Professional Documents
Culture Documents
To cite this article: Colita Nichols Fairfax (2014) A Historical Account of Community Mobilization
in Public Education in Early Twentieth-Century African America: introducing Miss Virginia Estelle
Randolph, master-teacher and community mobilizer, Women's History Review, 23:1, 1-17, DOI:
10.1080/09612025.2013.811991
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Women’s History Review, 2014
Vol. 23, No. 1, 1 –17, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2013.811991
Miss Virginia Randolph was a historic pioneer in teaching and community mobilizing
for African American children and community in early twentieth-century Henrico
County, Virginia. She created a viable educational and vocational training institution
called the Old Mountain Road School, and used her skills to galvanize support from
white and African American communities, a major feat that many African-American
female teachers and organizers performed everyday in segregation. Her model of
coupling public education with community mobilization is still relevant today,
given national concerns about the futility of public education’s success and failure
rates with African American children.
Theoretical Foundation
The practice of community development and mobilization is consistently located in
the most dynamic chapters of African-American history.1 Community development
Colita Nichols Fairfax is an Associate Professor in The Ethelyn R. Strong School of Social Work at
Norfolk State University, Norfolk, Virginia. Her research interests include African American social
history and policy, and community development and mobilization. Correspondence to: Colita
Nichols Fairfax, Norfolk State University, The Ethelyn R. Strong School of Social Work, 700 Park
Avenue, Brown Memorial Hall, B140, Norfolk, Virginia, 23504. Email: cnfairfax@nsu.edu
It is vital that personal narratives be researched and written, to make sense of the
modalities and strategies that were used by marginalized groups to voice their
dissent and negotiate a space for themselves within their societies at various his-
torical junctures. Community mobilization was a modality used by many African
Americans in various professions to create change. Reconstructing ideas about
community mobilization efforts gives the reader insights into the value of edu-
cational institutions as a progressive movement furthering the cause of freedom
and independence in middle twentieth century America. This article has three
goals: (1) to chronicle Virginia Randolph’s life as a Jeanes teacher;11 (2) to
discuss her role in the establishment of the school as a major community insti-
tution; and (3) to highlight her skill and approach as a community mobilizer.
The role of teacher has historically held a pre-eminent place in the African
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Teaching was not limited to instructional methods, as Jackson notes, ‘the role of
teacher functions as a mediation between gender spheres, straddling the threshold
of domestic and public roles’.19 One teacher, Mrs Margaret Murray Washington,
for example, has been described as a teacher, ‘an enabler, mobilizer, change agent
and advocate’,20 suggesting political implications beyond the teaching role, where,
‘the duties and obligations embedded in African-American schoolteachers illumi-
nates the wider political implications of African-American women assuming the
role as teacher’.21 Communities saw educational issues as community welfare
issues of survival and sustenance. African-American women were often at the fore-
front of mobilization.22 Many teachers practiced the principles of early African-
American social welfare pioneers of self-help, mutual aid, race pride, racial uplift,
and social debt responsibility. Educator Martha Owens found that these principles
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Miss Randolph
The daughter of liberated people, Miss Randolph was ostensibly born in Rich-
mond, Virginia on 8 June 1874.26 New research has uncovered that she was
born in 1870.27 She was born at 817 W. Marshall Street, in the historic neighbor-
hoods of George Washington Carver and Jackson Ward.28 Her parents, Nelson
Randolph and Sarah Elizabeth Carter Randolph, had four children. The slave
master who owned Sarah Carter was a professor at Richmond College
(renamed the University of Richmond).29 Randolph’s parents were active
members of Moore Street Baptist Church. Her father died young, leaving her
Women’s History Review 5
mother to raise the family alone. Sarah Randolph worked as a domestic for white
families. Virginia Randolph received her early education at the Bacon School and,
as a child, she began to knit, sew and crochet, using these skills to earn money to
help her mother.30 She finished at the Richmond Colored (Armstrong) Normal
School in 1890.
At the age of 16, she received her first teaching job in Goochland County, Vir-
ginia, remaining for three years before moving to Henrico County.31 One of her
former students, Warner Jones described Randolph as a short, dark-skinned
woman who wore her hair in a bun, and was always neat (personal interview
with Warner Jones, 31 July 2004).32 Her pedagogy included home economics,
manual labor techniques, basket making, pine needle and cone work, canning,
and agriculture, all skills she thought young African-Americans would need to
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improve their lot in the world of the early 1900s.33 As an adult, Randolph
resided at 813 Moore Street, in Jackson Ward,34 and was active with the Queen
Esther Elks Temple, a Masonic Lodge chapter.35 Randolph continued her
church affiliation in the Carver community until her death. She was always
addressed as ‘Miss Virginia Randolph,’ by all who knew her, as a sign of respect
(personal interview with Warner Jones, 31 July 2004).36
Randolph galvanized support from the community to expand the capability of
the school, to make the OMRS relevant, by appealing to how African-Americans
understood their reality. She visited families, learned their trades and skills, lis-
tened to their opinions and concerns, talked about the relationship between intel-
lectual skills and trade skills.37 Her efforts to mobilize community support gained
the attention of Mr Jackson Davis, the white Henrico County Superintendent.
Wanting to improve the one-room schools that African American communities
had already built, Davis recognized that the Jeanes Fund was a conduit to achiev-
ing development efforts for those schools. Ironically, Booker T. Washington sat on
the Jeanes Board, at the request of Anna Jeanes. Randolph was influenced by Mr
Washington, and he was apprised of her techniques as teacher and supervisor.
The Jeanes funding was the only funding available to African-Americans of
Henrico County: ‘Davis’ application was approved and the county received a grant
for a salary of $40 a month for 9 months’.38 The Superintendent expressed support
and confidence about this ‘Henrico Plan’ and in the abilities of Miss Randolph.
The Henrico Plan emulated the documented success of Miss Randolph, which was
similar to the basic educational goals of the Jeanes Plan. Davis stated that Miss
Rudolph ‘would direct the work in a way that would build on the principle of self-
help and that in doing so, she would make use of whatever material she might have
at hand’.39 Davis wrote the following to the board of the Anna T. Jeanes Foundation:
I have secured Miss Virginia E. Randolph (colored) as the industrial teacher for
the Negro school in the county, and her work in this field began today. I think
we are fortunate in securing her. . .She possesses common sense and tact in an
unusual degree and has the confidence of all who know her40
Davis did not mention her intelligence or educational skills, highlighting
common sense and tact, all traits of someone congenial enough to work with
6 C. Nichols Fairfax
the white establishment. Her mission was to ‘improve their schools and commu-
nities and to develop the industrial arts’.41
At the end of the first year, Miss Rudolph wrote a brief report about the amount
of industrial work that had been executed, and the improvement that had been
possible.42 Several thousand copies were printed and mailed to county superinten-
dents throughout the South43 and used as a template for industrial teachers for
African-American children. She explained her own philosophy about an edu-
cational community:
My first step was to organize School Improvement Leagues. . .that the grounds
must be beautified. . .to make an attractive school. Each scholar is expected to
pay the sum of five cents per month and from time to time, give entertainments
to strengthen the treasury, they must have a tendency to elevate the community
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Randolph would conduct the first Arbor Day in the state of Virginia on 30
March 1908, by planting twelve sycamore trees, representing the twelve disciples.45
In 1908, her appointment as a Henrico County ‘Jeanes’ teacher was a landmark
and eighteen county one-room schools initially fell under Randolph’s supervi-
sion.46 Although previous accounts document Miss Randolph as the first Jeanes
teacher, the first was Mrs M.L. Sorrell of Iberville Parish, Louisiana.47 However,
Dr Dillard, director of the Jeanes and Slater Funds, later spoke of Superintendent
Davis and Miss Virginia E. Randolph as ‘the inventors of the real Jeanes plan’.48 An
example of her ingenuity was documented in school reports:
In 1918 there were 18 Industrial Colored Schools in the county, staffed by
30 teachers under Miss Randolph’s supervision. During that year, there
were 514 girls enrolled in the schools, who preserved 8,258 quarts of fruits
and vegetables produced from 49 gardens. Adult classes were also offered,
and 75 women were enrolled: they preserved 5,147 quarts estimated in
value at $2,681. The pupils were encouraged to join canning, poultry, and
farming clubs. To defray the expenses of the clubs and the supplies for the
different ‘industrial’ courses, Miss Randolph established the Industrial
Exchange on Broad Street in Richmond to sell the products of the canning
and poultry clubs.49
Additionally, Randolph fed the palatability of the community with the assistance
of The League of Willing Workers,50 a patron organization created by Randolph
for parental involvement.
Miss Rudolph’s impeccable enrollment records and methods in mobilizing the
community and sustainability of OHMS led to it being renamed the Virginia Ran-
dolph Training School (VRTS) in 1915. Her methods documented the uniqueness
of an industrial school and community engagement. When the school became
overcrowded, she worked to solicit funds and volunteer work through her
Patrons Improvement League within the African-American community and, in
1915, the new school had an additional four rooms. Although high school
courses were added, industrial courses continued to be greatly emphasized.51 It
continued to be paid for by private monies and in-kind donations predominantly
Women’s History Review 7
from the African-American community, while the county provided five high
schools for White students.52
Community efforts began to create an educational campus at the VRTS. To
provide a residence for some of the pupils, the Anna T. Jeanes Memorial Dormi-
tory was added in 1923. The two-room school building was destroyed by fire in
1929, but during that same year a nine-classroom brick building was built with a
seating capacity of 160. The building cost $33,000 and also had an auditorium
that would seat 360 and boasted a central heating plant.53 This campus was an
impressive testimony to the African-American community’s capability to create
an educational institution for generations of African-American students in
Henrico County. African-American pupils traveled long distances from all
areas in the county to attend VRTS. Randolph ensured the purchase of school
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buses to transport students all over the county to her school.54 VRTS became
a Rosenwald School in 1929.55 A Rosenwald School was funded by the Julius
Rosenwald Fund, which constructed schools modeled after the buildings at
Tuskegee Institute, founded by Booker T. Washington. Miss Randolph’s cottage
and other buildings on her campus are recognized as a landmark in Henrico
County, Virginia.
Miss Randolph’s work became public knowledge as she was friends with well-
known African-American leaders of the early twentieth century in Virginia.
Early in 1915, Janie Porter Barrett’s Virginia Industrial School for Colored Girls
opened with assistance from the Richmond Council of Colored Women, headed
by Maggie Walker, the Russell Sage Foundation and the Virginia State Federation
of Colored Women’s Clubs headed by Barrett.56 In 1920, Miss Rudolph joined its
board, ‘Randolph’s appointment continued the established custom of having a
Negro woman on the board’.57 Miss Randolph’s reputation as an accomplished
educator and community leader received statewide approbation: Miss Rudolph
succeeded Walker as head of the Richmond Council of Colored Women.58 On
28 July 1926, she became a recipient of the Harmon Award for her pioneering
efforts of educating rural African-American children and with the Richmond
Juvenile and Domestic Relations Court in aiding children with their problems.59
The Harmon Award for Distinguished Achievements of Negroes was a very
important official recognition for leading African Americans during the early
twentieth century.60 This very significant philanthropic organization recognized
new artists, leaders and community mobilization efforts were equally important
to this period’s activity, and, therefore, the racial uplift and mobilization which
were exhibited consistently by Miss Randolph. Mrs Walker’s endorsement letter
illustrates how momentous her mobilization efforts were:
I have known Ms. Randolph for possibly thirty-five years. Our official relations
have been intimate and mutual in fraternal and community welfare interests.
Miss Randolph’s present position, Supervisor of Negro Rural Schools of Virgi-
nia, a most responsible worthwhile occupation, is practically of her own
making, based on her individual efforts for racial benefit uplift and cooperative
racial understanding. . . .. Miss Randolph made friends of some of Richmond’s
most influential white citizens, who have proven of inestimable value to
8 C. Nichols Fairfax
education and the race relationship now so valued in this community, to state
and nation. Miss Randolph organized the first Club to function in the rural dis-
tricts, now grown into the worthwhile Leagues. She brought about that under-
standing, sympathetic, friendly feeling between the races in the rural districts,
from which large and beneficial results have sprung.61
grades and 250 in the high school. The school has a staff of 21, including the
principal. The school owns 60 acres of land on which is located a main building
(14 classrooms, library and office); shop building for boys who are performing
general shop work; home economics cottage where the girls are taught home-
making; a dormitory that is the home for teachers, with a school cafeteria in
the basement. A cannery is also located on the school grounds. This serves
the residents of the County. Home visitation is also continued and regular tea-
chers’ meetings are held with 100% attendance.62
help students find a way to transfer to the next larger school or college. Jeanes tea-
chers were noted for practical community activities, connecting the school with
the needs of homes and surrounding community.68
Randolph’s fame expanded beyond Henrico. Her work with the Virginia Tea-
cher’s Association (VTA) was stellar. Founded in 1887, the VTA was organized
by African-American teachers in segregated Virginia, and it originally started
out as a Virginia Teachers Reading Circle and grew to a statewide coalition of
leaders:69
The one element of great importance in the State Teachers Association in the
early years was that in the Negro race in Virginia there was a small group of
men and women who thought beyond their own little positions and encom-
passed, instead, a higher level of attainment for all the teachers in the state.70
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discover their confidence, and feel that they actually have a chance of changing the
conditions of their lives and communities. This practice was utilized by addressing
education as a chief modality of upward mobility. Randolph contributed signifi-
cantly to shaping the first generation of African Americans born in the twentieth
century by asking parents to donate raw materials for school buildings, participate
in Arbor Day, Patron’s Day and Wrapping the Maypole activities, engage in the
League of Willing Workers and carpool. She made the school a priority of
parents and students.
Randolph mirrored organizational involvement to mobilize the creation of
institutions, as founded by Maggie Lena Walker and the Independent Order of
St Luke,84 Ida Barbour’s Sewing Circle,85 and Janie Porter Barrett’s Federation
of Colored Women of Virginia.86 Virginia Randolph’s Patrons Improvement
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Randolph knew how to assuage her support base. Maggie Walker’s recommen-
dation letter, to Dr George E. Haynes, is indicative of her individual leadership in
community mobilizing, ‘racial benefit uplift and cooperative racial understand-
ing’.91 Randolph’s work not only made education relevant, it helped the commu-
nity share in such relevancy in the intellectual development of African-American
children and expansion of community life.
Mediating with white educational leaders is an example of ‘cooperative racial
understanding’ that Walker mentions in her 1926 letter. Randolph worked with
Jackson Davis, Dr James Dillard, Dr Arthur White of the John P. Slater Fund;
John Stewart Bryan, member of the Richmond School Board and editor-
in-chief of the Richmond Times-Dispatch; Mr Willard F. Day, County Manager;
Virginia’s Superintendent Stearnes; Dr J. Curtis Dixon of the Southern Education
Foundation, and others, were a part of Randolph’s interracial constituency. Walker
illustrates this activity in her letter, ‘Miss Randolph made friends of some of Rich-
mond’s most influential white citizens, who have proven of inestimable value to
education and the race relationship.’92
12 C. Nichols Fairfax
Conclusion
Today, grave concerns linger about public education and the African-American
community. African-American students graduate, finish college, earn terminal
degrees, contribute to our military, become business owners, and leaders in cor-
porate America. Many of those children hail from stable families and commu-
nities. However, in poor communities, high truancy and tardiness rates, poor
social behaviors, inadequate writing, math, and reading competencies, lack of tan-
gible skills for immediate employability, fragile parent/teacher relationships and
associations are a few of the concerns plaguing parents of students in poor
public school systems. ‘Shifting blame to schools and away from economic dispar-
ities allows social inequalities to remain firmly entrenched’.96
The educational system is often seen solely as a teacher-student dynamic which
ignores the synergy that the educational system has with other societal systems and
elides the grave problems of economic discrepancy: ‘Because the dominant narra-
tive of No Child Left Behind defines teachers and schools as the heart of edu-
cational ills, the harsh realities of poverty remain hidden’.97 Randolph’s model
ensured that students learned a skill that could be used to economically sustain
themselves and the community. More complimentary community-based schools
with a capability to prepare practically and professionally skilled students upon
graduation, is an example of preparing students for work-based experiences.
Teacher/parental collaborations in homes, or in community common-areas
such as local restaurants, churches, centers during evening hours, are examples
of schools extending their boundaries. More opportunity for students to use
these trade-skills for immediate employment is an outcome of mobilization. Ran-
dolph’s model remains relevant for teaching students’ skills that may be used in
industries of service, business, agriculture and technology.
If public education principals and teachers received more training in commu-
nity mobilizing techniques, some of these factors could be addressed. Often stu-
dents bring community and family issues such as employment struggles,
poverty, poor housing, transportation, and lack of access to technology for
school systems in poor tax districts. Randolph’s mobilizing placed her directly
in the path of parent engagement—thus strengthening the relationship between
Women’s History Review 13
school and family. President Leon Botstein of Bard College asserts an observation
about school learning in that ‘we haven’t figured out how to inspire real ambition
and a love of learning in the adolescent group, starting with middle school through
to really the end of college’.98 And ‘[t]he view we’ve developed through our empiri-
cal models is that we should have a two-tier system-elementary and secondary—
rather than a three-tier system we have now’.99 Teaching and mobilizing may prove
more successful within a traditional two-tier system, since it is in the middle tier
where students become disengaged.
Locally, Virginia Estelle Randolph’s name is legend. Her legacy, as with the lega-
cies of other women who spearheaded community organizing and mobilizing
efforts, is often neglected.100 Not only is her legacy relevant, if seriously applied
to public education models today, there may be a probability of improved
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Notes
[1] An interdisciplinary analysis shows that African American women historically con-
tributed in areas of community development, civic engagement and activism, as
evidenced in Iris Carlton-LaNey (Ed.) (2001) African American Leadership: an
empowerment tradition in social welfare history (Washington, DC: NASW Press);
Paula Giddings (1985) When and Where I Enter: the impact of black women on
race and sex in America (New York: Bantam Books); Jacqueline Rouse (1996)
Out of the Shadow of Tuskegee: Margaret Murray Washington, social activism,
and race vindication, Journal of Negro History, 18, pp. 31 – 46; and Linda
B. Pincham (2005) A League of Willing Workers: the impact of Northern philan-
thropy, Virginia Estelle Randolph and the Jeanes teachers in early twentieth-
century Virginia, Journal of Negro Education, 72(2), pp. 112 – 23.
[2] Jerome H. Schiele, M. Sebrena Jackson & Colita Nichols Fairfax (2005) Maggie
Lena Walker: a social welfare legacy of African American community development,
Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work, 20(1), pp. 21 – 38.
[3] Linda Strieter & Lydia Blalock (2006) Journey to Successful Collaborations, Journal
of Extension, 44(1). Available from, http://www.joe.org/joe/2006february/tt4.php
[4] Iris Carlton-LaNey (1990) The Intellectual Biography: a mechanism for integrating
historical content, Arete, 15, 32 – 51. The intellectual biography is a study of the
contributions of a figure that made a significant and lasting impact. I complemen-
ted qualitative interviews with material housed at the Virginia Randolph Museum
in Henrico County, Virginia.
[5] Cheryl E. Waites (1990) The Tradition of Group Work and Natural Helping Net-
works in the African American Community, in David Fike & Barbara Rittner
(Eds) Working from Strengths: the essence of group work (Miami, FL: Center for
Group Work Studies), pp. 211– 24, see page 211.
[6] E. Vanessa Siddle Walker (2001) African American Teaching in the South: 1940 –
1960, American Educational Research Journal, 38(4), pp. 751 – 79, p. 753.
[7] Siddle Walker, African American Teaching, p. 753.
[8] Tonya Perry & Denise Davis-Maye (2008) Bein’ Womanish: womanist efforts in
child saving during the progressive era, Affilia: Journal of Women and Social
Work, 22(2), pp. 209– 19, see p. 218.
[9] Siddle Walker, African American Teaching, p. 753.
14 C. Nichols Fairfax
men and women of African descent, volume I (Chicago: Gale Research Company)
reports Randolph’s birth year as 1876.
[27] Public historian, Elvatrice Belsches, reported using the Freedman’s Bank database
to search for information confirming Maggie Lena Walker’s birthdate and also
found Randolph’s date in Wesley Hester’s Richmond Times-Dispatch newspaper
article.
[28] Linda B. Brown (1990) Schooling for African-Americans in Henrico County, Vir-
ginia 1870 – 1933 (PhD dissertation, Virginia Polytechnical Institute & State Uni-
versity); and Elaine P. Witty (1992) Virginia Randolph, in Jessie Carney Smith
(Ed) Notable African-American American Women (Detroit: Gale Research, Inc),
p. 918.
[29] The George Washington Carver and Jackson Ward neighborhoods date back to the
1800s. This is the same community where Maggie Lena Walker lived, as their
homes were in close proximity with one another. See, Schiele, Jackson & Fairfax,
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[46] Mather, Who’s Who Of The Colored Race, p. 225; Owen, The Richmond Afro-
American, p. 5.
[47] Brawley, Doctor Dillard, pp. 59 – 60.
[48] Brawley, Doctor Dillard, p. 60.
[49] Virginia School Report, 1916 – 1917, p. 84; ibid, 1917 – 1918, pp. 56– 57.
[50] Pincham, A League of Willing Workers.
[51] Brown, Schooling for African-Americans in Henrico County.
[52] Brown, Schooling for African-Americans in Henrico County.
[53] Manarin & Dowdey, The History of Henrico County, p. 386.
[54] Brenda D. Nichols (2010) African Americans of Henrico County (Charleston, SC:
Arcadia Publishing).
[55] Throughout the state of Virginia, there were roughly 371 Rosenwald Schools,
making Virginia a desirable state for this educational project. The Rosenwald
Fund was founded by philanthropist Julius Rosenwald, who was able to largely
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[86] Wilkins, Janie Porter Barrett and the Virginia Industrial School.
[87] Pincham, A League of Willing Workers.
[88] Ibid.
[89] Witty, Virginia Randolph.
[90] Virginia E. Randolph (1907) Letter to Miss Anna T. Jeanes, Friends’ Home,
Germantown, Pennsylvania.
[91] Maggie Lena Walker (1926) Letter to Dr George Edmund Haynes, New York City.
[92] Walker, Letter to Dr George Edmund Haynes.
[93] Jones, Development of Public Education in Henrico County; Pincham, A League of
Willing Workers; Witty, Virginia Randolph.
[94] Witty, Virginia Randolph.
[95] Davis, Inspiring African American Women of Virginia, p. 213.
[96] Cynthia I. Gerstl-Pepin (2009) The Paradox of Poverty Narratives: educators strug-
gling with children left behind, in Anna Leon-Guerrero & Kristine Zentgraf (Eds)
Contemporary Readings in Social Problems (Los Angeles, CA: Pine Forge Press),
pp. 151– 61, please consult p. 158.
[97] Gertsl-Pepin, The Paradox of Poverty Narratives, p. 158.
[98] Michael Haederle (2009) In It for the Duration: a Miller-McCune interview of
intellectual provocateur Leon Botstein, Miller-McCune, 23 April, pp. 72– 75.
[99] Haederle, In It for the Duration, p. 73.
[100] Susan Stall & Randy Stoecker (1998) Community Organizing Or Organizing Com-
munity? Gender and the Crafts of Empowerment, Gender & Society, 12(6),
pp. 729 – 56.