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Man and Marijuana: Some Aspects of their Ancient Relationship.

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Man and Marijuana
Some Aspects of Their Ancient Re latioru
$3.95
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...., MAN AND MARIJUANA
MARK MERLIN Some Aspects of Their Ancient Relationship
For cenruries the subject of hemp ( Cannabis sativa) has been
shrouded in myth and misconceptions, varying from absurd adu-
lation to zealous condemnation. In the lasr few years the remark-
able swell of interest in and use of the plant has been reflected
in a rash of ropicaJ books about ir. Very little has been done,
Mark David Merlin
however, co describe the long and worldwide history of man's
use of hemp--not only as a euphoric, but as a fiber, an oil, and
a medicine--and it is ro this neglected aspect rhat Mr. Merli n
devotes his study.
The book opens with a look at the botanical aspects of the
hemp planr, including a shore discussion of irs place in the
ecology and the narural factors conrriburing to its geographical
dispersal. Mr. Merlin then suggests some historical bases for the
use of marijuana in various traditional societies, and concludes
by tracing the cultural diffusion of hemp throughout .many
European and Asian communities. This well-researched and
concise study is a welcome needed addition to the growing
Lirerarure on a controversial subject.
-
'--
About the Author C
Born 28 years ago in Los Angeles, Mark Merlin has lived the )>
last four io the Hawaiian Islands. He eamed his Bachelor's de- Z
gree in hisrory from the Universicy of California ar Santa Barbara )>--
and his Master's degree in geography from the University of
Hawaii, where he was a teaching assisranr for cwo years. His
inreresrs include narural hiscory, man's many cultures, educational
cinematography, and creative reaching. He has traveled widely,
and bas worked as a college instructor, phorographer, and archae-
ologist.

ISBN 0-498-04095-X L.C. 73-150239 Printed in U.S.A.

A Perperua Book

o utla Brwaswick au d New York :

A. S. Banies and Company
MAN AND MARIJUANA
Some Aspects of Their Ancient Relationship

Mark David Merlin

A PERPETUA BOOK ©::Q)

A. S. Barnes and Company, Inc.
South Brunswick • New York
 © 1972 by Associated University Presses, Inc.
Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 73·150239

A. S. Barnes and Company, Inc.

Cranbury, New Jersey 08512 Contents
Pcrpetua Edition, 1973

Acknowledgments 7
Introduction 9
Chapter 1. Botanical Aspects of the Hemp Plant
(Cannabis Sativa) 15
A. Classi£cati.on 15
B. Gross Morphology 15
C. Ecology 17
1. Cannabis sativa and Insolation 18
2. Cannabis sativa and Temperature 18
3. Cannabis sativa and Moisture 18
4. The Protective Resin of Cannabis sativa 20
5. Ecological Races of Cannabis sativa 20
6. Cannabis satioa within a Plant Community 21
7. The Soil Requirements of Cannabis satfoa 23
D. The Origin of Cannabis satfoa 24
E. Agencies Affecting the Dispersal of
Cannabis sativa 28
1. The Agency of Streams and Rivers 28
2. The Agency of Wind 29
3. The Agency of Animals (Exclusive of Man) 29
4. The Agency of Man 31
F. Factors Affecting the Geographical
Distribution of Cannabis sativa 32
G. The Present Distribution of Cannabis sativa 34
lSBN : 0-498-04095-X Chapter 2. Ethnobotanical Origins: The Earliest
Printed in the United States of America Uses of Cannabis 36
5
6 MAN AND MABIJUANA

A. The Early Relationships among Man,

Cannabis, and the Environment 38
B. Traces in the Remote Past of Cultural Man 40
C. The Many Uses of Cannabis 45 Acknowledgments
I. Cannabis as a Fiber Source 45
2. Cannabis Seed for Food and Oil 48
3. Cannabis for Medicinal Purposes 48
4. Cannabis as a Hallucinogen 50 I would like to thank Dr. William Clarke for his
D. Transitions to Cultivation and Civilization 53 sensitive guidance, and Mrs. Joan Abramson, Dr. James
Chapter 3. Evidences for the Early Historic Use O. Juvik, Diane Purcel, Armando Da Silva, Diane Archi-
and Diffusion of Cannabis Sativa 56 bald, and Dr. Forrest Pitts for their assistance and inspira-
A. Hemp's Association with Migrating Nomads 57 tion. I am especially grateful to Dr. John Street, Dr.
B. The Cultural Diffusion of Hemp into Roland Fuchs, and the fine Department of Geography
Southwest Asia 61 at the University of Hawaii for encouraging and facilitat-
C. The Cultural Diffusion of Hemp into ing my efforts.
Mediterranean Europe 70
D. Hemp in Ancient China 73
E. The Cultural Diffusion of Hemp into Ancient
India ( South Asia) 83
F . An Outline of the Cultural Diffusion of Hemp
within Ancient India 106
Summary 108
Bibliography 110
Index 117

7
 Introduction

Marijuana is a Spanish-American epithet for the hemp

plant and for a euphoric preparation of dried hemp leaves
and Rowers that is smoked for intoxication. It should be
noted that hemp is the common plant name for Cannabis
or Cannabis sativa. Both the common and scientific names
will be used in this study.
For centuries the subject of hemp has been shrouded
largely in myth and misconception, varying from absurd
adulation to zealous condemnation. In the last few years
the remarkable swell of interest and use of this contro-
versial plant has been reflected by a rash of topical books
about it. However, one enigmatic aspect of hemp-the
long and diffused history of man's diverse use of the plant
- has up to now been overlooked. To this lack of research
I have directed this work.
Essentially, the basic theme here is an investigation
of its ethnobotanical origins and early cultural diffusions.
Where, when, why, and bow did early man use the plant?
Under what kinds of favorable environmental conditions
did man's relationship with hemp begin? And how did
hemp's various uses spread from one society to another?
Valid, logical speculations on the origin of man's asso-
ciation with any plant must be based on a fundamental
understanding of several botanical aspects. Especially
important is the ecology of the plant in terms of its en-
9
 INTRODUCI'ION 11
10 MAN AND MARIJUANA
work submitted to the Department of Geography at the
viroomental adaptation to such variables as climate, soil,
University of Hawaii as partial requirement for a Master
topography, and other organisms, including man. Thus
of Arts degree. Hopefully, it will serve as a basic frame-
the first section describes various appropriate botanical
work for our understanding of man's ancient and multi-
aspects of the hemp plant Here I hope that readers will
purpose association with hemp.
benefit from the relevant general information about plants
and ecology that is included.
Based on environmental and anthropological informa-
tion, the second section is a formulation of theory on
man's earliest uses of the hemp plant. These speculations,
I think, raise some significant q uestions about its possible
cultural importance. Could it have been one of the earliest
domesticated plants and therefore have played an im-
portant role in the crucial transition from hunting and
gathering to incipient agriculture? Did man first use the
plant for economic reasons (as a source of fiber, medicine,
oil, or food) or primarily for spiritual or religious pur-
poses (as a psychoactive substance)? There is the interest-
ing possibility that the earliest domesticated animals and
cultivated plants-such as the cow and even hemp-may
have been directly managed, first for entertainment or
ceremonial reasons. Did Homo religiosus precede Homo
economicus? The second section outlines the extraordinary
variety of economic, therapeutic, recreational, and spiritual
uses that man has found for the plant.
The final section traces the spread of man's use of hemp
from a hearth area in central Asia to ancient China,
India, Europe, and southwest Asia. Details of hemp's
intriguing historic diffusion have been marshaled from
the academic disciplines of archaeology, history, anthro-
pology, geography, botany, ecology, linguistics, and com-
parative mythology.
The following study certainly is not a definitive nor
comprehensive history of the plant. It is largely research
MAN AND MARIJUANA
 Chapter 1.
Botanical Aspects of the
Hemp Plant (Cannabis Sativa)

A CLASSI FI CATION

Hemp's scientific name, Cannabis satioa L., was first

assigned by Linnaeus, the great Swedish naturalist and
classifier. The plant is a dicotyledonous angiosperm in the
sub-class of Hammam£lidae, and in the order of Urticales,
" . . . an extremely reduced group of families, from mostly
woody to more rarely herbaceous, but remaining fibrous."1
It is also variously classified as a monotypic genus in
both the large Moraceae family and, probably more ap-
propriately, in the very small family of Cannabinaceae,
which consists of just two species, Cannabis sat-iva and
Humulus lupulus ( the hop plant) .2• 1 • 4

B. GROSS MORPHOLOGY
Hemp is a polymorphic, annual weed that varies in
1. John Hutchinson, The Familie• of Fl.owerlng Plant• (Oxford,
England, 1959 ), p. 107.
2. Norman R. Farnsworth, "Hallucinogenic Plants," Science 162 (6
December 1968), p. 1086.
3. H. Y. Mohan Ram and Ravindra Nath, "The Morphology and
Embryology of Cannabis sativa Linn," Phytomorphology 14 ( 1964 ),
414-29.
4. Hutchinson, op. cit., p. 167.
15
16 MAN AND MARIJUANA
height from 0.75 to 4.5 meters.11 The stalk of the plant is
hollow, herbaceous, four-cornered, and may grow to be
two inches in diameter. Both male and female plants have
striking leaves that make them easily identifiable. They
are "... large and palmately compound, each having five
to seven linear-lanceolate leaflets, with serrate (toothed
or notched ) leaf margins. 6 The dioecious nature (having
male and female individuals) of Cannabis sativa has been
a significant factor in its natural and cultural evolution.
The etbnobotanical importance of this sexual characteris-
tic will be discussed in the following material. The male
(staminate) plant usually grows taller than the female
(pistillate) plant.7 In addition, there are certain significant
differences in Horal morphology.
The male flowers occur in drooping, axillary panfoles with
subulate bracts. Each flower has £ve free, unequal and
downy periantb lobes. The five antiphyllous stamens have
short filaments with large, pendulous and longitudinally
dehiscing anthers.
The female flowers arise in crowded racemes with leafy
bracts. The perianth consists of a single, green, persistent,
spathe-like structure which encloses the ovary. The former
is covered over by a short brownish gland.
At the base of the ovary and inner to the periantb is a
cupule-like structure. The ovary is subglobose, unilocular
and contains a pendulous anatropous ovule. The style is
highly reduced and bears two elongated glandular stigmas.
The fruit is grayish, smooth and is enclosed by the persistent
calycine perianths. It is bivalved and one seeded.8
Another important morphological characteristic is the
5. Ram, op. cit., p. 414.
6. Farnsworth, op. cit., p. 1086.
7. Farnsworth, op. ell., p. 1086.
8. Ram, op. cit., pp. 414-16.
BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 17
glandular hair on the perianth lobes of the female flowers
and anther lobes of male stamens.• This hair secretes a
resinous material that spreads over the inflorescence and
to a lesser degree over the lower portions of the plant;
this secretion protects the reproductive organs from ex-
cessive transpiration. It is this glandular resin that con-
tains hallucinogenic properties.10 • 11
C. ECOLOGY
The relationships between an individual plant and its
environment ( autecology) are complex and determine the
representative phenotypes ( varieties) of the species. What
are the significant environmental parameters for the hemp
plant? Unfortunately, abundant and quantified informa-
tion concerning the physiological ecology of Cannabis
sattva is not fully available. However, some descriptive
generalizations that relate to the subject can be inferred,
especially concerning those aspects of hemp's relationship
to the environment that affect the plant products avail-
able to man. Hopefully, additional data will be collected
and analyzed in the future to give us a more complete
ecological knowledge of the hemp plant.
Aside from the purely scientific importance of such knowl-
edge, there is great practical value in knowing how the life
cycle of a weed, a forest tree, or a meadow grass is affected
by the environment.12
9. Ram, op. cit., p. 417.
10. Farnsworth, op. cit., p. 1086.
11. Raphael Mechoulam and Caoni Yebiel, ''The Absolute Configura-
tion of Tetrahyd.rocannobinol, the Major Constituent of Hashish,"
Totra11edron Lett. (1967), 1.2: 1107-1111.
12. John Billings, The Plant and ths Eco~stem, (Belmont, California,
1965), p. 46.
18 MAN AND MARIJUANA
The genetic plasticity of Cannabis sativa enables wide
pbenotypic variability in adapting to diverse conditions.
This annual's ability to germinate, develop, mature, pIO-
duce viable fruit, and disperse its seed within three to
five months is a significant aspect of its unusual adapt-
ability. Hemp can inhabit areas that experience the neces-
sary environmental condtions (such as adequate solar
radiation, appropriate temperatures, and sufficient mois-
ture) only seasonally as well as those that experience
these conditions throughout the year.
1. Cannabis sativa and Insolation
Being a beliotropic (sun-loving ) plant, Cannabis sativa
is less tolerant of shade than most other species. It thrives
best in open soil conditions where it does not have to
compete with taller plants for insolation available in
"open" environments (scars in the vegetation created by
such activities as river cutting and human disturbance).
2. Cannabis sativa and Temperature
Temperature requirements are not known, but Cannabis
sativa seems (if only because of its latitudinal distribu-
tion) to be more adaptable to excessive beat than cold.
In higher latitudes it is planted in late spring and har-
vested at the end of the short summer, thus avoiding the
cold temperature of the low sun or winter period.
3. Cannabis sativa and Moisture
The hemp plant needs very little water, except during
germination and establishment. In fact, hemp can grow
BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 19
and reproduce under a wide range of moisture regimes.
Most metabolic and physiologic plant processes are af-
fected by water, but the relationship between moisture
stress and the many plant functions varies with the indi-
vidual stages of development, and the edaphic (soil)
and climatic conditions.13 Water deficiencies may affect
the pattern of growth and physiological activity of Can-
nabis sativa in such diverse ways as changing root, branch,
and leaf development; Hower formation; seed production;
and resin secretion.
Cannabis sativa can thrive, physiologically, under sub-
bumid and arid conditions.
Hemp requires about UO days for its growth. It should have
a rainfall of at least 10 inches during this period. If the level
of free water in the soil is within 8 to 10 feet from the sur-
face, as is often the case in alluvial river-bottom lands, and
the character of the soil is such that there is good capillary
action to bring the water up, hemp will not suffer from
drought, even should there be very little rainfall.14
Hemp manifests conspicuous phenotypic adaptations to
different moisture conditions. These adaptations relate
closely to the various ways in which man has and does
use this plant It should be noted that the long fibrous
cells in the hemp stalk are much more durable and flexible
when grown under mild humid conditions.111 Where
moisture stress is high in perenrually or seasonally hot
and dry environments these same cells are less well de-
veloped and more brittle. This morphologic difference is
13. Jen-Hu Chang, Climate and Agrlet1lturB (Chicago, 1968 ), p. 118.
14. Un.lted States Deparbnent of Agriculture, Farmer's Cyclopedia 5
(New York, 1914), p. 576.
15. Karl W. Klages, Ecological Crop Geography (New Yorlc, 1942),
p. 512.
20 MAN AND MARIJUANA
important if the plant is grown for strong and durable
fiber.
4. The Protective Resin of Cannabis sati1>a
Cannabis sativa secretes an insoluble resinous material
from its glandular hairs to protect the inflorescence against
excessive water loss in the hotter and drier environments.
The resin is sign.IBcant because it contains psycho-
active substances that man has long used for intoxicating
purposes. The amount of exuded resin is directly depen-
dent upon climatic conditions. Generally, the hotter and
drier the environment, the greater the secretion of resin.
The more resin secreted, the more concentrated and
powerful the hallucinogenic potency of the individual
plant.18
5. Ecological Races of Cannabis sativa
It was not until the last few decades that the genus
of Cannabis was classified as monotypic. Formerly, bot-
anists believed that more than one species of this genus
existed. Advanced theory in ecology and a qualitative
analysis of the plant indicate that the individual, and even
community, variability of Cannabis sativa is in fact either
phenotypic response to particular environmental condi-
tions or genotypic diversity (ecological race).
A few plants such as the potato, tomato, poppy, and hemp
seem to have the power of growing with equal luxuriance
under almost any climatic condition, changing or modifying
some important function as .if to adapt themselves to the
16. Nonnan R. Farnsworth, "Hallucinogenic Plants,"' Science 162 ( 6
December 1968), p. 1086.
BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 21
altered circumstance. As remarked, hemp is perhaps the
most notable example of this; hence, it prOduces a valuable
fibre in Europe, while showing little or no tendency to pro-
duce the narcotic principle which in Asia constitutes its
chief value.11
We do know that in many ways man interferes with
the environment of the hemp plant. For example, cultiva-
tion of the plant for fiber has often entailed the close
spacing of the crop to induce the development of long
stems. Another example ( as in parts of India) is the
removal of male plants from areas in proximity to female
plants before cross-pollination occurs. This eliminates fer-
tilization of the pistillate plant and intensifies the resin
secretion; the glandular hairs, mostly concentrated on the
female inflorescence, seem to slow down or cease resin
secretion when fertilized. This would seem to underscore
the protective nature of the resin secretion; once seeds
are developed and become viable, the plant has completed
seed production (its vital function as an annual), dis-
continues resin secretion, and progresses into senescence.
6. Cannabis sativa within a Plant Community
As "'rith most plant species, the intricate synecological
tolerances of Cannabis sativa are scientifically obscure.
The plants that hemp will and will not tolerate as neigh-
bors have not been fully determined. Yet this knowledge
is essential for a complete understanding of its geographi-
cal distribution.
The ultimate constitution of the vegetation must therefore
depend upon what happens to the dilierent potential con-
17. George Watt, Dictionary of IM Economic Producu of India (Cal-
cutta, 1889), 2: 105.
22 MAN AND MARIJUANA
stituents, and to what extent each is able to maintain itself
against and among the others. 18
Eventually, under stable physical conditions within the
environment, the determining factor that limits the range
and abundance of any particular species is competition.
The individual plant, to a greater or lesser extent, must
struggle with other plant associates for space, light, nutri-
ments, and water. In addition, inherent qualities such as
ch emical emanation or secretion of one species may affect
an~ther species in the community. For example, a physio-
logical process of one species may produce toxic effects
in another.
We do know that the relative growth pattern for Can-
nabis sativa varies significantly when it is in close prox-
i.Inity to certain other species.
The hemp , Cannabis sativa, if grown with spinach, Spinacia
ole~a~ea, does very badly while the spinach does very well.
:r11isis also the case, to a varying extent, when the spinach
is replaced by Secale cereale (rye), Vicia sativa, or Lepi-
dium sativ~m (garden-cress). On the contrary, the h emp
does exce~tionally well ~mpared with its companion when
the l.atter is Beta vulgans ( beet-root ), Brassica oleracea (a
species of turnip), Lupi nus luteus or Zea mays (common
com or maize) .1e
Competition among organisms in a community is com-
plex, and until the meagre amount of synecological
knowledge of hemp is expanded significantly, complete
and precise analysis of the plant's past and present dis-
tribution is impossible.
Nevertheless, the gross environmental conditions, par-
18. Ronald Cood, The Geography of the Flowering Plant.t 3 eds
(New York, 1964), p. 34.2. ' .,
19. Ibid., p. 344.
BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 23
ticularly the soil requirements, suggest some specific
explanations for the past and present distribution of
Cannabis satica.
7. The Soil Requirements of Cannabis sativa
Adaptation to particular soil conditions is another im-
portant ecological process in.B.uencing the growth and
distribution of a plant. Do we know the edaphic require-
ments of Cannabis satioa? What, if any, are the limiting
soil conditions? Does soil composition affect the pheno-
typic response of the hemp plant? Once again, precise
information is limited. However, I will indicate some
qualitative necessities and limitations that sh ould illumi-
nate pertinent ecological connections between man, the
plant, and the soil environment.
We do know that if Cannabis satioa is grown to maxi-
mize the quality and quantity of Bbrous material, soils
with calcium are well suited. "Calcareous soils are par-
ticularly well adapted to its production.''2° We also know
that if the soil is finely textured, poorly drained, or super-
saturated, normal growth of hemp will be precluded.
However, if certain basic conditions prevail, Cannabis
satioa can adapt and thrive in a relatively wide variety of
soil environments.
Hemp requires for its b est development a rich, alluvial, or
loamy soil not subject to severe drought, yet not of a swampy
condjtion. It is not to be recommended for a light sandy
soil, unless it [has] a plentiful supply of nitrogenous fertil-
izer.21
20. Karl W. Klages, Ecological Crop Ceograpliy ( New York, 1942),
p. 512.
21. Uniled States Department of Agriculture, Farmcr'1 Cycwpedla 5
(New York, 1914), p. 576.
24 MAN AND MARIJUANA
Actually, the hemp plant is quite vigorous in disturbed
and relatively well-drained soils, especially when nitrogen
deposits (often associated with man·s residence) are
abundant. In fact, hemp's affinity for nitrogen-rich soil
environments indicates a significant ecological relation-
ship between man and the plant. This relationship illumi-
nates the theme of this study and will be critically
evaluated.
D. T HE ORIGIN OF CANNABIS SATIVA
Where was the center of species formation22 of hemp?
The hemp plant grows in a wild or cultivated state over
vast areas of the world. But because its distribution is
so often closely associated with locations that are or were
inhabited or used as trade routes, the origin of the plant
is obscure. Yet a majority of scholars suggest that hemp
is most likely indigenous to central Asia.
It is thought by modem authors to be indigenous to the
temperate parts of Asia near the Caspian Sea. southern
Siberia, the Kirghiz Desert and Persia.23
One of the most ancient of cultivated plants [ Cannabis
satfoa] , is native probably to central Asia. 2~
This opinion was enhanced by the field work and theory
of a famous Russian botanist, N. I. Vavilov. In the 1920s
22. A center of species formation is the region in wh.ich a plant
origiruites, and not necessarily the cen ter of original domestication for
the plant.
23. Oakes Ames, Economic Annuals and Human Culttire.r (Cam-
bridge, Mass.. 1939), p. 26.
24. Richard Evans Schultes, "Hnllucinogens of Pla.ot Origin," Science
163 ( 17January1969), pp. 245-54.
BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 25
and 1930s, Vavilov and a team of experts carried on
expeditions to many continents, collecting information
that contributed to the understanding of the areas of
species formation and the world·s centers of primitive
agriculture.
Vavilov·s method of determining the centers of species
formation included a close investigation of certain basic
crops. He attempted to delimit geographical concentra-
tions of homologous variation (similar morphological
traits) for the principal crops of the world. In doing so,
Vavilov discovered the existence of geographical regu-
larity in the distribution of different varieties of many
crops. He suggested that the area with the maximum
diversity of varieties for a specific crop was probably the
center of species formation. Combining extensive field
work and computation, Vavilov traced the origin of many
crops to particular environments and in some cases to
specific areas.
Vavalov classified hemp as an indigenous species in
three of his major centers of species formation.21 Under
the category of fiber plants, he placed the variety of hemp
that produces large fruits in the "Chinese Center" of cul-
tivated plants. This area includes the mountainous region
of central and western China and the adjacent lowlands.
Under the category of spice plants and stimuJants, Vavi-
lov listed h emp as Cannabis indica. As I previously noted,
this psychoactively potent variety of hemp has since been
classified as an ecological race ( a species sub-group with
a phenotypic response to particular environmental con-
ditions) rather than as a distinct species. Vavilov located
25. N. I. Vavilov, '"The Origin, Variation, Immunity and Breeding
of Cullvated Plants" (translated from the Russian by K. Starr Chester).
Claronlca Botanlco ( 1949-1950) 13: nos. 1-6,
26 MAN AND MARIJUANA
this variety of hemp in the "Indian Center," which in-
cludes all of the Indian sub-continent except the regions
of northwest India, the Punjab, and the Northwest
Frontier.
Finally, under the category of grain crops, Vavi1ov
again classifled hemp as Cannabis indica and located the
plant in the "Central Asiatic Center." This comparatively
small area includes northwest India, all of Afghanistan,
the central Soviet Republics of Tadjikistan and Uzbeki-
stan, and western Tien-Shan.
Vavilov's work attracted much attention and is often
cited, but very little additional :field work and direct
research on the same specific theme has been undertaken.
Although Vavilov's evidence for the centers of diverse
varieties of agricultural crops is convincing, his interpre-
tations of the evidence are not as well accepted. 20 One
critic of Vavilov's interpretations emphasized- the sig-
nificance of crop hybridization with weeds in the evolu-
tion of varietal diversity.
Many weeds are derivative from, rather than ancestral to,
their associated crops, and consequently Vavilov's centers
of maximum diversity are not necessarily centers of primary
domestication.:?7
. . . I would suppose that these areas of greater variability
are points at which Bora (and presumably fauna) which
bad previously been separated have come together and
bybridized.28
The continued existence of primitive varieties in upland
26. Edgar Anderson, Planlt, Man and Life (London, 1952), p. 83.
27. David R. Harris, "New Light on Plant Domestication and the
Origins of Agriculture," Geograpliical Review 57 ( 1967), p. 92.
28. Anderson, op. cit., p. 86.
BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 27
areas may be mostly a result of basic conservatism of hill
peoples.
From this point of view Vavilov's ancient centers may per-
haps be centers of survival rather than centers of origin.29
Actually, Vavilov himself suggested this possibility when
he discussed the origin and distribution of hemp in central
Asia. At first, he did assert that hemp was most likely
one of the few indigenous crops of the area.
The autochthonic crops of central Asia are few, but still
such ones may be found. Of the field crops the first to be
mentioned is hemp. All over northern Tian-Shan, on its
slopes, in the valleys to the north of it, wild gro,ving hemp
is of common occurrence. The waste lots of the town
Yarkand in Kazakstan are covered with thick stands of
hemp. It grows on the ridges of fields, not infrequently
forming broad borders along the roads. In ravines, on forest
skirts, on marshy ground, on waste land near the villages~
weed hemp is the commonest of plants. As a weed it reaches
the provinces of Irkutsk, Omsk, and up to the Amur. Wild
hemp is usually not utilized by the population, but some-
times its fibre serves for the manufacture of ropes. Its utiliza-
tion is especially extensive in the Altai.so
But when Vavilov reevaluated this assumption in the very
same paper he noted that there is also good reason to
believe that hemp is not endemic to central Asia.
We admit that the introduction of hemp, as of a wild grow-
ing plant characterized by a vast area stretching from the
southeast of European USSR to the Pacific, bas taken place
simultaneously, as well as at different times, in different
29. Ibid., p. 85.
30. N. I. VaviJov, "The Role of Central Asia in the Origin of Culti-
vated Plants," Bulletin of Applied Botany of Genetics and Plant Breed-
ing 26 (Leningrad, 1931): 42.
\
28 MAN AND MARIJUANA
regions. It may as well have taken place in the agricultural
districts of central Asia.111
Even though the arguments for hemp being endemic to
central Asia are not conclusive and, in fact, the origin
and first use of the plant may have occurred in Southeast
Asia, I will suggest, with the same cautious reserve as
Vavilov, that its origin probably took place in western
China or central Asia-probably in the upland valleys of
the Tien-Shan or the Altai. It is also suggested that the
earliest cultural application of hemp took place in this
same general area.
E. AGENCIES AFFECTING THE DISPERSAL OF
CANNABIS SATIVA
The activities of dispersal and migration are closely
related but ultimately different.
Dispersal merely involves dissemination from the parent
and distribution (in the dynamic sense) to a new spot,
whereas migration implies also successful growth and estab-
lishment. Tfius dispersal is a necessary forerunner of migra-
tion, which is actually accomplished only on establishment
in a new place.82
Like many other widely dispersed plants, hemp utilizes
both physical and biological agents for the dissemination
of its seed.
1. The Agency of Streams and Rivers
31. Ibid., p. 42.
32. Nicbolns Polunin, Introduction to Plant Geography (New York,
1960), p. 97.
BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 29
Streams and rivers are physical agents that may pick
up fallen or transported hemp seed, carry it downstream,
and deposit it near the surface of finely sorted alluvium,
a fine medium for its gennination.
2. The Agency of Wind
Wind, especially in the form of strong upward eddies,
is another physical agent that may move hemp seed some
distance away from the parent plant.
3. The Agency of Animals (Exclusive of Man )
The mobility of animals and their activity among and
dependence upon plants make them a significant agency
for dispersal. Animals disperse seeds by two basic
methods: seeds are either transported internally (after
swallowing) or externally, adhering to the animal's body.
We do know that birds kept as pets feed on commer-
cial hemp seed33 and that some wild species forage for it.
The efficiency of internal or "endozoic" seed transport by
birds is dependent upon two basic factors: resistance to
digestion and retention time in the organism's body.a. We
should note that movement through the alimentary tract
of an animal may benefit the seed by producing faster
germination and stronger plants." In any case, all ingested
seeds certainly do not remain viable; some may be re-
gurgitated intact and viable; some may be rendered intact
but infertile; some may be fully or partially digested;
33. Julian A. Steyennark, Flora of Missouri (A.mes, Iowa, 1963), p.
564.
34. Polunin, op. cft., p. ll4.
35. Henry N. Ridley, The Dl.rpersal of Pkinu Throughout the World
( Ashford, England, 1930), p. 336.
30 MAN AND MARIJUANA
others may pass through the alimentary tract unharmed.
The relative rates of seed degeneration seem to vary ac-
cording to factors that are not completely understood.
Sir Charles Darwin studied this specific problem and
uncovered some interesting evidence for the hemp plant.
After a bird has found and devoured a large supply of food,
it is positively asserted that all the grains do not pass into
the gizzard for twelve or even eighteen hours. A bird in this
interval might easily be blown to the distance of 500 miles,
and hawks are known to look out for tired birds, and the
contents of their tom crops might thus readily get scattered.
Some hawks and owls bolt their prey whole, and, after an
interval of from twelve to twenty hours, disgorge pellets,
which, as I know from experiments made in the Zoological
Gardens, include seeds capable of germination. Some seeds
of the oat, wheat, millet, canary, hemp, clover, and beet
germinated after having been from twelve to twenty-one
hours in the stomachs of different birds of prey: and two
seeds of beet grew after having been thus retained for two
days and fourteen hours.so (underlining my own)
Specific references by Darwin and Ridley on the dis-
persal of hemp seed by birds raise some difficult questions.
How and when has this process inHuenced the diffusion
and distribution of Cannabis sativa? Or has it? This ques-
tion is by nature a difficult one to answer. Documentation
and techniques for collecting pertinent data are extremely
rare. Therefore, answers must be tentative and highly
speculative. For example, hemp could have been intro-
duced to northwest India by migrating birds that carried
viable seed on flights from Central Asia. Actually, the
effective physical barrier of the Himalayan mountains
36. Charles Darwin, TM Origin of Speciu by Mean.r of Natural
Sekction, 6 eds., (London. 1873), pp. 326-27.
BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 31
most likely precluded all but chance or accidental bird
migration between these areas. 37
Adhesion is another means of seed dispersal that has
no doubt affected the cli.ffusion of Cannabis sativa. The
seeds of some species are more adapted to adhesive trans-
portation than others; but many (including hemp) can,
by one means or another, attach themselves to the skin,
claws, toes, hide, feathers, or furry coats of animals.
The chances that a dispersed seed may come to rest in
a favorable environment are enhanced by the natural
foraging of animals. Indeed, it should be noted ", .. that
animals, like plants, tend to keep, as birds tend to alight,
within a single habitat-range-so increasing the chances a
dispersed seed would have of coming to rest in a place
suitable for germination and successful establishment."38
A cow, for instance, browsing around some hemp plants
near an open soil habitat may step on a fallen seed; the
seed may adhere to the hoof and be dispersed to a similar
habitat in another location as the cow continues to forage.
4. The Agency of Man
Man is the most ubiquitous agent of plant disturbance.
His vast interference with the world's vegetation has
wrought profound ecological changes. From prehistoric
times, man has disturbed climax vegetational formations
that had been under the exclusive control of climatic and
soil factors. By cutting, burning, and grazing, he has di-
rectly and indirectly transformed the face of the earth
with ever-increasing speed.
37. Dean Amadon, Birch Around the World (New York, 1966 ), pp.
25-32, 1~2.
38. Polunin, op. cit., p. 116.
32 MAN AND MARIJUANA
Traveling about the world, man has been and still is
a dominant dispersal agent. His herding of grazing ani-
mals and his disturbance of natural communities of her-
bivores has vastly influenced the diffusion and establish-
ment of many plants. Some, the so-called weeds, thrive in
the wake of man's disturbance. Cannabis satioa is just
such a plant. The means and routes of its dispersal are
closely related to cultural history.
The geographical diffusion of the hemp plant from its
probable center of species formation in central Asia was
to a large extent, knowingly and unknowingly, aided by
the agency of man-man the wandering nomad, man the
militant migrant, man the trader on land and sea, man the
fteeing victim of natural and cultural calami ty, man the
cultural disseminator, and man the ubiquitous traveler.
F. FACTORS A FFECTING T HE GEOGRAPHICAL
DISTR IBUTION OF CANNABIS SATIVA
• ... that grand subject, that almost keystone of the laws of
creation, Geographical distribution."
Charles Darwin
( in a letter to Joseph Dalton
Hooker in 1845)
Cannabis sativa is a member of a small, warm-tem-
perate family.89 This does not necessarily indicate that
hemp is exclusively restricted to that climatic regime, but
rather it is the clime in which it is most abundant. What
are the factors affecting hemp's distribution?
Besides its passive and active ability to disperse, an
organism's geographical distribution is controlled, to
39. Ronald Cood, Ths Ceo~aphy of the Flowering Planu, 3 eds.
(New York. 1964), p. 60.
BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 33
varying extents, by several other factors: its evolutionary
history, the rate of increase or decrease of the species, and
natural and cultural barriers.
When the climatic, edaphic, or biologic conditions of
the environment change, those plants with sufficient
genetic adaptability survive, and those that are too spe-
cialized perish. Cannabis sativa has adapted to a relatively
wide-ranging ecological niche because of its genetic plas-
ticity (heterogeneity), which has allowed it to germinate,
grow, mature, set, and disperse seed over a relatively
large portion of the earth's land surface. As I previously
noted, under different environmental conditions, hemp
has developed distinct ecological races characterized by
morphological and physiological variation.
The rate of increase or decrease of a species is, in fact,
the difference between the numbers of births and deaths
over a given time span. The quantity of a population ob-
viously affects its distribution significantly; however, the
speci£c population dynamics for Cannabis sativa have not
been determined.
Natural and cultural barriers are important factors af-
fecting the geographical distribution of an organism. I
refer to the Himalayas again as an example of a natural
barrier that restricts the distribution of hemp. This moun-
tain range has and does impede the dispersal of plants
and animals both northward and southward. ~fany birds
that could cross this barrier and disseminate hemp do not
because of the strenuous conditions involved in such a
crossing. Until the advent of the airplane, even man's
movement across this formidable barrier was restricted
to a few high, remote passes. Oceans and other large
water bodies are also obvious natural barriers for all but a
few specially adapted plants. This kind of barrier is less
34 MAN AND MARIJUANA BOTANICAL ASPECTS OF THE HEMP PLANT 35
restricting for man and the seafarer who may consciously cinogenic plant, now known in virtually all inhabited parts
or unconsciously disperse plants. The distribution of Ca~ of the world, escaping easily from cultivation and growing
spontaneously.42
nabis sativa in Africa and the Western Hemisphere could
be explained by such a cultural dispersal across an ocean
barrier.

G. THE PRESENT DISTRIBUTION OF

CANNABIS SATIVA

Almost every country in the United Nations forbids the

possession and use of this plant for all but a few legally
sanctioned, industrial purposes. But its illegal use is ram-
pant on a worldwide scale.• 0
By whatever means and for whatever cultural reasons,
hemp exhibits a relatively wide distribution throughout
the subtropical areas of the world as wild species, cul-
tivated crop, and illegal weed.
Hemp is grown on every continent and in nearly every coun-
try. It is a tough plant and will grow at altitudes up to
8,000 feet. 41

This widely adaptive plant can be found growing in both

a wild and cultivated state in such diverse regions as
Manchuria, the tropical wet-dry portions of Costa Rica,
northwest Africa, the Gangetic plains, the hill tracts of
Assam, the grasslands of Nebraska, central Hokkaido, and
central Chile.
Cannabis is probably the most widely disseminated ballu-
40. Ufllted Nationa Commission of Narcot.ic Dmgs. "Review of the
Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs." E/cn. 7 / 506, ( 16 October 1967), p. 8.
42. llicharcl Evans Schultes, ''Hallucinogens of Plant Origin," Sclenc1J
41. Marjory L. Joseph, Introduewry Te:rH16 Science (New York, 163 ( 17 January 1969). pp. 245-54.
1966), p. 65.

Chapter 2.
Ethnobotanical Origins:
The Earliest Uses of Cannabis
When and where did man first experiment with Can-
nabis? How and why did he first use the plant? Since
our evidence must always be indirect, questions about the
origins of man's association with Cannabis are really only
open to speculation. But with the aid of various kinds of
information, we can formulate d.i:fferent theories logically.
Because man's associations with the rest of the natural
world rely so much on his relationships with domesticated
plants and animals, speculating about an old cultivated
plant like Cannabis can be both interesting and revealing.
Man has had a very long and curious association with
Cannabis. In different places and often for different rea-
sons he has found important uses for this unusual plant.
I suggest that this ancient "friend*' of man played a sig-
nificant (perhaps sometimes crucial) part in the funda-
mental cultural changes that occurred after the end of
the latest ice age.
Most of man's existence has been spent roving around
in small nomadic groups, hunting, and gathering wild
food in many varied kinds of environments. It was only
after the end of the last ice age that man's settlement and
subsistence patterns began to change. As global tempera-
ture increased, massive continental ice sheets and alpine
36
ETBNOBOTANICAL ORIGINS: CANNABIS 37
glaciers receded. The higher latitudes, formerly covered
by large masses of ice, opened up to possible colonization.
The melt waters of the receding glaciers swelled existing
rivers and created new ones. As Professor Sauer suggests,
it was in mild lands that "... river valleys invited man's
ingenuity. It was above all a rarely favorable time for man
to test out the possibilities of water side life and especially
of living along fresh water."1 Some groups of men began
to take up more permanent residency near water in benign
river valleys.
With stationary settlement patterns, the pace of man's
cultural evolution accelerated significantly. He domesti-
cated dogs, possibly at first for pets, and produced such
cultural innovations as bows and arrows, newly styled
chisel-edged axes and adzes, crude pottery, and elaborate
fis hing gear such as nets, lines, and poisons necessary for
the development of fishing.
Indeed, the arts of fishing played an important part in
the cu1tu.ral development of man. Without agriculture or
domestication, and with rather simple technologies, hunt-
ing and gathering groups led nomadic ways of Ufe re-
quired by a foraging economy. But the development of
ways to trap and collect fish and waterfowl oftentimes
provided man with a relatively stable and stationary
protein food supply. These fixed and abundant food re-
sources allowed some groups of early fishermen to become
more sedentary. A more settled life probably allowed for
more free time to experiment with a great diversity of
plants and animals. This stimulated an elaboration of
many new arts and crafts.
Eventually, under more settled conditions, in some
I. Carl 0. Sauer, "Environment and Culture During the Last De-
glnciation," Land and Life (edited by John Lelghly) (Berkeley, 1967),
p. 258.
38 MAN AND MARIJUANA
cases stimulated by the development of fishing, man ex-
perimented with the actual growing of plants. Through a
long, slow, and very important process termed the neo-
lithic revolution, fanning was invented. Man became an
active producer of his own food supply. This gradually
changed his subsistence patterns from hunting and gather-
ing to a new mode of life based on the economy of agri-
culture. Cannabis, the hemp plant, quite possibly played
an important role in the evolution of agriculture. How?
Those innovative bands of men who took up more
sedentary modes of life, hunting and fishing along rivers
and streams, were some of the earliest cultivators of plants.
In fact, there is good reason to assume that some of the
oldest cul tivated plants were versatile species grown
around fishing settlements for starch food, tough water-
resistant fibers, euphoric and medicinal drugs, and poi-
sons.2 Cannabis is just such a multipurpose and accessible
plant, especially for some of the well-situated, progressive
fishing folk living many thousands of years ago in mild
climates along fresh waters. In fact the ecological rela-
tionships between the early fresh-water fishing bands and
the hemp plant strongly suggest that Cannabis was one
of man's oldest friends-one of the very oldest cultivated
plants.
A TH E EARLY RELATIONSHIPS AMONG MAN.
CANNABIS, AND THE ENVIRONMENT
The hemp plant can be found growing wild on the
slopes of undulating foothills and mountains up to sev-
2. Carl O. Sauer, Agricultural Ortgins and Dispersals (New York,
1952), p. 27.
EI'HNOBOTANICAL OR.ICINS: CANNABIS 39
eral thousand feet depending upon the latitude, in rich
fcrtiJe alluvial ground of river flood plains and valley bot-
toms, and frequently in recently disturbed open-soil en-
vironments along streams.
Environments of the last type are quite often created
by the independent or complementary work of streams
and man. The erosional and depositional agency of stream
Oow produces open environments by plowing lands and
dumping mud, sand. and gravel in new places. Often this
activity is complicated by man, who may disturb the
mantle of vegetation and deposit bis nutrient-rich waste
materials in dump heaps in and about his residence.
When the early fishing groups settled down on stream
plowed banks or gravel clearings, they cleared off more
of the land and constructed shelters. In clearing they
~el~~d create one of nature's rare niches-the "open hab-
itat. New open habitats are quickly invaded by a series
of plants we refer to as "weeds." One so-caJled weed. Can-
nabis, is a sun-loving plant that thrives in soils rich in
nitrogen compounds, such as those found in and around
the dump heaps or waste areas associated with human
settlement. Cannabis may have been one of the first plants
to move into the new stream and man-opened habitats.
~ran helped provide the hemp plant with a suitable
em·ir~~ent and eventualJy learned to utilize this plant
growmg lll and about his rubbish piles for many purposes:
t~ make such things as fiber, food, oil. fish poison, medi-
cine, and euphoric potions. This increased his depen-
dence upon the plant for meeting his needs and interests.
~ventualJy man contributed to the presence and distribu-
t:i~n of Cannabis more directly by protecting or con-
sc1011sly cultivating the plant.
40 M N AND MARIJUANA
B. TRACES IN THE REMOTE PAST OF CULTURAL MAN
The following scenario is a series of hypothetical events
in the lives of an incipient fishing group. The succession
of events probably recurred often after the recession of
the last glacial age. The group's experiences symbolize
some of the possible circumstances behind man's early
ex-perimentation with Cannabis.
Several thousands of years ago after the end of the last
ice age, a small nomadic band of people venturing far
from their ancestral territory found a relatively open clear-
ing near a bend of a meandering river. They migrated into
this remote location under pressure Erom other more pow-
erful. aggressive groups.
In their new open environment, the band members
constructed simple thatch shelters in which to sleep, store
their crude belongings, and protect their families from the
elements. Man had yet to discover the techniques and
principles for cultivating plants and domesticating ani-
mals; thus this group of men, like all others at that time,
was totally dependent on its bunting, gathering, and col-
lecting efforts.
The women of this band spent much of the day pick-
ing and digging up wild, edible fruits, tubers, roots, veg-
etables, grubs, and nuts in season, while the men tracked
and stalked deer, pigs, goats, certain birds, and other land
animals they could catch and eat.
The river adjacent to the group's new settlement in the
open clearing also contained important resources. Some
of these, like water, were critical. Others, like fish, were
potentially useful if only the group could figure out ways
of extracting them.
ETBNOBOTANICAL ORIGINS: CANNABIS 41
As time passed, the group increasingly disturbed the
clearing and surrounding area of their settlement by the
river. They created nitrogen-rich soil environments in and
around their settlement by depositing human and other
organic waste materials in dump heaps or kitchen mid-
dens; and by trampling and cutting back much of the
original vegetation, the group stimulated the introduction
of many new plants in the area. Sun-loving plants that
could adapt to the new open scars and nitrogen-rich soil
moved in and colonized the clearing.
As noted, one plant species that often colonizes dump
heaps or waste areas in open environments is Cannabis.
This conspicuous plant moved into the group's clearing
and became established. Cannabis found a favorable niche
io the open, alluvial soil environment, nitrogen enriched
by the group. In this particular case, the hunters were un-
knowingly responsible for the introduction of the plant.
. Some hunters had returned from a success ful pig hunt
m an area unfamiliar to them and rather far from their
new camp. They were unaware that embedded in the
mud-covered hooves of the dead pigs were several fertile
seeds of the hemp plant. The pigs had unwittingly picked
up the seeds while foraging on the open slopes of the
hills and in the alluvial .Hood plain nearby where they bad
been slain by the hunters.
After cleaning and skinning the pigs, the hunters dis-
carded the useless parts into their waste piles or dump
heaps. T~us t:he embedded hemp seeds were inadvertently
placed nght rnto an almost perfect micro-environment for
Lheir growth.
.I t was near the end of the rainy season, and the last few
rams gav~ the hemp seeds the necessary moisture required
for establishment of the seedlings. Thriving on the avail-
42 MAN AND MARIJUANA
able water, sunlight, and nitrogen-rich piles of waste ma-
terials, the hemp plants flourished.
These men, like all "primitive" peoples, now as in the
past, knew their immediate environment intimately from
their own experiences and those handed down by their
ancestors. They were, as a means of living, quite familiar
with the plants, animals, and inorganic materials in their
environment. In fact, much of their meagre domestic and
hunting and gathering equipment was fabricated from
plant and animal materials, especially from those located
near their settlement. Their store of knowledge did grow
slowly. But unlike most primitive groups, they were chal-
lenged by a new living situation and therefore were not
quite so hesitant to accept cultural change. If new tech-
niques or applications of new animal and plant resources
obviously helped improve their material well-being and
happiness, as they interpreted it, then acceptance of
change was possible.
As the newly introduced hemp plants grew up around
the settlement, they became increasingly obvious to the
group. Curiosity about the new plant grew, and cautiously,
through a process of trial and error, they experimented
with it. Could it have offered them any obvious benefits?
They discovered that the hemp seeds growing in clus-
ters on some of the plants (females ) contained an oily
substance that was somewhat nutritious and digestible
and could be used as a cooking oil, an incendiary fluid, or
even as a base material for crude soap. They also discov-
ered the fine fibrous qualities of the hemp plant. This
group knew sometrung of the use of :6ber and the craft of
weaving. They used certain animal skins and furs held
together with fibrous thongs. But they were always search-
ETHNOBOTANICAL ORIGINS: CANNABIS 43
ing for new plants and animals that could provide durable
.fibrous material.
The group soon learned that if most of the hemp stalk
was removed, they could extract long .fibrous material that
was easily woven, very durable, and water resistant. Ex-
perimenting with new and established methods for .fiber
extrac~on, the group learned that by placing the Jong
stalks mto pools along the river and Jetting them set, a
process now known as "retting" took place. Essentially,
:Uter some time in. \~rater, most of the plant decomposes
into water-soluble rmces and the insoluble or water-resis-
tant. material is left to be easily collected. The group used
lhe lDSOluble .6brous material to fabricate strong, durable,
waterproof cord as well as various articles of clothing.
Perhaps the group also discovered that fish entering
the "retting pools" were stunned by the water soluble juice
of the plant, :Boating to the surface in a senseless state.
The fish were in no way permanently harmed or rendered
indiges tible; but in a stupe.6ecl state they were easily
collected.
This ne~v and relatively easy access to fish, an impor-
tant pro~em foo~ resource, may have stimulated the group
to cxpcnment with the construction of fish lines and nets
made from the water-resistant n1aterial of the hemp plant.
Some plants used for stupefying fish were also used to
make fiber for fish li nes and nets. These plants with multi-
purposes were extremely important to the ingenious
groups that pioneered the revolutionary arts and crafts of
6shing.
The possible importance of Cannabis satioa, the hemp
plant, for the critical development of fishing, at least in
some geographical areas, is suggested by the ways it can
44 MAN AND MARIJUANA
be used to aid in the collection of aquatic resources. Be-
sides providing possible food poison and water-resistant
fiber for lines and nets, it has also served as an insoluble
caulking material used to plug up leaks and boles in
canoes, rafts, and small boats.
But was the desire for fiber, fish poison, or even food
the cause of man's earliest use of hemp? Perhaps it was for
entertainment or ceremonial purposes. Possibly the group
in question first used Cannabis for its euphoric and spirit-
ual value. In their never-ending quest for food, perhaps
this primitive group first experimented with Cannabis by
eating parts of the plants growing around their settlement
clearing. The resin-covered leaves as well as the oily seeds
were digestible and not totally distasteful. Unwittingly
at first, the consumers were venturing psychologically into
new realms of experience.
The psychoactive resin of Cannabis induced euphoric
sensations, ranging from mild reverie and a general sense
of well-being to ecstasy and hallucination. The experiences
of consumers generated a deep interest in the plant. If
only temporarily, the psychoactive resin opened new
"doors of perception" and helped members of the group
to transcend their often cruel daily existence. Eating Can-
nabis became a key to a mental and physical refuge from
the often monotonous and strenuous patterns of their lives.
Eating Cannabis also had an explosive effect on their
world view. The psychoactive resin affected tlte group's
ideology. Like other hunting and gathering groups they
guarded and practiced mysteries that served as their in-
terpretations of reality. The ecstatic mind-altering effects
of Cannabis metamorphosed their original mysteries into
a new system of beliefs and symbols. It precipitated the
invention and interpretation of invisible spirits both ma-
ElliNOBOTANICAL ORICINS: CANNABI S 45
levolent and benevolent. They came to regard the plant
as a gift of the gods, to be used as a vehicle for transcend-
ing them to higher planes of consciousness-a means of
communicating with their deities.
Regardless of their initial motivation for using Cannabis,
they soon realized its many possibilities. They could have
used it as a food supplement, a source of important fiber,
6sh poison, oil and medicine. Perhaps primarily, they en-
joyed and revered its psychoactive use as a mental elixir
for relaxation, recreation, and spiritual experimentation.
C. THE MANY USES OF CANNABIS
Crops with multiple uses have special signi6cance. The
longer a crop bas b een in cultivatioo, everything else b eing
equal, the more likely it is that various kinds of uses will
have been found for it.B
The following closer examination of some of Cannabis'
various uses, past and present, underscores its long cul-
tural signIBcance.
1. Cannabis as a Fiber Source
"Hemp was probably the first cultivated fiber plant."'
Indeed, Cannabis has been a dependable source of raw
fibrous material since prehistoric times.
The use of fibers and the craft of weaving are among
the most ancient arts. Besides clothing, the fabrication of
fi.shnets, mats, and baskets has been important to primi-
ltve bands for many thousands of years. Likewise, rope or
, 3. Oakes Aines, Economic Annual.rand Ilumon Culture$ (Cambridge.
n1nss., 1939), p. 73.
4. Ibid., p. 26.
48 MAN AND MARIJUANA
cord has long been important to man. In fact, some of the
oldest pottery remains recovered by archaeologists are
decorated with remarkably sophisticated cordage mark-
ings.C1 What kind of plant fibers were used to make the
cord that left those pottery markings?
Ancient coarse paste pottery, with marks impressed by
cord-\vrapped sticks and paddles, has been excavated
from early post-glacial fishing sites on the south Cbina
coast and in northern parts of southeast Asia. All of the
sites were close to bodies of water from which primitive
bands trapped and collected 6sh and sbell6sh. The fibers
used in the cords most likely came from plants near the
sites. Was Cannabis one of the fibrous plants used?
It is interesting to note that in the earliest remains of
at least one of these primitive .fishing sites in Taiwan ( the
Yuan-Shun site) a curious type of implement, a rod-shaped
stone beater, was found with crude tools and cord-marked
pottery. "... for pounding hemp fiber, a common raw
material for rope and textile."41
The word hemp has often been confused with other
fiber-bearing plants, such as patsan hemp ( Hibiscus can-
nabinus) and sunn hemp ( Crotalaria pincea), but "true"
or "common" hemp is Cannabis sativa. Cannabis, or hemp,
has a long complex history as a fiber source in China, in
India, somewhat later in western Europe, and subse-
quently during more recent times in North America.
According to Chinese mythology, the patron divinity of
the Chinese druggist and herbalist, Shen-Nung ( c. 28th
century B.c.), invented agriculture. In the Lu Shu of the
Sung Dynasty ( c. 960-1279) it is taught that the legend-
5. Kwnng-Cbih Chang, The Archaeology of Ancient China (New
Haven, Conn., 1968), pp. 111-12.
6. Ibid., p. 83.
ETHNOBOTANICAL ORIGINS: CANNABIS 47
ary emperor Shen-Nung first instructed the people to cul-
tivate ma, which is the Chinese word for Cannabis.1
Ancient clothing made from Cannabis fiber thousands
of years ago bas been recovered from archaeological sites
on the Anatolian plateau of Turkey and in the Altai moun-
tains of central Asia.
The coarse, strong cloth covering called "canvas" ap-
parently received its name from Cannabis sativa, its orig-
inal plant source.s
In Tudor times, the farmers of the English countryside
were required to plant a certain percentage of their
arable land with Cannabis. The fibers were extremely im-
portant for ship's sails, riggings, and rope as wt:ll as for
clothing. Indeed the English sailing fleets, like others
throughout history, often relied heavily on the strong,
durable, water-resistant fibers of Cannabis. The United
States Navy still uses some hemp ropes on its ships.
In colonial America, up until the revolution, most of
the local clothing was fabricated from Cannabis fibers. In
fact, Cannabis fiber was one of the colonial products King
George III specifically desired from the 13 American
colonies.
The vegetable tissue derived from long, fibrous cells
found in the outer bark of Cannabjs has been gradually
reduced in importance in modem times as better natural
and synthetic fibers have been discovered or developed.
However, because of its durable qualities and relatively
simple manufacture, Cannabis remains as a significant
natural fiber in world as well as local markets. It is still
cultivated commercially in such countries as Spain, Italy,
25
i: Ceorge Watt, Commercial Product1 &f Indfa (Calcutta, 1908), p.
8. Ceorge Watt, Dictionary of th11 Economic Product.s of India 2
(Calcutta, 1889 ), p. 129.
48 MAN AND MARIJUANA
Russfa, Poland, India, and the United States. And although
Russia produces more Cannabis fiber than all other na-
tions combined, the best quality material comes from
Italy, where it has long been used for fine interior design
and apparel fabrics.
2. Cannabis Seed for Food and Oil
Early man must have experimented with many di.fferent
accessible plants for possible food sources. Therefore, it
is quite possible that the inconspicuous fruit and seed of
Cannabis was first ingested by man a very long time ago.
Yet the seed, relatively hard and not very fleshy, has prob-
ably been more important as an oil source for lubrication
than as a source of fatty food. However, well-ground Can-
nabis seed does provide oil with a very high caloric value;0
thus it may have been an important starch food for some
early bands of men.
Its use as oil for lamps long provided light in the homes
of millions of Russian peasants. Today Cannabis is cul-
tivated for seed in Manchuria and the Ukraine. One of its
present uses is for bird and poultry feed.
3. Cannabis for Medicinal Purposes
The use of Cannabis as a therapeutic agent has a long
and continuing history. The ancient medicinal lexicons
( Materia medica) of China, India, and Greece mention
specific uses for this plant. Reports of its medicinal appli-
cations are fantastically diverse.
9. F mncls Long, "Application of Calorimetric Methods to Ecologlcnl
Research," Plant Pliyslology (1964), 9: 325.
ETHNOBOTANICAL ORIGINS: CANNABIS 49
References to the use of Cannabis preparations as anti-
biotic and analgesic medicament, especially for external
use, can be found in the folk medicine and old herbals of
Europe, Africa, and America.
Cannabis has long been prescribed in India to arouse
appetite and as "... a source of great staying-power under
severe exercise or fatigue.''1° For thousands of years, In-
dian footbearers transporting goods up into the Hima-
layan mountains have relied on Cannabis as a stimulant
much as South American natives climbing the Andes have
relied on cocoa. In addition, potions containing juice from
the hemp plant eHectively remove dandruff and vermin
from hair, reduce pain from earaches, alleviate bowel
complaints such as diarrhea and constipation, and check
discharge from gonorrhea. Other signi.Bcaot applications
in India have included its use for relieving headaches,
acute mania, whooping cough, asthma, and insomnia.
"In Argentina Cannabis is considered a real panacea for
tetanus, melancholia, colic, gastrnlgia, swelling of the liver,
gonorrhoea, sterility, impotency, abortion, tuberculosis of the
lungs, and asthma."u
fo South Africa, Cannabis has been used to combat
malaria, blackwater fever, blood-poisoning, anthrax, and
dysentery. Women of the Sato tribe have smoked Can-
nabis to numb themselves during childbirth. The Hotten-
tots made a drink from Cannabis leaves to use as a strong
la.xative and for inducing abortion.•::
10. K. M. Nadkaml, Indla11 Alaterla Med/ca (Bombny, 1954), p. 262.
1 J. J. Kobelik, "Cannabis as a l\fodicament," Bulletin 011 NarcotlC3
(July-Sept. 1960), 12, no. 2, p. 7.
12. John Watt and Marla Breyer-Brnnwijk, Tho Medical and Polsonoiu
Plants of South Africa (Edinburgh, 1932), pp. 30, 262.
50 MAN AND MARIJUANA ETHNOBOTANlCAL ORIGINS: CANNABlS 51
Medicinal potions of Cannabis do not cause nausea, tion of the plant as the "liberator of sin" was replaced by
severe constipation, or headaches as opium can; and its a more favorable attitude in a later period when it was
moderate use does not induce physical addiction. referred to as the "delight giver."
Although the drug use of Cannabis is, at present, le-
4. Cannabis as a Hallucinogen gally restricted throughout most of the world, reports of
many arrests in numerous countries indicate its wide-
From the flrst beginning of our knowledge of man, we find
him consuming substances of no nutritive ~al~e, but ~en
spread distribution. The following chart, which lists the
for the sole purpose of producing for a certain time a feeling words used in various countries and groups for Cannabis
of contentment, ease and comfort.13 preparations, serves as another indication of its global,
historic distribution for euphoric or religious purposes.
Today, as in the past, the most conspicuous use of this What are the various psychoactive preparations and
plant is for euphoric or psychoactive purposes. Cannabis relative potencies of Cannabis? The most potent prepara-
is perhaps one of the oldest known and most widely dis- tion of Cannabis consists of concentrated glandular resin
seminated hallucinogens. collected from unfertilized female plants and compressed
As with many of the popular contemporary halluci- into sticks or blocks. Referred to as "hashish" in Egypt and
nogens, the drug use of Cannabis has been and is oft~n "charas" in India, this preparation is powerfully halluci-
prompted by the desire to relieve the monotony of daily nogenic and is often mixed and smoked with tobacco.
life, and to increase the delight of living. nnnscha-Russia hamp-Denmark
Sometimes Cannabis has been used, like other hallu- bangi-Congo hampa-Sweden
cinogens, to induce a transcending spiritual experience. bhang-India hampr-FJnland
bhanga-Sanskrlt hanf-Cermany
Among some primitive African groups, Cannabis still canaib-Ireland hanpr-Norway
plays a significant role in religion and music. In India it canamo-Portugal, Spain haschisch-France
bas been used for many centwies by yogis to generate canape-Italy hashish-Africa, Asia
canna-Persia hemp-Great Britain
wild imagining, feelings of transcendence, and psychic cannapis-Rumania bennep-Holland
exaltation, which consumers believe are God-given qual- chanvre-Fran.c e herbe-France
ities of the plant. c.h anis-India hierba-Mexico
In the past, societies have assessed Cannabis' social daggn-Sou th Africa intsnngu-South Africa
dawamesk-Algeria lcana pes-Lithuania
value for psychoactive purposes with a wide range of diamba-Brazil lcanas-Brittany
attitudes depending largely upon "... whether a society djamba-South Africa leanbun-Chaldean
was interested in using the plant or interested in prevent- esrar-Turkey, Persia lcanebosm-Hebrew
ganja-India lcanebusma-Ammaic
ing its use."u For example, in ancient China the denuncia- ganga-Malaya lcanep-Albania
13. Louis Lewin, PIUJntastica (New York, 1964), p. 1. ganjilca-Sanslait kanna b-Arabia
14.. Nonnnn Farnsworth, "Hallucinogenic Plants," Science 162 ( 6 De- grifa-Spain, Mexico kannabis-Greek
cember 1968), p. 1088. haenep-Old English kanopia- Czechoslovalda
52 MAN AND MARIJUANA ETHNOBOTANICAL ORIGINS: CANNABIS 53
kendir-Tnrtar marijuana-Mexico, America
khanchha-Cambodia matakwan.e -Sotho (South Africa)
gentle intoxicant when taken in moderation. This hemp
kif-North Africa mbangi-Tanzania confection is a compound of sugar, butter, flour, milk, and
konop-Bulgaria momea-Tibet "siddhi" or "bhang."
konope-Poland nsangu-Zulu (Africa)
konoplja-Russia qunubu-A.ssyrian Of all that Orient lands can vaunt of marvels with our own
lia.mba-BraziJ so-la-ra-dsa-Tibet
maconha-Bmzil suruma-Ronga (Africa)
competing, the strangest is the Hashish plant and what
majum--North Africa, India takrouri-TIIIlisia
will follow on its eating.
marihuana-Mexico, America umyn-Xhosa ( Africa) Whittier
The dried infertile inflorescence and adjacent leaves
from the top of the female plants form another very po- D. TRANS ITIONS TO CULTIVATI ON AN D
tent preparation known widely by its Indian name of CIV ILIZATION
"ganga," which is smoked in pipes and cigarettes. The
other parts of the pistillate plant and most of the male Thus, as I have d emonstrated, there are many indica-
plant contain relatively meager amounts of the psycho- tions to suggest that hemp was one of the earliest culti-
active glandular resin and therefore provide a much vated plants. This theory is significant in that the shift
milder hallucinogenic preparation which is also smoked from food-procurement to food-production was one of the
or eaten. most important developments in human history.16 This
An inebriating drink known by its Indian name of slow but momentous development, which increased the
"bhang" or "siddhi" is prepared from uncultivated female food supply significantly and therefore stimulated sul:r
plants. Extracts of Cannabis sativa are made into a paste stantial population growth, was the profound Agricultural
and mixed with water or milk to make this drink used by Revolution.17
the lower classes in India and by a wider cross-section of The diffusion of systematic farming spread slowly dur-
the population on certain religious holidays. ing the Neolithic stage, replacing the Mesolithic culture
of hunting, collecting, and fishing by the process of con-
Almost invariably the inebriation is of the most cheerful tact and acculturation. Eventually the development of
kind, causing the person to sing and dance, to eat food with cultivation and domestication techniques stimulated farm-
great relish, and to seek aphrodisiac enjoyments. In persons
of a quarrelsome disposition it induces., as might be expected, ing culture and the decline of hunting and fishing econ-
an exasperation of their natural tendency. 15 omies of the Mesolithic to a secondary role (except in the
marginal areas of the inhabited world ).
A confectionary or sweetmeat preparation called "Ma- During the post-Pleistocene period in southwest Asia,
joom" or "Majum" contains portions of Cannabis and is a 16. V. Cordon Childe, "The Neolithic Revolutlon," Man Before Hi.s-
tory ( ed. by Creighton Gabel) (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1964),
15. Udoy Chtllld Dutt, The Materla Medica of the Hfndu.s (Calcutta, P· 40; nod Cmhnme Clark, World Prehistory (London, 1961), pp. 76-77.
1900), p. 237. 17. Childe, op. cit., p. 58.
54 MAN AND MABIJUANA ETHNOBOTANICAL ORIGINS: CANNABIS 55
where farming may have originated and Megalithic civili- Jeys where largescale "hydraulic" civilization manifesting
zation apparently evolved, climatic conditions may have monumental architecture developed. In the section that
been favorable for incipient agriculture. However, the follows, I will elaborate on my theory that although hemp
alluvial lowlands in the riverine areas of the Tigris, Eu- was evenhtally known in all four of the above-mentioned
phrates, Nile, and Indus valleys were still too arid in this areas of early civilization, at least the first historic use of
period of prehistory. And although the annual Hooding this plant probably took place in central Asia.
of the alluvial plains brought new soil, fresh nutrients, and
moisture to certain lowland valleys, the magnihtde and
seasonality of the moisture deficit necessitated a certain
degree of social organization and perhaps sub-division of
labor for flood control and irrigation construction and
maintenance.18
Therefore, perhaps it was in the hills or uplands of
southwest Asia where rainfall was more adequate for
"dry farming" and where wild, potentially cultivable an-
nuals did and do exist that systematic farming began.
On the other hand, as suggested, it is possible that agri-
culture originated in southeast Asia.19 In any case, even-
tually some degree or combination of social stratification,
population pressure, and perhaps spontaneous initiative
precipitated the diffusion of peoples and culture from the
small upland settlements down into the semi-arid riverine
lowlands where the beginnings of largescale civilization
are to be sought. Perhaps hemp was one of the original
cultivated plants brought to these semi-arid lowlands by
the progenitors of civilization.
Between 5000 and 4000 B.c. Neolithic folk moved into
the riverine lowlands of the Tigris and Euphrates and sub-
sequently into the Nile, Indus, and Hwang Ho river val-
18. Jaquettn Hawkes, "The Achievements of Paleolithic Man," Man
Before Hi$tory (ed. by Creighton Gabel) (Englewood Cllffs, New Jer-
sey, 1964). p. 57.
19. Carl 0. Sauer, Agriculture Origln.t and Dispersal.t (New York,
1952). p. 21.

Chapter 3.
Evidences for the Early Historic Use
and Diffusion of Cannabis Sativa
As man moves about the earth, consciously and uncon-
sciously, he takes his own landscape with him.
Edgar Anderson
Do we have any legendary evidence, documented his-
torical information, or archaeological data for the use of the
hemp plant as a ritualistic herb or economic annual in the
past? As I explained before, man, knowingly and unknow-
ingly, transports many weedy plants with him as he moves
about the earth. The history of this complicated associa-
tion and dispersal process is comparatively unknown. It
is a paradox that science knows relatively little about
many of the most common plants, and Cannabis sativa is
a striking example. In fact, the history of man's association
with hemp is just one aspect of a larger historical problem
-the complex history of weeds.
Using the various evidences from the past, I will con-
sbuct a generalized and often-diffused history of man's
use of hemp, suggesting historic regional outlines for its
cultural diffusion out of central Asia. As a framework, this
early history will assuredly need correction and amplifica-
tion; but the work must be begun.
56
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 'S/
A. HEMP'S ASSOCIATION WITH MIGRATING
NOMADS
Assuming that hemp originated in central Asia (or at
least began its most significant, historic-cultural dispersal
from this region). I will suggest that its cultural diffusion
was directly, and indirectly, related to the social contact
and acculturation generated by successive, outward ra-
cUating migrations of pastoral, nomadic groups.
The domestication of the horse, the development of
mobile revolutionary war machines such as the chariot,
and the evolution of highly effective cavalry techniques
all, in sequence, were key processes that influenced the
success and continuation of migrations out of central Asia
during the 2nd millennium, B.o. These migrations which
apparently caused much destruction and misery also stim-
ulated the advancement of civilization and technology1
and indirectly carried the "camp-following" hemp plant
and its various cultural applications far and wide. Central
Asiatic nomads may have been agents for the cultural dis-
persal of the hemp plant through the Dzungarian basin
into the nuclear region of early Chinese civilization in the
Hwang Ho river basin, across thousands of miles of steppe
grassland into eastern Europe, over the Iranian plateau
into southwest Asia, and across Baluchistan and the Hindu
Kush through a few passes into the Indian sub-continent.
But do we have any concrete evidence to indicate that
central Asiatic nomads used the hemp plant in historic
times?
We do know that nomadic, warlike equestrian pastoral-
ists inhabiting Scythia, a large ancient region in south-
33~. William McNeill, Th8 Rise of the West (Chicago, 1963), pp. 11~
58 MAN AND MARIJUANA
eastern Europe and Asia of which the exact boundaries
have not been determined, did use the hemp plant for
te>.i:iles and intoxication. The use of hemp by Scythian
nomads is a striking example of its early historic use in and
about the general region suggested as its center of species
formation. A gross investigation of this documented ex-
ample should help illuminate the history of hemp.
Several thousand years ago Scythian tribes moved their
animals across the vast steppes of central Asia. From an
area north of Greece and the Black Sea to the lower
reaches of the Altai mountains in central Siberia, the
Scythians herded their horses, collected wild grains, and
politically controlled this vast region for several hundred
years.
Detailed information about the political history of these
loosely deBned and comparatively unknown equestrian
people is Jacking. However, we do have evidence for some
of their cultural activities. Like most nomadic tribes of this
region, the Scythian economy was based primarily upon
milking practices.2 In addition, sculptured artifacts of
gold and bronze attributed to Scythian artists have long
been praised for their craftsmanship and aesthetic quality.
Furthermore, as I noted before, we have some unique
evidence indicating that widely settled groups of so-called
Scythians indulged in the use of hemp for intoxication.
Herodotus ( fifth century B.C.), the famous Greek his-
torian whose notable reverence for fact bas long provided
the critical scholar with important data about ancient
history, described some of the curious social activities of
the Scythians living northeast of Macedonia. One rudi-
mentary practice Herodotus described was the Scyt11ian
passion for inhaling the smoke of burning hemp plants.
2. Edward Hyams, Soll and Cloilization (London, 1952), p. 153.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 59
According to Herodotus, the Scythians burned portions of
the plant in metal censers beneath small tent structures
that enclosed the vapors inhaled for ritualistic and eu-
phoric purposes.
The Scythians then take the seed of this hemp and, creeping
under the mats, they throw it on the red-hot stones; and,
being so thrown, it smoulders and sends forth so much steam
that no Greek vapour-bath oould surpass it The Scythians
howl in their joy at the vapour-bath.8
Herodotus' references to the use of hemp by the Scyth-
ians has been well known; but when Russian archaeolo-
gists recently uncovered ancient Scythian tombs ( third to
flfth century n.c.) in the Pazyryk VaUey of central Siberia,
Herodotus' factual record was once again validated.' High
in the Altai mountains on the border between Siberia
and Outer Mongolia, frozen burial chambers were re-
cently uncovered, presenting the world with evidence
that the ancient Scythians were notable artisans and fond
of hemp intoxication. Elaborate animal headdresses, fe-
male footware, beautiful rugs, utensils, and some hempen
clothing found in the mounds manifested the artistic vision
and technique of these nomadic, equestrian people.
All clothing was made of leather, fur or felt, except for
some shirts that were woven of hemp or a hemplike fiber.5
In addition, a tent-like frame structure, metal censers, and
hemp seed were recovered.
One particularly interesting apparatus was a kind of cone-
3. Herodotus, Book N (ed. by A. D. CoclJey) (London, 1921), p. 75.
4. M. I. Artamonov, "Frozen Tombs of the Scythlans," Sclentlfrc
American 212:5 ( 1965 ), p. 108.
5. Ibld., p. 106.
r
60 MAN AND MARIJUANA
shaped miniature tent, covered with a felt or leather rug,
standing over a copper censer. Hemp seeds found on the
spot suggest that this contrivance was a special enclosure
that could be filled with narcotic smoke from the burning
seeds.6
Scholars have described the Scythian use of hemp as the
inhaling of hemp seed smoke. It should be noted that the
seeds are much less euphorically potent than other parts
of the plant. But seeds are more resistant to combustion
and therefore would remain after the dried flowers were
burned. This would explain the preservation of seeds dis-
covered by archaeologists.
Now I will suggest that other migrating nomadic groups
which moved out of the central Asiatic grasslands before
and after the Scythians, also had incorporated such uses
for hemp and perhaps brought the seeds and ideas with
them as they invaded, traded, and eventually settled into
marginal areas about their original homelands. In fact,
many of the limited references for hemp's introduction
and use in Europe, southwest Asia, and India indicate the
dispersal agency of migrating nomadic tribes.
If we assume that the horse was domesticated around
3000 B.c.,7 after which the migrations of nomadic groups
out of Eurasia began on a significantly large scale, we can
trace the cultural dispersal of hemp by piecing together
various ( although sometimes obscure and non-related)
references from antiquity. Systematically, let us first con-
sider the cultural diffusion of hemp over the Iranian pla-
teau and Transcaucasus into southwest Asia.
6. .Artamonov, op. cit., p. 108.
7. Franz Hancar, Das Pferd in Prahistorischer Und Fruher Historischer
Zeit (Berlin, 1955), pp. 542-44.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 61
B. THE CULTURAL DIFFUSION OF HEMP INTO
SOUTHW EST ASIA
Although we know that many drugs of animal, vege-
table, and mineral nature were used in ancient Egypt, only
a few of the several hundred mentioned in existing papy-
rus texts have been positively identified. Cannabis sativa
may have been one of the drug sources, but it has not been
identified. In addition, no traces of hemp fiber have been
found in the wrappings of the mummies of ancient Egypt.8
This lack might be explained by the fact that :fine linen
cloth from the :Bax plant was available0 and perhaps more
appropriate for the ceremonial dress of the deau Pharoahs
and their entourages. Even at the end of the eighteenth
century it was cultivated in Egypt only for an intoxicating
liquid extracted from the plant. 10 Moreover, the early
Egyptians, whom Homer regarded as a nation of drug-
gists, 11 probably were familiar with opium, presumably the
active and powerfully hallucinogenic ingredient of the
famous drug Nep<mtl?£. 12 It is possible that the ancient
Egyptian knowledge and use of opium precluded the need
for hemp as a euphoric drug even if they bad access to it.
The early Nilotic civilization most likely did not know
of hemp and probably learned of the plant relatively late
after it had diffused through Arabia, Asia Minor, Italy, or
Greece.13
8. Victor Hehn, The Wanderings of Plants and Animals from Their
First Home ( London, 1885), p. 150.
9. Pliny, Natural History, Book XIX (ed. by H. Rackham) (London,
1950) 5:1-3.
10. Alphonse De Condolle, Origin of Culiooted Plants (New York,
1908), p. 148.
11. C. C. M. Birdwood, Catalogue of the Vegetable Products of the
Presidency of Bombay ( Bombay, 1865), p. 7~0.
12. Ibid., p. 80.
13. Berthold Laufer, Sino-lra11ica ( Chicago, 1919 ), p. 294.
62 M AN AND MABIJUANA
Although the intoxicating properties of hemp may have
been mentioned symbolically in the Old Testament, no
defini te Biblical reference has been determined. Here the
student of comparative mythology might employ bis art
with benefit. Moreover, as I will show, hemp was not com-
monly known nor widely used in ancient Greece, and
positive evidence for its application in the early stages of
Mesopotamian civilization is lacking.
But we may assume that the use of hemp moved into
this general area of southwest Asia and the Mediterranean
relatively soon after frequent contact between the Eur-
asian steppes and southwest Asia was greatly facilitated
by the development of the horse for transportation. The
relatively quick, highly mobile, horse-drawn chariot , with
its deadly archers, took the paramount position in military
technology in suitable valley and tableland environments.
It upset the political balance of power between the civi-
lized states of southwest Asia and their "barbarian" neigh-
bors in the Eurasian steppes during the 2nd millennium
B.C.
... the barbarians sporadically showed a superior flexibility
in inventing or exploiting new techniques of war. nus ha~
pened in the seventeenth century B.c., when p eoples from
the northeastern margins of the Mesop otamian world per-
fected chariot warfare . . . a
The impact of chariot warfare on the history of civili-
zation and ( indirectly) on the cultural diffusion of hemp,
was very significant in that it allowed successive waves of
militant, chariot-driving Aryans, Kassites, Hittites, Hyksos,
Mitanni, Scythians, Phrygians, Assyrians, and Persians to
diffuse their often devastating influence over vast areas of
14. William McNeil!, The Rise of t110 West (Chicago, 1903), p. 131.
DIFFUStON OF CANNABIS SATIVA 63
the Asian continent. The synthesis of the invaders' social
traits with techniques and ideas of the more "civilized"
societies on the fringes of the Eurasian steppes-east, west,
and south-was of vast consequence.
As barbarian war bands conquered, they everywhere altered
the life of t he p eoples they subdued, sometimes drastically,
in other cases only superBcially. 111
But where did the perfection of chariot warfare de-
velop? I t was precisely in a region where hemp may have
originated and where it certainly grows wild in great va-
riety today-central Asia.
. . . where the Iranian plateau ab uts up on the m iddl e
reaches of the E m asian steppe, ... From the fourth millen-
nium n.c., agricultural communities had clustered on the
better-watered patches of this plateau; . . . On the grass-
lands around and between these agricultural settlements
lived barbarian pastoralists, linguistically akin to the war-
riors of the western steppe. Through the mediation of agri-
cultural communities in their midst, these pastoralists
became increasingly exposed to influences radiating from
the distant Mesopotamian culture center. In this setting, not
long b efore 1700 B.c., a critically imp ortant fusion of civilized
technique with b arbarian prowess semns to have occurred,
for it was here, in all prob ability, that the light two-wheel ed
war chariot, soon to become the supreme arbiter of the
battlefield in all Eurasia, was invented, or p erhaps merely
p erfected.111
Thus, after approximately 1700 B.c., nomads possessing
domesticated horses, highly perfected war chariots, bronze
armor, compound bows, and certainly in some cases the
knowledge and use of the hemp plan t migrated out of cen-
15. Ibid., p. 120.
16. McNeill, op. cit., p. 118.
64 MAN AND MARIJUANA

tral Asia in successive waves for many centuries. By

tracing linguistic affinities and cross-cultural contacts, we
can determine the uses and diffusion routes of hemp from
this central Asiatic hearth. Regarding hemp's general
movement west, we should compare the importance of
hemp for fiber in China with the use of flax for the same
purpose in the West.

It is a point of great culture-historical interest that the Chi-

nese have never utilized the flax-fibre in the manufacture of
textiles, but that hemp has always occupied this place from
the time of their earliest antiquity. This is one of the points
of fundamental diversity between East-Asiatic and Mediter-
ranean civilization-there hemp, and here flax, as material
for clothing.17

In fact, if we refer to some of the fragments of ancient

Iranian literature that remain, we see that the economic
use of the hemp plant is not listed in the cloth :fiber cate-
gory, but rather as an oil source.

Whatever is like spinning cotton, and others of this genus,

they call clothing plants ( jamak). Whatever lentil ( macag)
is greasy, as sesame, dusdan, hemp, vandak ... and others
of this genus, they call an oilseed ( rodano) .1s

Moreover, hemp's most significant application in south-

west Asia, Egypt, the Mediterranean region, and Africa
has not been for fiber nor oil but for intoxicating purposes.
C ANNABIS
If we remember the ecological influences aHecting the I AT I YA.
fiber and resin characteristics of hemp, we can better
understand why this contrast in use has occurred. In
China, the general winter conditions of a more humid
17. Lnufer, op. cft., p. 293.
18. E.W. West, Pallool Texts 5 (Oxford, England, 1906), p. 108.
Illustration of the hemp plant.
Generalized routes of ancient equestrian migrations out of
Central Asia.

Distribution of evidences for the ancient use of l1emp in tlie

Old W orld.
a. Hempen fabrics from grave-mounds of tl1e PhrlJf!.ian Kin{!-
dom found at t11e T11rkisl1 site of Cord ion ( eiglitl1 century
B.C.).
b. Hempen cloth from limestone tomb of tlie ~ferovin{!.ian
queen Amegunde at St.-Denis, Paris (between 565-570
A.D.).
c. Hempen cloth and fisl1ing-line found in Viking graves of
S.W. Norway.
d. Hemp rope from well of Roman fort in Dunbartons11ire
(14-0-180 A.O.).
e. Hem pen clotli found at Cologne (third century A.D.).
f. Getae shamen ( Kapnobatai ) burned 11emp for intoxica-
tion (sixtli century B.c. ) .
g Tliracians wove hempen cloth.
11'. Herodotus reported Scytliian use of liemp for ritualistic
purposes.
i. Hemp burned for intoxication and hempen cloth found in
Scythian tombs in tlie Altai mountains (c. t'1ird to fi~h ce-
tury B.C. ) .
f. Yarkand, an ancient center for the distribution of hashish.
k. Pliny spoke of the Getophyllis (laughing leaf) from Bactria.
l. Ancient Persian eupl1oric hemp preparation known as
bang.
Ancient Indian euplioric hemp preparation known as

~
m.
bhanga.
n. Hemp remains found at neolithic sites in North C'1ina
suc11 as Anyang. I
o. Fragments of silk and hemp textile found at late neolitllic
Liang-chu site in Cl1ekiang (2000-3000 B.c. ).
p. Cord-marked pottery of South China possibly impressed
with hemp.
q. Hemp found at neolithic sites in Kansu and Chinese
Turkestan.
 Male and fema le flowers of Cannabis sutiva.
Greatly enlarged diagram of staminate (male flower). Actt1al
Si:;e 7mm
Greatly enlarged diagram of pistillate (female flo1cer). Actual
Size 7mm
DIFF1JSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 65
temperate environment are better suited for the develop-
ment of flexible fiber material in the hemp plant, while
in the hotter and somewhat drier regions to the south.
more psychoactively potent resins would be produced
along with brittle, almost useless fiber cells. But this
climatic explanation is not completely satisfactory because
cultural attitudes, micro-climatic conditions, and the avail-
ability of this plant surely influenced hemp's preferred
uses in the respective regions.
Now if we examine the Persian word bang (an intoxi-
cating hemp preparation), we .find that it can be traced to
the ancient Avestan word banha and the ancient Sanskrit
word bhanga. The Arabic equivalent is banf; in Portu-
guese bango; in Spanish and French bangue.19 Thus it
appears that hemp spread into the Middle East from
where it grew wild in central and (later) western Asia,20
probably by the agency of invading nomadic charioteers.
Subsequently, in classical times, it diffused rapidly through
the Mediterranean region, across North Africa and into
what today is the Iberian peninsula, where its etymo-
logical identity indicates an Eastern origin. But what
other archaeological or historical evidences do we have
from the general area of southwest Asia and the Medi-
terranean?
We know that the Phrygian tribes that invaded the
Hittite Empire in the Anatolian Plateau during the 1st
millennium B.c. were weavers of hemp (and possibly im-
bibers of intoxicating hemp preparations ).
Recent excavations by the University of Pennsylvania at the
Turkish site of Gordion. just west of Ankara, produced
19. Laufer, op. cit., p. 582.
20. H. Godwin, "Ancient Cultivation of Hemp," Antlqulty (March,
1967), 41:44.
66 MAN AND MAJUJUANA
hempen fabrics including a specimen of hemp "tabby" of
the late 8th century B.c., from gravemounds of the Phrygian
Kingdom. 21
In consideration of this textile evidence and others
like it we should realize that arid areas favor a longer
preservation of organic remains.
Though under certain circumstances fi~~. b~ong to the
most resistent remains of early human civilization they are
generally destroyed by the action of humidity through the
centuries, and the scraps recovered from archaeological sites
represent but a fraction of what once existed, nor are they
statistical samples of the variety and relative importance
in those days. 22
Thus, other communities settled in more humid environ-
ments than the relatively arid area of central Turkey may
also have utilized hemp for cloth, rope, food, or drugs.
However, in these cases a more humid environment would
have reduced the chances for preservation of hempen ma-
terial. The Scythian example also stands; but we have
some other less definite evidence for another important
chariot-driving militant group, the Assyrians.
Although we are only certain of the cultivation of
sesame and flax for essential fats and fibers in ancient
Mesopotamia, it is possible that hemp was (on a smaller
scale) grown or collected for oil, fiber, or, most probably,
drug sources.
If Assyriologists were able to define more exactly the nature
of the garden plants mentioned so frequently in early Sume-
rian texts, we could trace-with the help of botanists and
other specialists-the history of their cultivation and the
21. Ibid., p. 42.
22. R. J. Forbes, Studies In Ancient TechMlogy (Leiden, 1956), 4:1.
DIFF1JSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA
lines of their diffusion far beyond the llmits of our region. 28
We do know, however, that the Assyrians used hemp, at
least as an "incense," in the early part of the first mil-
lennium.
It has been recently stated that the Assyrians knew of hemp
in the seventh or eighth century before Christ and used it
as incense. They called it "Qunube" or "Qunnabu," a term
apparently borrowed from an old E ast-Iranian word, "Ko-
naba," the same as the Scythian name Kaovabis (cannabis),
which latter designation the plant bears at the present day,
and as the "Ka.nabas," which is derived from the primitive
Germanic word "H anapaz." These words are evidently
identical with the Greek term kovabos, i.e., noise, and would
seem to originate from the noisy fashion in which the hemp
smokers expressed their feelings.u
Now this interesting evidence reveals a linguistic con-
nection for hemp use in Mesopotamia with that same kind
of use in areas north of the Transcaucasus. It would seem,
therefore, to indicate that ban;, the Arabian word for an
intoxicating hemp preparation, probably was derived most
directly from another Indo-European group known loosely
as the Aryans, who brought the Avestan religion to the
Iranian region and comparable Vedic religion to India.
The dates for this significant movement are clouded by
the relative lack of archaeological data, but seem to have
been later than the Assyrian period. It was sometime be-
fore the sixth century B.c. that the progenitors of the
Persian empire moved onto the Iranian plateau to gain
political control of this area and establish the Avestan
religion, out of which Zoroastrianism arose.
23. A. Leon Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia (Chicago, 1964), p.
313.
24. Louis Lewin, Phantastlca (New York, 1964 ), p. 109.
68 MAN AND MABIJUANA
Thus, from the Assyrian linguistic evidence, we should
remember that European languages have a designation for
the hemp plant itself, which is distant from the Aryan
etymological roots for a psychoactive hemp preparation
( Avestan bangha, Sanskrit bhanga). In addition to the
European designation, which is probably a "... loan-word
pointing to Finno-Ugrian and Turkish; . . . there is a com-
mon Old-Turkish word for 'hemp· of the type kandir,
which stands in some relation to the Finno-Ugrian ap-
pelations."24 According to this etymological evidence the
use of hemp probably spread to Western Europe by
migrating Teutonic peoples who originated in Eurasia.
Also, the civilizations of classical Greece and Rome show
evidence of receiving knowledge of the plant from both
eastern Europe and southwest Asia. First, let us consider
its diffusion into Western Europe.
DeCandolle suggested an approximate date for the
diffusion of hemp out of Western Asia.
It seems probable that the Scythians transported this plant
from central Asia and from Russia when they migrated west-
ward about 1500 B.c., a little before the Trojan war. It may
also have been introduced by the earlier incursions of the
Aryans into Thrace and Western Europe; yet in that case it
would have been earlier known in Italy.2 e
The Scythians and possibly other tribes of central Asiatic
origin probably transferred knowledge of hemp to the
Teutonic peoples before 500 B.C.
The etymological evidence indicates that Teutonic peoples
knew hemp before the first sound-shift, which is commonly
25. Laufer, op. cit., p. 294.
26. Alphonse DeCondolle, Origins of Cultivated Planu (New York,
1908), p. 148.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 69
placed between 500 and 250 B.c. The name apparently has
come from its original Iodo-Germanic sources more or less
unaltered into European languages as hanag, hanep, hampf,
haenep, etc. The Greek word kannabis was evidently from
the same source but escaped the sound-shift from k to h.
We appear justified in assuming that in the last 500 years
B.c. hemp was known not only to the Scythians but to the
Teutonic peoples to the westward, the region from which
came the great westerly folk migration of the next millen-
nium.21
We do have scarce and scattered evidence indicating
the ancient cultivation of hemp in northwest Europe.
Hempen cloth buried about 570 A.D. \vithin the limestone
tomb of a Merovingian queen, Arnegunde, in St Denis,
Paris, has been recovered. 28 The Vikings also were prob-
ably familiar with the water resistent qualities of hempen
rope and fish line that they presumably used on their
ships; and hemp eventually even diffused into Iceland
during the late middle ages.29
In addition, pollen analysis has shown that widespread
cultivation at Old Buckenham Mere in England started
about 400 A.D. when Anglo-Saxons moved into the area in
relatively large numbers. The pollen curve for Cannabis
sativa is quite distinct.80 However, various pieces of rope,
tentatively identified as made of hemp, found in a well
of a Roman fort in Dunbartonshire occupied during the
period 140 to 180 A.D. testify to the likelihood that the
earliest introduction of hemp in Britain came by Roman
Agency from the Mediterranean region where we have a
number of ancient references for its use.
27. H. Godwin, "Ancient Cultivation of Hemp," Antiqultiea 41, 162
( Morch 1967 ), p. 44.
28. Ibid., p. 44.
29. Godwin, op. cit., p. 44.
30. Godwin op. cit., pp. 46-47.
70 MAN AND MARIJUANA
C. THE CULTURAL DIFFUSION OF HEMP INTO
MEDITERRANEAN EUROPE
Diffusing from southwest Asia and Asia Minor, what
evidences do we have for the use of hemp in the Mediter-
ranean region? We are aware of Herodotus' historical men-
tion of the Scythian use of hemp for ecstatic purposes. He
also refers to its use by Thracians in the region of the
eastern Balkan peninsula and in Dacia. Now one of the
Thracian tribes from Dacia, the Getae, who settled north
of the Danube and west of the Dniester river had a
curious mystic shaman-cult-the Kapnobatal. The name of
this cult can be defined as those who walk in the smoke-
clouds, presumably referring to their use of hemp for
ecstatic purposes. We first hear of these people, which
Herodotus called the most courageous and law-abiding
of the Thracian tribes, about 515 B.c.31 Thus we know from
Scythian, Thracian, and Getae evidences that hemp in-
toxication was a popular social practice, if only among the
priestly elite in the Balkans (and not Greece) by the fifth
century, s.c.
It has been reported that Hiero II, king of Syracuse
( third century a.c.), purchased hemp for the ropes and
sailcloth of his ships from the Rhone river area in Gaul,
and that Lucilius, the satirist ( c. 100 B.c.), is the earliest
Roman writer to mention the plant.82
In the first century of the Christian era, Dioscorides,
a Greek from Cilicia in southern Asia Minor said to have
been the personal physician of Nero, gathered information
31. George Andrews and Simon Vinkenoog, T11e Book of Grass (New
York), 1968), p. 11.
32. Victor H ehn, The Wanderlng.t of Pkmu and Anlmak from Their
First Home (London, 1885), p. 151.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 71
and wrote a book on medicinal herbs. This lexicon of
h~rbs ~ one of. the earliest pharmacopoeias. In it,
?1os~ndes descnbes some six hundred plant products,
including some from hemp, indicating the appropriate
applications of which he was aware. He was, however,
unaware o~ the dioecious nature of the hemp plant and
therefore listed a separate species for both the female
( Kannabis Emeros) and the male ( Kannabis Agria). For
the female he indicated its use for strong rope, relieving
ear ach~, and ~ducing menstrual :Bow. For the male plant
he mentioned its fibrous qualities and use for muscular
ailments.18
.Claudius Galen ( 130-193 A.D. ) , whose writings had
widespread authority in medical practice until the six-
teenth century, was born at Pergamos in western Asia
Minor also. Galen emulated the great Greek physician
Hippocrates. He was a renowned scholar and author
but unfortunately most of his literary works were d~
stroyed by fire. However, we do know that Galen reported
that hemp was a commonly consumed substance in the
ancient Italian Peninsula. "He states that at dessert small
cakes were passed round which increased thirst but if
tak~. in excess produced torpor (or sluggishness')."" In
addition, Galen relates to us how it was customary to
offer guests hemp seeds as a promoter of hilarity (cum
aliis tragematis ) .so
Pliny, the great Roman natural philosopher of the first
century A.D., also commented on the use of hemp in Book
33. Robert Gunther, ed., The Gre-ek Herbal of Dio.scoridel (New YorJc.
1959), pp. 390-91.
34. Louis Lewin, Plwnta.rttca (New York, 1964 ), p. 110.
35. George Watt, Commercial ProdllCU of lndla (Calcutta 1908)
p. 256. • '
72 MAN AND MARIJUANA
XIX, which deals with the cultivation of Bax ( the common
Mediterranean fiber plant) and other plants used for
fabrics.
... hemp, ... is exceedingly useful for ropes. Hemp is sown
when the spring west wind sets in; the closer it grows the
thinner its stalks are. Its seed when ripe is stripped off after
the autumn equinox and dried in the sun or wind or by the
smoke of a fire. The hemp plant itself is plucked after the
vintage, and peeling and cleaning it is a task done by
candle light The best is that of Arab-Hissar, which is spe-
cially used for making hunting-nets. Three cla.sses of hemp
are produced at that place: that nearest to the bark or the
pith is considered of inferior value, while that from the
middle, the Greek name for which is "middles," is most
highly esteemed. The second b est hemp comes from Mylasa.
As regarding height, the hemp of Rosea in the Sabine terri-
tory grows as tall as a fruit-tree. The two kinds of fennel-
giant have been mentioned above among exotic shrubs. In
Italy its seed is an article of diet; in fact, it is stored in pots
and lasts for as much as a year. Two different parts of it are
used as vegetables, the stalks and the branches.ae
In addition, Pliny probably was alluding to hemp when
he referred to the "Gelotophyllis" ( the laughing leaf),
which he said came from Bactria, an ancient country in
the northeastern part of modem Afghanistan or in the
general area of central Asia!
As I noted, in the temperate regions, such as western
and central Europe, the hemp plant is used primarily for
the production of rope and strong tissue. However, as I
have also shown, it was used to some extent for ecstatic
purposes around the Mediterranean region in antiquity
and may have had a limited drug use in the more northerly
36. PUny, Natural HLftory (ed. by H. Rackham), Boox XIX (London,
1950), 5:174-75.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 73
regions of central and western Europe. Hemp grown dur-
ing the relatively warm, humid summers of northwestern
Europe would be of a rather mild psychoactive nature.
But if grown in certain drier micro-environments of this
genera1 area the plant might produce more potent ma-
terial. In any case, "In Europe and the Mediterranean
world, where beer and wine were available, the narcotic
properties of hemp were perhaps Jess appreciated, espe-
cially since flax provided fiber and an oil of at least equal
quality."IT
D. HEMP IN ANCIENT CHINA
The cultural diHusion of hemp in and out of east Asia
remains to be £ully understood; but we can find a good
deal of evidence indicating its ancient and significant use
in Chinese culture.
Of all the earliest large-scale civilizations, including
those in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus valley, the
Chinese cultural tradition was least influenced by extema1
stimuli. This is understandable if we consider the several
thousand miles of inhospitable terrain that lay between
China and the other important civilizations to the south-
west. Besides the geographical restraints, warlike bar-
barians restricted travel across the vast steppes separating
these societies after 1700 u.c. The barbarian restrictions
were of no mean importance for the history of Chinese
culture, for they occurred during the crucial formative
period in China.88
37. Freddcb Zuener, "The Cultivation 0£ Plants," A HLftory of Tech-
nolcgy (ed. by Charles Singer) (Oxford, England, 1954), p. 373.
38. William McNeill, The Rise of the We.n (Chicago, 1963), p. 238.
74 MAN AND MARIJUANA
However, Chinese culture did not develop solely under
its own inner momentum. In fact, there seems to have
been some limited but significant external contact that
undoubtedly affected the diffusion of hemp (but into
China or out of China?).
By 1300 B.c., the use of the horse and chariot, together
with bronze armor, the compound bow, and rectangular
fortifications, had been established in northern China. The
diffusion of these traits into China can be attributed to
the nomadic warriors of the central Asian steppes who
came to the Far East from either the margins of the
Iranian plateau or from the Altai mountains.
Furthermore, the similarities among certain pottery
styles reveals some earlier contact between China and the
West by way of central Asia.
Another definite link with western Asia is indicated by the
appearance in China (ca. 2000 B.c.) of a type· of painted
pottery showing many technical and stylistic affinities with
a similarly painted pottery found at Neolithic sites in the
Middle East and in eastern Europe. R11
However important these limited contacts, the indige-
nous cultural inBuence in China was always very strong.
U the Chinese did adopt Western ideas and techniques,
they were soon molded into the distinct Chinese culture.
As I have noted, there are some indications that hemp
was used, at least as a fiber source, at a very ancient
time in China, perhaps many thousands of years ago at
Mesolithic sites in south China and Taiwan. "Hemp was
the first fibre plant of China,"40
In addition, we have some evidence revealing the use
39. Ibid., p. 238.
40. Zuener, op. cit., 373.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATJVA 75
of hemp for textiles, ropes, fishlines, and threads at late
Neolithic sites 4,000 to 5,000 years ago in Cbekiang prov-
ince,0 at Yang-Shao in western Honan,42 and at the east-
ern fringe of the central Asiatic steppes in Chinese Tur-
kestan and Kansu."
The location of Neolithic sites, with evidence of hemp
cultivation along or near the natural corridor of the cen-
tral Asiatic steppes connecting western China and the
Middle East, gives us some grounds for speculating about
the cultural diffusion of hemp. Some students of Chinese
antiquities underplay the importance of this natural high-
way and would thus see a more indigenous growth of
cultural ideas and activities in China.
The steppe zone undoubtedly a1so served as a route of cul-
tural m?vement and diffusion between the high cultural
centers m the East and West. In the current archaeological
record, we see two radiating centers, one in the Iraq-Iran
area and the other in the Huangbo, which spread their in-
fluence across the intervening steppes from opposite dire<>
tions and made scattered contacts. We do not yet see, how-
ever, that the steppe zone during the sub-Neolithic and the
N~ol.ithic stage served as route of significant cultural trans-
1D1SS1on from one of the high cultural centers to the other.••
Indeed, Chinese culture always was distinctly original.
But it is hard to imagine that over many centuries certain
transmissible ( and even significant) cultural goods and
practices were not exchanged between China and central
41. Te-K'un Cheng, New Light on Prehistoric China (Toronto, 1966),
p. 37.
42. ]. G. Anderson, Geological Survey of China Bulletin 5 ( Peking
1923), p. 26. '
43. Margit Bylln Althin, Bulletin of tluJ Mmeum of Far Eastern An-
tlquitlu 18 (Stockholm. 1940), pp. 457-58.
44. Kwang-Chlh Chang, TM Archaeology of China (New Haven,
Conn., 1968), pp. 182-83.
76 MAN AND MARIJUANA
Asia. In fact, I will suggest that most likely hemp seeds
and ideas about the plant's use were culturally diffused
across the steppes from central Asia to north China at
an early date. But, on the other hand, it is possible that
the hemp plant may have originated in north China (or
even in Southeast Asia) from whence it was carried west-
ward to the steppes of central Asia and eventually to the
rest of the world. As Vavilov•G points out, the hemp plant,
which is well established as a wild plant in central Asia
today, may have originated as a species elsewhere. As I
pointed out before, this problem of locating the exact
center of hemp's first cultural use is perplexing and only
allows for speculation at the present time.
Some textile plant was cultivated, in the belief of archaeolo-
gists, even by Neolithic men in north China. Fibres of a
sort of hemp are identified by the excavators among the
Anyang materials, and this probably points to the cultiva-
tion of such a plant on a considerable scale.•e
The rigorous historical-mindedness of the Chinese
people is an ancient and distinguished tradition. However,
the legendary first human government of China, the Hsia
Dynasty, has not yet been substantiated by archaeological
investigation. Actually, we can determine only a gross out-
line for the very early historic origins of this great civiliza-
tion of eastern Asia.
Prior to the emergence of the documented second dy-
nasty of Chinese tradition, the Shang ( c. 1523-1028 B.C.),
we have some legendary evidence for the use of hemp in
45. N. I. Vavilov, "The Role of Central Asia in the Origin of Culti-
vated Plants," Bulletin of Applied .Botany, af Cenetic.9 and Plant Breed-
ing (Leningrad, 1931), 26:42.
46. Herrlee Glessner Creel, The Birth of China (New York, 1937),
p. 87.
DIFFUSION OF CANNAB1S SATIVA 77
ancient China. But these evidences do indicate hemp's
ancient presence and importance in that region. Unfor-
tunately, dating the early references is difficult since sys-
tematic chronology did not begin until the Han period
( 206 B.C. to 220 A.D.).
The Chinese character for hemp (ma) actually indi-
cates husbandry of the plant ''The character is composed
of two parts: 'flowers' and a 'shelter; referring to the labor
bestowed on the fibres."47 Although this character ma
presently serves as a general generic term for plants yield-
ing textile fibers, it was originally applied exclusively to
the common (or "true") hemp plant, Cannabis sativa.48
Interestingly, the character for ma looks much like two
plants within a protecting shelter or line. Whether or not
the character was intended to denote both the oil-seed and
fiber fonns of hemp or the male and female plant, the
double properties of hemp were certainly known at an
early time: ta-ma (great hemp), si-ma (male hemp), and
tsu-ma (female and seed-bearing hemp) .~ 9
Investigating other characters also pronounced ma gives
us some interesting insights into the early associations of
the hemp plant. The sound ma is also connected to "horse."
''The original form (for horse) represents the head, mane,
and legs of a horse."6° Furthermore, this character for ma
meant "... warlike, spirited cavalry: the white knight in
chess, quick as a horse," and thus may indicate some con-
nection with hempen rope or the barbarian use or intro-
duction of hemp into China. This same character for ma
47. Wells Williams, A Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language
(Shanghai, 1889). p. 571.
48. George Watt, Commercial Products af Ind.ia (Calcutta, 1908 ),
p. 251.
49. Ibid., 251.
50. Williams, op. cit., p. 571.
78 MAN AND MARIJUANA
has a colloquial meaning-sprightly, lively, quick-which
corresponds to one of the early medicinal uses of hemp
in China for "absent-mindedness."iu. In addition, two char-
acters commonly associated together in ancient Chinese
literature refer to millet and hemp. In fact, millet is also
one of the very earliest domesticated plants in ancient
China.112
As I pointed out before, Shen Nung, the "father of
husbandry," who probably lived sometime between 3494-
2657 B.c.,Ga was well acquainted with the hemp plant.
Besides inventing agriculture, this legendary Chinese hero
also experimented with many herbs, including Camu.zbis
sativa, for their drug potential."
The ancient Chinese, especially the Emperor Shen Nung,
were startling modem about drugs and medicines ... about
2737 B.C. Nung wrote a £~:n1acy book. In it he was far
more observant about In · hemp, knew its love life, and
had more understanding about its use than most of us.05
In his pharmacopoeia, Shen Nung prescribed hemp for
"female weakness, gout, rheumatism, malaria, beri-beri,
constipation, and absent-mindedness,"116 and although
Nung probably realized"... that female Indian hemp was
destined to bring a kind of euphoric happiness to countless
millions from that day to this,"117 the plant was condemned
51. Norman Taylor, Narcotics: Nature's Dangerous Gifts (New York,
1963), p. 21.
52. James Legge, The Sacred Books of China (Oxford, 1966), 3:365;
and Chi-Yun Chang, Chinese HistonJ of Fifty Centuries (Taipei, 1962),
1:35.
53. Chi-Yun Chang, op. cit., p. 30.
54. Chi-Yun Chang, op. cit., p. 31.
55. Taylor, op. cit., p. 20.
56. Taylor, op. cit., p. 21.
57. Taylor, op. cit., p. 21.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 79
for sometime in ancient China as the "liberator of sin."
I will suggest that this early "official"' condemnation
of hemp did not fully restrict its economic or euphoric
use; and, to a large extent, this censorship can be ex-
plained by two factors. First of all, the Chinese cultural
tradition has a long history of stem moralism.
To them (the Chinese). as to so many today, to be a little
happy is suspect, and to be very happy is quite certainly
sinful. Hence they were soon callin~ this resinous female
(hemp) plant the Liberator of Sin.' 118
Secondly, the use of hemp for intoxicating purposes by the
barbarians to the west of north China probably explains
much of the prejudice against the plant in ancient China.
Any habits of the warlike barbarians who continually and
viciously harassed the more sedentary Chinese civilization
were frowned upon emphatically. For example, the an-
cient Chinese distaste for milk foods suggests an ancient
tabu. Mille products were apparently considered unclean
by the Chinese, but were, on the other hand, the very
mark of the central Asian nomadic economy.
... perhaps (the Chinese) aversion to milk products ~y
have been reinforced by the fact that the pastoral enemies
of their arable order, the hors~herding nomad of the steppe
to the west lived on milk and cheese.69
Thus, a similar connection between hemp euphoria and
the militant nomads of western China probably influenced
the early condemnation against this use of hemp in ancient
China.
Furthermore, even though hemp later gained popular
58. Taylor, op. cit., p. 20.
59. Edward H yams, Soil and Cloiliultion (London, 1952). p. 153.
80 MAN AND MARIJUANA
recognition in the region as a "delight giver,»e0 its main
applications were for fiber and hemp-seed food. In fact,
it was referred to very early as one of the five, or nine,
kinds of grains.01
Actually, we can find many ancient references for the
use of hemp in ancient China. In the chapter "Li Yun" of
the early Book of Rites there is a reference that testifies
to the economic importance of hemp at an early time.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 81
And on those lands transformed by human agency in
ancient China, culivation of certain crops was practiced.
The following references to ancient hemp cultivation have
also been gleaned from the Tribute of Yu. Around Mt. Tai
(The Sacred Tai Shan) in Shantung province the
. . . soils were whitish and rich . . . with silk, hemp, lead,
pine trees, and strange stones, from the valleys oI Tai."

Let the people be engaged in the plantation of the mulberry- Also in the river valleys of Honan, which lead into the
tree and hemp, so as to produce cloth and silk.02 Hwang Ho river,
In the Shu King, the most ancient of the Chinese classical
The soil of this province was mellow (and) its articles of
books dating from about 2357-627 B.c.88 we find some tribute were varnish, hemp, fine cloth of dolichos fibre, and
creditable evidence for the use of hemp in early Chinese the boehmerea.81
civilization. In Part III, Book I of the Shu King (The
Tribute of Yu), there is reference to agricultural develop- Moreover, we find evidence for hemp's ancient use in
ment and the culivation of hemp. On the development China in the Shih King (the Book of Poetry), which illus-
of irrigation and agriculture we find these references in trated the religious views and practices. Stanzas 5 through
the Tribute of Yu: 9 of Ode 5 depict the process of "divination• for interpret-
ing dreams. These particular stanzas refer to the time of
The (waters of the) Hwang and Wei were brought to their King Hsuan (827 to 782 B.c.).88
proper channels, and Ta-lu was made capable of cultiva-
tion.°'
The boy would have a sceptre, a symbol of dignity, to play
Thus, throughout the nine provinces a similar order was with; the girl, a ti.le, the symbol of woman's work, as, sitting
effected :-the grounds along the waters were everywhere with a tile on her knee, she twists the threads of hemp.09
made habitable; the hills were cleared of their superfluous
wood.8G Ode 1 of the Book of Poetry relates the legend of Hau-Ki,
whose mother is said to trace her ancestral lineage to
60. Norman Farnsworth, "Hallucinogenic Plants," Science ( 6 Decem-
ber 1968), 162: 1086. Shen Nung in prehistoric times.70
61. George Watt, Commercial Products of India (Calcutta, 1908),
6. 251. 66. Legge, op. cit., p. 66.
62. Chi-Yun Chang, op. cit., _p. 59. 67. Legge, op. cit., p. 70.
63. James Legge, The Sacred Boob of China (Oxford., 1966). 3: 1. 68. Legge, op. cit., p. 349.
64. Legge, op. cit., p. 65. 69. Legge, op. cit., p. 350.
65. Legge, op. cit., p. 74. 70. Legge, op. cit., p. 398.

82 MAN AND MARIJUANA
In this ode the "boyish habits of agriculture" are dis-
cussed.
When be was able to feed himself, be fell to planting beans.
The beans grew luxuriantly; his rows of paddy shot up
beautifully; his hemp and wheat grew strong and close; his
gourds yielded abundantly.11
In addition, the use of hemp for making paper in
ancient China is at least as old as 105 A.D., when this use
is said to have been invented by Ts'ai Lun.72
Regardless of its earlier condemnation, hemp euphoria
was sought after at least by the Chou period ( c. 1000-221
B.c. ). when it was used for "the enjoyment of life";78 and
another scholar indicates that the ecstatic effects of in-
gesting hemp juice ". .. must have been known in China
as early as the 4th century A.D., as the Shir-i-Chi, quoted
in the Ko-Chih-Ching-Yuan, speaks of the juice of hemp.
the eating of which causes one to see spirits."7• I will
suggest that these qualities of the hemp plant were known
much earlier, at least as early as the days of Shen Nung.
It is interesting that the Chinese character hu, whieh
refers to barbarians or foreigners of the West, can be
connected to the character for hemp ( hu-ma ) to indicate
western or foreign hemp 711 and the potent female hemp
plant. The character ( hu ) is also used in the old phrase
( hu m£ng tin tao ), which means to have extraordinary
dreams. Is this an indication of hallucinogenic visions or
71. Legge, op. cit., p . 398.
72. Berthold Laufer, Sino-lranlca ( Chicago, 1919), p. 563.
73. Herrlee Glessner Cree~ The Birth of Clafna (New York, 1937),
p. 319.
74. Friedrich Hirth, China and the Roman Orient (New York, 1966),
p. 279.
75. Ibid., p. 279.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 83
dreams induced by ingesting hemp? Whatever the case,
". . . every tyro (novice ) in things Chinese knows that
hemp ( Cannabis sativa) belongs to the oldest cultivated
plants of the Chinese.""8
E. THE CULTURAL DIFFUSION OF HEMP INTO
ANCIENT INDIA <SOUTH ASIA)
Hemp drugs have been used in India from very early times
in order to overcome fatigue and worry, for production of
euphoria. and to give courage to warriors during times of
stress. 71
Today the hemp plant grows wild over an extensive area
of northern India, northern West Pakistan, and along the
slopes of the Himalayas from Kashmir to the east of
Assam, up to altitudes of 10,000 feet above sea level.18
Although it does grow wild over such a vast area, accord-
ing to the comprehensive Hemp Drug Commission report
of 1894, this plant is not indigenous to India.79 Assuming
then that the hemp plant did not have an autochthonous
origin in India, from where and when did hemp enter
ancient India?
As I previously noted, after about 1700 B.c., militant
nomads commanding effective chariot armies moved out
of the vast central Asiatic steppes, mountains, and deserts
in successive waves of migration. Besides dispersing in
groups west into Eastern Europe and east toward China,
76. Laufer, op. cit., p. 563.
77. R. N. Chopra and C. S. Chopra, ''The Present Position of Hemp-
Drug Addiction in India," Indian Medical Research Memofr1 (Calcutta.,
1939 ). 31:20.
78. Ibid., 4.
79. George Watt, Commercial Producu of India (Calcutta, 1908).
p. 249.
..
84 MAN AND MARIJUANA
these Indo-European-speaking nomads traveled south into
the Iranian plateau. Eventually some of them or their
successors crossed the Hindu Kush mountains in relatively
large numbers by pushing through a few remote passes
and down into the Punjab ("the land of five rivers"). I will
suggest that these migrating tribes brought with them to
ancient India certain new materials and innovations,
among which were the hemp plant and some of its various
uses.
Moving into the Indus river valley of the Punjab some
3500 or more years ago, these migrating "Aryan" tribes
would have encountered a landscape long influenced by
one of the world's oldest large-scale civilizations. In fact,
the ancient "Harappan culture" had probably been evolv-
ing on the Indus flood plain for approximately 1000 years
(c. 2500-1500),80 if and when it was interrupted by
"Aryan" warriors sometime daring the 2nd millennium B.c.
At present there is not much conclusive archaeological
evidence to support the theory that a nomadic group(s)
invaded, overran, and eventually dominated the Indus
civilization 3500 years ago.
There is not enough evidence to say with certainty that the
destroyers of the Indus cities were members of the group
of related tribes whose priest composed the Rg Veda (the
earliest revered literary tradition in India), but it is prob-
able that the fall of this great civilization was an episode in
the widespread migratory movements of charioteering peo-
ple which altered the face of the whole civilized world in
the 2nd millennium B.c. s1
80. Mortimer Wheeler, Early India and Pakistan ( London, 1959). pp.
93-117; and Stuart Piggott, Prehlstorlc India to 1000 B.C. (London,
1950). pp. 214-43.
81. A. L. Basham, The Wonder tllllt Was India (New York, 1959).
p. 28.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 85
Indeed, the wide support for this theory is primarily based
on literary mythology. Specifically it is the most ancient
Indian religious record, the Rg-Vedic reference to Aryan
invasions, that is most often used to substantiate this
hypothesis.
A reasonable guess is that the greater part of the Rigveda
was prepared, or at least refers to events that took place,
about 1500-1200 B.c. in the Punjab.82
However, at least one noted archaeologist suggests that
some artifacts such as copper tools, beads, and other per-
sonal and portable objects recovered from different sites
in the Indus valley at Jhukar, Shaki-Tump, and in the last
phase of Mohenjo-daro, correlate significantly in sequence
and kind with analogous objects found at ancient sites at
Anau in Turkestan and in the last phases of Tepe Hissar
( Hissar m ). Therefore, they underscore the theory of
relatively large-scale migrations of nomadic groups into
ancient India during the 2nd millennium B.C.
I think we should probably be justi.6ed in considering the
analogous objects as manifestations of a fairly homogeneous
semi-nomadic culture which was accustomed when settling
down to adopt the pottery of the local people, and to regard
all these cities as representative of a diffuse movement of
peoples eastward in the first half of the second millennium
B.C.83
In any case, the "Aryan" invasions were not a single con-
certed effort, but actually involved a rather long period
82. D. D. Kosambi, The Culture and Cil>lUzaUon of Ancient India
( London, 1965), p. 73.
83. Stuart Piggott, "The Chronology of Prehistori.c Northwest India,"
Ancient India <January 1946), 1:155.

86 MAN AND MARIJUANA
of time and many tribes.s. But even if these migrations
in~oduced significantly large numbers of nomads into
northwest India (Punjab), where did they originate and
what effect, if any, did they have on the diffusion of hemp
into ancient India?
The most generally accepted theory holds that the Indo-
European nomads who apparently took part in violent
migrations into the Punjab most likely"... were familiar
with and probably originated in the northern regions of
Eurasia."811 In addition, many scholars suggest that the
invaders of the Indus valley moved first on to the Iranian
plateau and eventually turned east to migrate toward
northwest India.88
Although it seems that the "Aryans" produced most of
their clothing from woolen fiber81 and depended upon
sesame as their chief oil source,88 "there is evidence that
the Aryans came into India using hempen ropes, with
Bhanga as a name for Cannabis fibre. They may have been
users of hempseed oil before they contracted sesame oil
and found it better."89
Before discussing the specific evidence that indicates
the early use of Cannabis sativa in ancient India, we
should consider another general corridor for its diffusion.
At least one critical author has marshaled a good deal
of evidence to support his theory that the "Aryans" came
to the Punjab not from the Iranian plateau but from the
mountain regions to the north. Shafer presents Vedic
84. Basham, op. cit., p. 30.
85. Kosambl, op. cit., p. 75.
86. Ian Burkill, "Habits of Man and the Origins of the Cultivated
Plants of the Old World," Readings In Cultural Geography (ed. by
Phillip Wagner and Marvin Mikesell) (Chicago, 1962), p. 274.
87. Basham, op. cit., p. 36.
88. R. C. Majumdar, ed., The Vedic Age (London, 1952), p. 174.
89. Burkill, op. cit., p. 275.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 87
references for climatic conditions akin to the Himalayas.
... in the "countries" of the Vendidad, the Vaejah of the
Aryans, . . . there were ten months of winter and two of
summer. I am not a student of climates, but I would sup-
pose that could refer to a homeland in the Hindu Kush, in
the Karakoram range, the Himalaya, or Meru.90
Shafer also suggests that the order of geographical nomen-
clature referring to the rivers of the Punjab indicates
westward, rather than eastward, migrations.
Names of rivers for the Punjab in Iranian and Indo-Aryan
place names go from East to West in India.91
Furthermore, Shafer strengthens his interpretation with an
ethnographic rendering of some ancient references:
A glance at the ethnic-linguistic map will show that the
Indo-Aryans at a period of the Mahabharata knew almost
nothing of the peoples west of a narrow fringe on the fur-
ther bank of the Indus river. And a survey of the geographi-
cal knowledge of the authors of the Rg Veda shows that they
too knew nothing beyond the tributaries of the Indus. But
the ethni~linguistic map shows that the Indo-Aryans knew
a considerable amount about the peoples along the upper
Indus valley in present Tibet. The geographical locations
outside India that are most often connected with Indian reli-
gion and tradition are almost entirely in or north of the
Himalayas, not west of the Indus.92
Although most scholars would argue against this theory,
if it is correct, the introduction of the Aryans and hemp
into India may also have come directly from the north.
90. Robert Shafer, Ethnography of Ancient India (Wiesbaden, West
Germany, 1954), p. 41.
91. Ibid., p. 37.
92. Shafer, op. cit., p. 38.
88 MAN AND MARIJUANA
At least one kind of preparation of hemp, charas, the com-
pacted resin, probably difiused into India from this region.
The probable importation of the narcotic in ancient times
into India in a prepared form, as it comes at the present day
from Yarkand (central Asia) is indicated in the name
Kashmiri often applied to it in early Uterature. It is thus
probable that the knowledge of the narcotic, or at least of
charas was brought to India across the Himalayas.93
This particular trade of charas over the high passes and
along innumerable routes in the Himalayas from Chinese
Turkestan (Sinkiang province in central Asia) to India has
a very long history and was important up to very recent
times. In 1937-38 th.is narcotic trade actually represented
42 percent of the total value of Sinkiang's exports to
India.SM
In any case, the original difiusion of hemp into ancient
India by so-called "Aryan" tribes in the middle of the 2nd
millennium B.C. presupposes the non-existence of th.is
plant in the Indus valley before the Aryan migrations. It
is a fact that no archaeological evidence has been uncov-
ered to substantiate the presence of the hemp plant in
ancient India prior to the Aryan invasions. Satisfactory
interpretation of the enigmatic Indus script in the future
and comprehensive pollen analysis of ancient Indian flora
may present evidence for the presence of hemp in the
Indus valley before the 2nd millennium. But until such
time, we can suggest that hemp was not growing in north-
west India until the influx of migrating bibes approx-
imately 3500 years ago.
93. George Watt. Dictionary of the Economic Products of India (Cal-
cutta, 1889), 2: 106.
94. Owen Lattimore, The Pic;;ot of Aria (Boston, 1950), p. 173.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 89
What ancient evidence is there to indicate the existence
of hemp in ancient India beginning sometime in the 2nd
millennium B.c.? In contrast to the sedentary agricultural
economy of the Indus civilization ( Harappan culture),
the Aryans were originally wandering herdsmen. In fact,
the Aryan's apparently violent interaction with the declin-
ing Harappan culture has left a sad legacy for the archae-
ologist. Although there is a lack of artifacts associated
witl1 the ancient Aryans, we do have the remnants of a
most extraordinary body of religious literature and my-
thology that is, more or less, the sole source of information
for this period and region .
But just as the paucity of concrete Aryan remains has
ba.fHed the archaeologist, the Vedic literature, with its
symbolic obscurities and disregard for sequence of events
in time, has frustrated the historian. Therefore, any dating
and sequential arrangement of data must remain tenta-
tive. For th.e prehistoric and Vedic periods, the student
can refer to and rely on only vague reports and scanty in-
formation that have been passed down through the cen-
turies. Thus the historically minded scholar finds himself
in a chronological morass when delving into the antiquities
of the early Indian civilization. This situation is basically
a manifestation of Indian metaphysics; the cyclical con-
cept of nature (central to Indian thought) indirectly de-
emphasized the importance of an individual historic event
and its position in sequential arrangement
However, the ancient Indians were not comp1ete1y lack-
ing in the appreciation of the historical perspective as
manifested by the carefully preserved lists of teachers in
various Vedic, Buddhist, Jain, and other religious texts.
Aside from these meager religious chronicles, there was a
dearth of enthusiasm or ingenuity to collect and organize
90 MAN AND MARIJ UANA
scattered and pertinent evidences into a critical his~orical
text that was popular enough in literary form to ~ure
its preservation. Thus, in the broadest sense, ancient
Indian civilization failed to produce scholars whose his-
torical methodology paralleled the notable early western
historians such as Herodotus and Thucydides.
It should also be emphasized that the ancient Indian
cultural milieu was (and is ) thoroughly interwoven with
philosophical or religious ideals and oriented toward an
oral transmission of these ideals. The ancient Vedic tradi-
tion of the Aryans was hymnal in its earliest form. In fact,
the earliest Indian literary record, the Rg Veda, was con-
sidered as sru.ti ( the revelation of truth by Brahman-
the universal and omnipotent entity out of which all things
emanate and eventually return in a cyclic-like order) and
not to be desecrated by the written word. In this tradition,
the sruti was to be orally transmitted from gum to acolyte
in orderly succession according to meticulous discipline:
As the oral tradition broke down gradually, the sruti
became "desecrated" through their popularization among
the masses and the sacred Vedic legends and mysteries
were written down. This written record was in essence
the antithesis of the pristine Vedic tradition. Thus we find
that the only concrete result of historical study in the most
ancient period can be found in the long lists of kings and
legends preserved in the "sacred" Vedas, the "popular"
Puranas, and the "epics" of the Mahabharata and Rama--
yana.
In addition to a faulty or negligible chronology and the
lack of substantiaJ, documented historical and cultural
information, research concerned with ancient Indian
geography and history is further impeded by other p~ob­
lems. The use of similar or identical names for various
physical and cultural phenomena, the use of different
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATl VA 91
names for the same place or material,00 the propagation
over generations of fanciful geographical legend, and the
freque ntly utter disregard for distinction between real
and fabulous geography have raised serious obstacles for
the inquisitive and rigorous student of ancient India.
Actually, we find that the most accurate information for
the historic period comes not from indigenous sources but
from the writings and observations of travelers from
Greece, Persia, and China.
Thus, many limitations hinder scientific analysis of an-
cient India and for this study the origin and cultural dif-
fusion of Cannabis sativa. Indeed the fundamental chal-
lenge when dealing with questions that have a historical
focus, and especially where Indian antiquity is concerned,
is to accept the fact that some speculation can hardly be
avoided. However, the probabilities for valid conclusions
lie within the grasp of the student who can decipher fact
from fantasy in his own research as well as in that of
others.
As I have suggested, knowledge of the 6brous and
euphoric qualities of hemp is a very ancient tradition in
India. In the following discussion I will first present the
evidences for hemp's use in ancient India; and then I will
suggest a gross working outline for the early history of
man's association with the hemp plant in this region.
According to the old Hindu poems, Cod Shiva brought
down the hemp plant from the Himalayas and gave it to
mankind.00
95. The use of Patlibotbra, Patliputrn, and Patnn for the same city in
what is today the state of Bihar and. even more slgniflcantly for this study,
the use of several different names for the hemp plant and its many ap-
plications.
90. R. N. Chopra and C. S. Chopra, "The Present Po~ltion of Hemp-
Drug Addiction," Indian Medical Researcli Memoirs (Calcutta, 1939),
31: 3.
92 MAN AND MARIJUANA
Apparently the earliest synonym for hemp in ancient
India is bhanga (a word most likely introduced by the
Aryans) ,97 which comes from an etymological root that
means "to break." This association may indicate the break-
ing away or retting of fiber from the hemp plant. This
seems to indicate an early use of hemp for fiber by the
Aryans-probably, in their case, for rope and clothing.
Furthermore, in old Indian folk songs"... ganga or bhang
(with or without opium) was the invariable drink of
heroes before performing great feats of heroism."98 The
probable application of hemp for such purposes is also
underscored by the fact that one of the oldest names for
the plant in India was vifaya, which means the "victo-
rious."98 This tradition of hemp intoxication as a means of
stimulating confidence, bravery, and success reflects an-
other kind of use probably introduced by the ancient
Aryan invaders of the Indus valley.
Of the Vedas, which comprise the basis of the Indian
literary tradition, the fourth and not necessarily the young-
est one, the Atharva-Veda, seems to have been most rep-
resentative of the "people proper" ( the lower classes). In
fact, because of this heritage, the popular blessings, for-
mulas, theological concepts, and mysteries of the Atharva-
Veda apparently gained recognition as sacred literature
only after a long struggle. 100 Actually, the oldest known
Indian literary reference to hemp occurs in the Atharoa-
Veda ( c. 2000-1400 e.c. ) in Book XI, 6, 15. In this section,
dedicated to the "gods" for the soothing of grief, the fol-
lowing is stated:
97. Ian Burkill, "Habits of Man and the Origins of the Cultivated
Plants of the Old World," Readings in Cultural Ccograp11y (ed. by
Phillip Wagner and Marvin Mikesell) (Chicago, 1962), p. 275.
98. Chopra, op. cit., p. 3.
99. Chopra, op. cit., p. 2.
100. R. C. Mnjumdnr, ed., T11e Vedic Age (London, 1952) pp. 232-33.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 93
The five kingdoms of plants, having Soma as their chief, we
add.res~; the darbha, hemp, barley, saha-let them free us
&om distress.101
In the Kausitaki Brahminia of the Rg V eda which is
approximately as old as the Atharva-Veda, we flnd refer-
ence to the male and female forms of Cannabis sativa:
bhangajala, meaning a hempen net, and bhangasayana,
bed-stead woven with hempen cords.102
In connection with the ancient Srauta rituaJs, I have
found reference to the use of hemp in sacrificial ceremony
( it should be noted here that ritualistic, highly codified
c~~em~ny w.as a ubiquitous and extremely significant ac-
tiVIty m anc1~nt India by at least the 1st millennium B.c.).
The Srauta rituals were performed by professional priests
on behalf o~ spec.fie clients (householders) and probably
were conceived m the 1st millennium a.c. or before.1os
These rituals were performed in accordance with the re-
vealed scriptures ( the Sruti of the Vedas). In the Agni-
Chayana Srauta ritual, which is concerned with the con-
struction of a fire-altar for animal and human sacrifice, we
find the following use of hemp:
Fourteen days after this consecration ( Diksha ) took place
a~d thenceforth fire was kept in the pot, which was filled
with munga grass and hemp.1oi
The Mahabharata is an extensive collection of several
histories and Jegends that consists in its present form of
more than two hundred thousand verses.
It has been said that the Mahabharata represents,
101. William Whitney, Atharoo-Veda Samldta (Delhi, 1962), 2: 642.
102. Ceorge Watt, Dictionary of Eco11omlc Products (Calcutta 1889)
2: 105. • '
103. Mnjumdar, op. cit., pp. 235-37.
104. Lionel Barnett, Antiquities of India (London, 1963), p. 177.

94 MAN AND MARIJUANA
. . . a whole literature rather than a single homogeneous
work, and that "it constitutes a veritable treasure house of
Indian lore, both secular and religious, and gives, as does
no other single work,"' an insight into the innermost depths
of the soul of the people of I-Iindustan. 10G
W e should be careful to note that the Mahabharata's
lengthy evolution, which transpired before assuming its
present form, limits its reliability as a source of historical
detail, especially since it obviously was altered b y religious
scholars to fit the ethics and values of dilierent periods.
The Mahab1iarata existed in some form or other ns early as
400 n.c.; but its present recension, which includes a tre-
mendous bulk of priestly piety, presumably deposited
around an original core of more secular poetry, dates from
between 200 and 400 A.O. It is rather as though Homer had
been reworked by the Christian Fathers into an allegory and
handbook of Christian doctrine, leaving only traces of the
original spirit of the poem.106
It is in this context that we should consider the reference
to hemp in the Mahabharata. In one section of this lengthy
"epic" ( Mbb. Anu. 161.97) is stated that one who wishes
to attain glory (or prosp erity ) should avoid the fruits of
Pippala, Vata, Udum bara, and the leaves of Hemp.101 In
the "Sabha Parva" of the Mahabhar·ata the Sakas ( Scyth-
ians of Turkestan) who migrated to ancient India are said
to have carried with them gifts of thread spun by "worms"
and patta. In this reference hemp fiber ( patta) probably
was involved.108
105. Swami Prabhavanda, The Spiritual Heritage of India (New
York, 1963), p. 81.
106. William McNelll, The Rise of the West (Chicago, 1963), p. 190.
107. Om Prakash, Food and Drinks In Ancient India ( Delhi, 1961 ),
115: 128.
108. George Watt, Commci·clal Products of India (CRlcutto, 1908),
p. 252.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SA.TIVA 95
The close linguistic affinity between the Indian Rg
Vedic tradition and the Avestan religious literary record
of ancient Persia reflects a common cultural h eritage.
Therefore, we should consider the fo llowing Avestan ref-
erences for banga ( Aves tan for hemp ), which can be cor-
related Jinguistically with the Indian blianga. In the XV
Fargarcl of the Vendidad, a compilation of religious Jaws
and i:nythology, hemp is referred to as a stimulator of
abortion.
And the damsel goes to the old woman and appUes to her
tl1~ t she may procure her miscarriage; and the old woman
brings her some Banga, or Shalta or Ghnana, or Fraspata,
or some other of the drugs that produce miscarriage ...109
In the Din Y ast, a devotional treatise dedicated to the
go.ddess Kista, we find another reference for hemp. In
t~ 1s case, the use was for inducing euphoric feelings and
righteous action.
T~ whom the holy Hvovi (Zarathustra's wife) did sacrifice
w1tl1 full knowledge, wishing that the holy Zarathustra
would give her his good narcotic ( Bangha· the so-called
~an~ of Zoroaster, Vendidad XV, 14, what ~ust have been
its Vlrtu~ may be gathered from the legends of Gustasp and
Ardu V1 mf, who are sajd to have been transported in soul
to tl10 heavens, and to have had the higher mysteries re--
vealed to them, on drinking from a cup prepared by the
prophet-S~dust ~amah-or from a cup of Gustasp- bang)
that she m1ght think according to the law, speak according
to the law, and do according to the Jaw. n o
.· Before .outlining the cultural d iffusion of hemp in an-
cient India'. we sho~d consider (very superficially) one
other puzzling but significant question: what was the fa-
109. Jnmes Dnrmesteter, The Zend-Avesta (Oxford 1883) 1-2· 175
llO. Ibid., p. 267-88. ' • · ·
96 MAN AND MARIJUANA
mous Soma plant that played such an important part in
the formation and evolution of the Vedic civilization?
Was Soma really the hemp plant? There are many evi-
dences to suggest such an identification. But first of all,
what were the qualities and significance of the Soma
plant?
The Aryans or migrating tribes that come to northwest
India in the 2nd millennium s.c. brought with them a
polytheistic religious tradition consisting of a collection
of metrical hymns ( the Rg Veda) praising and defying
certain natural phenomena. Some of the more prominent
powers of nature personi..Bed in the Rg Veda include the
sacred force of fue (Agni) , the vigor of storms and thun-
der (Indra), and the psychoactive potency of Soma juice.
Indeed the praise and use of Soma formed a crucial part
of the original cult of the Aryans.
Although it eventually became embellished "vith pre-
tentious elaboration and ritual ( Srauta), the original cult
was fundamentally simple. It focused on an outdoor altar
fire and involved the sacrificial slaughter of animals and
the offering of such substances as ghee ( melted butter)
and Soma. Actually, ceremonial libations of S~ma juice
were conspicuous. According to the hymnal, "gods" and
priests were equally fond of Soma juice, often lauding its
exhilarating and wondrous spiritual, psychological, and
medical powers. The IX book or Mandala of the Rg Veda
is almost completely devoted to its praise and use.
However, originally knowledge of the pristine Aryan
hymns and, consequently, the psychoactive sacrament
Soma were restricted to the Aryan invaders themselves.
Eventually the indigenous priestly elite usurped much of
the religious authority held by the writers of the Aryan
hymnal and gained control of theological interpretation
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 97
and ritual. "Vedism in its formal sense was not a religion
of the masses."1u Apparently for some time members of
this priestly clique limited the knowledge and use of Soma
to their own esoteric activities. Thus a small, influential
segment of ancient Indian society controlJed religion and
the distribution of the Soma plant. "The ordinary S~
sacrilice was clearly a sacrifice of rich patrons."••~
However extensive and lengthy its restriction to a se-
lect group, the use of Soma was an extremely important
practice. In fact, some scholars have suggested that the
Link between shamanism (e.g., early Aryan nature wor-
ship ) and the traditional Hindu religion may have been
Soma. S~a eventually became,
. : . the repository oI all the nourishing and fertilizing prin-
ciples of nature. At the same time it (was) the food of the
gods 8:°d the intoxicating drink of man, symbol of the im-
mortality of the one and of the fleeting life of the other.
But Soma, the narcotic drink, brought e:<llilaration and at
l~ast th~ momentary sense of immortality. It united the im-
bLber with the gods: vVe have become immortal, we have
entered into the light, we have known the gods" ( Rigveda
48.3). Here are the first vague hints of a concern for salva-
tion. In time Soma, the instrument, became confused with
the divine life itself and Soma became king of the Brahmans
( the universal god ).m
Furthermore, the heightened sense perception and hal-
lucinations stimulated by the use of Soma may have pro-
duced the dominating Indian philosophic concept of
Maya ( that which one perceives in the normal state of
111. Charles Drclcrneier, Kinship and Commu11lty in Ancient India
(Stanford, Calif., 1962), p. 13.
112. Arthur MacDonell and Arthur Keith Vedic Index {Delhi 1958)
2: 479. • • •
!13. Drekmeier, op. cit., p. 58.
98 MAN ANO MARIJUANA
consciousness is not the ultimate nature of reality but
illusion ). This traditional Indian association of illusion
with "normal" consciousness has parallels in other cul-
tures that sanctify the use of certain hallucinogenic plants
and has obviously exerted a tremendous historic iniluence
on the Indian life style and attitudes toward the environ-
ment. Soma probably helped stimulate the desire to tran-
scend normal conscious ex-perience. Indeed, as suggested,
it also may have served in early Vedic times as a connec-
tive between pristine nature worship and the primary
development of the Brahman. cult that advocated the ac-
ceptance of one all-encompassing entity. This monistic
metaphysical ideal gave rise to, and still pervades much of.
Indian religious philosophy.
The relationship of pious doctrine to intangible and
material phenomena is especially relevant to a basic un-
derstanding of India. A combination of human perception,
cultural tradition, and the elements of the natural environ-
ment are reflected in any particular cultural landscape.
Soma stimulated the religious philosophy which, more or
less, shaped t11e attitudes that have ultimately influenced
the human transformation of the Indian environment. I
suggest that the legacy of this single ''culture trait" ( the
use of Soma) is, at least indirectly, represented in ancient
and contemporary India in profound and manifold ways.
Thus if it were possible to substantiate, beyoud any
doubt, that the plant source of Soma juice was Cannabis
sativa, the diffusion of hemp into ancient India would
seem to be deeply significant. Alas, even with all the cir-
cumstantial evidence that I have collected and will list to
support this identification, it would be extremely naive
and in a real sense impetuous to dogmatically assert this
theory.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIV A 99
The Identification of Soma: Evidence to Suggest
that the Plant Source was Hemp
For over 2000 years, during which period the Aryans aban-
doned the original plant and forgot it, the identity of soma
has been a deep mystery.1H
Westem scholars actually began systematic studies of
the Y.!dfo tr_adition on1~ as late as tl1e eighteenth cen-
~· ~u~ 10 ~e r~latively short tin1e that has elapsed
smce this mvestigation was initiated, over 100 species
have been suggested as the source of Soma. However, no
conce~ted acceptance of any identifications has as yet
prevailed. Some of the more noteworthy proposals in-
clude: Ephedra vulgaris,110 wild rhubarb, Periploca
aphylla, Sarcoste11ima arevistigma, Setaria glauca rn ca~
nab'ts sat',wa, 118 an d, most recently, a hallucinogenic
, mush-
room, Amanita muscaria. Others have suggested that
~o~~ was a symbolic myth. I will enumerate several sim-
ilanties between Soma and hemp.
The cffcc~ of Soma, with vivid hallucinations, and the sense
of ~xpanclmg to enormous dimensions, are rather like those
attributed to s~ch drugs as H ashish. Soma ma well have
been h.emp, which grows wild in many parts of
India, cen-
tral Asia, and soQth Russia, and from which modem Indians
produce a narcotic drink called bhang.uo
114. Rohert Schultes, "Hnlluclnogens of Plant Orimn " Sci 163
( 17 Januury 1969), p. 246. o· • ence
115. Willlnm McN ·UL The Rise of the West (Chicago 196.'3) 189
116. MncDo nell, Arthur nnd Keith, Arthur. Vedic Ind~ Vol 2PD ,,_;
1958, p. 231. , . , eJW,
117. Louis Lewin, Phastastica (New York, 1964) 117
118. A. L. Basham, The Wonder tliot Was India' rNew York 1959)
f9ff5 0); an~ Joseph Ray, "Some Pinnt," Indian Historical Quorlcriy (Jun~
.9 • 15. 197.
119. Basham, op. cit., p. 236.

100 MAN AND MARIJUANA
The E'Vidences:
1. Both the Soma and bhang plants were species growing
spontaneously in the mountains of north India:
The Soma plant grew on the mountains especially on the
mountain Mauhavanta (Mun;avant) which is a part of the
(northwest) Himalayas.120
As the Soma plant was usually found in mountains, the
forest of Soma might be in the sub-montane tracts of the
Himalayas from the Punjab to Bihar.121
. . . (the hemp-bhanga ) grows wild throughout the Hima-
layas from Kashmir to the east of Assam at the altitude up
to 10,000 ft. above sea-level.122
The area of possible cultivation of hemp fibre was admitted
to be that where it has from time immemorial been pro-
duced, namely the slopes of the warm temperate Hima-
l ayas.123
2. Geographical references in the Rg Veda also indicate
that the Soma plant eventually diffused to locations along
the banks of the Sarasvati and Arjikiya rivers. The fertile
alluvial soils adjacent to these and other rivers that have
their headwaters in the Himalayas " ... are exactly the
situations of the wild growth of Bhanga ( hemp ) ."l2-4
3. According to mythology both plants were brought to
120. Om Prakash, Food and Drinh in Ancient lndJa ( Delhi, 1961),
p. 303.
121. Ray, op. cit., p. 201.
122. R. W. Chopra and G. S. Chopra, "The Present Position of Hemp-
Drugs Addiction in India," Indian MealcaL Research Memoirs (Calcutta,
1939 ), 31: 4.
123. George Walt, Commercial Products of India (Calcutta, 1908).
p. 255.
124. Ray, op. cit., p. 204.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 101
the. lowlands of northern India from an upland or celestial
region.
Like the corre~nding.Haoma ~. th_e Aoesta, Soma grows
on the mountains, but his true ongm lS said to be in heaven,
from which he was brought to earth by an eagle.1:is
(Cannabis sativa) ~ said to have been produced in the
s~pe of nectar while the gods were churning the ocean
with the mountain called Mandara. us
4. Professors MacDonell and Keith in their Vedic Index
s~ate tha.t the Indian hemp preparation bhanga is asso-
ciated with Soma in the Rg Veda.
In the Rigve~a (IX.61.13) (~hanga) is an epithet of Soma,
presumably 111 the sense of mtOKicating" which then came
to designate hemp.121
5. The plant sources for both Soma and bhanga also seem
to have certain botanical characteristics in common. Mac-
Donell and Keith associate naicasakha with the Soma
plant: This quality indicates branches ( or twigs or leaves)
hanging down, also a characteristic of the hemp plant. 128
6. The Vedic descriptions for the color of Soma include
!;be word hari,, which ~~y be interpreted as meaning
green or greemsh yellow. 129 At Indore in Madra Pradesh
the male ( or more correctly the female ) form of the hem~
125. R. C. Majumdar, ed., The Vedic Age ( London, 1952), p. 375.
126. George Andrews and Simon Vinkenoog, The Book of Gras$ ( New
York, 1968 ), p. 8.
127. Arthur MacDonell and Arthur Keith Vedic Index (Delhi 1958)
2 : 93. I I t
128. tbid., 474.
129. Ray, op. cit., p. 204.
102 MAN AND MABIJUANA
plant is called hari. 130 In addition, MacDonell and Keith
also designated babbru ( brown) and aruna ( ruddy) as
the possible color of the Soma plant. 131 These color inter-
pretations also could St the hemp plant.
6. In the Rg V eda ( IX.97 .19;107.2 ) the Soma plant is
said to have a strong and pleasant smell. The hemp plant
also bas distinctive odorous qualities.
7. It is possible that both Soma and bhang~ c.ame from
an annual plant "... coming up at the begmrung of the
rainy season."132
8. "In the Sukla Y ajurveda ( IV .10), mekhala, the girdle,
is described as the tying front knot of Soma."133 Is this an
implication that the Soma plant had the same fibrous
qualities as the hemp plant? Consider ~e word amsu
( hair or ray) , which is also associated with Soma. Does
this indicate a fibrous quality or the source of glandular
resin?
9. Striking similarities can likewise be found for the prep-
aration of both the Som~ and blw.nga drinks. The follow-
ing is a description of the preparation of Soma reported
in the Rg V eda.
The shoots bearing leaves ( L"<.82.3) were first cleaned and
next moistened with, or steeped in, water when the stalks
would swell (IX.31.4). The mass was then crushed and
ground between a pair of stones (L"<,67.19) or in a mortar
nod pestle ( I.28.1) . The ground paste was next mix~ "~th
water in a jar and the mixture poured. from on~ Jar mto
another causing sound (IX.72.3 ). Then it was strained over
sheep's wool (IX.69.9 ). Thus prepared it was "pureD drink.
130. George Watt, Commercial Products of India ( Calcutta, 1908 ),
p . 250.
131. MncD onell, op. cit., p. 474.
132. Rny, op. cit., p . 207.
133. Ruy, op. cit., p . 202.
DIFFUSJON OF CANNABIS SATIVA 103
Often it was mixed with milk or dadlil ( IX.71.8 ), sometimes
with honey and barley meal ( IX.68.4 ) .1a4
The following are descriptions of the preparation of
bhang:
When prepared for consumption the fragments of the plant
are ground to a paste, and of this an emulsion is made which,
after being filtered through a cloth, may be consumed in
that form, or Savoured with sugar, spices, cardamons, melon
seeds or milk. 136
The usual mode of consumption is by preparing bhang in
the form of a drink. The leaves are pounded and mixed with
water to form a thick paste called "panga." This is mixed
with water and strained through cloth.180
10. Furthermore, many of the effects ascribed to Soma
intoxication are similar to those associated with hemp in-
toxication.
The effects of Soma drink are exactly the same as those of
Bhang. Soma used to be drunk between eating of food
(IX.51.3). It is nourishing when taken with mjlk and food
(IX.52.1). It is exhilarating (VITI.48), exciting (II.41.40 )
and intoxicating ( IX.68.3;69.3) .It stimulates the vofoe and
impels the Oow of words ( IX95.2;101.6 ). It awakens eager
thou~t (VI.47.3), and excites poetic imagination (IX.67.13).
It incluces sleep ( IX.69.3 }, and desire for women. ( IV.67.10-
12). It bestows fertility (IX.60.4;74.5 ). It cures diseases
( Vlll.48.5 ) and was believed to prolong life ( VIII.48.5 ).
None but the strong can tolerate it ( IX.53.3;81.1 ). It is
134. Ray, op. cit., p. 205.
135. George Watt, Commercial Products of India ( Cnlc utta, 1908),
p. 259.
136. R. N. Chopra and C. S. Chopra, "T he Pl"esent Position of Hemp-
Drug Addiction in lndi.a ," Indian Medical Researc11 Memoirs ( Calcutta,
1939), 31 : 44.
104 MAN AND MARIJUANA
constipating (IX.18.1). but sometimes causes bowel com-
plaints. It was drunk before military engagement ( IX.61.13;
85.12) and after victory (IX.101.1), for which Indra's favour
was prayed for. 13 7
Even disregarding the possibility that the Soma plant
and hemp were identical, it seems quite clear that both
were used to induce religious and euphoric experiences
from a very early time in ancient India. The uses of Soma
for such purposes are well known; 188 but I think it is quite
significant that similar uses in India have been and are
attributed to hemp.
Its (hemp) use probably dates from abo?t ~,000 years ba~k.
Innumerable generations have shared m its consumption
and will probably continue to do so as long as the plant can
be obtained growing wild or in cultivation.1119
Cannabis sativa is regarded by the Hindus as a holy plru;tt
and the origin of this conception can be traced to the Vedic
period.HO
The use of hemp drugs in connection with religious. and
social practices is still met with in almost all the proVJnces
of India, though to a much smaller extent than in the pastm
As I noted, the Indian "god" Shiva supposedly brought
the bhang plant to man from the Himalayas. This myth
was probably originated by holy men ("yogis") who use
the plant for spiritual purposes.
137. Ray, op. cit., p. 205.
138. Richard Schultes, "Hallucinogens of Pla.nt Origin." Science 163
(17 January 1969), p. 246.
139. Louis Lewin, Phastastica (New Yorlc, 1964), p. 109.
140. R. N. Chopra and C. S. Chopra, "The Present Position of Hemp--
Drug Addiction in India," Indian Medical Re.search Memoir1 (Calcutta,
1939). 31: 21.
141. Ibid., p. 22.
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 105
(Yogis) are well-known consumers of bhang and ganga, and
they are worshippers ( Shiva).142
Even today a religious mendicant smoking ganga is not
only tolerated but is looked upon with some veneration
and is even considered to possess supernaturaJ powers of
healing disease and infumities, by some of the illiterate
classes. Sects of "sanyasis," "mahantas," "Mantradata gurus"
or religious preceptors are held in great r espect although
they indulge freely in hemp drugs. In fact, offering of hemp
to them is considered to be an act of piety.w
In fact, Indian prohibition of the most mildly intoxicating
form of hemp, bhang, has been resisted by a large seg-
ment of the Indian community that has felt such action
would limit their religious liberty.
The enormous influence that Indian hemp and its associa-
tions have on the mind of certain classes in this country
and the tradition that has been built round it can be easily
imagined from what has been said above. It is possible that
any interference with the use of Indian hemp, especially of
bhang, in connection with religious customs and observances
may b e regarded as interference with a long established
usage and an encroachment upon the religious rights and
liberties of some of these classes. 144
Even in recent times, bhang remains the social indulgent
and religious drink of the lower classes in India; and the
smoking of potent ganga remains as the almost universal
psychoactive practice of certain classes of sadhus ( reli-
gious monks) and mendicants. 1411
142. George Watt, Commercial Product1 of India {Calcutta, 1908),
p. 252.
143. Chopra, op. cit., p. 23.
144. Chopra, op. cit., p. 23.
145. B. N. Sastri, ed., The Wealth o/ lndta (Delhi, 1950), 2: 62.
106 MAN AND MARIJUANA
F. AN OUTLINE OF THE CULTURAL DIFFUSION OF
HEMP W ITH IN A NCIENT INDIA
The original Aryan tribes probably introduced the hemp
plant into India sometime in the second millennium s.c.
These migrating invaders most likely entered the Indian
sub-continent via accessible passes in the high moun-
tainous regions bordering this area. As a campfollowing
weed migrating along with the nomadic tribes, hemp
e entually escaped from the agency of man and colonized
open habitats, especially near rivers and streams, in the
mountainous uplands of the Hindu Kush, the Pamirs, and
the Himalayas. To a limited extent, the agencies of streams
and nomadic peoples extended the Indian distribution of
hemp down the southern slopes of the Himalayas and into
the Punjab and plains of the Ganges valley during the an-
cient period. Thus, in the early phases of Indian history,
hemp probably was a relatively obscure plant for the mass
of population centered on the lowland doabs ( interfluves)
and in the riverine valleys.
After a period of militant confrontation and indiscrimi-
nate destruction, the Aryan invaders eventually settled in
the Punjab and margins of the Ganges valley. Subse-
quently, over many centuries, a synthesis of Aryan and
indigenous cultures developed; and the original poetic
theology of the Aryans embodied in the Rg Veda came
under the conservative control of a dogmatic priesthood
that dominated the socio-religious organization and activ-
ity of the Indian communities. A strong class organization
-"the caste system"-reinforced by strict, formalized rit-
ual ( the Brahamanas) emerged as the most influential
element in the ancient Indian social order. In reaction to
this trend, certain disaffected individuals left the more
DIFFUSION OF CANNABIS SATIVA 107
heavily populated areas and retreated to the sub-montane
regions north of the Punjab and Ganges valley. In their
upland refuges, these 'b oly men" sought wisdom accord-
ing to their own visions and composed forest treatises ( the
Aranyakas) that formed the basis of traditional Hindu
philosophy ( the Upanishads).
Moreover, one of the "yogis" most signi6cant cultural
activities and possible sources of inspiration was the use
of psychoactive hemp preparations such as bhang and
ganga. Progressively, certain "yogis" constructed sophisti-
cated, fun ctional systems of meditation that, more or Jess,
phased out (for the able and dedicated students) the need
for hemp intoxication as a vehicle fo r reaching the heights
of religious experience. Th us, some of spiritual teachers
and students first renounced the superstitious and cumber-
some ritual of the Bralza.manas and later the use of hallu-
cinogenic preparations such as those derived from hemp.
But the diffusion and "acclimatization" of hemp probably
progressed relatively fas t after retreating "yogis" estab-
lished the plant's association with religious and euphoric
experience and helped disseminate knowledge about it.
Therefore, a signi6cant portion of the Indian population,
especially the lower classes, continued (even up to the
present) to use hemp for such purposes.
... the practice was held in great esteem in ancient India
and early literature is full of rcfercnccs to the virtues of~
drug.WI
J.46. Chopro, op. cit., p. 26.
 109
Presently the morality, legality, and practicality of using
hemp for intoxication is quite controversial. Is Cannabis
sativa a benelit or curse for man? It seems quite shameful
Summary and foolish to pass judgment on such matters without at
least attempting to understand how, when, why, and with
what e.ffects the plant was used in the past. Most people
are nnaware of the many diverse uses of hemp and the
It seems quite evident that man has had an ancient antiquity of its use, and it is hoped that this research has
and significant conscious association with the hemp plant. shed light on the subject. Perhaps this work will serve as
The earliest people to utilize hemp extensively probably encouragement for others to study an interesting, puz-
did so near riverine environments where the plant would zling, and significant problem.
have found a favorable niche and provided many uses.
Of the many applications of hemp, its use as water-resis-
tant fiber for fish line and as a possible stupefying .fish
poison were certainly important. Perhaps it was Meso-
lithic peoples that consciously developed the association
with hemp after the last deglaciation. It is also quite pos-
sible that man's association with the hemp plant was
originally motivated by religious or euphoric interests.
Man may well have learned about hemp's use for fiber,
medicines, food, fish poison, and oil only after the plant
was first lmowingly used to induce spiritual or psycho-
active excitations. The use for psychological stimulation
may have preceded its use for such things as durable rope,
seed food, and medicinal preparations.
In any case, the uses of hemp for rope and for ritualistic
intoxication have long enigmatic histories. I suggest that
its cultural diHusioo from central Asia into Europe, south-
west Asia, India, and possibly even China was stimulated
by the wide-ranging nomadic migrations that followed the
perfection of chariot warfare in the 2nd millennium B.C.
Much remains to be understood about who used the plant
for what purposes, when, and because of what motivation.
108

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l
 INDEX 119
118 MAN AND MARIJUANA
Kapnobatai, 70 Nalcasakha, 101
cocoa, 49 lwri, 101--02 Karakoram rnnge, 87 N ebraska, 34
Costa Rica, 34 hashish, 51, 99 Kashmir, 100 ~epenthe, 61
crop hybridlzation, 26 flou-Ki, 81 Kasbmiri, 88 1 ero, 70
Crotalarla pincea ( su nn hemp ), 46 Hemp Drug Commission Report, Kassites, 62 ~ile ri\ er, 54
1894, 83 Kauikistan, 27 nitrogen-rich soil environment, 24,
Dacia, 70 Herodotus, 58-59, 70, 90 Keith, Professor, 101-02 39, 41-42
Dadhi, 103 Hibiscus cannablnus ( patsan King George Ill, 47
Darblia, 93 hemp ), 46 Kirghiz desert, 24 Oat, 30
Darwin, Sir Charles, 30, 32 Hiere 11, 70 Kistn, Coddess, 95 Old Buckenham Mere, 69
de Candolle, 68 H imalayan mts., 30, 33, 49, 83, Ko-Chih...Ching-Yuan, 82 Old T estament, 62
Diksha, 93 87-88, 91, 100, 104, 106 Omsk, 27
Din Yost, 95 Hindu, 104, 107 Lepidium sot1u11m ( garden gross), Opium, 92
Dioscorid cs, 70-71 Hindu Kush, 57, 87, 106
22
DoUchos Rbre, 81 fllndu poems, 91 Pamirs, 106
Linnaeus, 15
Dunbartonshire, 69 Tlind ustnn, 94 l'one,o, 103
Li Yun, 80
Dzungarian basin, 57 Hippocrates, 71 PatU 1·othre, 91
Lucilius, 70
I littites, 62, 65 Lupinus lutew, 22 Pa tliputrn, 91
Egypt, 51 Hokknido, 34 Lu Shu (of the Sung dynasty), 46 Pa tna, 91
Ep11edra oulgarls, 99 I romer, 54, 94 Pazyryk valley, 59
Euphrates, 54 Jlonan, 81 Pergames, 71
Mo, 77
llooker, Joseph Dalton, 32 MacDoneJI, Professor, 101-02 Periploco oplydla, 99
Fargard, XV, 95 horse-drawn chariot, 62 Persia, 24, 62, 07, 95
Macedonia, 55
Finno-Ugrian, 68 Hottentots, 49 Phrygians, 62, 65, 66
Madra Pradesh , 101
Fishing, development of, 38 1-lsin dynasty, 76 Pippla, 94
Mahabhar ata, 87, 90, 93, 94
F lax, 61, 64, 72-73 Hsua n King, 81 Pliny, 71- 72
Moltantas, 105
Floral morphology, 16 Humulus l11p11lus, 15 Pottery, cord-marked, 46
Mofeom or Mo/um, 52
Fraspata, 95 H voui (Zarathrnstra's wife ), 95 Punjab, 2.6, 84, 86-87, 100, 106,
Manchuria, 48
Hwang Jlo, 54, 57, 75, 80-81 Mandala IX ( of Rg Veda), 96 107
Calen, Claudius, 71 Hyksos, 62 Puranas, 90
Mandara mt., 101
Conga, 52, 92, 105
Mantredata gurus, 105
Canges valley, 106--07 Indian civilization, 89 Ramayana, 90
Marijuana, nume of, 9
Cangetlo plains, 34 Ind inn metaphysics, 89 Retting, 43
Celotop11yllls, 72 Mayo, 97
l ndo-Aryan, 87 Mekkaw, 102 Ridley, Henry N., 30
Cetae, 70 Indo-European, 86 Rg Veda, 84-85, 87, 90, 95-97,
Merovinginn Q ueen, 69
Gliee, 96 Indore, 101 100-02, 106
Chnano, 95 Mens, 87
lndra, 96, 104 Roma n, 69, 71
Mesolithic, 53, 79, 108
Cordion, 65 Indus, 54, 74, 84-89, 92 Mesopotamian, 62-63, 66-67, 73
Guru, 90 Iranian plateau, 74, 84 , 86
Millet, 30 Snd1rns, 105
Custosp, 95 Irkutsk, 27
Mitn:oni, 62 Salia, 93
Mobenjo-daro, 85 Sakas, 11.t
HommameUdae, 15 Join, 89 Sonyosu, 105
Han, 77 Moraceae, 15
Jhukar, 85 Saravnt:I river, 100
Ho67no, 101 Munga g ross, 93
Mylasa, 72 Sardust Namah, 95
H arappan, 84, 89 Kansu, 75
 120 MAN AND MARIJUANA
Sascostcmma arevlstlgma, 99 Tmnscaucasus, 60, 67
Sate tribes, 49 Tribute of Yu, 80
Sauer, Professor Carl 0., 37 Trojan, 68
Scythians, 57-62, 66-70, 94 T'sai Lun, 82
Secale cercalc, (rye), 22 Tudor, 47
Setaria gla11ca, 99 Turkestan, 85, 94
Shafer, Robert, 86, 87
Sbaki-tump, 85 Udumbam, 94
Shnllll, 95 Ukraine, 48
Shamanism, 97 United Nations, 34
Shang, 78 United States Navy, 47
Shantung, 81 Upanishads, 107
Shen-Nung, 46-47, 78, 81 Urtlcales, 15
Shlh-King, 81 Uzbekisllln, 26
Shir-i-Chl, 82
Sl1iva, 91, 104 Voe/ah, 81
Shu King, 80 Vata, 94
Siberia, 24, 59 Vavilov, N. I., 24-28, 76
Slddhi, 52 Vedic, 67, 86, 89, 90, 92, 96, 97,
Sinkiang, 88 98, 101, 104
Soma, 93, 96-102, 101 Vendidad, 81, 95
Southeast Asia, 28, 46, 54 Vlcla saliva, 22
Southern Russia, 99 Vifaya, 92
Spinacia elcracea (spinnch), 22
Vikings, 69
Srauta, 96-97
Sruti, 90, 93
Wei river, 80
St. Denis, 69
Sulta yaj11roeda, 102 Wheat, 30
Syracuse, 70 Whittier, 53
Wild rhubarb, 94
Tadjikistan, 26
Taiwan, 46, 74 Yang-Shae, 75
Tepe Hussnr, 85 Yarkand, 27, 88
Teutonic people, 68-69 Yogi, 50, 104, 105, 107
Thrace, 68, 70 Yuan-Shun site, 46
Thucydides, 90
Tibet, 87 Zarathustra, 95
Tien.Shan, 26-28, 81 Zea mays (common com ), 22
Tigris, 54 Zoroaster, 67, 95

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