Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1. Read the section “Stylistics and translation”. Make the English summary of the
chapter (up to 1000 characters). Resource “The Oxford handbook of
translation studies”
2. Translate into Ukrainian:
Alongside the tax rises and deep spending cuts announced by the government
in the Autumn Statement, more money was also set out for three key areas.
Our correspondents look at what impact additional funding for schools, social care,
and the NHS might have.
More investment in a "public service that defines all our futures". That's the
chancellor's approach to funding schools in England. Jeremy Hunt has promised an
extra £2.3bn per year for schools for the next two years.
School leaders say it sounds like positive news, but they'll be looking closely at the
detail.
Among the financial pressures facing schools is the government's promise of a 5%
pay rise for most teachers - which they have to find cash for in existing budgets.
And they have to help pupils catch up after school closures during the pandemic.
School spending per pupil dropped in real terms during the 2010s. Today's cash
increase means that it will be back at where it was in 2010, according to analysis
from the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS).
School funding, the think tank says, it now predicted to be greater than the growth
in schools' costs. But the question teachers will still be asking is: will it be enough
to take on all the challenges they face?
The budget for the NHS in England was already due to increase by nearly £5bn next
year to more than £157bn. A similar rise was planned the following year - the final
one of a five-year settlement agreed under Theresa May's government.
But despite this, NHS bosses had warned the health service was still facing a £7bn
shortfall in 2023-24 because of inflationary pressures. So by giving an extra £3.3bn
next year - and the same the following year - the chancellor has gone some way to
plugging the gap.
The boost in funding has been welcomed by NHS England chief executive Amanda
Pritchard. But huge challenges remain.
The NHS is desperately short of staff - one in 10 posts are vacant - while the backlog
in cancer care and hospital treatment continues to grow.
These problems cannot be solved by money alone. They require more staff to be
trained and equipment and buildings to be upgraded - things that can take many
years to achieve.
For many older or disabled people - and their families - the chancellor's statement
should ease the immediate problems of getting support from a care system in crisis.
But it also delays the promised help with the long-term catastrophic costs some face.
The planned £86,000 cap on care costs was due to start next autumn, but it will now
be pushed back by two years.
Sir Andrew Dilnot, who devised the policy more than a decade ago, says the delay
is "extraordinarily disappointing". He describes the need for reform as "critical and
urgent" and says without it, the most vulnerable are left with no idea how they will
cope financially, should they need care. He also believes it breaches a Conservative
Party manifesto pledge.
3. Choose any 10 minutes of the following video and translate it
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2N2BDGKl0L8&ab_channel=YaleCourse
s
1. In its simplest, most intuitive sense, translation can be said to involve the translator
conveying across a language (or genre) boundary whatever she or he understands to be
essential to the meaning of the text, its function, and the way it achieves its effects.
Beyond what might be considered the purely referential meaning or content of a text, it is
the style that enables it to express attitude and implied meanings, to fulfil particular
functions, and to have effects on its readers. These two statements taken together suggest
this: whenever translation is concerned with how something is said as well as what is said,
it involves the translation of style. For Gutt, whether style needs to be translated or not
rests on the distinction between indirect and direct translation.
To see the difference between literary and non-literary texts as a difference in the way we
read, and to see the latter difference as, in its turn, signalled and driven by style, is to say
that any translation, whether aiming to preserve or change the text-type of the original,
will need to interact closely with the style of the text.
Style, then, is what is unique to a text and it relies on choices, made consciously or
unconsciously by the author of the source- or target-text, that have gone into the making
of the text.
These often manifest themselves in noticeable textual elements.
The paradox of stylistics and translation is, then, this: while translation, especially literary
translation, is acknowledged to depend upon knowing not only what a text means in an
obvious sense but how it means and what it suggests, the discipline which would allow us
such insights is rarely seen as a necessary part of translation theory.
Ill-informed views of both linguistics and stylistics, and ignorance of the advances made in
both subjects, have surely contributed to the paucity of stylistic studies of translation in
the recent past. But contemporary stylistics is usually contextualized stylistics. The broad
remit of stylistics today means that the stylistic study of translation will concern itself with
questions as diverse as historical context of source- and target-texts, the cognitive state
both texts convey, the emotion they express or give rise to in their readers, the way they
achieve literary effects, and the ideologies that they reveal or hide.
Before the 1960s, stylistics was virtually unknown as a discipline, though it had forerunners
in Russian Formalist criticism and Prague Structuralism in the 1920s . This was not only the
case in the Western world; in China stylistics is considered to have begun in the late 1970s
, and in Japan, too, stylistics in the modern sense developed largely from Western
influences. Early stylistics in Europe and America, as noted above, was based on
structuralism or generative grammar , both trends which, though very different in
conception,, tended to result in textual analysis that concentrated on formal features.
Stylistics, especially in England, has been applied largely to literary texts and it is here that
we are likely to find the most interesting interactions with translation. For literary
translation, one of the main tasks of stylistics is to consider the kind of dynamic, creative
reading that many literary translation scholars, especially those influenced by the
poststructuralist view of the reader as ‘producer of the text’, consider to be essential.
Though creative translation might seem possible only for literary texts, the translation of
many other types of text may be equally creative. Because the audiences of the source-
and target-text always have a different cognitive context, that is, a different set of images
and cognitive schemata to represent the world, a translator has to find creative ways of
taking this difference into account, whether in the translation of Bible stories or
advertisements.
We can see the descriptive power of stylistic approaches to translation at work in studies
of source- and targettext that explain why some translations are viewed in the target
culture very differently from the way the original text was seen in the source culture. The
removal or addition of complex stylistic nuances might make a novel more or less
accessible when translated, or suitable for a different audience.
A good, short introduction to stylistics (though not with reference to translation) is
Verdonk. Simpson is more detailed. The most accessible introduction to cognitive stylistics
is Stockwell. Fowler, though written before cognitive stylistics became so widespread, is
still the most readable and comprehensive introduction to issues of stylistics (though
Fowler himself disliked the term). Parks writes interestingly about stylistic deviations of a
translation from its original as an aid to literary criticism of the original text. Boase-Beier is
an attempt to show the importance of stylistics for translation.
3. 00:00-10:00
Ok, greetings. We`re getting towards the end of this class, so I wanted to remind you
that there is a second exam. You know that. And I also want to remind you that there
is a brief written assignment for this class as well. It`s not meant to be complicated.
You don`t really need to do any additional research for it. It`s essentially about
looking at the reading that you`ve got and finding some kind of a theme that you
think is interesting in Ukrainian history. Ideally, not a theme which is identical to one
of the lectures. Ideally, a theme where you`ve connected some of the dots yourself. It
doesn`t have to be an incredible brainstorm. Just a theme. Just an idea that unites
other ideas. And talk to your friends about it, that`s what they`re for. So this is not
meant to be tricky. It just meant to be for a way to try to rethink the class diagonally,
make some connections that maybe I didn`t make or the reading didn`t make. Try to
connect different parts of the reading with one another which maybe I didn't do, talk
about it amongst yourselves, not right now, but talk about it amongst yourselves.
That's a good way to think of ideas, is to brainstorm, what some of the things could
be. Might even be fun. Meet your classmates. Invite that person you always wanna
invite for tea. Here is your chance. Who knows what will happen. Speaking of who
knows what will happen it appears that a couple of Russian missiles just fell on
Polish territory, which leads us nicely into our theme today. What I`d like to do
today is I actually wanna take a step back and talk at greater length about the Polish
factor, just as I did a couple of lectures ago about the German factor. I wanna do
properly would I meant to do last time, which is to give you a sense of how Polish
policy after 1989 helped Ukraine to become the state that Ukraine has become. I
would use that to meet into the main subjects, which is the 1980s and the 1990s.
And the formation of Ukrainian state, so from today's point of view November 15th
or so 2022, where Poland is Ukrainian staunchest supporter or one of Ukrainian
staunchest supporters. Where there have been millions of Ukrainian refugees in
Poland in the last 9 months. It`s very difficult to remember that in fact, Ukrainian
national identity when it formed, was formed against Poland. And so the Cossack
legend, the struggling peasantry, the battle for land, all of that is chiefly about, not
Russia, but Poland. And then the Polish Ukraine encounter over the centuries, has
also created a lot of the concepts, the underlying political notions, that are taken for
granted in Ukraine today and has been creative in lots of other ways.
I just want to start by reminding you of that. I know that you know it, because one
of the basic themes of this class has been that nations don't come from nowhere.
Humans evolved once in Africa. None of us is truly autochtonous, groups come into
contact with one another. The alphabet was only invented once. I can do this all
day. So when we look at a nation, the gut instinct of a state is very often to say
there was ethnogenesis and a people formed a thousand years ago, and maybe
there was a baptism or like some magical event where we all started, cherry tree
was cut down, whatever, constitution, you name it.
Like some moment everything is like. You get a clean fresh start, but that's not the
way history actually works. Nations are par excellence international events and, so
in order to explain Ukraine or any other country, you have to get all the
international factors into the picture. This is that Roman Szporlyuk, who was and is a
great Ukrainian historian, always insisted on. And it's true for everybody. It's true
for Russia, China, America. If it were not for the particular configuration of British
French relations, having to do with the Seven Years War, no America or some
completely different version of America. Alright, so I want to just remind you how
important Polish Factor has been for Ukraine. You know that it was Lithuania which
very quickly thereafter formed a personal Union with Poland, which swept up most
of the territories of old Rus, including Kyiv. You know that it was Lithuania, which
very quickly merged with Poland in the personal Union, which perpetuated much of
the cultural attainments of Kyiv, including the language of law. You know that Kyiv
because of the polish-lithuanian State becomes a major centre of European trends,
such as Renaissance, reformation, counter Reformation. Kyiv along with Chernihiv, a
couple of other places if this were a class in Belarusian history, we had been talking
about some other characters like Skaryna. But Kyiv is one of the places where an
Orthodox world and Eastern Chinese world is bouncing up against these Western
trends.
And that is because of the Polish connection or the Lithuanian connection. The idea
of a republic, which is very important, which is Rich Pospolyta. the idea of a republic
comes from Poland, it is not coming directly from Rome of course, it's coming from
Poland. The idea of political rights in republic, which may not be held by everybody
and of course there's a dispute between the Cossacks and the Polish nobility in the
16th century, 17th century is largely about who belongs to the republic. Who
actually has rights? If the republic means the common matter, who is the public?
Who has access to rights. Both at the micro level and at the macro level. The
cossacks rebellion of 1648 is largely about that. If Bohdan Khmelnytsky had had
better access to justice by way of court, if he had been seen as a noble then
probably no rebellion, at least not at that time. The Cossacks themselves, this
particular formation of Cossacks anyway, around Zaporizhzhia a result of Polish
power...
Encounter of Polish power with the Crimean tatars. They were living in the zone
between Polish power and the Crimean tatars and they were learning from both,
adapting to both, so poland-lithuania loses the Left Bank. I have got an all kinds of
directions from email about what I should do with my hands when I talk about Left
bank and Right bank. They say when you talk about the right bank move your left
hand and then the students will understand. But I'm just assuming you guys don`t
actually don`t even know your left from right.
So it doesn't matter what I do. I'm assuming you are like my kids. They are like, if I
say go left, they go right. They go da da da.
So I'm just gonna do whatever I want with my hands when I talk about... But the
Eastern part of Ukraine Poland loses, the Left Bank is lost in the 1660s 1670s. The
right bank is lost about a century later when Poland is partitioned 1770s, 1790s.
There are 4 or 500 years here that one has to account for, where the Polish factor is
very direct. And even after Poland no longer exists, as we`ve talked about, it`s still
the Polish aristocracy that owns much of the land, Right Bank, Ukraine, all the way
up to the Bolshevik Revolution. So there`s an important idea of property rights and
the desire of Ukrainian peasants to have property. Then there is also this minor
current which becomes major later on which is Galicia Volhynia. Halychyna Galicia,
which is part of Poland known as Cherwona Rus, Red Ruthinia. It is part of Poland
from the 1340s onward, and then is part of the Habsburg monarchy and then is part
of Poland again. And then that religion Halychyna Galicia becomes part of the Soviet
Union after the Second World War and then is much of what we now call Western
Ukraine. So I am just reminding you I don't want you to forget any of this, when we
enter into the modern period, because there is this temptation in the 20th century.
This kind of unhealthy temptation to say, well something has just happened and not
everything else is gone. Like the first world war, the war to end all wars, and the
second world war was thought to reset everything and then the Cold War came to
an end. And history itself supposedly than over came to an end all this mental
resets. But there is no way to understand Ukraine without this long trajectory,
which of course can be interpreted in various ways, but it's uncontroversial and I
think incontrovertible to say without the Polish Factor in the long run, that would
not be a Ukraine of the kind that we now have. So what I want to explain now, is the
thing that I was very hasty about the last time which is how Polish foreign policy and
polish thinking about Ukraine has a decisive and I would even venture to say world
historical effect in the 80s and 1990s. And to do this I need to draw your attention
to a certain... I'm going to have to make a certain anti-imperial point, which is this.