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To cite this article: Karin Holmblad Brunsson (2008) Some Effects of Fayolism, International
Studies of Management & Organization, 38:1, 30-47, DOI: 10.2753/IMO0020-8825380102
Int. Studies of Mgt. & Org., vol. 38, no. 1, Spring 2008, pp. 30–47.
© 2008 M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved.
ISSN 0020–8825 / 2008 $9.50 + 0.00.
DOI 10.2753/IMO0020-8825380102
Abstract: In the early twentieth century, the French industrialist and writer Henri
Fayol argued that management consists of a set of activities that are common to
all organizations. This has proved a durable idea. All over the world, universities
and business schools, management consultants, and management gurus teach rec-
ommendations for good management. Disregarding the complexity and confusion
of managerial practice, they recommend order. Recommendations that are found
lacking provide arguments for new recommendations and new types of order. In
this paper, it is argued that management fashions are a consequence of Henri
Fayol’s notion of general management and the general acceptance of this notion.
It is suggested that a contingent notion of management—as the one proposed by
the U.S. engineer and consultant Frederick Taylor—describes managerial practice
more accurately.
Most people agree that organizations are there to do different things, in one respect
or another. This is true of such diverse undertakings as hospitals, banks, and indus-
trial corporations, even pizzerias. There is no point in setting up identical pizzerias
in adjacent buildings. Pizzerias should specialize. They may bake different types
of pizzas, charge different prices, serve their customers in different ways, have
different types of interior decoration, add different types of desserts, or be located
differently. Only if they purport to be unique will organizations have a fair chance
of success; this is the general supposition.
The idea of management contradicts this notion of organizations as units, which
concentrate each on its own specialty. To the contrary, management is based on
the presumption that organizations resemble one another. This presumption is
far-reaching, for it expects organizations to be so much alike that a particular
In the past eighteen months, we have heard that profit is more important than revenue,
quality is more important than profit, that people are more important than profit, that
customers are more important than our people, that big customers are more important
than our small customers, and that growth is the key to our success.
tions appear to have a shorter life span than those of previous decades (Carson et
al. 1999).
These new management recommendations are often severely criticized. Critics
claim that they are vague enough to allow for different interpretations and alterations
and that they include contradictory propositions and misleading metaphors—“an
odd mixture of management jargon and homespun folk wisdom” (Wooldridge and
Kennedy 1996, 55; see also Larsen and Häversjö 2001; Nørreklit 2003). They are
used as new labels for old habits, it is argued, to help organizations make their
management procedures legitimate (Meyer 1996), or else they simply state the
obvious in a complicated way (Ferguson 1997).
Specific management recommendations are criticized for being unrealistic and
too exotic. Human resource management, for example, has been called “a utopian
cul-de-sac” (Purcell 1999, 38). Total quality management is accused of adopting “a
normative thrust” and “an evangelical line” that excludes consideration of evidence
that might challenge or qualify its assumptions and recommendations (Wilkinson
and Willmott 1995, 15). And the arguments for the balanced scorecard are seen
to be “repeatedly untenable and open to interpretation . . . full of postulates . . .
untenable by appeals to authority, argumentation ad populum, argumentation ad
ignoratio elenchi” (Nørreklit 2003, 609).
Management recommendations that claim to be empirically based, as for instance
“management by wandering around” (Peters and Waterman 1982) or benchmark-
ing (Womack et al. 1990), have been challenged. As it turned out, the “excellent”
management recommendations did not lead to excellent financial performance,
but rather the contrary (see e.g., Clayman 1987), and benchmarking was deemed
a waste of time (Womack and Jones 1996).
In addition, there are often diverging versions of whether new recommendations
have made an impact on managerial practice or whether they are essentially texts in
much-discussed management books (e.g., Jackson 2001 on business process reen-
gineering; Olve, Roy, and Wetter 1997/1999; Lindvall 2001 on the balanced score-
card; and Easton and Jarrell 2000 and Nielsen 2004 on total quality management).
Even though surveys show that companies tend to take on more recommendations
over time, there is scant evidence as to how these recommendations are employed
(Micklethwait and Wooldridge 1996). Their impact may be mainly rhetorical, in
which case they do not affect practice as their proponents avowed.
The frequency of new management recommendations, contradictory evidence
as to their usefulness, and difficulties of finding out whether they are actually of
use to managers in different types of organizations have led academics to question
the tenacity of new management recommendations. They have coined the phrase
management fashions to refer to management recommendations that they see as
popular, though ephemeral.
The management-fashion concept is derogatory. It stereotypes particular manage-
ment recommendations that set out to improve organizational performance by intimating
that they are only temporarily attractive to managers and perhaps only conceptually so,
SOME EFFECTS OF FAYOLISM 33
and that they are just “transitory collective beliefs” (Abrahamson 1996, 257; Parker and
Ritson 2005; Strang and Macy 2001). By alluding to fashions in clothing, the manage-
ment-fashion concept suggests nonfunctionality, because such fashions rarely imply
improvement, but rather take an interest in change as such (Sellerberg 1987).
A discussion of management recommendations in terms of fashions implies,
first, a dissatisfaction with the existing recommendations; second, an ambition to
improve these recommendations; and third, a sentiment that efforts at improve-
ment, at least some of them, fail. It implies, further, that there are management
recommendations that should not be seen to belong to any management fashion.
If this were not the case, management fashions would include all management
recommendations, and the concept would not add to our understanding of different
management recommendations.
Which recommendations, more specifically, should be classified as lasting and
nontransitory may certainly be contested. Here I use management textbooks to
provide an overall idea of which management recommendations are not generally
seen to be part of any management fashion.
If you ask a manager what he does, he will most likely tell you that he plans,
organizes, co-ordinates, and controls.
—Mintzberg 1975, 49
tion and power games (Heclo and Wildavsky 1974; Jönsson 1982; Wildavsky 1975).
They are performed perfunctory, without anybody taking much notice (Larsen and
Dragsdahl 2000), “creatively” to avoid too much paperwork (Walgenbach 2001),
or just to keep people busy (Feldman 1989).
Procedures may even be used as window-dressing devices, to help organiza-
tions present themselves in an orderly manner to the outside world (Czarniawska
and Jacobsson 1989; Høgheim, Monsen, and Olson 1989; Jacobsson 1984; Olsen
1970), sometimes to allow for contradictory presentations (Brunsson 1995) or
actions that contradict these presentations (Brunsson 2003). Many procedures are
intertwined and affect performance in a multifarious way (Feldman 2003). Rather
than enabling organizations, procedures may preclude their swift adaptation to
changes in the environment (Wallander 1999; Weick 1987).
To sum up, academics find managerial practice to be a confusing set of rela-
tionships, improvisations, counterproductive activities, and inadvertent events
that do not at all correspond to the order management recommendations describe.
Nevertheless, for many years they asked for an empirically based management
theory. They envisaged the establishment of stable relationships among relevant
variables, which would make management into a science.
Some asked for partial theories, such as a modified theory of organizational choice,
a theory of organizational attention, and a theory of learning under conditions of
organizational ambiguity (March and Olsen 1975, 156). They wanted a normative
theory of “acting before you think,” which should help explain management in
situations when managers or their organizations do not know what they are doing
(March 1976, 79).
Others asked for a comprehensive management theory. They imagined that, with
time, such a theory would emerge. Henri Fayol saw the absence of a management
theory as an important reason why management (administration in French) was
neglected by the higher educational institutions in France. He saw the classifications
and recommendations in his major book Administration Industrielle et Générale
(General and Industrial Management; 1916/1984, 1999) as a first rudimentary
theory, to be discussed and refined with time.
In the mid-1950s, management guru Peter Drucker found grounds “for the
hope that, twenty years from now, we shall be able to spell out basic principles,
proven policies and tested techniques for the management of worker and work”
(1954, 288).
Ten years later, in the mid-1960s, the future Nobel laureate Herbert A. Simon
declared himself “positively exhilarated by the progress we have made . . . to-
wards creating a viable science of management and an art based on that science”
(after Locke 1998, 151). At the same time, the Swedish Professor Eric Rhenman
criticized Henri Fayol for being too dogmatic (1965). Fayol’s principles were too
36 KARIN HOLMBLAD BRUNSSON (SWEDEN)
crude to provide clear guidelines to managers, Rhenman maintained and asked for
a management theory that does not prescribe but describes. Such a theory should
bring insights as to what goes on in organizations, clarify the relationships between
different phenomena, and predict the effects of alternative undertakings.
In the mid-1980s, however, this optimism somehow evaporated. Management
was declared a soft science that must rely on a multitude of theories: “Unfortunately,
in the ‘soft sciences’ we have no reason to expect that a single set of theories will
ever be able to explain or predict phenomena” (Gray 1984, 2).
In the mid-1990s, after some forty years of management studies, Peter Drucker
found the question what to do to be the central challenge facing managers (1994,
3). Once more, management was regarded as an immature discipline, one hundred
years or so behind economics: “The discipline still awaits its John Maynard Keynes,
Friedrich Hayek, or Milton Friedman. It lacks rules of debate, so the discipline
remains open to anybody with an axe to grind” (Micklethwait and Wooldridge
1996, 18).
In the early twenty-first century, academics found a dramatic expansion and
rapid flow of management knowledge across continents and social sectors, but at
the same time they acknowledged that they had no clear answer to the question of
what management knowledge is (Sahlin-Andersson and Engwall 2002, 5). Their
confusion testifies to the difficulties of constructing management recommendations
based on empirical findings: “The theories tend to dissolve when put into testable
form” (March and Simon 1958, 32).
To conclude, not only is the concept of management fashions a token of dissat-
isfaction, but this appears to be true of all management recommendations, because
they do not capture the essentials of managerial practice. When this is not the case,
management recommendations take on an importance in their own right.
Like Henri Fayol, Frederick Winslow Taylor believed that all kinds of organiza-
tions, irrespective of their production, size, or location, need management and
managers. But Taylor’s principles of scientific management are based on the task
idea (1911/1998, 17)—on specialization and standardization—and regulate the
relationship between managers and their subordinates. Like the workers, man-
agers must specialize, Taylor insisted. Different managers will plan the work,
make inspections, adjust the machines, and instruct the workers. The managers of
scientific management shall work in close cooperation with the workers, instruct
them, and take an interest in their improvement. This means that managers must
be persuaded to take on new duties and responsibilities. Scientific management
implies a more equal division of the responsibility between the management and
the workmen (ibid., 10).
Taylor’s management principles are general principles in the sense that Taylor
expected work in all kinds of organizations to be managed by managers. But in
contrast to Fayol, Taylor expected the particular activities that managers were
to perform to vary depending on the production and situation of the individual
organization.
Henri Fayol’s notion of general management, on the other hand, defines the
activities that managers are to perform. The managers Fayol described were
distant from the employees who did the work, and Fayol expected an increasing
separation between management and the actual work of the organization. This
explains why managers need elaborate planning procedures and an independent
control function. Obviously, distant managers do not have as many opportunities
to see for themselves what ought to be done and what has been accomplished as
those who are directly involved in monitoring the work. Distant managers have to
rely on reports. They need plans to avoid unconnected, nonlogical activities and
unwarranted changes of direction and inspectors to provide impartial information
about the efficiency of the work.
With the notion of general management come managers who may be employed
by any organization. Where Frederick Taylor saw managers as technical experts
who should know the work to be performed better than those who performed it
and whose competence was unique, Fayol envisaged organizational experts. All
types of organizations should ask for their expertise. With the notion of general
management, managers became interchangeable, much like the workers of scientific
management. From such a perspective, it makes sense to see managers as a coherent
group of professionals and to instigate a general management education. Accord-
ing to Fayol, all types of organizations, families as well as business corporations
and the state, need the same type of management. Management therefore should
permeate elementary as well as higher education.
In his foreword to Fayol’s General and Industrial Management (1949), the
British management consultant Lyndall Urwick lamented the fact that the French
SOME EFFECTS OF FAYOLISM 39
Although widely recognized and often mentioned in reference books and manage-
ment textbooks, Henri Fayol has received little recognition compared to Freder-
ick Taylor. The principles of scientific management have been much discussed,
much derided, and are often publicly disclaimed. In particular, they are seen to
lead to reductionism, to make organizations inflexible by breaking down work
processes into isolated parts (Freedman 1992). To what extent employees have
been given autonomy, or whether or not “Taylorism” (i.e., a mechanistic view
on work in organizations) dominates the workplaces, is still a much-discussed
topic. People who favor certain management recommendations may be accused
of being “neo-Taylorists.” And those who argue that, in many cases, technical
and organizational changes only serve to increase the fragmentation of work and
the supervision of workers may be seen to support a neo-Taylorist interpretation
(Lomba 2005, 72).
Any correspondent criticism of Fayol’s notion of general management is
strangely absent from the organizational and managerial discourse. Fayol’s ideas
are often mistakenly classified as a European version of scientific management,
and Fayol has been consigned to the “rubbish bin” of management history (Parker
and Ritson 2005, 1351).
As seen from a Google search, where “Taylorism” and “Taylorist” yield 212,000
and 80,600 hits, respectively, there is hardly any “Fayolism” (only 539 hits) and
even fewer “Fayolists” (only 29 hits as of January 20, 2007). And, in fact, to
declare oneself a “Fayolist” or “neo-Fayolist” would be meaningless. Because
Fayol’s notion of general management is accepted to the point of being taken for
granted, these epithets would not help clarify which type of management they ad-
dress; there are too many “Fayolists” to make this concept interesting. How could
it be otherwise? The next section discusses a reevaluation of Frederick Taylor’s
management principles.
To summarize, Henri Fayol’s concerns of some ninety years ago have made such an
impact that it is no longer important whether or not management recommendations
correspond to any part of managerial practice. The notion of general management
remains unchallenged, but arguments for a normative theory are being substituted
for attempts to construct empirically based management recommendations, with
the implication that what management ought to be has become more important
42 KARIN HOLMBLAD BRUNSSON (SWEDEN)
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SOME EFFECTS OF FAYOLISM 47
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