COMPARATIVE

POLITICS

CHRSTOPHER VINCENT
PPREPARED BY: PEÑERO
Brazil

Official Name: Federative Republic of Brazil

(Republica Federativa do Brasil)
Location: Eastern South America
Capital City: Brasília
Population (2013): 202.7 million
Size: 8,511,965 sq. km.; slightly smaller than
the United States

Source: Alfred P. Montero Back to Overview

 The Making of Modern Brazillan State

Overview Political Economy and Development

Governance and Policy-Making

Representation and Participation

The Making of the
Modern State
Geographical
Setting
Critical Juncture
The Brazilian Empire( 1822-1889)
Brazil was a Portuguese colony, not a Spanish one, and it escaped the violent wars of
independence that afflicted the Spanish colonial system. Brazilian independence was
declared peacefully by the Crown’s own agent in the colony in 1822 after the King of
Portugal left his own son to rule.
The Old Republic (1889-1930)

It is based on the influence of coffee growers and a small urban industrial and
commercial class linked to the coffee trade and a ranch economy that produced meat
and hides.
The constitution of 1891, inspired by the U.S. model, established a directly elected president,
guaranteed separation of church and state, and gave the vote to all literate males (about 3.5
percent of the population before 1930).

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Although the constitution expressed liberal ideas, most Brazilians lived in rural
areas, where the landed oligarchy squashed dissent.

In a process known as “coronelismo”, these elites, or colonels, as they were

known, manipulated their poor workers so they would vote to elect officials
favored by the elite.

These ties between patron (landowner) and client (peasant) became the basis of
modern Brazilian politics. In return for protection and occasional favors, the client
did the bidding of the patron. As cities grew, and the state’s administrative
agencies expanded, the process of trading favors and demanding political support
in return became known as clientelism.

The 1930 Revolution

As world demand for coffee plummeted during the Depression of the 1930s,
the coffee and ranch elites faced their worst crisis.

Among the discontented political elites, a figure emerged who transformed

Brazilian politics forever: Getúlio Vargas.

Vargas came to power as the head of a new “revolutionary government,” but

it favored a dissident elite.

Vargas believed he could win the support of landed elites, commercial

interests, bureaucrats, and the military by answering their demands in a
controlled way
Getúlio
Vargas
Getúlio Dornelles Vargas was a Brazilian politician
and lawyer. Born on April 19, 1882, he served as the
President of Brazil in two different periods. The first
period was from 1930–1945 of which from 1930 -
1934 was as interim president. He then became a
constitutional president from 1934 to 1937.
However, after his tenure, he seized power and
became a dictator from 1937 to 1945 when he was
overthrown in a coup. In 1951, Vargas returned to
power as an elected president serving until 1954
when he committed suicide.
Vargas was an anti-communist who promoted
populism, industrialization, nationalism, and social
welfare. Affectionately known “Father of the Poor”
his tenure brought significant social and economic
changes in Brazil enhancing modernization.
The Populist Republic (1945–1964)
The increasing mobilization of segments of the working and middle classes, and
U.S. diplomatic pressure forced Vargas to call for full democratic elections to be
held in 1945.
The campaign was so bitter that the military forced Vargas to resign, two months
before the general election.
Populism, but not democracy, defined the new political order. In Brazil, the
terms populist and populism refer to politicians, programs, or movements that
seek to expand citizenship to previously disenfranchised sectors of society in
return for political support. Populist governments grant benefits to guarantee
support, but discourage lower-class groups from creating their own
organizations. Populists do not consider themselves accountable to the people.
The Rise of Bureaucratic Authoritarianism (1964–1985)

Such regimes are installed to respond to severe economic crises and are led by
the armed forces and key civilian allies, most notably professional economists,
engine

The Transition to Democracy and the First Civilian Governments (1974–2001)

After the oil crisis of 1973 set off a wave of inflation around the world, the
economy began to falter. Increasing criticism from Brazilian business led the last
two ruling generals, Geisel and Figueiredo, to begin a gradual process of
democratization.
Political Economy and
Development
Like most developing countries, Brazil’s politics
has always been shaped by the quest for economic
and social development. Two processes have left
enduring legacies: the pattern of state intervention
in the domestic market and the effects of external
economic change. External economic crises have
compelled the state to intervene through
protection, subsidies, and even the production of
goods it previously imported.
State and Economy

Brazil’s economic development prior to the New State depended on export-led

growth, that is, on the export of agricultural products. During the Old Republic,
international demand for coffee gave Brazil a virtual global monopoly. Cotton,
sugar, and cereals also continued to be important export products.

Coffee linked Brazil to the world market with minimal state involvement in the
period before the Great Depression. Export receipts provided a reservoir of
capital to build railroads, power stations, and other infrastructure. These
investments then spurred the growth of light industries, mostly in textiles,
footwear, and clothing. Public finance had a minor role.
From 1964 to 1985, the state continued to promote industrialization,
especially durable consumer goods for the domestic market.

As export prices for commodities such as soy, oil, and iron ore
increased during the 2000s, Brazil became flush with capital, allowing
the Lula and Rousseff presidencies to pursue a hybrid model of export
growth that combined openness of the domestic market to foreign
investment along with large investments by the state in infrastructure
and energy.
Society and Economy

Between 1950 and 1980, employment in the industry jumped from 14 percent to 24
percent, while employment in agriculture declined from 60 percent to 30 percent.
Nevertheless, the jobs created in the industry did not begin to absorb the huge
number of unemployed. Many new jobs required skilled and semiskilled specialized
labor.
Industrialization also failed to eradicate the racial inequalities inherited from slavery.
Despite the impressive industrial development of Brazil, Afro-Brazilians continued to
make less than their white colleagues and had fewer opportunities for upward
mobility.
Women make up 28 percent of the economically active population and continue to
enter the labor market in record numbers. Working women typically have more years
of schooling than men, but they still receive lower salaries for the same job.
Welfare System
In a country of startling social inequalities, welfare policy plays a
remarkably small role, even though expenditures on health care and
education stand at 25 percent of GDP.
Corruption, clientelism, and outright waste prevent benefits from
going to the people who need them the most.

Brazil in the Global Economy

Brazil has maintained strategic relations with the global market. The
financing needs of state-led industrialization required Brazil to pursue
international sources of credit, making it the largest debtor country in
Latin America during the 1980s
Governance and Policy-
Making
The Executive

the adoption of a parliamentary regime was briefly considered following
Although
the 1987 National Constituent Assembly, Brazil remained a presidential system.
The president is elected for a four-year term with the opportunity to stand for
reelection in a consecutive term and the right to run for a nonconsecutive term
afterward.
U.S Connection

the U.S. president, the Brazilian president is the only executive directly
Along with
elected by all voters throughout the country, making him or her the head of
government and head of state. The Brazilian president has powers that exceed those
of the U.S. president.
The president has the power to appoint upward of 48,000 civil servants, eight times
more than the 6,000 appointed by U.S. presidents.
Similar to the U.S. president, the Brazilian president is the commander-in-
chief of the armed forces.

U.S. presidents can be removed from office by Congress through the process
of impeachment, which requires the House of Representatives to approve
articles of impeachment by a majority vote and the Senate to convict the
president by a two-thirds majority. The impeachment process in Brazil is
similar.

 Other State Institution

The Judiciary

a network of state courts, with jurisdiction over state matters, and a
Brazil has
federal court system, not unlike the one in the United States, which maintains
jurisdiction over federal crimes. A supreme court (the Supreme Federal Tribunal or
STF), similar in jurisdiction to the U.S. Supreme Court, acts as the final arbiter of
court cases.

The Supreme Federal Tribunal’s eleven justices are nominated by the president and
confirmed by an absolute majority of the Senate. The Superior Court of Justice
(STJ), with thirty-three justices, operates beneath the Supreme Federal Tribunal as
an appeals court. The Supreme Federal Tribunal decides constitutional questions.
The military maintains its own court system.
The judiciary adjudicates political conflicts as well as civil and
social conflicts. The Electoral Supreme Tribunal (Tribunal
Supremo Eleitoral, TSE) has exclusive responsibility to organize
and oversee all issues related to elections.

The TSE has the power to investigate charges of political bias by

public employees, file criminal charges against persons violating
electoral laws, and validate electoral results.
Subnational Government

Like Germany, Mexico, India, and the United States, the Brazilian state has a
federal structure.

The country’s twenty-six states are subdivided into 5,564 municipal governments.
The structure of subnational politics in Brazil consists of a governor; his or her chief
advisers, who also usually lead key secretariats such as economy and planning; and
a unicameral legislature often dominated by supporters of the governor.

Governors serve 4-year terms and are limited to two consecutive terms in office.
The Military and Police

Like many other South American militaries, the Brazilian armed forces retain
substantial independence from civilian presidents and legislators.

The military’s participation in Brazilian politics became more limited, if still quite
expansive, following the transition to democracy in 1985. Several laws gave the
military broad prerogatives to “guarantee internal order” and play a “tutelary role”
in civilian government.

The Policy Process

Although policy-making continues to be fluid and ambiguous, certain domains of

policy are clearly demarcated.

Foreign policy, for example, is exclusively the responsibility of the executive branch.
Political parties and congress still have only inconsistent power over investment
policies. Bureaucratic agencies retain command over the details of social and
economic policies.

Clientelism injects itself at every stage of policy-making, from formulation and

decision making to implementation.

Personal contacts often shape who benefits from policy-making. Quid pro quos,
nepotism, and other kinds of favoritism, if not outright corruption, regularly
obstruct or distort policy-making.

Cardoso described these clientelistic networks as “bureaucratic rings”.

He considered the Brazilian state to be highly permeable, fragmented, and therefore

easily colonized by private interests that make alliances with midlevel bureaucratic
officers to shape public policy to benefit themselves.
Representation and
Participation

The Legislature

The national legislature is composed of an upper house, the Senate, with 81

members, and a lower house, the Chamber of Deputies, with 513 members. Every
state and the federal district elect three senators by simple majority.

Senators serve for eight-year terms and may be reelected without limit. Two-
thirds of the Senate is elected at one time, and the remaining one-third is elected
four years later. Senatorial elections are held at the same time as those for the
Chamber of Deputies, all of whose members are elected on a four-year cycle.
Federal deputies may be reelected without limits. Each state is allowed a
minimum of eight and a maximum of seventy deputies, according to population.

The two houses of the legislature have equal authority to make laws, and both
must approve a bill for it to become law.

Each chamber can propose or veto legislation passed by the other. When the two
chambers pass bills on a given topic that contain different provisions, the texts go
back and forth between houses without going through a joint conference
committee, as in the United States.
The deficiencies of the Brazilian legislature were highlighted in recent years by
several corruption scandals. Partly due to the fragmentation of the party system
(see below), the Lula government bought the votes of deputies in smaller parties.
Kickback schemes from public contracts are a common way of financing these forms
of political coordination.

Congress is often criticized for its lack of accountability. One response to legislative
corruption has been to use parliamentary commissions of inquiry to review
allegations of malfeasance by elected officials. Although these temporary
committees have demonstrated some influence, they have rarely produced results.
Political Paties and
Party System

Four Themes of Brazil

Brazil in a Globalized World of State

Both international and domestic factors have influenced the Brazilian state’s
structure, capacity, and relations with society. During the empire, international
opposition to slavery forced powerful oligarchs to turn to the state for protection. The
coffee and ranch economies provided the material base for the Old Republic and were
intricately tied to Brazil’s economic role in the world. Even the Estado Nôvo, with its
drive to organize society, was democratized by the defeat of fascism in Europe. The
return to democracy during the 1980s was part of a larger global experience, as
authoritarian regimes gave way all over Latin America, Eastern Europe, southern
Europe, and the Soviet Union. As Brazil’s economy has grown in size, it faces greater
responsibilities in the globalized world of states, both in foreign economic and security
policy.
Governing the Economy

The entry of the working and middle classes as political actors reshaped the Brazilian state during the
twentieth century. Vargas’s New State mobilized workers and professionals. Populist democracy later
provided them protection from unsafe working environments, the effects of eroding wages, and the
prohibitive expense of health care. Public firms employed hundreds of thousands of Brazilians and
transformed the development of the country.

During the 1980s and 1990s, neoliberal reforms dramatically altered the role of the Brazilian state
(see Section 2). Brazil’s governance of the economy highlights the strategic role of the state in the
maintenance of growth. State-led growth built the foundation for governing the economy, and
developmentalism moved Brazil from a predominantly agrarian economy into an industrialized one.
With the slowdown in the global economy, state companies find themselves under multiple
pressures. Fiscal cutbacks and corruption investigations have limited their expansion in the current
development model.

 The Democratic Idea

Brazil certainly has the formal institutions of a democracy, but patrimonialism, populism,
corporatism, and corruption undermine them. Brazilian politicians typically cultivate personal
votes (personalist politicians) that challenge the creation of strong parties and alliances (see
Section 4). But despite its shortcomings, Brazilians appreciate that democracy gives them more
say in policy-making.

Thousands of new political groups, social movements, civic networks, and economic
associations have emerged in recent years. The Brazilian state is highly decentralized into
twenty-six states, a federal district, and 5,570 municipalities. Each center of power is a locus of
demand-making by citizens and policy-making by elites. Numerous judicial, auditing,
investigatory, and prosecutorial authorities have proven crucial to deepening democracy and
rooting out corruption.
The Politics of Collective Identity

In assessing the politics of collective identity, the first question to answer is who are the
Brazilians? This has always been a vexing issue, especially because heavy flows of
international commerce, finance, and ideas have made Brazil’s borders obsolete. One
common answer is that the symbols of the Brazilian nation still tie Brazilians together:
carnival, soccer, samba, bossa nova, and a common language. Even though these symbols
have become more prevalent, they have lost some of their meaning because of
commercialization.
The End