The Impact of Parents’ Overseas

Employment on Educational Outcomes

of Filipino Children
Marie Joy B. Arguillas
University of the Philippines

Lindy Williams
Cornell University

Family structure, household resources, numbers of siblings competing

for those resources, and parents’ own educational attainment are often
important predictors of children’s education outcomes. Overseas
migration of parents from the Philippines has resulted in increasing
numbers of long-term separations of parents from each other and
from their children. Western-based analyses might predict negative
education outcomes for children as a result of parental absence. We
find that separations caused by overseas migration often are either
neutral or can have positive effects on schooling outcomes, at least
among older children. Girls fare better in terms of educational attain-
ment than do boys overall. Boys are often more affected by back-
ground variables, including parents’ international migration.

INTRODUCTION: THE ROLE OF FAMILY STRUCTURE IN

DETERMINING CHILD OUTCOMES

Many factors are considered important in influencing children’s success in

schooling. Of these, family structure, household resources, numbers of
siblings competing for those resources, and parents’ own educational
attainment are argued to be particularly important. Clearly these elements
of a person’s life are not unrelated to one another, and their relative
importance is likely to vary across contexts. In this article, we assess the
extent to which these factors affect children’s educational outcomes in
parent out-migrant families in the Philippines.
The Philippines is the focus of the analysis because it is a ‘‘major
source of labor migrants for many countries around the world, perhaps
the prototype of a labor-exporting nation’’ (Semyonov and Gorodzeisky,
 2010 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York. All rights reserved.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1747-7379.2010.00807.x

300 IMR Volume 44 Number 2 (Summer 2010):300–319

 Parents’ Migration and Children’s Education 301

2004:6). The export of labor has been an official policy for decades and
now involves large numbers of parents who must leave their children
behind. In part because global demand for female labor has been on the
rise at the same time that demand for men’s labor has been falling
(Semyonov and Gorodzeisky, 2005), those who are leaving the Philippines
in search of work overseas are increasingly the mothers of young children
(Parrenas, 2001). We draw on the literature that highlights family struc-
ture as crucial to children’s well-being, and investigate whether and how
family separation due to overseas labor migration of parents might affect
their children’s educational attainment.
Numerous investigations across disciplines have argued that growing
up in a single-parent family has negative consequences for the school partici-
pation and educational success of children (McLanahan, 1985; Amato,
1987; Coleman, 1988; Krein and Beller, 1988; McLanahan and Sandefur,
1994). The theoretical argument for the lower educational success of chil-
dren in single-parent families is mainly one of limited resources, i.e., children
in alternative family structures lack the necessary social, economic, and cul-
tural capital that should serve to improve overall child well-being, including
educational outcomes (Biblarz and Raftery (1999). The role of economic
resources, in particular, has been studied extensively and has been found to
account for a sizeable amount of the difference in child outcomes across fam-
ily types (Garfinkel and McLanahan, 1986; Astone and Mclanahan, 1994).
Two-parent households, on average, hold an advantage over single-parent
families in terms of economic well-being and ability to invest in children.
Once economic differences are controlled, however, the effect of family
structure often disappears (McLanahan, 1985; Ginther and Pollak, 2004).
In the specific case of the Philippines, several investigations have shown that
family members who are left behind tend to experience considerable
economic gain through the remittances sent by migrant parents (e.g., Con-
cepcion, 1998; Medina, 2001; Semyonov and Gorodzeisky, 2005). In fact, a
large flow of remittance income may more than offset any financial hardship
brought about by being in a household with only one parent present. In cases
in which there is a single parent present in the household because the other is an
overseas migrant, the economic gains from that migration may thus actually
improve children’s chances of staying in school.
In addition to economic effects, however, reduced parental involve-
ment in child-rearing, brought about by the absence of one or both parents
from the household, may also affect children’s education outcomes. If it
were simply the number of parents in the household that determines
302 International Migration Review

children’s educational success, then children who live in intact nuclear or

stepfamilies should do better than those who live with only one parent. If
the issue is ‘‘consistent parenting styles’’ (Astone and McLanahan,
1991:310), however, it is not as clear which family configuration would be
most advantageous. The literature suggests that parental control is most
established in families in which both biological parents are present. ‘‘In the
case of single-parent [mother] families, for example, the undermining of
parental control is a structural consequence of the absence of the father
from the residential home’’ (Biblarz and Raftery 1999: 325). In the case of
the Philippines, absent mothers often ‘‘employ paid domestic workers to
care for their families’’ while they are overseas (Parrenas, 2001:369). The
likely consequence of this type of arrangement on the educational outcomes
of children is not certain, but one hypothesis would be that with diminished
parental presence in the household, the overseas migration of one or both parents
may have negative consequences for children’s educational attainment.
If evolutionary psychologists and biologists are correct, then children
in two parent nuclear families should have the best outcomes, followed by
those in which there is a single mother, and then those in which there is
a single father. The logic behind this argument is that both human men
and women invest in their own children, but that mothers do so more
than do fathers, largely because women must tend to the children they
already have, while men have somewhat greater chances for additional
procreation (Biblarz and Raftery, 1999). Again, for these reasons, the over-
seas migration of one or both biological parents may have negative conse-
quences for children’s educational attainment.

OTHER INFLUENCES ON CHILDREN’S EDUCATION

OUTCOMES

Family structure is just one of the many factors that may affect children’s
educational attainment, however. The human capital of parents tends to
be associated with human capital attainment of children. High aspirations
for schooling on the part of parents are also transmitted across genera-
tions, as are elite attitudes and social behaviors (both of which are said to
be learned by parents through their own exposure to education). Such
attitudes and behaviors are typically viewed favorably, reinforced, and
rewarded by educational institutions (Bourdieu, 1986; Kingston, 2001).
Unless schooling is without costs, a family’s economic circumstances
can also influence children’s schooling outcomes. In most circumstances,
 Parents’ Migration and Children’s Education 303

there are opportunity costs associated with continued education. In addi-

tion, investment in human capital is generally a good way for a family to
improve its overall economic well-being. If a family can afford the invest-
ment, parents will often choose to keep their children in school longer.
Finally, while a family’s economic circumstances are potentially very
important, the number of siblings who are competing for those resources
is also likely to affect the outcomes of any one individual child. The
resource dilution hypothesis posits that with more siblings, there should
be fewer financial and other resources available per child, and a dimin-
ished likelihood of school continuation. See, e.g., Blake (1989), Downey
(1995), and Steelman and Powell (1989).

DOES FAMILY STRUCTURE HAVE AN EFFECT THAT IS

INDEPENDENT OF THESE ‘‘OTHER INFLUENCES?’’

On the one hand, because single mothers are more likely to be unem-
ployed or employed in low-wage occupations, their financial circumstances
have historically been worse, on average, than those of two-parent house-
holds. Biblarz and Raftery (1999) found that the negative effects on boys
of growing up in a household headed by a single mother disappeared once
the mother’s employment status and occupation were controlled. On the
other hand, the authors argue that because children living in households
headed by single mothers are often competing with fewer siblings for the
resources that are available, living with a single parent may constitute an
advantage, when number of siblings is not controlled.

THE IMPORTANCE OF CONTEXT

Overall, for the reasons we have enumerated, the literature suggests that
net of other factors, the presence of two biological parents is likely to
result in the most favorable outcomes for children. The studies cited thus
far typically compare families in which both biological parents are pre-
sent and legally married to those in which the biological parents either
never married or ended their partnership through separation or divorce
(or sometimes because of the death of a spouse). In addition, the litera-
ture on this topic has often relied on data from the U.S. and other
industrialized countries. Many early studies on this topic were motivated
by concern over ‘‘non-traditional’’ family structures. For instance, the
concept of the ‘‘pathology of matriarchy’’ grew out of the 1965 Moyni-
304 International Migration Review

han Report and prompted numerous researchers to examine the effects

of family structure on children.
In this article, we focus on children in the Philippines who have
been separated from one or both parents because those parents have
migrated overseas. As we have indicated, a combination of solo and over-
seas parenting has become increasingly common in the Philippines as the
result of large-scale international migration. According to recent estimates,
there were over 8.7 million Filipinos abroad as of 2007. Over half of
these were classified as temporary migrants, or those ‘‘whose stay overseas
is employment related, and who are expected to return at the end of their
work contracts’’ (Commission on Filipinos Overseas, 2008).
Although out-migration of adult members of the family is not a
new phenomenon, early migration was often male dominated. Recent
structural changes in many receiving countries (particularly in the Middle
East and Asia) have opened up job opportunities for women in the service
sector and entertainment industry. The rapid growth in demand for
female workers in these sectors has contributed to the large volume of
overseas migration among women from developing countries, including
the Philippines, where newly hired female overseas Filipino workers
(OFWs) have outnumbered males since 1992 (Philippine Overseas
Employment Agency, n.d.). As we have indicated, in addition to an
already significant number of children whose fathers work overseas, the
feminization of labor migration has thus created a large number of fami-
lies in which the mother is abroad. According to Parrenas (2007), an
additional (smaller) number of children live through their adolescence
without either biological parent present, as in certain cases both the
mother and father are overseas workers.
Overseas employment often brings considerable economic benefits to
the family left behind through remittance income, but the consequences
on children’s development and well-being are less clear. For example,
some studies have found that Filipino children who are left behind experi-
ence psychological and emotional stress (Cruz, 1987; Parrenas, 2001),
while others have indicated that specific emotions, such as feelings of
loneliness, anger, fear, being unloved, or being different from others were
most striking among children of migrant mothers (Episcopal Commission
for the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Itinerant People-CBCP ⁄ Apostleship
of the Sea-Manila, et al., 2004). Also, while one study found that children
with absent parents are often less socially adjusted than others (Battistella
and Conaco, 1998), earlier research (Cruz, 1987) reported results to the
 Parents’ Migration and Children’s Education 305

contrary. Whether children’s academic performance is affected is also

unclear, as evidence on this topic is meager and has also been mixed (e.g.,
Cruz, 1987; Battistella and Conaco, 1998; Episcopal Commission for the
Pastoral Care of Migrants and Itinerant People-CBCP ⁄ Apostleship of the
Sea-Manila, et al. 2004).
Parrenas (2007:45) describes efforts by former President Ramos to
discourage the migration of women with young children ‘‘because the
migration of mothers comes at the ‘cost of family solidarity’ (Ramos in
Agence France Presse, 1995a,b).’’ Press accounts have speculated that a
rise in incest and rape has been partially the result of the overseas migra-
tion of mothers, as has drug use, drinking, and gambling. Parrenas
(2007:46) believes that the ‘‘media’s pathological depiction of migrant
mothers and their families’’ is reflected in mainstream public opinion,
where the migration of mothers is seen as less healthy overall for families
than is the migration of fathers.
Our study seeks to compare the educational outcomes of children in
different family structural arrangements that have developed specifically
because of overseas migration of the mother, the father, or both parents
with outcomes of children whose parents remain together in the Philip-
pines. In addition to considering outcomes by gender of migrating parent,
we also examine the extent to which any relationship between the educa-
tional success of a child and the parents’ overseas employment depends
on the gender of the child.

DATA AND METHOD

Data for this study are drawn from the Survey of Households and Chil-
dren of Overseas Contract Workers survey conducted in 1999 by the
Departments of Psychology, and Sociology of the University of the
Philippines (UP), Friends of Migrant Workers, and the UP Population
Institute (see University of the Philippines, et al., 2001). Respondents
included children, 10–21 years old from four primary OFW-sending areas
in the Philippines: City of Manila, Davao City, Iloilo City, and Pangas-
inan. Because the survey was conducted only in urban settings, the results
of our analyses will only reflect the experiences of children who reside in
urban areas.
Since there are many young children in this sample, their educa-
tional experience is censored. As a result, we restrict our analysis to
include only children who were at or above the age at which the educa-
306 International Migration Review

tion level in question should have been reached; the sample is thus
restricted to include only those between ages 19 and 21. In the Philip-
pines, most school children are at the secondary level between the ages of
13 and 16, while those who go to college typically enroll at or around
age 17. By the time they are 19, nearly all those who are going to com-
plete high school would have done so, while most of those who are going
to go to college would have begun.
The original sampling strategy targeted families with and without
overseas workers. For those families with international migrants, the initial
strategy was to interview children whose parents had been overseas for at
least 3 years. Given our sample restrictions, in some cases, this strategy
would have meant that the parent or parents in question could have left
after the schooling outcome had occurred. As a result, we have recoded
the variable to ensure that the parent would have had to have left before
the outcome took place. The family structure variable is thus categorized
as follows: (1) mothers had been overseas since before the outcome in
question could have occurred, (2) fathers had been overseas since before
the education outcome could have occurred, (3) both parents had been
overseas since before the outcome in question could have occurred, and
(4) both biological parents were at home at the time of the study and had
not been overseas (or had gone, but only recently and after the outcome
of interest could have occurred [6 percent of cases in that subgroup]).
Those whose parents were separated or widowed are excluded from this
research because the number of cases of separated and widowed parents is
too small to conduct a meaningful analysis.
The breakdown of the original sample is shown in Table 1. Of the
2,346 respondents, 22 percent were children of OFW mothers, 23 per-
cent had fathers who were working overseas, and only 3 percent had both
parents abroad. Those whose parents were at home through the schooling
period of interest comprise the remaining 52 percent of the sample.

TABLE 1
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF THE TOTAL SAMPLE OF CHILDREN, 10–21 YEARS OLD,
BY TYPE OF FAMILY STRUCTURE
Family structure N = 2,346 (%)
Neither parent is abroad 1218 (51.9)
Mother is abroad 506 (21.6)
Father is abroad 549 (23.1)
Both parents are abroad 73 (3.1)
 Parents’ Migration and Children’s Education 307

The breakdown of the 19- to 21-year-old sample is shown in

Table 2. The percent distribution on the family structure variable is quite
similar to that of the original sample: about one half of the children had
parents who had not been overseas, 18 percent had mothers who were
working abroad, 26 percent were children of OFW fathers, and 3 percent
had both parents overseas.
The education indicators we examine are: (1) the number of years
of completed schooling, (2) whether or not the respondent had finished
high school (yes ⁄ no), and (3) whether or not she or he had obtained some
college education (yes ⁄ no). We define ‘‘finished high school’’ as having
obtained 10 years of completed schooling, since there was no question on
high school completion per se. We did not include an indicator of finished
elementary school because there is so little variability in that outcome
measure. Our preliminary analysis revealed that about 97 percent of chil-
dren completed elementary level. This is not surprising since elementary
education at the national level in the Philippines is almost universal. Data
from the Department of Education (Philippines) indicate that for the
1998–1999 academic year, which coincides with the period during which
the data for this study were collected, 96 percent of 7–12 year olds were
enrolled in school <http://www.deped.gov.ph/cpanel/uploads/issuanceImg/
factsheet2005(Oct21).pdf>.
The control variables are classified as follows. Variables for mother’s
and father’s education are measured in years of completed education. A
measure for household income was constructed by adding each resident
household member’s reported combined monthly income from one’s
main occupation and other sources (in Philippine pesos). This variable
also includes the income of household members who were overseas. The
logged value of total income is included in the regression equations.
Although income effects are expected to be particularly important,
we also constructed a household wealth index based on a principal

TABLE 2
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF THE STUDY SAMPLE OF CHILDREN, 19–21 YEARS OLD,
BY TYPE OF FAMILY STRUCTURE
Family structure N = 360
Neither parent is abroad (or parent left recently, 194 (53.4)
after child could have completed high school).
Mother left before child could complete high school 64 (17.8)
Father left before child could complete high school 93 (25.8)
Both parents left before child could complete high school 9 (2.5)
308 International Migration Review

components analysis of household assets and ownership of consumer dura-

bles (see Filmer and Pritchett, 2001). Following their approach, we classi-
fied households in the bottom 40 percent of the household wealth
distribution as ‘‘poor,’’ the next 40 percent as ‘‘middle,’’ and the upper
20 percent as ‘‘rich.’’ While they used this grouping for ‘‘expository con-
venience,’’ the proportion classified as ‘‘poor’’ using this asset index (40
percent) is roughly comparable with the proportion of Filipinos who were
living below the poverty line in 2000 (34 percent). When we drop the
children under age 19 from the sample, the distribution on our wealth
variable shifts somewhat, with approximately one-fifth of the sample
continuing to be classified in the highest wealth category, 46 percent fall-
ing in the middle category, and one-third appearing in the lowest wealth
category. Number of siblings is included in the equations to measure pos-
sible resource dilution within the household.
In analyses not shown but briefly discussed, we also assess the
importance of duration of overseas migration of parents in years, as well
as the frequency (less than six times per year versus at least six times per
year) and amount of remittance income (total reported value logged).
Finally, we consider whether there are gender differences in effects of any
of these variables. Distributions on these variables are shown in Table 3.
Our sample is evenly divided between young men and women (49.7
percent and 50.3 percent respectively). Probably because the respondents
in this survey are urbanites, the family size is relatively small for the Phil-
ippines: the mean number of siblings is about 2.7. On average, fathers
had completed slightly more schooling than mothers (11.2 and 10.9 years
on average, respectively). These numbers suggest a comparatively educated
subgroup of the population of the Philippines, as both are roughly equiva-
lent to 1 year of college education. Again, this is likely due to the fact
that this is largely a young urban sample.
Table 4 shows the distribution of education outcomes according to
household structure. Statistically significant differences are observed
according to migration status in college matriculation only; higher per-
centages attend some college in migrant family households than in intact
households in the Philippines both for the full sample and for the male
subsample. Percentage point differences by gender in high school comple-
tion are very small, as are differences in mean years of schooling com-
pleted. There is, however, a sizeable educational advantage favoring girls
in terms of the percentage who had attended some college. Within
migrant and non-migrant subgroups any differences according to gender
 Parents’ Migration and Children’s Education 309

TABLE 3
SUMMARY STATISTICS (% OR MEAN [SD]) OF VARIABLES INCLUDED IN THE ANALYSIS,
CHILDREN 19–21 YEARS OLD, BY GENDER
Variables Total (n = 360) Male (n = 181) Female (n = 179)
Family structure (parent’s migration status)
Neither parent left before child could 53.9 53.0 54.7
complete secondary education
Mother left before child could complete 17.8 20.4 15.1
secondary education
Father left before child could complete 25.8 23.2 28.5
secondary education
Both parents left before child could 2.5 3.3 1.7
complete secondary education
Gender
Male 50.3
Female 49.7
Age of child 19.97 (0.80) 20.03 (0.81) 19.91 (0.78)
Other family background characteristics
Number of siblings 2.67 (1.75) 2.51 (1.62) 2.83 (1.87)
Mother’s education 10.87 (2.81) 10.94 (2.87) 10.81 (2.74)
Father’s education 11.21 (2.97) 10.98 (3.13) 11.44 (2.77)
Household wealth
High 21.4 21.5 21.2
Moderate 46.6 46.4 46.4
Low 32.2 32.0 32.4
Monthly household income (PhP) 25,602.47 28,202.57 22,924.90
(59,954.09) (79,538.26) (28,074.31)

of child that are observed appear to favor daughters, although migration

of fathers may present a slight advantage for sons. The comparatively high
education of parents of children in the sample appears to be being trans-
mitted to their children, as 89.4 percent of respondents had graduated
from high school at the time of the survey, and on average, respondents
had completed 13.6 years of schooling. Among the 19–21 year olds, four
of five had attained at least some college.

MULTIVARIATE ANALYSIS

We have run logistic regressions for both dichotomous indicators: finishing

high school and attaining at least some college. Years of completed educa-
tion are entered as a continuous variable, so we have estimated OLS regres-
sion models to assess the effect of parental migration and the other
independent variables on this general measure of educational success. To
assess whether the association between family structure and education dif-
fers along gender lines, we have also estimated separate models for male
and female children. And, we have run separate analyses controlling for the
 310

TABLE 4
SUMMARY STATISTICS FOR EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT OF CHILDREN 19–21 YEARS OLD, BY GENDER, BY HOUSEHOLD STRUCTURE
Total sample
Educational attainment Total No one away Mother away Father away Both away
Proportion of children who finished high school 89.4 87.6 93.8 90.3 88.9
Proportion of children who obtained some college 79.7 73.2 82.8 90.3 88.9
educationa
Mean (std dev) years of completed schooling 13.56 13.32 (3.02) 13.56 (2.12) 14.08 (2.87) 13.33 (1.87)
Number of cases 360 194 64 93 9
Male
Proportion of children who finished high school 87.8 85.4 91.9 90.5 83.3
Proportion of children who obtained some college 75.1 66.7 78.4 90.5 83.3
educationa
Mean (std dev) years of completed schooling 13.10 (2.85) 12.97 (3.32) 13.19 (1.98) 13.76 (2.38) 12.83 (1.94)
Number of cases 181 96 37 42 6
Female
Proportion of children who finished high school 91.1 89.9 96.3 90.2 100.0
Proportion of children who obtained some 84.4 79.6 90.2 88.9 100.0
International Migration Review

college education
Mean (std dev) years of completed schooling 13.93 (2.76) 12.83 (1.94) 14.33 (3.27) 14.07 (2.24) 14.33 (1.53)
Number of cases 179 98 27 51 3
Note: adifference between groups significant at 5 percent.
 Parents’ Migration and Children’s Education 311

effects of wealth and of income on outcome variables. While we tend to

privilege the assessment of effects of income, given its importance in the lit-
erature, we also discuss effects of wealth where income is not significant.
Because information on remittances (and time away) was asked only
in families with OFW members, and because these variables could clearly
influence the educational success of children left behind, we have also run
separate analyses that examine the circumstances of children of OFWs
only. This approach allows us to assess the importance of family structure
as a determinant of children’s educational success, while controlling for
remittances and the amount of time the parent or parents have been
away, in addition to the other independent variables identified above.
Because the sample sizes used in those regressions are very small, very lit-
tle is statistically significant in the models and we do not present the
tables in this article, although we discuss several of the findings briefly.
We recommend that future surveys draw samples large enough to accom-
modate statistical analyses that include detailed information on variables
such as remittance amount and frequency and duration of time overseas.

RESULTS
Educational Success of Filipino Children

In Table 5, we present data on total years of schooling completed. As

would be anticipated, both mothers’ and fathers’ educational attainment

TABLE 5
REGRESSION OF YEARS OF COMPLETED EDUCATION ON PARENT’S MIGRATION STATUS AND
OTHER HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS, FILIPINO CHILDREN 19–21 YEARS OLD
Total Male Female
Independent variables (n = 340) (n = 172) (n = 167)
Family structure (parent’s migration status)
Neither parent left before child could complete
secondary educationa
Mother left before child could complete secondary education 0.03+ )0.50 0.91
Father left before child could complete secondary education 0.11 )0.41 0.72
Both left before child could complete secondary education )1.08 )2.22* 1.27
Child is female 0.63* – –
Number of siblings )0.02 )0.05 )0.02
Mother’s education (years) 0.16* 0.16+ 0.15
Father’s education (years) 0.11+ 0.18* 0.05
Log (household income) 0.05 0.53* )0.54
Constant 9.90 4.94 16.66
R2 8.3 15.9 4.0
Note: aomitted category; +p < 0.10; *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.
312 International Migration Review

levels positively affect children’s total schooling. This effect is important

only for sons, however; it is not significant for daughters. The effect of
household income is also positive, as predicted, but is significant only for
the subsample of young men.
Of particular interest in this equation are the effects of migration
status on educational attainment. There is a slightly positive effect of
mother’s migration status on total years of schooling for the combined
sample; i.e., compared with intact families with both biological parents at
home in the Philippines, children whose mothers were overseas migrants
at the time of the survey had completed more total years of schooling. In
addition, there is a decidedly negative effect of out-migration of both par-
ents on the total years of schooling completed by sons in this sample.
While none of the variables is statistically significant in the equation
modeling daughters’ total years of schooling, we do find in the combined
sample that, consistent with national data, girls are apt to attain higher
levels of education than are their brothers, net of other factors. In addi-
tion, having more siblings neither increases nor decreases years of formal
education, net of other factors. Thus, the resource dilution hypothesis is
not supported in this analysis.
When we focus on matriculation to college in Table 6, higher edu-
cation of both parents again positively influences college entry for the full
sample, and in the subsample of young men. Interestingly, however,

TABLE 6
LOGISTIC REGRESSION (ODDS RATIOS): OBTAINING SOME COLLEGE EDUCATION ON PARENT’S MIGRATION
STATUS AND OTHER HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS, FILIPINO CHILDREN 19–21 YEARS OLD
Total Male Female
Independent variables (n = 360) (n = 181) (n = 179)
Family structure (parent’s migration status)
Neither parent left before child could
complete secondary educationa
Mother left before child could complete secondary education 1.81 1.71 1.97
Father left before child could complete secondary education 1.84 2.32 1.72
Both left before child could complete secondary education 1.74 1.07 .001
Child is female 1.88*
Number of siblings 1.02 1.00 1.03
Mother’s education (years) 1.16* 1.22* 1.10
Father’s education (yreas) 1.20** 1.27** 1.14
Household wealth index
Lowa
Medium 1.80+ 3.67** 1.16
High 1.30 1.38 0.86
Note: aomitted category; +p < 0.10; *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.
 Parents’ Migration and Children’s Education 313

the income variable is not significant for the full sample or for either
subsample (not shown). Instead, when we run the analysis controlling for
household wealth, we find that compared with those in the lowest wealth
category, those in the medium wealth category are more apt to have
entered college. Again, the positive effect of financial resources is signifi-
cant in the subsample of young men, but not young women.
In this set of regressions, having one or both parents overseas neither
increases nor decreases the odds of attending college. The positive bivari-
ate association between migration status and college matriculation thus
disappears once other variables are controlled. In addition, the notion that
having both biological parents present in the household necessarily
improves the odds of going to college is not supported.
Interestingly, the data in Table 6 indicate that daughters are nearly
twice as likely as sons to matriculate to college, while number of siblings
remains non-significant in all regressions.
In Table 7, we present odds ratios for finishing high school. Very
little is significant in this table. Again, it is not surprising that children
with more educated fathers are more likely to have finished high school
than are those with less educated fathers. This effect is only significant in
the combined sample, however. Neither family structure nor income (not
shown) is a significant predictor of high school completion, but household
wealth again appears to be quite important for young men; those from

TABLE 7
LOGISTIC REGRESSION (ODDS RATIOS): FINISHING SECONDARY EDUCATION ACCORDING TO PARENT’S
MIGRATION STATUS AND OTHER HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS, FILIPINO CHILDREN 19–21 YEARS OLD
Total Male Female
Independent variables (n = 360) (n = 181) (n = 179)
Family structure (parent’s migration status)
Neither parent left before child could
complete secondary educationa
Mother left before child could complete secondary education 2.40 1.62 3.86
Father left before child could complete secondary education 0.94 0.54 1.60
Both left before child could complete secondary education 0.87 0.25 3E8
Child is female 1.36
Number of siblings 1.10 0.99 1.24
Mother’s education (years) 1.05 1.07 1.02
Father’s education (years) 1.15* 1.26 1.06
Household wealth index
Lowa
Medium 0.93 1.97 0.20
High 1.17 4.21* 0.26
Note: aomitted category; +p < 0.10; *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < .001.
314 International Migration Review

the most wealthy households were over four times more likely than those
in the poorest households to finish high school. Neither gender of respon-
dent, nor number of siblings is significant in this set of equations.
To summarize thus far, girls in our subsample fare better than boys on
two measures of educational attainment (matriculation in college and total
years of schooling). At the same time, boys’ education is much more likely
to be negatively impacted by being from a poor family or one in which par-
ents had completed less formal education. The same is not true for girls,
who appear less negatively affected (in terms of educational outcomes) by
their family background. Of particular interest is that having an overseas
mother actually increases the years of formal educational attainment of chil-
dren, compared with those who have both parents present.
Clearly, the selectivity of migrant families is one possible explana-
tion. Whereas children of divorce in U.S. contexts may be disadvantaged
by a host of factors, Filipino children whose parents are not present in
the household because they have migrated internationally may be affected
emotionally by the absence of the parent, but quite differently in terms of
financial resources that may enhance their educational attainment. Parents
who migrate will often have done so at least in part to improve their chil-
dren’s well-being. Their remittance income often allows families to con-
tinue to invest in children’s schooling, and perhaps to replace girls’
domestic labor with hired domestic help.
As we have indicated, the survey collected data on frequency and
amount of remittances and on duration of parents’ overseas experience.
We have run separate analyses, controlling for these variables, using the
subsample of children who had parents abroad. Unfortunately, this restric-
tion reduces the sample of 19–21 year olds to 138 cases (69 male and 69
female cases). Nonetheless, we find that compared with having both par-
ents overseas, having only one’s mother abroad improves that chances that
children will complete high school, particularly among sons. As antici-
pated, the frequency of remittances also improves the likelihood of com-
pleting high school, and again particularly for sons. This effect intensifies
in the estimation of matriculation to college, where regular remittances
from overseas parents substantially increases the chances that boys will
attain some college. In addition, more years of working abroad for one or
both parents appears to lead to higher chances of college matriculation
and more years of total schooling among sons. (Data not shown.)
In additional analyses that control for both total remittance amount
(logged) and total income earned in the Philippines (logged), we find that
 Parents’ Migration and Children’s Education 315

higher volumes of remittance income do increase the likelihood that sons

will finish high school, but the effect of total amount remitted is not sta-
tistically significant for the other education outcomes. Income earned in
the Philippines also fails to predict any of the dependent variables. Again,
we assume this is may be due in part to the very small samples. (Data not
shown.)
When OFW parents have been abroad longer and when they send
frequent remittances to the family left behind, one benefit is improved
educational opportunities for children, particularly sons. Interestingly,
daughters do not appear to gain or lose as a result of remittance frequency
or the length of time that parents are abroad. In addition, girls’ educa-
tional advantage is not as pronounced among children of OFWs only, as
it is in the full sample. The difference between boys’ and girls’ outcomes
is significant only in the years of completed education model. This may
be due in part to sample size differences.

DISCUSSION

The educational attainment of the 19–21 year olds in our sample appears
to be influenced by the presence or absence of parents, but only to a
point. Data from the Survey of Households and Children of Overseas
Workers suggest that having one’s parent or parents overseas tends to be
positively associated with college matriculation at the bivariate level. Once
other factors are controlled, that association disappears, although having
one’s mother employed overseas appears to be positively associated with
the total years of formal schooling children left behind complete. While a
number of U.S.-based studies have argued that single-parent families lead
to negative outcomes for children, our analysis of overseas labor migration
suggests that having a migrant parent may actually improve education
outcomes for some children. It is not surprising, however, that having
both parents away produces more negative outcomes.
In a study of that included 9- to 15-year-old elementary school chil-
dren of Filipino migrants, Battistella and Conaco (1998) reported that
across four different family types the mother-absent children had the
poorest educational performance while children of non-migrant parents
had the highest average grades. In between these two extremes are father-
absent and both-parents absent children, with the former outperforming
the latter. Our analyses of older children (19–21 years old) suggest a dif-
ferent pattern in school completion. To be clear, while we can draw some
316 International Migration Review

conclusions about their educational attainment, we cannot make claims

about how happy the children in our study were, or how well they did
while still in school compared with other students. It is possible that older
children are able to cope with the absence of their mother by tapping
support outside of their immediate family including peers and teachers. In
addition, Parrenas (2007:49) has argued that migrant mothers tend to
‘‘maintain the traditional division of labor in the family upon migration,’’
nurturing their children from afar through frequent contact, and perhaps
even ‘‘overcompensating for their physical absence.’’
Among the subsample of children of OFWs, our study suggests that
the economic rewards of parental migration can indeed translate to educa-
tional success of children. More specifically, sons of migrant parents who
send a higher volume of remittances, remit more frequently, and have
worked overseas for a longer period of time have better chances of college
matriculation. College education requires a steady source of financial
resources that are apparently made available to the family through the
remittances sent by OFW parents. This effect of remittance income
remains significant after controlling for household wealth, and may signal
a parent’s commitment to his or her children, and perhaps (again) quite
active involvement in parenting from afar. Recall, however, that these par-
ticular analyses omit data on intact families in the Philippines.
Filipino daughters currently maintain an educational advantage over
their male counterparts. The gender differentials in educational success
observed in our analyses is consistent with other reports indicating that in
the Philippines school system there are more women enrolled at the ter-
tiary level (see, e.g., Virola, 2005). In addition, in a rural sample drawn
from selected provinces, Estudillo, Quisumbing, and Otsuka (2001)
observed that on average women receive 1.5 more years of schooling com-
pared with men. These reports suggest that when resources are limited,
families may choose to invest more in daughters’ education than in sons’.
There has been considerable speculation regarding this point, and it has
been suggested that daughters tend to demonstrate a stronger commit-
ment to the family. It is believed that they remit more regularly, and as a
result, investment decisions regarding children’s education tend to favor
daughters. While we do not have data to evaluate these possibilities, oth-
ers have reported that parents do rely on their daughters more than their
sons to study, work, and support them in their old age (King and
Domingo, 1986 in Medina, 2001). Recent analyses by Semyonov and
Gorodzeisky (2005) have found evidence to the contrary concerning
 Parents’ Migration and Children’s Education 317

gender and remittances, however. Their results indicate that men continue
to earn considerably more than women and partly as a result, actually
remit more money home to the Philippines than do women working
abroad. Future research will thus have to explore the educational advan-
tage of daughters in more detail.
Our study has produced findings that, for the most part, show no
statistically significant difference between schooling outcomes of children
whose biological parents were together in the Philippines and those with
parents working internationally. Where differences occur, they are some-
times positive (mother only abroad). Only when both parents are abroad
are any negative effects of migration observed. We believe this is impor-
tant information. It does not appear that children with a mother or
father overseas disproportionately drop out of school, either to help the
family financially or to provide domestic labor on the home front. Simi-
larly, they do not seem disproportionately to find that a college educa-
tion is out of reach for them. Sons with both parents abroad do tend
to complete fewer years of total schooling compared with those whose
parents are present in the household; this is a cause for concern and
should be examined in future research. Also, in future research on this
topic, we recommend that surveys with larger samples be undertaken so
that child outcomes in families separated by international migration may
be compared with those separated by marital dissolution and even inter-
nal migration.

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