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International Journal of Human Resource
Management and Research (IJHRMR)
ISSN 2249-6874
Vol. 3, Issue 1, Mar 2013, 97-112
© TJPRC Pvt. Ltd.

STATUS OF WOMEN IN INDIA AND ANDHRA PRADESH

M. R. GEETHA BALA
Assistant Professor, Economics, Sri Satya Sai Institute of Higher Learning, Anantapur Campus, Andhra Pradesh, India

ABSTRACT

At the dawn of new millennium Indian women are typically portrayed as house wives goddesses of homes and
great Mothers, The Hindu,(1998). Yet it is generally known that in reality she submits herself to his unjust demands this
hackneyed image is obviously a reflection of womanhood in Indian society. The male domination, perpetuated either by
economic necessity or social compulsions, alien invasions re-shaped the role of women in Indian society, Ibid, (1999) the
problem is not, of course, unique to India but certainly deserves public attention as a matter of major priority, Dreze, Jean
and Amartya Sen (1999) The focal areas, where gender disparities are deliberately sustained and meticulously fostered
from time immemorial, are female-male ratio, literacy and education, food and nutrition, health care system, work
participation rate and opportunity to employment, access to economic resources particularly income and property and the
most important political participation. An attempt is made in this chapter to ponder over these crucial issues highlighting
the available factual information at international, national and regional levels.

KEYWORDS: Female-Male Ratio, Literacy and Education, Food and Nutrition

INTRODUCTION

At the dawn of new millennium Indian women are typically portrayed as house wives goddesses of homes and
great Mothers, The Hindu, (1998). Yet it is generally known that in reality she submits herself to his unjust demands this
hackneyed image is obviously a reflection of womanhood in Indian society. The male domination, perpetuated either by
economic necessity or social compulsions, alien invasions re-shaped the role of women in Indian society, Ibid, (1999) the
problem is not, of course, unique to India but certainly deserves public attention as a matter of major priority, Dreze, Jean
and Amartya Sen (1999a)

The focal areas, where gender disparities are deliberately sustained and meticulously fostered from time
immemorial, are female-male ratio, literacy and education, food and nutrition, health care system, work participation rate
and opportunity to employment, access to economic resources particularly income and property and the most important
political participation. An attempt is made in this chapter to ponder over these crucial issues highlighting the available
factual information at international, national and regional levels.

CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGISLATIVE PROVISIONS RELATING TO WOMEN

Before analyzing the status of women in India in a comparative perspective, it would be appropriate to briefly
review the constitutional provisions and legislative measures relating to women in India. The Constitution of India not
only grants equality to women but also empowers the state to adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of
women for neutralizing the cumulative socio-economic, educational, political disadvantage faced by them. To be more
precise, Article 14 confers on men and women equal rights and opportunities in the political, economic and social spheres.
Article 15 prohibits discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, race, caste and sex. Article 15(3) makes
a special provision enabling the
98 M. R. Geetha Bala

state to make affirmative discrimination in favour of women. Article 16 provides for equality of opportunities in matter of
public appointments for all citizens irrespective of sex. Besides the above Fundamental Rights, the Constitution also
enshrines the following Directive Principles of State Policy, which though non-enforceable by court of law, provide
guidelines for framing government policies. Article 39(a) mentions that the state shall direct its policy towards securing all
citizens, men and women equally the right to means of livelihood, while Article 39(c) ensures equal pay for equal work for
both men and women. Article 42 directs the state to make provision for ensuring just and humane conditions of work and
maternity relief for women. Above all the Constitution imposes a fundamental duty on every citizen through Article 15(a)
and (e) to renounce the practices decorator to the dignity of women.

In addition to these constitutional provisions, special legislations have been enacted to make the de jury equality
into de facto one. The state has enacted the following specific and women related legislations to protect women against
social discrimination, violence, atrocities and also to prevent social evils like child marriage, dowry, rape, practice of sati
etc.

The Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1976 rises the age for marriage of a girl from 15 years to 18 years and
makes offences under this Act cognizable. An amendment brought in 1984 to the Dowry Prohibitions Act of 1961 made
subjection of women to cruelty a cognizable offence. The second amendment brought in 1986 makes the husband or in-
laws punishable if a woman commits suicide within 7 years of her marriage. Also a new criminal offence of dowry death
has been incorporated in the Indian Penal Code. The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1971 legalizes abortion by
qualified professionals on humanitarian or medical grounds. Amendments to criminal law 1983 provide for a punishment
of 7 years in ordinary cases of rape and 10 years for custodial rape cases. The maximum punishment may go up to life
imprisonment. A new enactment of Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act of 1986 and the Commission of
Sati (Prevention) Act 1987 have also been passed to protect the dignity of women and prevent violence against them as
well as their exploitation. The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act of 1956 as amended and renamed in 1986 makes the
sexual exploitation of male or female a cognizable offence. Hindu Succession Act 1956 enables Hindu Women to inherit
the property of their fathers along with their brothers Unni, Jeemol (1999). The Factories Act 1948 (Amended up to 1976)
provides for establishment of crèche where 30 women are employed (including casual and contract laborers). The
Maternity Benefit Act 1961 makes the extension of maternity benefits mandatory on the part of factories. The Equal
Remuneration of Act of 1976 provides for equal pay for equal work for both men and women.

FEMALE-MALE RATIOS (FMR)

Female-male ratio (FMR) is one of the crucial manifestations of the wide spread disparities existing between
females and males. There are remarkable variations in the FMR in different regions of the world. In Europe and North
America, even though males outnumber females at birth, women tend to out number men substantially later with an
average ratio around 1.05.Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a). In contrast to this in many parts of third world countries,
FMR tends to be substantially below unity. The average FMR is 0.96 in North Africa, 0.94 in China, Bangladesh and West
Asia. In India, the FMR averaged around 0.933 in 2001 (as against 0.927 in 1991), which is one of the lowest in the world.
There are, however, striking regional variations in FMR between different states, as could be observed from Table –3.1

The FMR is observed to be very low in most parts of Northern India, and in Union Territories. For instance,
among the Indian states, as per 2001 census, the FMR was the lowest at 0.861 in Haryana. The other states with the
ascending order of FMR values were Punjab (0.874), Sikkim (0.875), Uttar Pradesh (0.898) and Jammu & Kashmir
(0.900). It is pathetic note that even the developed states like Punjab and Haryana have one of the lowest FMRs. On the
Status of Women in India and Andhra Pradesh 99

other hand, most of the Southern states e.g., Tamil Nadu (0.986), Andhra Pradesh (0.978), Orissa (0.972), Karnataka
(0.964) share high FMR.

Table 1: FMR in Different Indian States and UTs According to 1991 and 2001 Census

Sl. No. India/State/ 1991 2001

1 Andhra Pradesh 0.972 0.978
2 Arunachal Pradesh 0.859 0.901
3 Assam 0.923 0.932
4 Bihar 0.911 0.921
5 Chhatisgarh -- 0.99
6 Goa 0.967 0.960
7 Gujarat 0.934 0.921
8 Haryana 0.865 0.861
9 Himachal Pradesh 0.976 0.970
10 Jammu & Kashmir 0.92 0.900
11 Jharkhand -- 0.941
12 Karnataka 0.960 0.964
13 Kerala 1.036 1.058
14 Madhya Pradesh 0.931 0.920
15 Maharashtra 0.934 0.922
16 Manipur 0.958 0.978
17 Meghalaya 0.955 0.975
18 Mizoram 0.921 0.938
19 Nagaland 0.886 0.909
20 Orissa 0.971 0.972
21 Punjab 0.882 0.874
22 Rajasthan 0.910 0.922
23 Sikkim 0.878 0.875
24 Tamil Nadu 0.974 0.986
25 Tripura 0.945 0.950
26 Uttar Pradesh 0.879 0.898
27 Uttaranchal -- 0.964
28 West Bengal 0.917 0.934
Union Territories 0.840 --
29 Andaman & Nicobar Islands. -- 0.846
30 Chandigargh -- 0.773
31 Dadra & Nagar Haveli -- 0.811
32 Daman & Diu -- 0.709
33 Delhi -- 0.821
34 Lakshadweep -- 0.947
35 Pondicherry -- 1.001
INDIA 0.927 0.933
Source: Govt. of India (2004), Census of India: Web site: Sex Ratio

In fact Kerala's (1.04) and Pondicherry’s (1.001) FMR is greater than unity, a phenomenon akin to developed
countries like Europe and America Ibid, (1999). Even after FMR is adjusted to overwhelming out-migration of males from
Kerala in search of Employment, FMR is above unity Ibid (1999), between 1991 and 2001; many states improved the
FMR even though there is no substantial improvement at the All India level. Arunachala Pradesh for instance, improved
the FMR position substantially from 0.860 to 0.901.

In some states like Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachala Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Madya Pradesh,
Maharastra, Punjab, and Sikkim the FMR has actually declined between 1991 and 2001. Citing the Indian Express, the
Census of India web cited quoted on 12th July 2004 that the Sex ratio is alarmingly at a low level of 773 per 1000 males in
100 M. R. Geetha Bala

the union territory of Chandigarh in 2001. This implies that several socio, cultural and economic factors are constantly at
work in India to produce lower FMR.

Strong male preference to carry out certain rituals in Hindu families, the concept of heir to a generation, low
social status for women, additional social and economic burden to bring out female children etc., might be some of the
major causes of low FMR observed particularly in Northern and North-Eastern Indian states.

LITERACY AND EDUCATION

Another vital indicator of status of women is educational level. Education plays a decisive role in widening
human knowledge. Knowledge is a light. An intangible and weightless substance, it can easily travel the world and can
spread its tentacles. Education particularly woman's education spreads its light to the household and to the country alike as
reiterated by the Telugu saying "Illali Chaduvu Intiki Velugu" (meaning housewife’s education is the light for the entire
house).

Many studies reveal that the amount of education attained by girls and women is an important determinant of
children's health. A study of 45 developing countries found that the average mortality rate for children under five was 144
per 1000 live births when their mothers had no education, 106 per 1000 when they had primary education only, and 68 per
1000 when they had some secondary education World Bank Development Report (1998/99) Nevertheless, for centuries
women have been denied their legitimate access to education and confined them to darkness.

Even after the second millennium came to an end, substantial proportion of world women population is without
even basic education not to speak of higher and technical education. Female adult illiteracy as a proportion of people is 38
per cent in the world. While in high income countries adult illiteracy is as low as 5 per cent, it is as high as 64 per cent in
South Asia. Disparities in male and female adult illiteracy are though, global phenomenon, it is more severe in India.

According to 1991 census, literacy rate among men was 64.13 per cent and that among women was as low as
39.29 per cent. (Table-3.2) The disparities in the literacy rate between men and women seemed to have narrowed down to
some extent in 2001.

While male literacy rose from 64.13 per cent to 75.64 per cent, the women literacy rose more than
proportionately from 39.29 per cent to 54.03 per cent thus narrowing down the gulf between two ratios to some extent
(from 24.84 to 21.61 percentage points) in 2001. The situation is still worse in the case of women's access to secondary and
tertiary (College, University and Professional) education.

Even in countries with high human development, only 1897 women per one-lakh women have access to tertiary
education. In the case of medium human development countries excluding China (1234), and lower human development
countries excluding India (178), women’s access to tertiary education is still less.

Though India is better placed in terms of women's access to tertiary education (445 per one lakh women) UNDP
(1998) when compared to many other countries in the peer group, widespread reservations are expressed with regard to
quality of higher education.
Status of Women in India and Andhra Pradesh 101

Table 2: Adult Male and Female Literacy in Indian States According to 2001 Census

India/State/ 1991 2001

S. N
Union territories* Male Female Persons Male Female Persons
1 Andaman & Nicobar Is. 78.99 65.46 73.02 86.07 75.29 81.18
2 Andhra Pradesh 55.13 32.72 44.09 70.85 51.17 61.11
3 Arunachal Pradesh 51.45 29.69 41.59 64.07 44.24 54.74
4 Assam 61.87 43.03 52.89 71.93 56.03 64.28
5 Bihar 52.49 22.89 38.48 60.32 33.57 47.53
6 Chandigargh 82.04 72.34 77.81 85.65 76.65 81.76
7 Chhatisgarh -- -- -- 77.86 52.28 65.12
8 Dadra & Nagar Haveli 53.56 26.98 40.71 73.32 42.99 60.03
9 Daman & Diu 82.66 59.40 71.20 88.40 70.37 81.09
10 Delhi 82.01 66.99 75.29 87.37 75.00 81.82
11 Goa 83.64 67.09 75.51 88.88 75.51 82.32
12 Gujarat 73.13 48.64 61.29 76.46 55.61 66.43
13 Haryana 69.10 40.47 55.85 79.25 56.31 68.59
14 Himachal Pradesh 75.36 52.13 63.86 84.57 67.08 75.91
15 Jammu & Kashmir -- -- -- 65.75 41.82 54.46
16 Jharkhand -- -- -- 67.94 39.38 54.13
17 Karnataka 67.26 44.34 56.04 76.29 57.45 67.04
18 Kerala 93.62 86.13 89.81 94.20 87.86 90.92
19 Lakshadweep 90.18 72.89 81.78 93.15 81.56 87.52
20 Madhya Pradesh 58.42 28.85 44.20 76.50 50.55 64.08
21 Maharashtra 76.56 52.32 64.87 86.27 67.51 77.27
22 Manipur 71.63 47.60 59.89 77.87 59.70 68.87
23 Meghalaya 53.12 44.85 49.10 66.14 60.41 63.31
24 Mizoram 85.61 78.60 82.27 90.69 86.13 88.49
25 Nagaland 67.62 54.75 61.65 71.77 61.92 67.11
26 Orissa 63.09 34.68 49.09 75.95 50.97 63.61
27 Pondicherry 83.68 65.63 74.74 88.89 74.13 81.49
28 Punjab 65.66 50.41 58.51 75.63 63.55 69.95
29 Rajasthan 54.99 20.44 38.55 76.46 44.34 61.03
30 Sikkim 65.74 46.69 56.94 76.73 61.46 69.68
31 Tamil Nadu 73.75 51.33 62.66 82.33 64.55 73.47
32 Tripura 70.58 49.65 60.44 81.47 65.41 73.66
33 Uttar Pradesh 55.73 25.31 41.60 70.23 42.97 57.36
34 Uttaranchal -- -- -- 84.01 60.26 72.28
35 West Bengal 67.81 46.56 57.70 77.58 60.22 69.22
INDIA 64.13 39.29 52.21 75.64 54.03 65.20
Source: Planning Commission, Govt. of India (2002), National Human Development Report – 2001, New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, P.186.

Even after fifty years of independence, and constitutional obligation of providing compulsory primary
education, the achievement of universal primary education continues to be a mirage.

At all India level, gross enrollment in primary school for both boys and girls together was 95.7 per cent during
2000-01. (Not given in Table) While boys’ enrollment was 104.9 per cent, girls’ enrollment was only 85.9 per cent,
showing gender gap of nearly 20 per cent. (Table-3.3). at upper primary level, the enrollment rates declined still further,
more steeply for the girls. While enrolment ratio for boys was about 67 per cent and that of girls was as low as 50 per cent.
The gender gap seemed to have declined to some extent at the upper primary level. Nevertheless, there are striking gender
disparities in the enrolment of students in primary and upper primary schools besides regional variations among the states
of India as could be seen from Table-3.3. The very low level of female gross primary enrolment ratios in Bihar (60.49 per
cent) and Uttar Pradesh (50.30 per cent) are glaring when compared to male gross primary enrolment ratios in these two
102 M. R. Geetha Bala

states (98.24 per cent and 79.87 per cent respectively). The gender gaps were also very high at 37.75 per cent and 29.57 per
cent respectively.

The situation is still serious in the case of enrolment in upper primary schools. Southern states including Andhra
Pradesh fared better in female enrolment in primary and upper primary schools, compared to Northern states. For instance,
as against the gender gap of 18.99 per cent in the primary enrollment ratio at the all India level, the gender gap was
negligible at 0.26 per cent. Thus there was negligible gender gap in the enrollment ratio at primary school level in Tamil
Nadu. At upper primary level also the gender gap was very less in Tamil Nadu.

Table 3: Gender Disparities in Gross Enrolment Ratio among Major Indian States: 2000-01

Primary Upper Primary

S. N States and UTs
Boys Girls Boys Girls
1 Andaman & Nicobar Is. 87.83 91.07 89.61 87.10
2 Andhra Pradesh 105.22 102.88 53.46 44.26
3 Arunachal Pradesh 126.91 106.81 72.28 67.52
4 Assam 125.44 106.44 80.02 63.67
5 Bihar 98.24 60.49 40.71 20.72
6 Chandigargh 65.17 65.55 68.21 73.43
7 Chhatisgarh -- -- -- --
8 Dadra & Nagar Haveli 114.22 102.74 88.42 55.88
9 Daman & Diu 105.05 94.25 98.80 67.22
10 Delhi 60.12 62.55 52.78 53.75
11 Goa 71.29 61.44 76.75 66.06
12 Gujarat 137.94 113.62 73.00 59.45
13 Haryana 78.10 79.78 65.80 61.16
14 Himachal Pradesh 95.16 82.72 103.85 89.24
15 Jammu & Kashmir 104.05 80.11 73.59 60.24
16 Jharkhand -- -- -- --
17 Karnataka 116.64 110.44 78.17 70.54
18 Kerala 87.71 86.54 99.80 94.76
19 Lakshadweep 106.98 92.90 129.30 109.35
20 Madhya Pradesh 120.52 101.91 70.43 46.28
21 Maharashtra 112.86 107.84 89.55 80.49
22 Manipur 104.39 90.36 80.33 71.18
23 Meghalaya 118.79 110.41 59.04 62.35
24 Mizoram 117.28 100.73 73.59 73.61
25 Nagaland 112.52 102.34 63.61 64.29
26 Orissa 129.97 94.71 66.82 43.90
27 Pondicherry 86.56 74.55 95.43 86.15
28 Punjab 78.74 79.40 64.19 64.92
29 Rajasthan 138.29 83.44 103.87 47.84
30 Sikkim 138.15 133.29 69.22 77.41
31 Tamil Nadu 96.57 96.31 93.77 91.79
32 Tripura 116.20 97.81 69.03 59.52
33 Uttar Pradesh 79.87 50.30 48.08 25.24
34 Uttaranchal -- -- -- --
35 West Bengal 110.89 103.30 59.69 44.35
INDIA 104.91 85.92 66.68 49.94
Source: Government of India (1999), Economic Survey: 1998-99, P. S.117.
Government of India (2003), Economic Survey: 2002-03, P. S.117.

An analysis of enrollment ratio by gender and caste further reveals startling inferences girls’ enrollment
particularly among SCs and STs is still deploring girls’ enrollment among scheduled castes and tribes in primary schools
were put at 81.60 and 78.34 respectively during 1998-99. (Table –3.4) The situation is still worse in the case of upper
Status of Women in India and Andhra Pradesh 103

primary level. The enrollment ratio among SCs and STs, girls were as low as 37.59 per cent and 32.93 per cent at all India
level in 1998-99. This is likely to go up further on account of improved enrollment at the right age and better retention
thanks to the measurers taken by the governments. However, unless an attempt is made to collect age-specific ratios
separately, it would be difficult to come to any conclusion, because girls still continue to enter late and drop out earlier.
Overall gender-gaps persist and the situation of girls belonging to SCs and STs in terms of gender parity needs much
greater attention. Usha Nayar (2002).

Table 4: Gender and Caste Specific Enrollment Ratios: 1998-99

Primary Stage Upper Primary Stage

Groups (Classes I-V) (Classes VI-VIII)
Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total
All Groups 97.5 81.2 89.7 66.5 49.5 58.5
Scheduled Castes 102.25 81.6 92.36 75.84 37.59 56.17
Scheduled Tribes 102.93 78.34 90.73 53.03 32.93 43.24
Source: Usha Nayar (2002), ‘Education of Girls in India: An Assessment’, In R. Govinda (ed.),
India Education Report: A Profile of Basic Education, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, P. 39.

An analysis of tertiary enrollment by field of study as brought out by World Development Report 1998-99,
reveals that even in developed countries e.g., Russia, U.K., only 45.2 per cent of females enrolled in Natural Sciences, 25.2
per cent in Mathematics and Computer Science and 12.3 per cent in Engineering. In India out of total enrollment in
Natural Sciences, only 33.3 per cent is women and the corresponding percentage for Engineering is only 7.9 per
cent,World Bank Report (1999).

The available data on faculty wise growth of women enrollment in Higher Education in India for selected years
is given in Table –3.5.

Table 5: Faculty-wise Growth of Women Enrollment in Higher Education in

India per thousand Enrolled Students

Faculty 1986-87 1990-91 1994-95

Science 231 289 319
Engineering & Tech. 13 17 19
Medicine 39 49 54
Others 4 4 5
Total 287 359 396
Source: Malti, Goel (1998), ‘Women in Science and Technology’, Yojana, Vol. 42, No. 6,
PP. 13-16 and & P. 50.

A cursory glance at Table-3.5 clearly reveals that in the year 1986-87 only 287 per thousand enrolled women in
educational institutions enrolled themselves in Science, Engineering, Technology, Medicine and other related branches.
Their number increased slowly to 359 per thousand in 1990-91 and further in 396 per thousand during 1994-95.

WORK PARTICIPATION RATE AND EMPLOYMENT

There is an old Sanskrit saying in India, viz., ‘Udyogam Purusha Lakshanam'. But in poor families like small
and marginal farmers, agricultural laborers, where the two hands of husband are not sufficient to meet both the ends,
women come out of homes and shoulder the responsibility along with their spouses. But in middle and high class societies
women have been largely confined to their homes mainly due to social inhibitions.

When the creative abilities and personal contributions of one half of the society are stifled by constant
subjugation, in addition to the drudgery of constant domestic work and child bearing, social opportunities are suppressed in
104 M. R. Geetha Bala

a wide range of domains. Even the level of economic production is likely to be higher, other things being equal, in a
society where women are able to engage in a diverse range of activities compared with that in a society where their life is
confined to domestic work, Drenze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a).

More over outside employment often has a useful ‘educational’ effect in terms of exposure to the world outside
the family. Ibid, (1999) these positive links between gainful female employment and the status of women is well
recognised in the development literature. In recent years, it has become essential even for middle class women to come out
of their homes due to a host of factors. These include domestic compulsion, soaring prices, and preference for modern
living, desire to utilise the acquired knowledge and education, geographical and occupational mobility and the emergence
of new economic patterns etc.

The global level statistics on work participation rate clearly indicate that female as percentage of labour force
averaged around 39 per cent in 1980, which marginally grew to 40 per cent in 1997. While in developed countries like
those in Europe and Central Asia, the work participation rates are very high at around 47 per cent, in poor countries like
those in South Asia, the female work participation has been very low at around 34 per cent in 1980 which in fact decreased
to 33 per cent in 1997. The situation seems to be still serious in Middle East & North Africa, where the female work
participation rate is around 26 per cent in 1997.

In India, there are gross disparities in work participation rate between males and females. According to 1991
census in rural India, the male work participation rate was 52.50 per cent where as the female work participation rate was
27 per cent. The situation was still worse in urban areas where the corresponding figures were 48.9 per cent and 7.2 per
cent. The rural urban combined work participation rate was 51.6 per cent for males, 22.7 per cent for females and 37.5 per
cent for total persons. The provisional results of 2001 census have shown a significant increase in FWPR to 25.7 per cent
from 22.7 per cent as against the moderate increase in MWPR to 51.9 per cent from 51.6 per cent thus showing a gender
gap of 26 per cent in the work participation rate. In 2001, among different states and union territories in India, the gender-
gap in work participation rate ranged between a high of 48 per cent in Daman and Diu and a low of 8 per cent in Manipur.
The gender gap in FWPR seemed to be very high in Union Territories and Northern States. (Table –3.6).

Table 6: Gender Differences in Work Participation Rates in India According to 2001 Census

Gender
S.No. States
Gap
1. Andhra Pradesh 21
2. Arunachal Pradesh 15
3. Assam 29
4. Bihar 29
5. Goa 33
6. Gujarat 27
7. Haryana 23
8. Himachalpradesh 11
9. Jammu & Kashmir 28
10. Karnataka 25
11. Kerala 35
12. Madhya Pradesh 19
13. Maharashtra 20
14. Manipur 8
15. Meghalaya 13
16. Mizoram 9
17. Nagaland 9
18. Orissa 28
Status of Women in India and Andhra Pradesh 105

Table 6 – Contd.,
19. Punjab 35
20. Rajasthan 17
21. Sikkim 19
22. Tamil Nadu 27
23. Tripura 30
24. Uttar Pradesh 31
25. West Bengal 36
26. Uttaranchal 19
27. Chhatisgarh 13
28. Daman & Diu 48
29. Delhi 43
30. Chandigarh 41
31. Andaman & Nicobar Islands 41
32. Lakshadweep 36
33. Pondicherry 38
34. Dadra & Nagar Haveli 23
35. Jharkhand 22
INDIA 26
Source: Government of India (2003), Economic Survey: 2002-03, P. 222.

Studies conducted by the M.S. Swaminathan Research Foundation have shown that most poor women work 18
hours a day. Of this, seven to eight hours go to economic activity, which fetches them a paltry Rs.15-20 per day. The
remaining time is taken up in household chores and other activities such as collecting fodder, fetching water and so on,
which do not have any economic value, Bhagat Rasheeda (1996).

While the strenuous work of women in household and unorganised sectors largely goes economically
unrecognized, unrecorded and un-rewarded, the situation in organised sector is a different one. Most women do not get
even entry into the employment in organised sector. In fact, gross inequalities are manifested in gender-wise employment
in organised sector in India. As could be seen from Table–3.7 in the year 1990, males occupied an overwhelming
proportion of total employment aggregating to about 86 per cent in the organized public and private sector and women
could get only 14 per cent.

Table 7: Gender-wise Employment in Organised Sector in India (Percent)

Public Sector Private Sector Total

Years
Male Female Male Female Male Female
1990 88.02 11.98 81.62 18.38 86.17 13.82
1995 86.65 13.35 79.80 20.20 84.63 15.36
1997 86.06 13.94 78.02 21.97 83.58 16.42
1999 85.52 14.48 76.80 23.20 82.82 17.18
2001 85.06 14.94 75.84 24.16 82.19 17.81
2002 84.62 15.38 75.70 24.30 81.86 18.14
2003 84.36 15.64 75.49 24.51 81.60 18.40
Source: Govt. of India (2005), Economic Survey: 2004-05, P. S-50.

Gender disparities were still higher in public sector where only about 12 per cent of women were employed
when compared to private sector where about 18 per cent of total employment was in the hands of women. One consoling
feature as could be observed from the table is that gender disparities in employment seemed to be gradually narrowing
down over the years 1990 and 2003. For instance, in the year 2003, the share of women in the organized sector rose to
18.4 per cent. In public and private sectors also, the share of women in the employment surged to 15.6 per cent and 24.5
per cent respectively.
106 M. R. Geetha Bala

These apart, males largely control technical cadres, top administrative and management positions as well as
professionals. While in industrial countries women accounted for 37 per cent of administrators and managers, and 50 per
cent of professional and technical workers, the corresponding figures for India were paltry 2 per cent and 21 per cent
respectively,UNDP, (1998).

ACCESS TO INCOME AND PROPERTY

Another important factor, which influences, status of women, is women's ability to earn an independent income
through paid employment. This opportunity tends to enhance the social standing of a woman in the household and in the
society. Being less dependent on others, her contribution to the prosperity of the family and to the society would be more
visible and she will have more voice in decision making in the family, Sarup, Anand and Sulabha Brahme (1990).
Economic independency is certainly an indispensable move towards achieving women empowerment. A comparison of
the workload on men and women bring out startling inferences. An employed woman puts in more than twice as much as
an employed man. However, her income per work hour is only a little more than a fourth of a man. A careful analysis of
available evidence on women’s access to income reveals that even in developed countries, the share of women in total
income is awfully low.

Even in countries with high human development, women could share only 34 per cent of total earned income
while men appropriate the rest. In countries with low human development women could get only 28.6 per cent of earned
income. There are striking disparities in the share of women in earned income between industrial countries (38 per cent)
and India (25.4 per cent). In other words, in India nearly three-fourth of earned income is controlled by about half of total
population.

Women's rights to inherit, own and control property are determined by the values and norms, which are socially
acceptable, as well as the mechanisms of intra-household decision making and distribution. Economic theory offers
precisely little to understand the mechanism involved although the old Institutional Economics made an attempt in this
direction. The primary objective of inheritance system in Indian society has been to preserve property especially landed
property intact for male heirs. Under the Hindu Succession Act 1956, a Hindu girl is entitled to a share in the property of
her parents, along with her brothers. Bina Agarwal (1994) argues that land is the most important productive resource for
women in India. Jeemol Unni (1999) pleads for joint titles to agricultural land and urban housing Nevertheless, as pointed
out by Krishnaji.N (1992) whatever be the spirit of law and custom women fail in general to obtain rights to ownership of
(or control over) land. He added that even though women were the formal legal owners, management of land was taken
over by men depriving women not only of headship in a formal sense, but of much else.

In spite of the not so effective Hindu Succession Act of 1956, in many families in India dowry is considered to
be an important share of property. In fact as held by Chowdary (1997) women themselves accord legitimacy to dowry by
accepting this as their share in their patrimony. In Coastal Andhra Pradesh, the dowry or 'Katnam' is regarded as bride's
property, and even when it is a part of the family land, women identify it as their own land. But the question is whether
dowry really constitutes a fair share of the woman in the family property? A couple of studies have attempted to assess the
nature and extent of dowry. Chowdhary points out that in majority of cases, the dowry does not generate income in the
same way that lands do. More over, the share of property of women that goes in the form of dowry is very low. Carol
Updhyay (1990) estimates that total value of dowries given to all daughters in Coastal Andhra Pradesh amounts to 25 to 39
per cent of the value of the family property and the rest goes to male children. In only one case the total dowry given to
two daughters was of the order of 50 per cent and the rest went to the only male child.
Status of Women in India and Andhra Pradesh 107

The legal reforms so far have not been adequate to give all Indian women a right to property on the same terms as
men. It varies with religion. Even where law has given a right, conventions and practices do not recognize them. Women
themselves relinquish their rights. Women as daughters, wives, daughters-in-law, mothers or sisters tend to lose out and
often suffer deprivation.

To quote Justice Sujata V. Manohar: "...It is not easy to eradicate deep seated cultural values or to alter
traditions that perpetuate discrimination. It is fashionable to denigrate the role of law reform in bringing about social
change. Obviously law, by itself, may not be enough. Law is only an instrument. It must be effectively used. And mis-
effective use depends, as much on a supportive judiciary as on the social will to change. An active social reform
movement, if accompanied by legal reform, properly enforced, can transform society. And an effective social reform
movement does need the help of law and a sympathetic judiciary to achieve its objectives.” - Web Site on Women
Empowerment.

An obvious example is the Sati eradication movement. Raja Ram Mohan Roy's campaign for eradication of Sati
when backed by Lord Bentinck's Sati Regulation of 1829 brought the practice to an end. Empowerment of women will be
a reality if the social movement is also backed by legal reform to enforce property rights and an equal social status in the
society.

FOOD, NUTRITION AND HEALTH

Economic models on entitlement and poverty are often constructed on the assumption that the distribution of
commodities among different members of the family is done so as to equalise welfare or according to need. However,
there is considerable evidence to show that intra-family divisions often involve very unequal treatments. The systematic
deprivation of women vis-a-vis men in many societies (particularly that of girls vis-a-vis boys) has attracted a good deal of
attention recently, and there is a fair amount of evidence in that direction from many parts of the world, including South
Asia, West Asia, North Africa and China, Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a). It is argued that women particularly in
poor families often get the leftovers after the men and children have had their meal Sarup, Anand and Sulabha Brahme
(1990). A number of studies also bring out the fact that in distress situations like famines or shortages of food, the
priorities of the family are often pro-male and that women's entitlement to food is still lower. It is not easy to observe
directly who is eating how much from a shared kitchen. Claims regarding unequal treatment in the division of food are
typically based on indirect information such as women with anemia, maternal mortality rate etc.

Maternal mortality rate which is as low as 30 per one lakh live births in industrial countries and as high as 1100
in the least developed countries averaged to 430 in the world. There is no complacency in India's MMR of 440 which is
much lower than that in the least developed countries (1100). India has to go a long way to the MMR level of 30 achieved
in industrial countries. Many studies on food in take nutritional status and survival chances confirm the pattern of gender
differentials as indicated by FMR discussed already. Anti-female discrimination in health and nutrition is endemic in
South Asia but much less noticeable in the case of Sub-Saharan Africa.

Sen and Sengupta (1983) calculated an index of under nourishment, which gives a summary measure of the
extent of under nourishment in any group. The higher the index, the worse is the aggregate status of the group. This under
nourishment also differs according to caste groups. The extent of undernourishment among girls has been consistently
higher than that among boys in all caste groups of population in India. The extent of undernourishment among scheduled
castes, scheduled tribes and Muslim boys and girls is more severe than that among general caste Hindus.
108 M. R. Geetha Bala

The differential mortality rates between females and males need not be wholly or even primarily due to
prevalence of discrimination in the distribution of food among family members. It might as well occur from unequal
access to health care. It is a mistake to concentrate exclusively on the delivery of food and to ignore the tremendous
interdependence and complementarity’s that obtain between the use of food and other resources such as health care, Dreze,
Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a) Female-male disparities are found even in the matter of access to health care system mostly
in less developed countries. There are direct and indirect causes of maternal mortality. Direct causes such as Hemorrhage,
Puerperal complications, Obstructed labour, Abortions and Toxemia account for about three-fourth of maternal deaths and
indirect causes such as Anemia, Pregnancy with TB/malaria/viral hepatitis/ and other reasons account for about one-fourth
of deaths, Rajiv Misra, Rachel Chatterjee and Sujatha Rao.

In most cases as noted already women do not get their normal food requirements. More over, women in the age
group of 15-41 years require additional nutrition during pregnancy and lactation periods. It is estimated that 50 per cent of
the women in India suffer and sometimes die of anemia during pregnancy. A woman in India is usually expected to go on
bearing children till she produced a male without any spacing between children. This is another reason for poor health
status of Indian women. Along with mothers, girls of poor families also suffer from malnutrition. The death rate among
female children in the age group of 0-4 is higher than that among male children. The maternal and child health services
such as special nutrition programmes for women, Integrated Child Development Programme (ICDS) have met with limited
success.

ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL POWERS

For a very long period, women have secluded themselves from politics. Public Administration and politics, by
and large, are considered to be the exclusive privilege of men. In recent years women's participation in politics and in
policy making spheres has significantly increased. The importance of women's participation in politics arises from the fact
that 'politics' confers authority to exercise power, to make policies, make decisions and ensure an effective control over
government machinery.Madhok, Alaka (1995). During freedom movement in India, a very large section of women came
out of their domestic seclusion and participated in dharnas, picketing and protests side by side with men. But after
independence the spirit seemed to have disappeared and women's participation in politics has been disappointing.

A cursory glance at Table-2.10 indicates that the proportion of male voters to total males was 53 per cent. Later
it increased to 70.79 per cent in 1989, which again decelerated to 52.56 per cent in 1991. At the same time, the proportion
of female voters to total females also soared from 37.10 per cent in 1952 to 47.42 percent in 1991 amidst fluctuations. The
number of seats won by females also rose from 23 to 44 between 1951 and 2004. In relative terms, the percentage of
female M.Ps in Lok Sabha was 4.40 per cent in 1952. It surged to the highest level of 7.90 per cent in 1984 when women
won the maximum number of 59 seats and later it plummeted to 6.60 per cent in 1991but once again surged to 8.16 per
cent in 2004 Election Commission of India (Web Site). These statistics clearly indicate that the representation of women in
Lok Sabha, the highest decision making body in country is awfully low, far lower than their legitimate share of 50 per cent.
The sporadic efforts of government to bring about 1/3 reservation in Indian parliament and state legislatures has been
thwarted by certain vested interests accustomed to power.

GENDER RELATED DEVELOPMENT INDEX

Per capita income has long been considered as an indicator of wellbeing of people in a country. However, per
capita income does not take into account many vital aspects of Human Development. Recognising this fact, the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has been furnishing Human Development Indices (HDI) since 1990 by taking
Status of Women in India and Andhra Pradesh 109

into account three key indicators of Human Development namely life expectancy, educational attainment and adjusted
income. The HDI, however, fails to take into account the glaring inequalities existing between men and women in vital
areas of Human Development. Accordingly, Gender Related Development Index (GDI) has been conceived. GDI
measures achievement in the same dimensions and variables as the HDI but captures inequalities in achievement between
women and men. Greater the gender disparity in basic human development, the lower the country's GDI compared with its
HDI. Differing from the GDI, the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) exposes inequality in women's opportunities
tracking such key indicators as percentages of women in parliament, among administrators and managers and among
professional and technical workers as well as women's earned income share as a percentage of men's. While HDI is
constructed for 174 countries, GDI is available for 163 countries and GEM for only 102 countries.

Among High Human Development Countries, Gender disparities seemed to be very low in Norway as there is
near concurrence between HDI, GDI and GEM and very high in France as there is wide disparity between GDI and GEM.
Among Medium Human Development Countries, gender inequalities are very high in Bulgaria and Tureky as implied by
high rank values for these countries. In particular Turkey’s achievement with regard to empowerment of women has been
very poor. In all low human development countries under consideration, gender disparities seem to be very low as GDI
and GEM rank values are lower than HDI rank. India's record with reference to GDI and GEM is better than that of
Pakistan implying that Indian women enjoy more equality than their counterparts in Pakistan. On the lines of UNDP's
HDI, GDI and GEM, some attempts are also made in India to construct these indices for various Indian states by Mehta,
A.K. (1996).

According to these studies, Kerala and Maharastra respectively occupied the fist and second places in both GDI
and GEM. Andhra Pradesh occupied 9th rank in HDI and 8th and 9th ranks in GDI and GEM respectively. Thus there is no
disparity between HDI and GEM in Andhra Pradesh. Planning Commission of India also brought out National Human
Development Report in 2001. Table–3.9 furnishes the Human Development Index and Gender Development index for
major Indian states and union territories in 1991.

Table 8: HDI and GDI Values for Major Indian States – 1991

HDI GDI
S. N States and UTs
Value Rank Value Rank
1 Andaman & Nicobar Is. 0.574 5 0.857 2
2 Andhra Pradesh 0.377 23 0.801 8
3 Arunachal Pradesh 0.328 29 0.776 11
4 Assam 0.348 26 0.575 29
5 Bihar 0.308 32 0.469 32
6 Chandigargh 0.674 1 0.764 14
7 Chhatisgarh -- -- -- -
8 Dadra & Nagar Haveli 0.361 25 0.832 3
9 Daman & Diu 0.544 8 0.714 20
10 Delhi 0.624 2 0.690 23
11 Goa 0.575 4 0.775 12
12 Gujarat 0.431 17 0.714 18
13 Haryana 0.443 16 0.714 19
14 Himachal Pradesh 0.469 13 0.858 1
15 Jammu & Kashmir 0.402 21 0.740 16
16 Jharkhand -- -- -- --
17 Karnataka 0.412 19 0.753 15
18 Kerala 0.591 3 0.825 4
19 Lakshadweep 0.532 10 0.680 24
20 Madhya Pradesh 0.328 30 0.662 25
110 M. R. Geetha Bala

Table – 8 Contd.,
21 Maharashtra 0.452 15 0.793 15
22 Manipur 0.536 9 0.815 5
23 Meghalaya 0.365 24 0.807 7
24 Mizoram 0.548 7 0.770 13
25 Nagaland 0.486 11 0.729 17
26 Orissa 0.345 28 0.639 27
27 Pondicherry 0.571 6 0.783 10
28 Punjab 0.475 12 0.710 21
29 Rajasthan 0.347 27 0.692 22
30 Sikkim 0.425 18 0.647 26
31 Tamil Nadu 0.466 14 0.813 6
32 Tripura 0.389 22 0.531 30
33 Uttar Pradesh 0.314 31 0.520 31
34 Uttaranchal -- -- -- --
35 West Bengal 0.404 20 0.631 28
INDIA 0.381 -- 0.676 --
Note: The original GDI ranks given in the book do not tally with the values concerned.
Source: Planning Commission, Govt. of India (2002), National Human Development Report –
2001, New Delhi, P. 141.

Many interesting observations could be drawn from Table-3.9. Among 32 Indian States and Union Territories
under study Chandigarh topped in the Human Development and Himachala Pradesh topped in the Gender Development
Index. But Chandigarh performed poor in Gender Development with a rank of 14. Similarly, Himachala Pradesh
performed badly in Human Development with a rank of 13.

But some states and union territories like Kerala, Maharastra, Pondicherry, and Tamil Nadu performed well in
terms of both Human Development and in Gender Development and obtained near consistent results in both. Some states
like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Assam performed equally badly in both human Development and in Gender
Development. Punjab and Haryana, the two developed states displayed a dismal picture in terms of HDI and GDI. Tamil
Nadu and Karnataka had better human development than gender development even at the average level. Andhra Pradesh
did well in GDI than in HDI. This summary measure like other indicators discussed earlier, clearly reiterate the fact that
there are glaring gender disparities in Northern sates like Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and Haryana. Even though Andhra
Pradesh and Tamil Nadu are better than these states in terms of gender equality, they have to go a long way to reach the
level attained by their neighbouring Kerala state.

SUMMARY

The biological sex differences between men and women bring with them in all known societies enormous
cultural divisions. In fact women and men see their own lives, from the inside, very differently. Add to this, social
(gender) institutions and attitudes every where divide up kinds of activity between the sexes and deprive women of their
true role in society leading to denigration of intelligence, stifling of initiative and blocking of progress of women. This
invariably gives rise to gender inequality. The gender inequalities build on each other; lower levels of female literacy and
female labour force participation lead to significantly higher level of infant mortality and push up fertility levels. These in
turn cement circular causal links with low literacy, low female labour force participation, low income, low property and
low status of women. The suppression of women from participation in social, political and economic life hurts the people
as a whole, not just women. Gender inequality is not only a social failure in itself; it also leads to other social failures. The
findings of the study indicate that men still continue to dominate the women depriving them of many crucial needs of the
Status of Women in India and Andhra Pradesh 111

life. The National Policy of women empowerment 2001 is to be implemented more vigorously in order to achieve the
equality of women with men on all walks of life. Any attempt to improve the status of Indian women, any weaning away
from the patriarchal bias, any attempt to undo the centuries of injustice meted out on the other half of the society, any
aggressive movement towards women autonomy must necessarily carry an economic base. Short of this it would only be a
political platitude.

REFERENCES

1. Agarwal, Bina (1994), a Field of One's Own Gender and Land Rights in South Asia, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.

2. Bhagat Rasheeda (1996),'Talking and Actingtoo', the Hindu, Dec. 24, P. 24.

3. Chowdary, Prem (1997), 'A Matter of Two Shares A Daughter's Claim to Patrilineal Property in Rural North
India', Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol.34, No.3, July - Sep., PP. 321-354.

4. Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a), India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, P. 140.

5. Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a), Op. Cit. P.141.

6. Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a), Op. Cit., PP. 176-177.

7. Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen, (eds.) (1999b), Hunger and Public Action, Delhi: Oxford University Press, P. 51.

8. Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen, (eds.) (1999b), Op. Cit., P. 53.

9. Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen, (eds.) (1999b), Op. Cit., P. 55.

10. Election Commission of India (Web Site)

11. For a thorough discussion on the causes of low FMR in India see Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a).

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid., March 7, 1999.

14. Ibid., P. 141.

15. Ibid., P. 142.

16. Ibid., P. 160.

17. Krishnaji, N (1992), 'Poverty and Sex Ratio: Data and Speculation', In: Pauperising Agriculture - Studies in
Agrarian Change and Demographic Structure, Bombay: Oxford University Press and Sameeksha Trust, PP.
199-217.

18. Madhok, Alaka (1995), 'Women in Public Life', Yojana, Vol.38, No.24, January 15, P. 18.

19. Nussabaum, Martha C. and Amartya Sen (1999), The Quality of Life, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, P.
279.

20. Rajiv Misra, Rachel Chatterjee and Sujatha Rao (eds.), India Health Report, New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, P. 85.
 112 M. R. Geetha Bala

21. Sarup, Anand and Sulabha Brahme (1990), Op. Cit., P. 118.

22. Sarup, Anand and Sulabha Brahme (1990), Planning for the Millions - Promise & Performance, New Delhi:
Wiley Eastern Limited, P. 116.

23. Sen, Amartya and Sunil Sengupta (1983), 'Malnutrition of Rural Indian Children and the Sex Bias', Economic
and Political Weekly, No.18, Annual Number.

24. The Hindu (Daily), December 13, 1998, P. 2.

25. UNDP (1998), Human Development Report - 1998, PP. 154-155.

26. Unni, Jeemol (1999), 'Property Rights for Women: Case for Joint Titles to Agricultural Land and Urban Housing',
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.34, No.21, May 22-28, P. 1281.

27. Updhyay, Carol Boyack (1990), 'Dowry and Women's Property in Coastal Andhra Pradesh', Contributions to
Indian Sociology, Vol.24, No.1, Jan - June, PP. 29-60.

28. Usha Nayar (2002), ‘Education of Girls in India: An Assessment’, In R. Govinda (ed.), India Education Report:
A Profile of Basic Education, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, P. 39.

29. Web Site on Women Empowerment.

30. World Bank (1999), Op. Cit., PP. 179-180.

31. World Bank (1999), World Development Report - 1998/99, P. 17.

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