land. Their opinion is predicated on the political scenes of 1971 and afterwards: The country had lost more than half of its territory (the present Bangladesh). Pak Army was responsible for it. A humiliating defeat had demoralised it. The charismatic ZAB (Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) was the populist leader with an ideal manifesto. He had fired senior generals and there was no unrest in the Army. The latter had accepted his supremacy. Martial law in future was impossible.
To strengthen this hypothesis, ZAB ignored seven
senior generals to handpick Zia as the army chief, thinking, he will not bite the hand that feeds. Zia imposed martial law. He abrogated the Constitution and through amendments after amendments deformed it. He promised to hold ‘free and fair elections’ within 90 days (from the day of the coup) and kept on postponing it till 1985. His brand of ‘free and fair’ election was based on party-less system. He ruled for 11 years in uniform.
Nawaz Sharif’s heavy mandate of 1997 went to his
head. After orchestrating an attack on the Supreme Court, he thought he is the ‘Czar’. He ignored two senior generals and handpicked the junior Musharraf as the army chief repeating the same move that checkmated ZAB. By then he had emerged as the prime minister more powerful than ZAB because he had sent an army chief home (Jehangir Karamat). He was besieged by an army of sycophants and lifafa (paid) journalists who would croon day and night his most favourite lullaby: ‘Martial Law Impossible!’ His crawlers projected him as ‘Amirul Momineen’ (commander of the faithful) and he was such a devout airhead to believe it. He proposed the Shariat Bill to anoint himself as Amirul Momineen. The sycophants had succeeded in making him believe that a goat in fact is a lion that can easily tear apart any wild animal in the jungle kingdom. So, the mouse took on the cat on October 12, 1999. Not even the smallest fraction of the heavy mandate took to the street. However, we witnessed people welcoming the coup by distributing sweets. Amirul Momineen’s companions deserted him, declared Musharraf a Messiah and started dancing attendance on him.
Today’s the dwellers of the CITA Town (castles in
the air) believe that the ‘historic yarn’ of October 27 (joint presser by the DG ISI and ISPR) has put the Army on the back foot. The revolution has come – people can use filthy language against the Army in public, something they did not do in private in the past. Azam Swati and Imran Khan can openly sling mud on the Army. Character assassination of the senior army officers and political opponents is the name of the game now. The youths have rote-learnt the Magna Carta. Long gone are the days when a grade-21 ‘clerk’ could have slapped the 220 million people with the military rule. This is the age of internet and social media. General Bajwa has become too controversial. He has brought a bad name to the Army. Thus, martial law is out of question.
The 1971 had disheartened the Army. By 2022, it
has the strength of a triangle. It can impose martial law whenever it wishes. The ‘sun of democracy’ never rose in Pakistan. The ‘monster of martial law’ has been covering it and we are witnessing a ‘democracy eclipse’ since 1947 – proclaimed or unannounced.
Bajwa can’t and will not impose martial law. True!
But who can stop his successor? He will bear no spots of controversies on his uniform. He will receive a clean slate. Considering the crippled state of economy and the current political stalemate (a mess left by his predecessor), he can impose martial law – for the 90 days like Zia or for an indefinite period. The masses will welcome him. They have had enough: change (tabdeeli), new Pakistan, revolution, freedom march, etc.