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Yuemeng AN, MA Media

Abstract
Japanese culture is an influential power among many rising global cultural flows.
Japanese animation (anime) is a representative of Japanese popular cultural products
which are spread over the world. The fictional reality created by anime is able to carry
a wide range of meanings and values, which anime audiences can interact with.
Owning to anime’s ability to create pseudo-environment, anime can to some extent
affect people’s perception on Japanese culture. In addition, behind the consumption of
anime and subcultures derive from it can be the pursuit to a world of less burdens and
duties, or a rival between individual’s appeal and the mainstream society’s
expectations.
Keywords: anime, fictional reality, cultural perception, escapism.

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Cultural Export: Anime, Cultural Perception, and Escapism

Content
Acknowledgements.......................................................................................... 错误!未定义书签。

1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 3

2. Methodology ................................................................................................................................ 5

3. Literature review......................................................................................................................... 5

4. Discussion..................................................................................................................................... 7

4.1 Japanese culture in the global arena ............................................................................... 7

4.2 Development and genres of Japanese anime ................................................................... 8

4.2.1 A brief history ......................................................................................................... 9

4.2.2 Genres and audiences........................................................................................... 10

4.3 Anime, the fictional world .............................................................................................. 12

4.3.1 Fantasy sphere and formation of perception ..................................................... 12

4.3.2 The world in the anime ........................................................................................ 14

4.4 Anime and perception ..................................................................................................... 23

4.4.1 Anime and Japanese culture ................................................................................ 23

4.4.2 Anime, infantilism and escapism......................................................................... 25

5. Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 32

Reference ....................................................................................................................................... 34

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1. Introduction
The proliferation of Japanese cultural products in the world market is seen as a typical
example of the representation of cultural flows from non-Western regions (Koichi,
2006). Noticeably, amongst various popular Japanese cultural products, anime and
manga have become worldwide popular culture icons. As a symbol of Japanese
pop-culture, manga and anime were drawn to the attention of scholars. For instance,
Pokémon anime’s popularity in Western markets in the 1990’s stimulated research on
Japanese cultural exports (Newitz, 1994). The prevalence of anime and manga can
also be seen from news reports around the world. For example, it was reported that
the younger generation in China felt some affection for manga and anime characters,
and terms such as ‘Moe’ and ‘Otaku’, deriving from anime culture, became popular in
China (Kobayashi, 2012). Another report revealed that there were anime fan clubs in
India, and comic events such as the Delhi comic-con (Pillalamarri, 2014).

The worldwide popularity of Japanese anime also generates considerable economic


value. Just as Kobayashi Sayuri (2012) stated, the TV animation series’ Sailor Moon and
Pokémon achieved huge success in the global market; in the US market, the export
value of Japanese animation was $75 million in 1996 (2012) and figures from the
Japan External Trade Organization revealed that the estimated anime market in the
U.S. was worth $400 million (Jennie Wood).

Considering the obvious economic and cultural influence of Japanese anime in the
global dimension, it is important to study how this cultural product is able to create
impact, to look at some of the related issues derived from it, and to explore the deeper
meaning behind the phenomenon and also so discuss whether Japanese anime acts as
a tool for delivering values, and how and what the possible effects are.

There are a number of studies on the influence of media products, such as Effects of
US television programmes on foreign audiences (Ware et al, 1994) and The effects of
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race, gender, and fandom on audience interpretations of Madonna's music videos


(Brown et al, 1990). Japanese culture and anime are popular topics, but there are not
enough studies which specifically explore the connections between anime
consumption and people’s perception to the world, and what kind of values are
embedded in the anime. Thus, this research aims to investigate Japanese anime’s role
in the cultural perception and formation of social values. The main questions to be
studied in this dissertation are:

1. How does anime depict our world and what kind of values does it deliver?
2. Does anime have an impact on our perception of Japanese culture, and how?
3. How does anime reflect the value of “escaping from reality”?

This study does not intend to provide an argument about whether or not anime plays a
positive or negative role in the formation of values and perception of the world, or to
judge anime’s depiction on certain issues, instead, it examines the content of existing
anime works in an objective way and critically considers the relationship between
anime, fictional reality, and world perception based upon theories of media effects,
audience perception, and pseudo-environment.

In this dissertation, after a brief introduction to the research methods and key
literature reviews in sections two and three, the main questions are discussed in
section four. In sub-section 4.1, I explore the role of Japanese culture in the global
context, building upon existing critical studies on cultural globalisation, cultural
imperialism, and cultural contra-flows. Then in 4.2, a brief history of Japanese
animation and anime’s genres will be clarified together with a view of global
audiences of anime. In 4.3, I investigate how anime is correlated to the formation of
world perception by demonstrating why fictional works matter in the perception of
reality, and the way in which anime depict certain main issues is examined. In 4.4 I
discuss how anime delivers values by creating ‘fictional reality’. How anime reflect
and influence society’s values and perceptions is also analysed.
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In addition, it is necessary to clarify that several anime works are used here as
supporting information. There is a great number of anime of different genres and
themes. Only ‘mainstream’ or ‘popular’ anime will be used in representations which
are widely known, along with samples of the majority of anime, thus distinguishing
them from uncommon anime which are unusual and unrepresentative.

2. Methodology
Considering the focus of this study is to explore how anime is correlated to the
formation of values, the main approach will be to analyse meanings delivered by
anime's content and by explaining anime's role based on theories of media effects,
fictional reality, and pseudo-environment.

Secondary data is used as supporting material in this research. For instance, news
articles, industrial reports, and data from the study of others on anime are analysed
and used to demonstrate the status of anime in the world. By examining existing
literature on anime's influence and media effects, the theoretical background of the
arguments is built. This study also carries out content analysis to explore values,
meanings, and reflections within anime.

Specifically, when it comes to the discussion of the role of Japanese culture, theories
on the rise of Japan’s cultural power as cultural contraflow, decentralisation, and
globalisation will be investigated. There will be an introduction to the history of the
anime industry and Japanese anime’s development. Meaning or connotation contained
within Japanese anime will be explored. How these connotations reflect values
underlie phenomenon of ‘Otaku’ and Yaoi groups will also be discussed.

3. Literature review
According to previous studies, anime consumption is deemed to be interrelated with
specific values and there are debates on whether it is correlated to Japanese cultural
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perception. On the other hand, studies on anime and some subcultures derived from
anime consumption (e.g. otaku and Yaoi) show that anime consumption could
strongly be related to ‘childish’ culture, infantilism and a willingness to escape from
reality.

In some research, cultural products such as manga and anime are culturally neutral.
For instance, David et al (2015) states that Japanese cultural content consumption is
no different to any other popular culture consumption. Koichi (2006) asserts that
unlike the US-style cultural imperialism, Japanese cultural products do not promote
any value system.

However, it is also found that Japanese anime may make a difference in cultural
perception even though it may not seek to do this. Ng (2002) found that in Asia,
young audiences of anime tend to hold a more positive view of Japanese culture when
compared with older generations. Newitz (1994) pointed out that Japanese anime,
which lacks positive multiculturalism factors (non-racist, non-sexist, and
non-homophobic) is controversial to US-style ‘political correctness’; when American
fans watch anime, they actually interact with anti-multiculturalism. Newitz (1994)
even claimed in the same research that ‘Japanese anime could be said to work as
cultural imperialism’.

Yukako’s study (2006) explains, to some extent, how anime consumption and cultural
recognition are correlated: although anime and manga have a very weak connection to
Japanese culture, participants in the study admitted that being an anime fan led to a
new interest in other aspects of Japanese culture.

Anime, it is argued, encourages and promotes ‘childish values’. Japanese culture is


deemed to tolerate and even pursue ‘childish values’ (Odell, 2013). Kinsella (1998)
claimed that childish culture is linked to the rejection of social obligations and adult
roles in society. On the other hand, visual media like anime and manga can possibly

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have an impact on the audience, causing them to get lost in ‘aesthetic, irrational, and
immature’ thought (Kinsella, 1998).

Cultural phenomenon (e.g. otaku, Yaoi and Cosplay) derived from anime consumption
can be deemed to provide evidence of its ideological influence. The term ‘otaku’ is
commonly used to describe a person who is obsessed with specific fan subculture and
spends most of their time in the home to the extent that he/she may not be accustomed
to the real world any longer (Newitz, 1994 and Kinsella, 1998). Kinsella (1998) also
argued that Otaku’s behaviour may be similar to Peter Pan syndrome, rejecting
maturity or being involved in adult social relations.

Yaoi and Cosplay are other subcultures related to anime consumption and Kinsella
(1998) claimed that amateur works can reflect the infantilism. ‘Yaoi’ is often used to
describe the style of amateur works based on anime or published manga; Yaoi works’
main subject is gay love between male characters of anime while ‘Cosplay’ depicts
the anime fans’ behaviour of dressing up in the costumes of anime characters and
performing parody (Kinsella, 1998).

4. Discussion
4.1 Japanese culture in the global arena
Japanese culture is an influential and important culture flow in the global arena;
especially considering current global cultural contexts where decentralisation and the
rising power of non-Western culture is developing.

Japanese culture as a non-Western cultural flow is sometimes treated as a contrary


force against Americanisation (e.g. Annalee Newitz, 1994). However, it will not be
objective to think of Japanese cultural export as a power against specific powers like
Americanisation, because it ignores current multiple and transnational cultural powers
(Koichi, 2006).

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Decentralisation is a feature of current global cultural context, which means that when
studying a single culture, it is necessary to treat it as part of multiple influential
cultural flows instead of simply seeing a popular culture as cultural imperialism. As
Koichi (2002) states, global culture is under a decentralising process, thus it is
impossible for a specific country or region to be defined as the dominant cultural
centre. Similarly, globalisation is not equal to Americanisation as the rising cultural
flows from different regions are assisted by developed transnational media companies
(Koichi, 2006).

The impact of Japanese cultural power is to some extent correlated to Japan’s cultural
policy. In the 1970’s, the Japanese government implemented a new cultural policy to
‘soften the anti-Japan mood’ and to promote international understanding of
Japan (Koichi, 2015). During the 1990’s, Japan became a ‘culture-exporting country’,
the reception of Japanese TV dramas, music, and animation reached a high point,
especially in the Eastern and South-eastern Asian regions (Koichi,2015). Attached to
the ‘Cool Japan’ policy targeting the promotion of Japanese media culture in the
international market, nowadays Japanese cultural content products (e.g. magazines,
comic books, and anime) are popular around the world (Koichi, 2006).

Japanese animation and comic books (which are also known as manga) are notable
representations of the cultural products that Japan exports. At the beginning of the
1980’s, animated films occupied 56% of Japan’s televisual exports, and 58% in the
early 1990’s (Koichi, 1998). Unlike other films exported from Japan, 99% of the
anime exported was not in Japanese but was translated into other languages. This
phenomenon was deemed to imply that anime was intended for export (Koichi, 1998).

4.2 Development and genres of Japanese anime


Since establishment of the first animation studio in Japan in 1921, Japanese anime has
developed in the intervening decade, forming unique characteristics and complex
content themes.
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4.2.1 A brief history


To start with, it is necessary to clarify the word ‘anime’ and a related term, ‘manga’.
In Western countries, the term ‘anime’ is used to describe the Japanese cartoon
moving pictures (Odell, 2013). ‘Manga’, which stands for Japanese comic books, is
different from anime but strongly correlated to it. These two terms are often linked
because many popular anime works are animated manga or are created based
upon existing manga (Odell, 2013). In general, anime and manga are presented in
different ways but they share the same content and themes and are both popular inside
and outside of Japan.

Some of anime and manga’s features are thought to be inherited from a traditional
Japanese visual art genre from the seventeenth century known as ukiyo-e. During
1600-1868, woodblock prints were fashion art in Edo-time in Japan (Kinko, 2014). As
one kind of woodblock print, Ukiyo-e depicts female beauties, landscapes, and
historical scenes, and is known for its colourful and bold style. Similar features can be
found in today’s Japanese anime - which made anime distinct from Western
cartoons (Odell, 2013).

The early form of anime known as ‘lantern’ was brought into Japan in the 19th century.
Lantern then transformed into ‘utsushie’ in Japan, which created simple moving
pictures using painted glass (Kinko, 2014). Around 1971, professional anime which
was screened theatrically appeared. Since 1980, many animators established their
studios and anime’s format went through a series of developments (Odell, 2013).

Up to the present century, anime has continued to develop. ‘Anime Industry Report
2015’ shows the market value of Japanese anime industry was about US$13.5 billion
in 2014 (AJA, 2016). In addition, modern Japanese anime has developed into several
basic formats which are TV series, feature film, and OVA. TV series are shown on
TV like other dramas; anime films often have the best quality and are distributed in
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the cinema and; OVA is the direct-to-video anime, which is only released in the form
of video disc such as DVD (Odell, 2013).

4.2.2 Genres and audiences


Japanese anime is more than just traditional cartoons made for children. Firstly, it
covers a wide range of subjects including sport, science-fiction, romance, mecha and
even erotica and horror (Odell, 2013). In addition, the plots and meaning delivered by
anime works can be much deeper and more diverse than traditional cartoons for
children. As Odell (2013) stated, anime can be very ‘complex, sophisticated and
occasionally dark’ and some anime provides ‘profound psychological insights’. For
example, Black Butler is an anime depicting 19th-century England containing scenes
of heresy ceremony, dark fairy tale, and death.

According to target audience, theme, and content, anime can be divided into several
genres. Different genres can also have overlaps. For example, shonen (boys)
anime/manga can also have many romantic elements that are common in shojo (girls)
anime/manga. In Odell’s book (2013), he provided a summary of anime (and manga’s)
main genres:
 Kodomomuke anime/manga: like common cartoons made for children, it often has
simple plots and stories.
 Shonen anime/manga: targeted principally at male teens, it can cover a wide range
of subjects such as war, sport and science-fiction.
 Shojo anime/manga: it also has various subjects just as shonen anime, but this genre
often focuses more on romance and affection.
 Seinen anime/manga: the word ‘seinen’ means ‘adult’ in Japanese. Aimed at 18-40
year old males and with more complex connotations than shomen anime, seinen
anime does not equate to porn in terms of its graphic content, though it indeed
can contain sexual elements.

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 Josei anime/manga: aimed at females in their teens up to their forties, has more
mature themes than shojo anime/manga, which is often about women’s
self-construction and concerns.

There are various sources supporting anime’s multiple content. As mentioned in


section 3.1, anime can be adapted from popular manga (Odell, 2013), such
as Naruto and The Prince of Tennis. Literatures can also become inspiration. Some
anime (especially those of the 1960’s) is based on Western literary classics and others
are adapted from Japanese literatures (Odell, 2013). For example, Princess
Sarah (1985) was adapted from A Little Princess written by Frances Eliza Hodgson
Burnett. Genji Monogatari Sennenki (2013) is based on a classic traditional Japanese
literature, The Tale of Genj.

The following two paragraphs discusses three characteristics of anime audiences: 1.


Anime audiences are not limited to children or teens and they are spread over the
world; 2. People with oriental culture awareness are more easily able to resonate with
Japanese anime; 3. An open mind to different culture encourages audiences to accept
anime as one of many cultural products.

As for the age of anime audiences, as already mentioned in the beginning of 4.2.2,
many adult audiences are attracted to anime’s various subjects and complex
connotations (Odell, 2013). In addition, there are different genres satisfying different
gender interests and needs. Geographically, anime has spread all over the world but
to what degree it is popular is distinct in different regions. In Asia, Japanese anime
became popular from the 1980’s (Ng, 2002); in Western countries such as America,
France, and New Zealand, anime is also accepted (Yukako, 2006). However, while in
Japan anime is a mainstream popular culture, it is more of an ‘alternative culture’ in
other parts of the world (Newitz, 1994).

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Noticeably, people with an oriental cultural background and an open attitude towards
multi-culturalism tend to be more willing to accept anime and manga. For instance,
Newitz (1994) argues that Americans with Asian backgrounds might be 'more open'
to anime. In Asian countries, people with a higher educational background and those
who consume cultural products from different foreign regions are more likely to
consume Japanese anime (David et al. 2015).

4.3 Anime, the fictional world


Anime as one media product based on fictional narratives, can act as a tool for
delivering meanings and thus make an impact on people’s world perception and life
philosophy.

4.3.1 Fantasy sphere and formation of perception


As Kaori Yoshida (2008) argues in her research, animation is a media carrying
meanings and connotations; it is a sphere in which various values about gender, race,
human society, or even politics, are reflected. Thus, on the one hand, animation
reflects reality and is influenced by views and values in the real world; on the other
side, as a media, values delivered by animation, in return, influence people.

To start with, it is necessary to explore how animation as a fictional narrative reflects


and affects the values and perception in the real world.

Firstly, in the approach of audience reception studies, although people are able to
percept media texts in their own way, they are still been influenced by the information
from media. People can be ‘active-meaning maker’ by decoding the information in
the media in different ways based on personal knowledge and experiences (Hall,
1980), which means audiences do not only accept what the media attempts to deliver
to them, they also perceive and understand the media information in their own way.
However, it does not mean that people are not influenced by media. As cultural media
effects theory demonstrates, people tend to develop a perception of reality based upon
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media representation, which means that what is represented or created by the media
can become ‘normal, valid or legitimate’ to the audience (Mirrlees, 2013).

Studies in visual art and fictional narratives suggest that animation is a source that can
contribute to the formation of identities and perceptions. For instance, Kaori Yoshida
(2008) stated that identities and perceptions are formed through visual experience and
memories; visual representations can operate the way in which people see them
because they can hide meanings under the surface depiction. In addition, fictional
works are thought to be more meaningful to the audiences, because fantasy is far
more than simply a description on reality (Kaori, 2008). Thus, by creating a fantasy
‘reality’ to the audiences, animation can play a part in identity and perception
formation.

It is clearer if the fictional sphere created by anime is seen as one kind of


‘pseudo-environment’. Lippmann (1922) states there are three types of reality in the
world full of media information. Except for the object reality which stands for the real
world existence, media environment creates a ‘symbolic reality’ which is the
pseudo-environment and is born from media’s reconstruction. In addition, people
form ‘subject reality’ from their perception of the outside world. As people partly rely
on media to obtain information from the outside, their perception of the ‘objective
reality’ world is inevitably affected by the pseudo-environment. What is more,
‘pseudo-environment’ is thought to be able to influence the ‘object reality’ by
interacting with people’s perception process.

Apart from the news media, other media products also create the pseudo-environment.
Many researchers have studied the effects of media products’ based on
pseudo-environment theory. For instance, Eschholz et al (2002) conducted research
on the symbolic reality created by film related to women and racial minorities; Block
(1996) argues that pop-culture builds a pseudo-environment by suggesting peoples’
choices of media content. Thus, in summary, just like any other kind of
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meaning-loaded media, anime as a media product is able to have an impact on the


way people perceive the world and reflect certain values.

4.3.2 The world in the anime


Being able to offer the creators more flexibility and freedom in their depiction and
representation, anime as meaning-loaded media provides a fictional sphere where
various values can be articulated.

To begin with, we should sate that two characteristics of animation are directly related
to how content and values are represented in Japanese anime: 1. as a media form,
animation offers more flexibility in creation compared with live action film; 2. as
media texts, anime content does not aim to preach commonly approved life
philosophy.

As Odell (2013) claimed in his book, animation is very effective and useful in
representing stories that can be extremely difficult if shown via live action film, such
as stories about huge monsters or grand fantasy environment. However, it is
noticeable that a considerable amount of anime is set in the real world context (such
as Daily Lives of High School Boys and NANA). One explanation of this phenomenon
is that the cost of animation is lower than live action film, even for those stories based
on the real world, but another important factor is that animation provides the creators
and directors with a different form of creative freedom Odell (2013).

The creative freedom offered by the animation mentioned above can be an important
feature that distinguishes it from live action film and makes it a more effective tool to
carry multiple values. As Kaori (2008) concluded, animation’s creative freedom and
flexibility is owed to its fictional depiction that overturns the usual perception of
space and time in reality. In other words, any scene that seems irrational or strange in
reality can be deemed reasonable in the animated world.

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Compared to most western cartoons, Japanese animation has a feature that it is more
likely to be used to deliver the creator’s own values instead of some commonly
accepted philosophy. Pellitteri (2006) states that instead of promoting widely
approved philosophy or worldviews, anime creators tend to implement their own
values into anime. Similarly, Kaori (2008) argues that media representation does not
just serve the dominant power; it can act as a tool to deliver alternative voices that
may be contrary to the mainstream value system. For example, unlike Western
popular cartoons such as The Smurfs and The Little Mermaid which are educational
and promote a positive philosophy of life, in the anime, values and themes can be
more diverse, such as Black Butler and Trinity Blood, which do not seek to preach any
philosophy of life, but instead to convey the creator’s understanding of religion and
authority power.

In order to investigate what kind of values anime delivers, it is necessary to explore


how the real world is depicted in the anime and what kind of philosophy is hidden in
the anime plots. In the following section, five main aspects that may to some extent
reflect the world created by anime will be examined: ethnicity, gender relationship,
sexuality, militarism, and self-identity.

Ethnicity: firstly, one of the most obvious features of Japanese anime can be its
non-Japanese-ness (Koichi, 1998), which is also called mu-kokuseki and denotes
whether the characters of anime are Japanese or not according to the background
stories, most of them do not look like Japanese at all. On the other hand, the anime
characters tend to be created based on the physical features of Caucasian people
(Koichi, 1998).

The non-Japanese-ness is thought to be threatening to the Western world because it is


seen as a kind of ‘cultural weapon’. As Newitz, (1994) argues, the characters look
much like Western people but they all speak Japanese, which can promote the idea
that all the Western people are actually Japanese. However, the Caucasian-looking
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characters are more a result of visual preference and market consideration. As the
anime director Oshii Mamoru explains, when Japanese animators create attractive
anime characters, they subconsciously choose those with Caucasian features (Koichi,
1998), which responds to current mainstream public recognition of what is considered
good looking. In addition, the Japanese anime industries believe that the
non-Japanese-ness of characters can be helpful in achieving a wider market around
the world. (Koichi, 1998)

Secondly, although in anime there are characters of different skin colour, Japanese
anime does not pay extra attention to issues of non-racism, and neither does it seek to
promote anti-racist ideas. For instance, in the world popular anime Naruto which tells
stories of a fantasy Ninjia world, there are people with yellow, white, and black skin;
some characters have golden hair and blue eyes and others have red hair and green
eyes. However, it barely sees people of multiple races in the majority of anime,
especially those depicting everyday life. For example, Daily Lives of High School
Boys, NANA and SA Special are anime about young people’s lives. There are
characters with different hair and eye colours in these anime, but no black skin is
shown. As Newitz (1994) claims, unlike Americans, Japanese people do not see their
culture as a 'multi-culture', which is not necessarily racism, but makes it less possible
for Japanese cultural products to specifically promote the values based on
mixed-cultures, such as anti-racism.

In general, different ethnicities can be found in anime, but most anime does not seek
to represent people of multiple races. In addition, this kind of anti-multiracialism of
Japanese anime and manga is a feature that makes it attractive. As Newitz, (1994)
claimed, American audiences may be attracted by anime’s absence of the US-style of
‘political correctness’ which places much emphasis on multiracialism.

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Gender relationship: it can be found that in current Japanese anime, women can be
protagonists, however the female characters are depicted in certain ways and it is still
common to see that female roles are subordinate to males to some extent.

A large number of anime have female protagonists (such as NANA, SA Special and
Spirited Away) and shared features can be found amongst the protagonists. Firstly,
female leading characters tend to be young females who can be tender, pretty, tough,
cute, smart and anything except sexually attractive; they can be beautiful, but in an
innocent way. At the same time, women with a mature and sexy appearance do not
usually play leading roles in anime and they are often villains. For instance, in the
early anime Hana no Ko Lunlun, the leading character is a girl with cute face and
naive wide eyes, while her enemy is a mature-looking girl, who is more feminine and
aggressive. In the recent popular anime Bleach and Naruto, there are sexy mature
female characters, but neither of them is given the leading role; female leading roles
in these two animations are held by teenage girls who are cute and hard- working, but
who do not have a sexy appearance.

As for the gender relationships depicted in anime, on the one hand, female characters
tend to be shy, weak, and sometimes neurotic (not all female roles are like this, but
these are mainstream descriptions of female in anime); on the other hand, it seems
that Japanese anime and manga rarely pay attention to sexual relations in the romantic
relationship, but at the same time, it is common to see seductive behaviour directed
towards women in a ‘jovial’ way.

To start with, for example, in most anime (especially shojo anime) a female is usually
shy in front of the male character she has a crush on and she worships him or will
even perform sacrifices for him. An extreme case is Hinata in the Naruto, who is born
into an old and renowned ninja family but she does not have sufficient strength for a
ninja. She is so shy that passes out every time she sees the male leading character.

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In some special and unusual cases, there are female characters that are equal to male
characters in power, spirit, and intelligence. For instance, Mikasa as the female
protagonist in Attack on Titan has a well-built body and can stay calm in emergencies.
In another case, in the shojo anime NANA, while one female leading character is a
cute and weak girl, the other is a cool woman who is a tough and mature rock band
singer. However, the mainstream female image in the anime is still cute, tender, weak,
and needs protection from others.

Then, the focus of romantic relationships in anime is more ‘spiritual’ than sexual.
Newitz (1994), in her study, compared the ways in which anime and Western TV
dramas depicting romantic relationships, stating that relationships in anime and
manga are more ‘innocent’ compared to those shown in the Western world. She also
argues that relationships in anime are built upon sexual ‘innuendo and deferral’,
which are attractive to Western audiences because it is different from the direct and
common description of sexual relations in the Western world.

Such “innocent” relationship can be found in the majority of anime (erotic anime is an
exception), which means it focuses on emotional feelings between female and male
characters instead of alluding to the sexual aspect of a relationship. However, on the
other hand, it is common to see men displaying seductive behaviours towards women
in anime (even in the anime aimed at teens), such as molesting women verbally or
physically. For example, in Samurai Deeper Kyo, which is a shonen anime telling a
story of samurais in the Sengoku-period (war-time) in Japan, male characters often
make sexual jokes about the female protagonist. Similarly, in the shojo anime
Kamisama Love, the male leading role touches the female protagonist’s breast in
several scenes, in a flirtatious manner, but apart from these scenes with sexual
connotation delivered in a jovial way, Kamisama Love is still a love story focusing on
pure love and feelings.

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Finally, it can be seen that even though female characters can be in leading roles, it is
still common to treat females as subordinate to males in anime, and the stereotype still
exists. In the case of Naruto, there is a scene in which a strong ninja told his daughter
that ‘you should not go to the battlefield, because you should not die before you pass
on the ninja spirit by giving birth to a baby’. This plot delivers the idea that it is a
woman’s duty to give birth. In addition, in the same anime, almost all the medical
ninja (that is the ninja responsible for curing the injured in the war) are women.
Similarly, when Hinata grows up to be a teenager, she does not pass out any longer
and she becomes a stronger ninja, but when she finally marries the male protagonist,
her image turns from a hard-working female ninja to a traditional Japanese housewife
who is tender and content to take care of her husband and children.

In summary, although famous female protagonists are not rare in anime, gender
stereotypes still exist.

Sexuality: in anime, descriptions of sexuality can be various. Although heterosexual


relations are still mainstream, it is common to find cross-dressing transgender roles,
and reference to homosexual relations or homosexual love.

Firstly, cross-dressing transgender roles are common in anime but they are usually not
leading roles. In addition, these characters are not treated normally in anime; people
make fun of them occasionally - but in a light-hearted way. For instance, the wind god
in the Kamisama Love is a cross dresser who is a man and always puts on makeup and
wears trendy and gorgeous clothes. A male samurai in the Bleach also puts on
makeup and is obsessed with his own beauty.

Secondly, in spite of some homosexual anime specialising in gay love, intimate


relations between people of the same gender are also common in other types of anime.
In addition, some anime even depicts ambiguous scenes on purpose to satisfy the
audience’s interest in ‘fictional gay love’. Loveless is an anime focusing on same-sex
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intimate relationships. However the two male protagonists are not lovers, they are
more like intimate mates and battle companions. In the shonen anime Naruto, the two
male protagonists are both friends and enemies to each other. They kissed each other
unintentionally and some of dialogue between them can be deemed similar to that
which might usually happen between lovers; they say that they share some kind of
special connection with each other.

Noticeably, the presence of homosexual love or intimate same-sex relations in the


anime may not indicate an open mind to gay love; it is more like the interest in
imaginary gay love and this phenomenon can be described as ‘Yaoi’. ‘Yaoi’ is used to
describe some amateur works based on anime and manga, in which gay love between
male characters is a main theme (Kinsella, 1998). The Yaoi phenomenon reflects, to
some extent, the audience’s interest in the intimate and dubious relations between
characters of the same gender, but in a fictional environment, so it cannot be strong
evidence demonstrating the social acceptance of homosexual love.

In summary, there are multiple depictions of sexuality in anime, but similar to that
already mentioned in the ‘Ethnicity’ section, the existence of the multiple angles does
not mean that anime specifically promotes any perspective. Anime is open to
multi-sexuality, but heterosexual relations are still in the mainstream.

Conflicts and Militarism: armed forces often act in a defending role in mainstream
anime. Enemies or villains are varied but are mostly like to be ‘outsiders’, such as
monsters, aliens, or villains who want to conquer or destroy the world. In other words,
most enemies can be villains against all people.

A common reason for conflict or killing in anime is to ‘clean the world’ and the
leading roles usually fight defending important people and their beliefs. For example,
in Naruto the villains try to destroy the world because they think that human beings
always fight, kill, and never learn from the tragedy of wars, so they want to end the
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old hopeless world. In The Death Note, the protagonist kills criminals and people try
to stop him achieving ‘justice’ by writing their names down on the ‘death notebook’.

Conflicts in anime can be solved in distinct ways such as by negotiation or force


depending on the different themes. For example, in the anime Naruto which promotes
the spirit of team work and treasures peace, one of the male protagonists insists that
negotiation and mutual understanding is the best way to solve international conflicts
and people should stop the endless acts of revenge. It is common for the protagonist to
successfully persuade his enemies to give up attacking his home village or destroying
the world. In another anime One Piece which is as popular as Naruto, the situation is
somehow different. The themes here are pursuing dreams and growing stronger
through dreams, so in the world of this anime, strong power is highly admired and
praised. The protagonist also stands for the justice party, but he usually wins over the
villains first by use of a stronger force, and then by persuading them to be better
people.

When the armed force is the justice party, in the anime of recent years it is described
as the protector and sometimes it is separated from the political party. In Naruto,
ninjas are the military power in the fictional world. Ninjas from different countries
fight with each other for their countries and people, but anime does not distinguish
between the invaders and the victims. Instead, it demonstrates that all people are
victims of wars. In addition, ‘daimyo’ as the highest leader in each country is
described as weak, cowardly and incapable, and depends on ninjas to protect their
country but at the same time worries that the growing power of the ninja party could
threaten governance.

In summary, in mainstream anime, the armed force of the justice party is usually
depicted as the protector. As for the perspective on wars, conflicts, and justice, there
are distinct opinions in different anime, some anime critique any kind of war, others

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choose not to explore the nature of wars, but choose instead to focus upon how brave
and loyal the people are, who fight for their beliefs.

Self-identity: self-growth is an important theme not only in anime but also in other
media works such as film and drama; self-identity is a vital step in self-growth. In
anime, the formation of self-identity is strongly connected to ‘being accepted by
others’; words like ‘connections to people, being accepted by the society, and being a
useful person to others’ are frequently mentioned in anime.

Although various narratives on self-growth can be found in anime, it is most likely to


see characters gain their self-identity through the approval of others. In the shojo
anime Kamisama Love and anime film Spirited Away, the leading characters are all
weak and feel lost at first, but then they become stronger spiritually and gain more
capability following a series of experiences, then at the end of the anime, both
animations tend to point out that the characters have been accepted by others or have
become useful to others through hard work. Similarly, in Naruto the leading role,
called Naruto, was hated by others in his childhood but he never gave up and fought
to defend the people, finally winning their respect.

On the other hand, in the extreme case of No Longer Human, failing to be approved
and accepted by others leads to a sad ending. The male protagonist is highly sensitive
and feels disappointed because of the dark side of humans and society. Instead of
staying strong or fighting to fit into society, the protagonist completely loses interest
in the world after some miserable things happened to him.

The extreme and pessimistic anime, for example, No Longer Human, is not a
mainstream work. The majority of anime positively encourages people to be mentally
strong, embrace human society, and to gain respect from others through hard work.

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4.4 Anime and perception


4.4.1 Anime and Japanese culture
Anime as meaning-loaded media texts inevitably carry with the cultural information
and thus make a difference in people's perception of culture - although this
phenomenon may not necessarily be treated as cultural imperialism.

It is not unusual to discover that anime has associations with ‘cultural imperialism’ or
‘cultural invasion’. The prevalence of anime in Western countries, especially in the
US, arouses concerns about being ‘conquered’ or ‘homogenised’ by Japanese culture.
Kaori (2008) explains how animation is linked to the role of cultural imperialism. As
mentioned in section 4.3.1, animation can be seen as a sphere filled with a wide range
of meanings and values, thus it can have an impact on people’s perception of the
world and in turn, how they are influenced by the real world (Kaori, 2008).

For instance, Newitz (1994) argues that ‘anime could be said to work as cultural
imperialism’. She pointed out that anime is attacking American ideas because
although the anime content resembles American popular culture, it lacks the ‘political
correctness’ that aims to promote values of non-racist, non-sexist, and
non-homophobic attitudes. In the same study, the author claimed that anime is part of
Japanese ideology, thus when Americans become anime fans and think Japanese
culture is better than US culture, they are ‘consciously or unconsciously’ interacting
with the imperialism of Japan (Newitz, 1994).

In order to discuss how anime is correlated to cultural perception and whether it


should be seen as a tool of cultural imperialism, I will analyse the anime content in
order to investigate what kind of cultural values it contains.

On the one hand, although anime is thought to possess features of deculturalisation or


to be culturally neutral, which means it does not prefer any cultural elements and is
unlikely to promote any culture; in fact Japanese animation indeed reflects Japanese
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culture and daily life. Odell (2013) states that Japanese history, culture and lifestyle
are all included in anime. For example, Naruto is based on a fictional ninja world
instead of Japan, but in it there are numerous scenes about Japanese traditional food.
The male protagonist often eats Japanese ramen; some ninjas gather at a dessert shop
eating wagashi (traditional Japanese sweets). In other scenes depicting eating, the way
in which Japanese barbecues and glutinous oil rice is cooked and eaten is clearly
described. In another case, famous religious sites such as Izumo and their specialties
are introduced when characters visit thoese places in Kamisama Love. Dorayaki,
which is the blue robot cat’s favorite food in Doraemon reaches a wider range of
people because of the anime. Thus, consciously or subconsciously, the creators of
anime embed Japanese cultural elements into anime.

On the other hand, it cannot be claimed that anime is a reliable source for
understanding authentic Japanese culture; on the contrary, anime is in fact weak in
delivering cultural elements as Yukako (2006) states. Yukako’s (2006) research
reveals that there is no definite correlation between consuming anime and holding an
interest in Japan. The possible reason can be that what is represented in the anime is
in fact a virtual 'Japan'. Koichi (1998) believes that the desire for a country derived
from cultural products is some kind of ‘illusion’, because anime has no strong
correspondence with the real country because of its feature of ‘non-Japanese-ness’
mentioned in section 4.3.1. In other words, anime contains diverse values and ideas
and elements of Japanese culture, but it is not the real Japan, it is modified,
re-constructed and interrogated with the creators’ values and thoughts.

In this respect, in Newitz’s (1994) study the Americans who have an affection for
anime and prefer Japanese culture over American culture may not really ‘prefer
Japanese culture’, they could possibly just prefer the ‘illusion’ and ‘imaginary Japan’
created by anime. Western audiences are attracted by the Japanese style in the
‘racially, ethnically and culturally’ irrelevant setting of anime (Koichi, 1998). A
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similar case is the American TV drama Sex and the City, this drama aroused many
people’s interest in New York and wider America, but what it depicts is a modified
and re-created New York which focuses on the luxuriant part of the city. As for anime,
since it has more ‘creative freedom’ than live action film and drama, it can provide
even more diverse ‘illusion’.

Nonetheless, although anime does not strongly reflect the real Japanese culture nor
does it seek to preach cultural values, it is undeniable that anime has an impact on
people’s perception of Japan and its culture.

Firstly, consuming anime and being exposed to the ‘virtual Japan’ depicted in anime
may contribute to people’s positive attitude towards Japan. As Ng (2002) stated in her
research, in Asia, anime and manga play a part in Asian peoples’ perception of Japan.
Whilst older Asian generations tend to hold a negative view on Japan because of the
lasting effect of wars, younger generations who consume anime are comparatively
more open to Japanese culture. In the case of the US, there are anime fans claiming
that only Japan can produce good animation and they think American culture is too
‘simplistic’ and ‘boring’ compared to Japanese culture (Newitz, 1994). Secondly,
interest in anime seems to fuel people’s willingness to obtain other Japanese cultural
products. In Yukako’s (2006) research, anime fans admit that consuming anime and
manga then leads them on to other Japanese pop culture and Japanese idols.

4.4.2 Anime, infantilism and escapism


Odell (2013) used to describe Japanese culture as one that tolerates ‘childish values’.
Anime as a Japanese cultural product is linked with ‘childish values’ and is even
deemed to affect peoples’ feelings of a lack of belonging and the tendency to run
away from reality.

To start with, the nature of the term ‘infantilism’ or ‘childish value’ in the current
social context will be clarified. Kinsella (2010) states in her study that there are an
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increasing number people who tend not to take on any social obligations or play
certain adult roles in society. This phenomenon goes, ideologically, against the
mainstream value which advocates that a person should be engaged in their society -
thus it can be seen as non-mainstream or an alternative social value. In addition, this
phenomenon is linked with ‘childishness’ or ‘infantilism’, as those who try to reject
social responsibility and get rid themselves of reality seem to refuse to be a grown up
in their mind.

Media products are alleged to guide the audience to an immature, childish, and
unrealistic way of perceiving the world. Kinsella (2010) demonstrates that the visual
media has led the audience to get lost in a world of ‘irrational and ultimately
immature thought’ and mass media is thought to encourage the childish culture.
Anime and manga mediums are especially linked with the value of ‘immaturity and
escapism’ for the following reasons:

1. Anime and manga are a medium of Japanese-style ‘youth worship’.


2. The fictional world created by anime and manga is effective in delivering values.

Firstly, as Julie Rees (2013) claimed, after World War II manga acted as cheap
entertainment to enable people to relax and occasionally run away from tough reality.
Before the 1960’s, anime and manga were consumed mainly by children, then during
1960s it turned to mass medium in Japan because many university students became
the consumers; these youths are thought to have wanted to ‘be indulged like children’
(Kinsella, 1998).

In Takashi Murakami’s (a famous Japanese designer) exhibition ‘Litter Boy: the art of
Japan’s exploding subculture’, he interpreted anime and manga culture as a reflection
of infantilism. Murakami believes that the childishness of Japan’s pop-culture is
partly due to the traumas of World War II, including the atomic bomb and the
long-time US occupation. He also pointed out that the worship of strong power and
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the obsession with cuteness in anime are both reflections of childish values
(Japansociety, 2005).

For example, many anime depict extreme strong powers such as monsters and huge
robot men (mecha), including popular anime Neon Genesis Evangelion (EVA) and
Seed. On the other hand, it is common to see that most anime uses teenagers as
leading roles regardless of genres and themes. As Changqing Li (2011) claims,
‘younger age’ is a bold feature of anime and manga; mainstream anime mostly have
teen protagonists. In anime which is targeted at older audiences such as City Hunter,
the protagonists are more than twenty years old, but still young. Actually, compared
with most anime, the main characters in City Hunter are ‘too old’ indeed. For instance,
the youngest protagonists can be primary school students, such as in the first chapter
of Naruto where the main characters are twelve years old on average; at the end of the
anime, the main characters grow up but are still no more than eighteen years old.

The ‘youth worship’ in anime can be further explained based upon Japanese culture.
Childhood and puberty are given as the age of ‘creation and freedom’. Pellitteri (2006)
believes that in Japanese culture this belief is much stronger and she argues that anime
reflects the youths’ independent self-expression. It is true that in many anime, the
youths enjoy great autonomy which can be seen from the absence or irrelevance of
adults in the characters’ daily lives and an exaggerated description of the youths’
ability. For instance, the male protagonist in Detective Conan is a genius detective and
a high school boy. He is the only one who can solve tough cases and all the adult
police and detectives are depicted as relatively ‘stupid’ and ‘useless’ compared to him.
In other cases, especially girls’ anime (shojo anime), it is not unusual to find
characters who are sixteen or seventeen years old and are able to take charge of a
huge business group or a family, better than any adults (e.g. Kyouya Ootori in the
Ouran High School Host Club and the 12-year old young master in the Black Butler).

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Secondly, as already mentioned in section 4.3.2, anime and manga offer more
freedom in constructing values. The blurred line between the fictional world in the
anime, and the reality, makes the values more powerful. Yoshida (2008) argues that
the freedom and flexibility of anime allow creators to easily create a fictional world.
In addition, people’s perception of the world is a combination of the reality and the
‘imaginary relation’ (Newitz, 1994). Thus, people who consume anime in fact interact
with the limitless and free imaginary world and they then form perceptions based
upon the experience from the anime world. In the anime, young protagonists always
try hard to grow stronger, improve themselves, and have special experiences, however,
all of their struggles and hard work can happen in minutes and they do not have
burdens of the real world (such as make a living and dealing with daily trivia). In this
respect, the people in the fictional world, to some degree, interact with a much easier
and simplistic world when they watch anime or manga, compared to reality, no matter
how complex the themes or story lines can be.

Kinsella (1998) explained that it might be the pressure of high social expectations
placed upon educational and social achievement that motivated the younger
generations to hide themselves behind an alternative culture. Similarly, some people
admit that anime and manga help them to ‘escape from reality’ (Yukako, 2006). The
world in anime and manga is more ‘innocent’ and lets them enjoy the fantasy world
like children, so people can release the burden of trying to be as successful as society
expects them to be.

Two representatives of ‘escapism’ or ‘infantilism’ of anime and manga consumption


are ‘Otaku’ and ‘Yaoi’ culture.

The term ‘Otaku’ originally means ‘your home’ in Japanese; it is used to describe
those who are deeply involved in some particular kind of subculture (Kinsella, 1998),
enjoy spending time at home with their ‘hobby’ and prefer not to build close
relationship with other people. Kinsella (1998) concluded that Otaku share features of
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extreme ‘individualistic, particularistic, and infantile social behaviour’.

Otaku culture is linked to extreme individualism and childish values that go against
mainstream social values which encourage an individual’s involvement in their
society. As Newitz’s (1994) states, Otaku is an insulting word in Japan, because
unlike the term ‘fan’ or ‘enthusiast’ which is a neutral word, Otaku is more likely to
emphasise that one is too obsessed and that he or she has become alienated from the
real world and is even perceived as being insane by others. Similarly, Otaku are
deemed to suffer from ‘Peter Pan syndrome’ (Kinsella, 1998), which means they tend
to refuse to be a grown up and take on adult social obligations.

Anime and manga fans are a representative group of Otaku, who immerse themselves
in the anime world. It should clarify that not all those who consume anime and manga
are Otaku; usually only extreme anime fans are called Otaku. However, it is
reasonable to state that people who like anime and manga but are not obsessed with
them, share similar characteristics with the extreme fans who become Otaku. In
another words, they may all yearn for a world without stress and burden, but to a
different extent.

Interestingly, whilst the issues discussed in section 4.3.2 show the value of ‘being
accepted by others’ as thoroughly addressed in anime, anime Otaku represent the
completely opposite philosophy supporting ‘social withdrawal’. The reason behind
this contradiction may be the fact that it is much easier to see an anime character
fighting to win other’s respect and approval than to realise this goal by oneself in
reality.

Yaoi as another subculture derived from anime and manga consumption, can reflect
infantilism as well as Otaku culture. Yaoi is one category of Doujinshi works.
Doujinshi are art works (including anime, manga, literature and game) created mainly
for the purpose of personal interest rather than commercial benefit (Kinsella, 1998).
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Some Doujinshi works are original (original doujinshi); others are based on some
existing media works such as anime or film (parody doujinshi). Yaoi is a dominant
genre of Doujinshi works, which focus on homosexual romance between male
characters (there are Doujinshi works on female homosexual love as well, but love
between males is the main trend). For example, there are many Doujinshi works
including manga and literature depicting homosexual love between the two male
protagonists of Naruto, most of which are created by fans of Naruto.

In fact, although Yaoi culture seems to promote and support homosexual love, its
followers may not be true advocates of homosexuality. In Yaoi culture, there is a
specific word to describe the homosexual love between two males (Kinsella, 1998),
which is ‘bisholnen-ai’ standing for ‘love of good looking teen boys’. What interests
Yaoi fans most is the fictional romantic love stories between male characters and that
the characters are expected to be beautiful or handsome. As Kinsella (1998) claims, it
is because, currently, women still experience some restrictions (including spiritual and
moral restrictions) on their behaviour in real life, females feel more at ease with
imagining idealistic romance between male characters.

In this respect, Yaoi is linked to problematic feelings and an immature mentality in


establishing gender perception. Kinsella (1998) states that Yaoi reflects the frustration
of those who feel they cannot easily relate to other sexualities or gender in
contemporary society. In addition, Yaoi groups do not align themselves to
homosexuality, but both groups have similar uncertainties and anxieties. That is to say,
for the Yaoi group, compared with establishing self-gender perception in a world
where gender and sexual stereotypes have already existed, it is much easier for them
to indulge themselves in an imaginary environment where there is more freedom and
fewer limitations or restrictions.

Noticeably, Yaoi is not a unique subculture in Japan nor does it only exist amongst
anime and manga fans; it also exists amongst consumers of other media products in
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different regions. In Western countries, fan culture on homosexual amateur works


(which is the same as Doujinshi) is known as ‘K/S’ or ‘slash’, which can be traced
back to fans’ imaginary romance relationship between Kirk and Spock in Star Trek
(Ksarchive, 2016). In a recent case, homosexual amateur fiction can be found
depicting love stories between Harry Porter and Draco Malfoy from Harry Potter.

Both Otaku and Yaoi represent groups of people who have affection for particular
cultural products, and interact with the immature and unrealistic ‘fictional reality’
created by those products. As Kinsella (2015) claimed, for the individuals who feel a
lack of the ‘cultural capital ’or ‘cultural statuses’ that mainstream values agree with,
subcultures can provide them with alternative ‘cultural capital’. For example, young
Asian immigrants in Australia watch anime and manga to build their cultural status in
the unfamiliar cultural environment (Yukako, 2006).

In extreme cases, ‘being alienated’ or ‘escapism’ can be associated with ‘moral panic’
and ‘anti-social behaviour’. Between 1980s, Miyazaki Tsutomu killed and mutilated
four small girls. A lack of engagement in their society and immersing himself into the
fictional anime world are thought to be important causes of Tsutomu’s behaviour
(Kinsella, 1998). In addition, the rating regulation of Doujinshi works and the
anti-manga movement in the 1990’s in Japan implies that in the public’s opinion,
anime and manga indeed can have a negative influence. As Kinsella (2015) states, in
1993 The Comic Market Preparation Committee decided to ban the sale of sexual
works to people under eighteen years old. The 1990- 1992 anti-manga censorship
movement sought to protest against improper scenes.

In a word, what underlies the anime consumption can be a rival between individuals
who yearn for a ‘childish culture’ or ‘life without burden’ and the commonly
recognised social values which encourage adult individuals to be ‘mature’ and to take
on social obligations. These individuals do not possess mainstream cultural identity
and their appeal is not supported by the mainstream value, thus they are deemed to
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have infantilism and extreme individualism tendencies.

5. Conclusion
In summary, firstly, in terms of the way in which anime represents the world and
values, owning to anime’s flexibility and lesser limitations, it is an effective tool for
transporting and delivering values and opinions. Anime offers the possibility to
represent space and time in a way that is different from the common perception put
forward by live action film, which depicts the animated world or the fictional reality
in a different way to the objective real world. In addition, instead of promoting
commonly accepted values and philosophy, anime creators are likely to express their
own beliefs and worldview in anime. Thus, although there are stereotypes and
customary depictions of ethnicity, gender relations, sexuality, and self-identity shared
by anime works, such as women’s personalities and role in the stories, it can be stated
that anime can have multiple angles and values.

In another dimension, the fictional reality created by anime shares similar features and
functions with the pseudo-environment, thus anime can create an impact on our
perception of the real world. People’s perception of the world is a combination of
their experience and the information they receive from the outside world; a mixture of
the reality and the ‘imaginary relation’. Anime as a media with strong flexibility
creates a fictional sphere within which various values and idea are loaded, thus the
audience interacts with the fictional reality and the values embedded within it.

Secondly, two findings respond to the questions raised in the introduction:

1. In respect of cultural perception, anime as a cultural product did not obviously


promote national ideologies or values of political correctness (which is criticised in
American films). However, Japanese cultural elements and lifestyles are common in
anime. Japanese food, tourism, social values on self-identity and national conflicts,
are all represented in anime. Although in anime the cultural elements are not
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completely the same as in real Japanese culture, which means they have been
modified in the fictional animated sphere, it turns out that anime audiences are likely
to consume other Japanese popular culture products, such as TV dramas and idols.

2. Anime consumption and the subcultures derived from it can reflect a group of
people who prefer a life philosophy that is distinct from or even opposite to the
mainstream proposition in current society. Specifically, the animated world without
burden and duties is more ideal for anime fans; anime fans are thought to be obsessed
with the fictional reality created by anime and share similar characteristics with
extreme individuals and those who have infantilism, which is linked with the desire to
‘get rid of reality’ ‘refusing to take on adult obligations’ and ‘avoiding being a part of
civil society’.

Based on the second finding, there can be further critical thought on the relationship
between the individual and society. Individuals’ extreme alienation to the real world
can be harmful to human society, which is why, commonly, the terms ‘Otaku’ and
‘social withdrawal’ are negative descriptions. On the one hand, the perceived life
philosophy and social values encourage individuals to get involved in the society and
this is how human society is constructed; however, on the other hand, the human
individual is an independent entity whose life philosophy and beliefs can be different
from that of mainstream society or the majority. Thus, there could be further question
about when an individual’s willingness goes against social expectation and seems
‘negative’, such as ‘running away from reality’ and ‘immersing oneself in the
imaginary world’ – except for extreme cases in which the pursuit to ‘escapism’ has
become threat to the society, whether this willingness can be seen as an acceptable
lifestyle and not be criticised or opposed by society.

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