rousseau, on the other hand,
believes otherwise. Rosseau believed that humans free from society are happy creatures
(Kelly et al., 2018). Rousseau thinks of human nature as free of social and moral conditions,
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and that human nature is a condition that no one is subject to other's rule and free of justice
and injustices that men are solitary and self-sufficient (Boucher & Kelly, 2003). According to
Rosseau, only two principles guide men: natural self-love and compassion (Kelly et al., 2018).
According to Boucher and Kelly in their book Political Thinker: from Socrates to present, for
Rousseau, human nature is asocial and capable of self-preservation, and they have pursued
their desires. However, they do not have the right to everything since everyone has different
requirements (Boucher & Kelly, 2003). For Rousseau, Thomas Hobbes failed to realize that
men are not innately evil or vicious like Hobbes portrayed human nature. It is mercy or
compassion in nature that takes the place of laws and morals since humans cannot resist the
call of pity and compassion. It is crucial to remember that all human qualities stem from
compassion and sympathy (Boucher & Kelly, 2003). With that being said, if a man is not
innately evil, what makes man evil?

According to Rousseau, it is private property that makes man evil. For Rousseau, private
properties most significant division in society (Kelly et al., 2018). These divisions are the
masters and the slaves and the divisions in families. These divisions are the root cause of
private property, from natural self-love into deductive self-love. These then will turn into
jealously, and they will judge themselves based on others' material riches (Kelly et al., 2018).

Furthermore, material things and possessions will corrupt the mind and heart once a man
slowly enters society. He will then slowly turn away from amour de soi or self-love, which
means being sympathetic to others, towards amour propre, vanity, self-centered love. This
selfish love is the one that causes depravity and pushes man to seek more power (Boucher &
Kelly, 2003).

Like other political thinkers such as Hugo Grotius and Thomas Hobbes, Rousseau agrees
that the emergence of all kinds of sovereignty in society results from a social contract. Other
thinkers aside from Rousseau believe that humans are willing to give up their liberty in
exchange for self-preservation. Rousseau, however, strongly disagrees with this line of
thought. Written in his book The Social Contract states that giving up a person's liberty
contradicts the nature of man, for it takes a man his morals and will to give up his liberty.
Hence, it is contradictory for Rousseau to impose absolute authority and obedience without
limiting either of the two (Harrington, n.d.), this means that no person can give their liberty to
a sovereign without giving up their morality as well, which eventually destroys their humanity
(Kelly et al., 2018). Hence, the type of social contract that Thomas Hobbes presents is a
contract that preserves inequalities between the rich and the poor. For Rousseau, there is no
way a poor man submits to a contract that preserves inequality (Kelly et al., 2018).
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To emancipate the people from this kind of situation, Rousseau pointed out that there
should be a revised form of the social contract to improve the individual rather than fearing
man's evil Nature (Kelly et al., 2018). Rousseau stated that the one who is subject to the law
must also be the one who made it to expand freedom. Therefore, instead of freedom being
won against the state, it could be won by making everyone a sovereign (Kelly et al., 2018).
However, the people should know whom they will become because of the laws they made to
develop just laws (Boucher & Kelly, 2003). To further securitize this positive freedom,
everyone must be equal (Kelly et al., 2018). With regards to equality, Rousseau pointed out
that freedom and equality complement each other and do not contradict each other, it is a
belief that laws and state will help improve society, and the legitimacy of a state emanates
from the people who are the sovereign entity. Rousseau is not totally against private property.
What he is proposing is a moderate distribution of property with fairness. Hence, it could
enhance freedom.

Despite Rousseau's idea of the general will and believing that the people should be a
sovereign entity that legitimizes the state, Rousseau does not support direct democracy,
stating that such a system of governance is prone to corruption and civil wars (Kelly et al.,
2018). He envisioned people assemblies imbued with sovereignty and delegating government
responsibilities to an administration through a new social contract or constitution where the
people comprise the collective will (Kelly et al., 2018). The conflict between the general will or
the collective will and the practical will or the government's decisions catalyzes corruption of
the sovereign people. Hence, the people were consumed by private interests instead of acting
as a collective sovereign body. Hence, by removing the inducement of the individual will,
participating in governmental assemblies and procedures should be compulsory to ensure that
the government genuinely expresses the general will (Kelly et al., 2018). In his book, The
Social Contract, genuine democracy does not exist since it contradicts the natural order of
things that the majority govern the minority, and such type of governance is prone to civil wars
than any other type of governance. It tends to change its form or very intent to maintain it
(Harrington, n.d.).

There are two sorts of will, according to Rousseau: the first is the particular will when a
man is driven by passion and sudden impulsive action. Second, when he was driven with
reason, it is what Rousseau calls a person's actual will. It will then be called the general will
when it is understood in a social context. The general will is not just the sum of individual wills.
It is the common good and not the interest of a particular group of people (Boucher & Kelly,
2003). The general will could lead to totalitarianism. Rousseau and Machiavelli share the same
notion that minorities will suffer under the hands of those executing the general will. To deal
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with this kind of predicament, Rousseau recognizes the fraction's inevitability, producing
multiple particular wills. These wills must not be dominant to the extent that it opposes the
general will, and none of these wills will be strong enough to become the general will. Hence,
the will of the majority does not necessarily mean general will. Unanimity is not the general
will. A will is dominated by a person's passion following their particular wills (Boucher & Kelly,
2003). Rousseau stated that the people have the right to topple their ruler if the contract's
legitimacy between the people and the ruler denies people's sovereignty than its expression
(Kelly et al., 2018).

THINKER'S VIEWS AND WORKS IN THE SOCIETY AND

THE POLITICAL ARENA
Unlike socialism, liberalism, conservatism, and other political ideologies, nationalism is a
fatherless doctrine. Benedict Anderson stated that, unlike other political ideologies,
nationalism has never formed great thinkers like Hobbes, Tocqueville, and Marx (Qvortrup,
2003). This notion ignores Rousseau's theory of nationalism before the nineteenth century.
One of Rousseau’s works that influenced nationalism are the Projet de Constitution pour la
Corse, Considérations sur la gouvernement du Pologne, and Du Contrat Social (The Social
Contract). It is the Social Contract that Rousseau advised the nations to establish a
constitution. Hence, nations go to Rousseau for constitutional engineering. However,
Rousseau did not offer a complete theory of the state (Qvortrup, 2003). Rousseau encouraged
the Poles and Corsicans to establish sinew cultural institutions to securitize themselves
against great power. Rousseau advocated on several occasions the necessity of putting up
cultural homogeneity. As stated in his work Lettre à D'Alembert, he pointed out the need to
establish political and cultural cohesion through sports, games, and national education
(Qvortrup, 2003). It is through education that Rousseau pointed out that shape the spirit of the
citizens in a national pattern. It is through education that direct the people's opinions in making
them patriotic. Hence, he pointed out that pupils must learn to read works of literature in their
nation (Qvortrup, 2003).

Political theorists such as L.G. Crocker equate Rousseau's political works with his
character and label him authoritarian, resulting in the authoritarian regimes known in entire
Europe (Boucher & Kelly, 2003). Why does Crocker label Rousseau as an authoritarian? First,
it is vital to scour Rousseau's work understand what it implies. In his work, The Social Contract,
book two, chapter IV, He stated that If a state is a moral person whose existence is based on
the union of its parts, and the most important of its concerns is its survival, it needs a universal
and compelling power to move and dispose of each component in the most beneficial way for
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the whole. On the other hand, nature grants each man unlimited authority over all its parts
(Harrington, n.d.). Based on the said passage in Rousseau's Social Contract, the readers
would point out the totalitarian or authoritarian characteristics present in his work. Rousseau's
idea of the unification of all forms of society makes him an authoritarian (Nisbet, 1943), and
the general will that is often mentioned in the Social Contract could lead to totalitarianism.
Rousseau and Machiavelli share the same notion that minorities will suffer under the hands of
those executing the general will (Boucher & Kelly, 2003). Hence, through these passages,
Bertrand Russell accused Rousseau of his works' outcome being the regime of Hitler
(Buhanan, 2016). In addition to this, J.L. Talmon assessed that Rousseau, due to paranoia,
planned to eradicate critics and anti-social urges through imposing a fixed pattern of behavior
and prescribing a range of feelings on society. Hence, the people are forced to follow the
general will to eradicate egoistic tendencies (Boucher & Kelly, 2003).

Some political theorists would often retort that Jean-Jacques Rousseau contributes to the
liberal ideology due to his works on freedom and the significance of autonomy, as stated in
Rousseau's work where it is impossible to take a person's freedom without taking it away from
his dignity. Rousseau has also stated that humans are different from animals because they
can decide. This notion, therefore, is one of the characteristics of liberalism (William, 2017).
Rousseau's notion in his work, the Social Contract that the people should be the sovereign,
and the general will must emanate from them. Hence, there must not be a master to keep
sovereignty (Harrington, n.d.). Another characteristic of liberalism that is present in the work
of Rousseau is voting, and equality states that there should be no partiality in the society, and
the people must vote by their personal views to have a general will (Harrington, n.d.). This
notion of freedom, the right to vote, and equality are the central tenets of liberalism that are
known today.

Prominent republican individuals such as Maurizio Viroli stated that Rousseau had fully
understood the significance of unity of all people both culturally and spiritually and can be
achieved by promoting civic virtue. The patrie, as described by Rousseau, is equated with the
republic that submits to the general will, and that love of the fatherland is synonymous with
political virtues, which is a legacy that modern politics is intended to annihilate. Hence, to be
virtuous, the people must instill in themselves the love of one's nation. Rousseau believes that
liberty and law are corelative and consistent as long as those who are subject to the law must
be the ones who implement them (Boucher & Kelly, 2003). This political view of Rousseau is
regarded as a republican view, for it is centered on patriotism and loyalty to one's country.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau has a contribution even in the realm of International Relations.

Rousseau and Machiavelli share the same pessimistic view of international relations where
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states are in constant war against each other. However, they have a different outlook on the
state of human nature, Unlike Machiavelli's state of nature, where life in international relations
is nasty, brutish, and short. For Rousseau, wars are not between individuals but between
states (Blanchet, 2012). As stated in Rousseau's Social Contract, Man is innately good, and
it is private property and society that makes man evil. It is the interests of the ruler that makes
man evil. Hence, Jean-Jacques Rousseau believes in a pessimistic view of International
Relations or the realist view. He believes that the international realm is in perpetual war, power
politics, and dependence on naturally unequal states, and the only way for the society in the
state of war to be reasonable and legitimate is to eliminate all wars present in the world
(Blanchet, 2012). With the influence of Abbe de Saint-Pierre's work project for perpetual
peace, Rousseau came up with a solution. That is to from a variety of federations that would
create within the state of war a what Rousseau called "islands of peace" He argued that the
federation's stability is anchored on historically formed preconditions and operates on the
balance of power dynamics and believes that perpetual peace is only attainable through a
revolution (Blanchet, 2012). In realizing that in the international realm, war is inevitable,
Rousseau devised a partial measure in limiting the violence of war, hence creating the
international law of war which has two principles: first is non-combatant immunity and second
sparing the lives of prisoners of war (Blanchet, 2012). In modern International Relations
theory, Rousseau would be labeled as neo-isolationist for he believes that dependence is the
cause of conflicts. Hence, Rousseau prefers that as much as possible, states should be
independent of each other. This idea made Rousseau a critic of great-power interventionist
policy, most especially of military force. Rousseau's idea of human nature stated that pity
motivates us to rush to rescue people in need without thinking; this manifests humanitarian
organizations in modern society, proving Rousseau's belief that humans are not innately evil
(Blanchet, 2012).

Rousseau's Social Contract applies even to the history of the Philippines. Rousseau's
argument that humans are not innately evil can be applied in the Filipino culture. Filipino
culture has this mentality called "sakop," which is why Sikatuna and some Datus welcomed
Father Mercado. This mentality, as Father Mercado describes, manifests that Filipinos are
communal (Domenden, 2016). To further explain, the philosophy of sakop explains filial piety
in Filipino culture. It is also through this sakop mentality that explains why Filipinos are so
intent on fighting for independence against the Spaniards (Domenden, 2016), During the
Spanish colonization, Filipinos suffered immensely under Spanish rule, and this pain that they
experienced catalyzes the sense of nationalism in the hearts of the Filipinos (Domenden,
2016). As also stated in Rousseau's Social Contract, to give up freedom is to give up the
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character of humankind, humanity's rights, and even its responsibilities. Renouncing one's
freedom is irreconcilable with man's nature and taking away one's liberty requires all a
person's morality and willpower (Harrington, n.d.). Moreover, as stated by Blanchet, perpetual
peace is only attainable through a revolution (Blanchet, 2012). Hence, the social contract
found in Filipino’s mentality of yearning for a civil state and social justice manifests Rousseau's
Social Contract.

In relation to the rise of nationalism in the Spanish usurpation, Rousseau’s social contract
similarly applies to the rise and fall of Ferdinand Marco. It was mentioned in the analysis that
the general will could lead to totalitarianism, it is because the minorities will suffer under the
hands of those executing the general will (Boucher & Kelly, 2003). To further explain the
reason why the general will could lead to totalitarianism is that individuals may claim that they
express the general will where in reality, they are merely driven by their individual wills (Kelly
et al., 2018). In the case of Marcos, he claimed to express the general will made himself a
dictator. Furthermore, It is stated in his Social Contract, to give up freedom is to give up the
character of humankind, humanity's rights, and even its responsibilities. Renouncing one's
freedom is irreconcilable with man's nature and taking away one's liberty requires all a
person's morality and willpower. This is then supported by the passage, "Imposing total power
and obedience without constraining the other are futile and inconsistent.” (Harrington, n.d.).
Hence, Ferdinand Marco's totalitarian regime contradicts human nature. Since stripping off
Filipinos' freedom and rights will not be favorable for Filipinos. This kind of society in which
favors only the individual will of a dictator, forms inequality. As Rousseau believed, there is no
way a poor man submits to a contract that preserves inequality (Kelly et al., 2018).

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