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JBPXXX10.1177/0095798414543014Journal of Black PsychologyDonovan and West

Brief Report
Journal of Black Psychology
2015, Vol. 41(4) 384­–396
Stress and Mental © The Author(s) 2014
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DOI: 10.1177/0095798414543014
Role of the Strong Black jbp.sagepub.com

Woman Stereotype

Roxanne A. Donovan1 and Lindsey M. West2

Abstract
Research indicates that Black women highly endorse the Strong Black Woman
(SBW) stereotype—a perception that Black women are naturally strong,
resilient, self-contained, and self-sacrificing. This endorsement appears to
be a good thing, providing Black women protection against the numerous
stressors they must contend with daily. However, anecdotal and qualitative
evidence suggests that SBW endorsement limits Black women’s ability to
cope healthily which exacerbates the negative mental health outcomes of
stress. Because few empirical studies of SBW have been conducted, how
SBW endorsement might influence the stress–mental health association is
unknown. The current study addresses this gap by quantitatively examining
the relationships among SBW endorsement, stress, and anxious and
depressive symptoms with a sample of 92 Black female college students.
Results revealed that both moderate and high levels of SBW endorsement
increase the relationship between stress and depressive symptoms, while low
levels of SBW endorsement do not. These data extend previous qualitative
findings and suggest that embracing the SBW stereotypic image increases
Black women’s vulnerability to depressive symptoms associated with stress.

1Kennesaw State University, Kennesaw, GA, USA

2Georgia Regents University, Augusta, GA, USA

Corresponding Author:
Roxanne A. Donovan, Department of Psychology, Kennesaw State University, 1000 Chastain
Road, MD #2202 Kennesaw, GA 30144, USA.
Email: rdonova4@kennesaw.edu
Donovan and West 385

Keywords
Strong Black Woman stereotype, anxiety, depression, stress, African
American women

Intersectional theory posits that multiple social identities work together to

influence how we see ourselves and how others see and treat us (Coles, 2009;
Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1994; Settles, 2006). Research evidence supports
intersectional theory, suggesting that a variety of physical and mental health
outcomes are related to the combination of race and gender. For example,
compared with White women, women of African descent who reside in the
United States (henceforth termed Black women) have higher rates of infant
mortality (Mathews & MacDorman, 2013) and obesity (National Center for
Health Statistics, 2012); compared with Black men, Black women have
higher rates of hypertension (Sampson et al., 2014; Will & Yoon, 2013;) and
anxiety (Breslau, Kendler, Su, Gaxiola-Aguilar, & Kessler, 2005). Although
intersectional theory is compelling and has general research support, the
mechanisms through which the intersection of race and gender is associated
with health outcomes in Black women has received little quantitative inves-
tigation. This lack of investigation is striking given the rich theoretical, quali-
tative, and anecdotal information available about possible mechanisms. One
such mechanism is the stereotypical image of the Strong Black Woman
(SBW), which some scholars theorize can influence the relationship between
negative life events (e.g., stress or trauma) and physical and mental health
outcomes (Harrington, Crowther, & Shipherd, 2010; Romero, 2000; Woods-
Giscombé, 2010). This study advances the literature by quantitatively exam-
ining the role of SBW in the stress–mental health relationship.

Strong Black Woman Stereotype

Unfortunately, the history and traits of SBW are not singularly perceived by
scholars. Even the name changes depending on the writer, with similar images
to SBW labeled Superwoman, Modern Mammy, Black Lady, and Sojourner
Syndrome (Collins, 2004; Mullings, 2002; Wallace, 1990). Regardless of the
name, most scholars ascribe two central tenets to these overlapping images
(henceforth termed just SBW): strength and caregiving. Regarding strength,
SBW is perceived as naturally resilient, able to handle with ease all the stress,
upset, and trauma life throws at her. Challenges that would break others just
make SBW stronger. Her strength is also shown in her independence, self-
control, and work ethic (Collins, 2004; Wallace, 1990; Woods-Giscombé,
2010). She is self-reliant and emotionally contained (Harrington et al., 2010;
Romero, 2000). She does not need emotional or financial support to succeed
386 Journal of Black Psychology 41(4)

or to take care of her (and others’) responsibilities (Romero, 2000; Wallace,

1990). She works tirelessly and without complaint, always able to do more
even if what is asked seems impossible.
Regarding caregiving, SBW is perceived as self-sacrificing, putting every-
one else’s needs before her own (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Harrington et
al., 2010; Harris-Lacewell, 2001; Romero, 2000). In addition to her immedi-
ate family, if she has one, she mothers many others by providing emotional,
spiritual, and/or financial support (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Harrington et
al., 2010; Romero, 2000). In the community, she is sought out because of her
wisdom and gives her time, energy, and resources freely to those who need it
without resentment or expectation of reciprocation (Beauboeuf-Lafontant,
2009; Harrington et al., 2010; Romero, 2000).
In many ways SBW, with its glorification of strength and caregiving, is one
of the foundations of Black womanhood (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009;
Harrington et al., 2010; Harris-Lacewell, 2001). Scholars suggest SBW was
created during slavery as a survival response to an existence rife with violence,
exploitation, and oppression, and it has been passed intergenerationally through
parents’, particularly mothers’, socialization of Black girls (Beauboeuf-
Lafontant, 2009; Harris-Lacewell, 2001; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003;
Thomas & King, 2007; Townsend, 2008; Wallace, 1990; White, 1985). During
slavery, internalization of these traits was likely necessary for personal, famil-
ial, and community survival. Today, Black women no longer have to contend
with institutionalized chattel slavery, but they do have to contend with such
significant intersectional stressors as racialized sexism and gendered racism.
Given these realities, it makes sense that numerous Black female participants in
several qualitative studies report embracing SBW, viewing it as central to their
self-image (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Romero, 2000; Shorter-Gooden &
Washington, 1996; Woods-Giscombé, 2010).

Current Study
On the surface, SBW endorsement seems like a good thing because the traits
of strength and self-reliance can be powerful buffers against the numerous
stressors Black women face. However, the façade has some cracks.
Preliminary theoretical, anecdotal, and qualitative evidence suggests an asso-
ciation between SBW endorsement and negative health outcomes such as
high levels of stress and depressive and anxious symptoms (Beauboeuf-
Lafontant, 2009; Romero, 2000; Woods-Giscombé, 2010). Scholars have
hypothesized that this link is the result of SBW’s relentless strength which
does not allow for the expression of emotion or “weakness,” creating an
untenable situation where there is no valve to reduce the pressure as stress
Donovan and West 387

mounts (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Harrington et al., 2010). Whether this

hypothesis is supported is unknown, because the mechanisms through which
SBW influences stress and mental health have not been quantitatively stud-
ied. We could find only one quantitative study that explored how SBW influ-
ences mental health. Using structural modeling, Harrington, Crowther, and
Shipherd (2010) examined the relationships among trauma, internalization of
SBW, and emotional regulation in a sample of 179 Black female trauma sur-
vivors. They found that SBW internalization was associated with trauma
exposure which in turn was associated with emotional regulation. Although
the researchers did not study stress, their findings, along with the aforemen-
tioned theoretical and qualitative evidence, suggest that SBW might play an
indirect role in the stress–mental health relationship.
This study addresses the research gap related to SBW by investigating one
possible mechanism through which SBW, stress, and mental health may be
associated. Specifically, we tested whether SBW moderates the relationship
between stress and mental health (i.e., anxious and depressive symptoms).
We predicted that Black female participants who report moderate and high
levels of SBW endorsement would demonstrate a stronger relationship
between stress and anxious symptoms and stress and depressive symptoms
compared to those who report low levels of SBW endorsement.

Method
Participants
Data were collected from Black female college students at a diverse, urban,
commuter, New England university. At this university: ethnic minorities rep-
resent over 30% of the student population; nearly 60% of the student popula-
tion is female; and students’ mean age approximates 28, with many identifying
as nontraditional students who have resumed college later in life.
One hundred and fourteen students participated in this study. Twenty-two
participants were excluded because they did not complete all of the measures
used in the analyses, reducing the sample to 92 participants. Participants
ranged in age from 18 to 47 (N= 87, M = 23.32 years, SD= 6.02, Mdn= 21).
Forty-one percent ethnically identified as African American. The remaining
identified as West Indian/Caribbean (18%), African or Cape Verdean (15%),
Hispanic Black (3%), Multiracial/Biracial (7%), and “other” (17%). All par-
ticipants who responded “other” specified they identified as Haitian or as two
or more ethnicities/nationalities (e.g., Jamaican–African American, African
American–West Indian, and Jamaican–Cape Verdean). Eighty-nine percent
of the participants were full-time students, and the overwhelming majority
reported working while attending school (79%; M= 20.81 hours per week).
388 Journal of Black Psychology 41(4)

Procedure and Materials

Procedure. The study measures were administered via Psychdata, an
online, secure, survey database. Participants were recruited using posters,
recruitment tables in the university, and announcements in psychology and
Africana Studies’ classrooms. All recruitment was conducted by two under-
graduate research assistants, a graduate assistant, and the investigator, all of
whom identify as Black women. On completion of this anonymous survey,
participants received a $15 incentive. In addition to the variables relevant to
this report, the full study participants responded to included questions associ-
ated with the psychosocial functioning of Black women, such as experiences
of racism and sexism, identity development, help-seeking behavior, and cop-
ing styles. Only measures used in this report are detailed below.

The Depression Anxiety Stress Scale (DASS-21).  The DASS-21 is a 21-item,

4-point Likert-type self-report inventory composed of three subscales: anxi-
ety, depression, and stress (Lovibond & Lovibond, 1995). Each subscale is
made up of seven items. Responses to items range from 0 = Did not apply to
me at all to 3 = Applied to me very much, or most of the time. Items include
“I felt scared without any good reason” (anxiety subscale); “I felt that life
was meaningless” (depression subscale); and “I found it hard to wind down”
(stress subscale). Per instructions, the sums for each subscale are calculated
and then multiplied by two. Higher scores across the subscales indicate
higher levels of symptom endorsement. The DASS-21 has been shown to
possess adequate construct validity, internal consistency, temporal stabil-
ity, and reliabilities (i.e., test-retest reliability and alternate-form reliability)
on general adult populations (Henry & Crawford, 2005). In a study of the
DASS-21 with African Americans, Norton (2007) found support for the pro-
posed three-factor model and good internal consistency. In the current study,
internal consistency reliability coefficients for the anxiety, depression, and
stress subscales were .82, .88, and .83, respectively. These internal reliabil-
ity coefficients are comparable to those reported by others (Antony, Bieling,
Cox, Enns, & Swinson, 1998; Norton, 2007).

Stereotypic Roles forBlack Women Scale (SRBWS).  The SRBWS (Thomas,

Witherspoon, & Speight, 2004) contains 34-items that create four subscales:
Superwoman (i.e., SBW), Jezebel, Sapphire, and Mammy. Items are rated on
a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly
agree. The reported subscale reliabilities are .67 for Superwoman, .72 for Jeze-
bel, .70 for Sapphire, and .53 for Mammy (Thomas et al., 2004). In the original
SRBWS measure, the items varied in noun/pronoun use; 11 items used “Black
Donovan and West 389

women” while 21 used “I.” For consistency across all the items and ease in par-
ticipant self-report, we adapted each first-person pronoun to the “Black women”
third-person pronoun. For example, a Superwoman subscale item which origi-
nally read, “I find it difficult to ask others for help,” was changed to “Black
women find it difficult to ask others for help.” Because the focus of this study is
on the SBW stereotype, only the Superwoman subscale was used in the analy-
ses. Of the 11 items in the Superwoman subscale, 10 were adapted. We found an
internal consistency reliability coefficient of .77 for the Superwoman subscale,
indicating adequate reliability across items.

Results
The following series of analyses examined the role of SBW in the stress-
mental health relationship. In the preliminary analyses, we determined the
suitability of the data for multiple regression and whether any demographic
covariates were necessary. In our main analyses, we determined whether
SBW significantly moderated the relationship between stress and the two
mental health variables. We also conducted several follow-up analyses to
understand better the significant moderation findings. IBM SPSS statistical
software Version 21.0 was used for all analyses.

Preliminary Analyses
Scatter plots were examined to ensure that assumptions for multiple regres-
sion were met for linearity, multicolinearity, and homoscedasticity. No viola-
tions were found. Next, using Pearson’s correlations and analyses of variance,
we examined whether any of the major sociodemographic variables (e.g., age,
ethnic group, nationality, family income, marital/partner status, etc.) were
uniquely associated with our main variables of interest (i.e., SBW, stress, anx-
ious symptoms, and depressive symptoms). No significant findings emerged,
thus, no demographic variables were used as covariates in the regressions.
Finally, main effects among the predictor, moderator, and criterion vari-
ables were conducted to determine suitability for the moderation analyses.
There were strong significant positive correlations found between stress and
depressive symptoms (r = .72, p< .01) and stress and anxious symptoms (r =
.61, p< .01). Conversely, only a weak significant correlation was found
between SBW and stress (r = .22, p = .04), and no significant correlations were
found between SBW and depressive symptoms (r = .12, p = .26) and SBW and
anxious symptoms (r = .04, p = .70; see Table 1 for means, standard devia-
tions, and correlations across variables). The findings related to SBW are
helpful because “. . . it is desirable that the moderator variable be uncorrelated
390 Journal of Black Psychology 41(4)

Table 1.  Raw Score Means, Standard Deviations, and Correlations (N = 91).

Variables Minimum Score Maximum Score Mean (SD) 1 2 3 4

1. STRESS 0 38 16.53 (10.08) — .22* .72** .61**
2. SBW 2 4.82 3.32 (.63) — .12 .04
3. DEP 0 42 12.15 (10.41) — .63**
4. ANX 0 32 9.01 (7.92) —

Note. DASS = Depression Anxiety Stress Scale; STRESS = DASS–Stress subscale; SBW =
Stereotypic Roles of Black Women Scale–Superwoman subscale; DEP = DASS–Depressive
Symptoms subscale; ANX = DASS–Anxious Symptoms subscale; SD = standard deviation.
*p< .05, **p< .01.

Table 2.  Multiple Regression Analysis Summary for Stress and SBW on
Depressive Symptoms (N = 91).

Variable B SE B Β R2 ∆R2
Step 1 .52** .52**
 STRESS 7.60** .79** .73**  
 SBW −.40 .79 −.04  
Step 2 .57** .05**
  STRESS × SBW 2.14** .68** .227**  

Note: DASS = Depression Anxiety Stress Scale; STRESS = standardized score from the
DASS–Stress subscale; SBW = standardized score from the Stereotypic Roles for Black
Women Scale–Superwoman subscale.
**p< .01.

with both the predictor and the criterion (the dependent variable) to provide a
clearly interpretable interaction term” (Baron & Kenny, 1986, p. 1174).

Primary Analyses
Two separate hierarchical regressions were conducted to test the moderation
effects for SBW endorsement (moderator) in relation to: (1) stress (predictor)
and anxious symptoms (criterion variable); and (2) stress (predictor) and
depressive symptoms (criterion variable). First, standardized scores were
computed for the predictor and moderator variables. Second, the standard-
ized predictor and moderator variables were entered in the first step of the
regression. Third, the interaction term (i.e., the product of the predictor and
moderator variables) was entered in the second step of the regression (Frazier,
Tix, & Barron, 2004; see Table 2).
Donovan and West 391

Figure 1.  Multiple regression analysis for stress and Strong Roles of Black Woman
Scale (SBW) on depressive s ymptoms (N = 91).

Contrary to predictions, SBW did not moderate the relationship between

stress and anxious symptoms, R2 = .38, ∆R2 = .01, F(3, 87) = 17.83, p = .36.
However, SBW did moderate the relationship between stress and depressive
symptoms, R2 = .57, ∆R2 = .05, F(3, 87) = 38.57, p = .00, with the interaction
term accounting for 5% additional, unique variance. This significant moder-
ating effect is illustrated in Figure 1 using the Moderation/Mediation Help
Centre (Jose, 2012). In the figure, SBW and stress are plotted on three levels:
low (1 SD below the mean), moderate (mean), and high (1 SD above the
mean). Consistent with predictions, SBW endorsement exacerbated the rela-
tionship between stress level and depressive symptoms such that the highest
level of depressive symptoms was reported by participants with both the
highest stress level and the highest SBW endorsement.

Follow-up Analyses
To better understand the significant moderation finding above, simple effects
slope analyses were conducted per Aiken and West’s (1991) instructions.
Findings revealed that the slope for participants with low SBW endorsement
was not significant: b = 5.37, t(91) = 0, p= 1. This means that for this group,
stress level was not significantly associated with depressive symptoms. In
contrast, the slope for participants with moderate SBW endorsement and the
392 Journal of Black Psychology 41(4)

slope for participants with high SBW endorsement were statistically signifi-
cant: moderate, b = 7.5, t(91) = 10.41, p< .00; high, b = 9.65, t(91) = 6.53,
p<.00. This means that for these groups, stress level was significantly associ-
ated with depressive symptoms, with higher stress levels associated with
increased depressive symptoms.

Discussion
This study examined whether endorsement of SBW exacerbates the deleteri-
ous relationship between stress and mental health among Black female col-
lege students. Partially supporting our hypotheses, results showed that SBW
moderated the relationship between stress and depressive symptoms. Both
moderate and high levels of SBW endorsement increased the positive rela-
tionship between stress and depressive symptoms, whereas low levels of
SBW endorsement did not. These data extend previous qualitative findings
and suggest Black women should be cautious about embracing the SBW ste-
reotypic image which views excessive strength, caregiving, and emotional
restraint as central to Black womanhood. Cautious, however, does not appear
to be how SBW is viewed. Similar to previous studies, our participants
endorsed SBW at moderately high rates, suggesting it might be a salient
image for many Black female college students (Thomas et al., 2004).
In addition to advancing the literature on SBW, these findings have impor-
tant implications for therapists who work with Black female college students.
First, as posited by Romero (2000) and Thomas et al. (2004), Black female
college students who endorse SBW might have difficulty admitting they need
therapy much less seek it. As such, it would be beneficial for college counsel-
ing center administrators to develop education campaigns geared toward
Black female students that normalize seeking therapy and reframe strength as
being able to ask for help instead of suffering in silence. Outreach programs
to student organizations that focus on Black women—for example, Black
sororities or Black student associations—that address the suggested relation-
ship among SBW endorsement, stress, and depressive symptoms could also
be helpful. Second, for those Black female students who do present to ther-
apy, the SBW façade may mask their level of pain and suffering (Beauboeuf-
Lafontant, 2009; Romero, 2000). Culturally competent assessment should
then involve determining those clients’ level of SBW endorsement. If moder-
ate or high, empathic conversations about SBW that educate and provide
alternative conceptualizations would be helpful. Finally, support groups led
by culturally competent Black female therapists could provide a safe space to
openly and honestly address the benefits and challenges of SBW endorse-
ment. Group therapy, in particular, may serve as an entry way into the
Donovan and West 393

therapeutic experience for Black college women given the importance of

social support and “leaning on shoulders” (Shorter-Gooden, 2004).
The fact that SBW endorsement was not directly or indirectly related to
anxious symptoms was surprising, especially given that anecdotal evidence
suggests a link (Romero, 2000). Methodology provides one possible explana-
tion. For example, studies suggest that Black Americans might express anx-
ious symptoms in unique ways, including somatic complaints such as hot and
cold flashes and paresthesias—tingling or numbness in extremities (Hunter
& Schmidt, 2010; Lewis-Fernandez et al., 2010). Although the DASS-21 has
been shown to have psychometric validity among African Americans (Norton,
2007), the anxious symptoms used in the measure are related more to arousal
than somatic complaints. As a result, this sample’s experience of anxiety may
not have been captured fully.
There are several limitations that are important to consider when interpret-
ing our findings. First, the small, regionally-specific, college student sample
and the cross-sectional design limit predictive and causal conclusions. Large
national experimental studies using community samples and longitudinal
designs will help to increase generalizability and to identify the underlying
mechanisms related to SBW, stress, and mental health. In addition, the com-
plex nature of depression and the modest SBW moderation findings suggest
there are other variables that contribute to the stress-depressive symptom
relationship. Future studies should explore such possible moderators as eth-
nicity, generation status, and socioeconomic status. Second, our use of self-
report measures, although typical in quantitative studies, was limiting because
these measures require participants to have a certain level of awareness of
their internal experiences which might not be present. Finally, our decision to
use only third-person pronouns in the SRBWS had advantages and limita-
tions. On the positive side, the third-person pronounsmay haveincreased the
internal consistency of the Superwoman subscale and may have provided less
dissonance for participants to endorse items. On the limitation side, the pro-
nounsmay have influenced how participants responded to the survey. For
example, when answering the questions, participants may have been endors-
ing SBW as a cultural stereotype but not endorsing it personally. This likeli-
hood, however, is somewhat mitigated by previous qualitative findings
suggesting that SBW is highly internalized among Black women (Beauboeuf-
Lafontant, 2009; Romero, 2000; Shorter-Gooden & Washington, 1996;
Woods-Giscombé, 2010).
Despite these limitations, our study is an important step toward an empir-
ically-derived understanding of the associations among SBW endorsement,
stress, and mental health in Black women. The findings clearly show that
higher levels of SBW endorsement exacerbate the link between stress and
394 Journal of Black Psychology 41(4)

depressive symptoms, at least for this sample of Black female college stu-
dents. Additional studies are needed to determine whether our results are rep-
licable. Given the salience and negative implications of SBW endorsement
suggested by our findings and previous ones, examinations of SBW that go
beyond the variables we examined are warranted. For example, what might
be the relationship between SBW and such health and mental health issues as
blood pressure, diabetes, or life satisfaction? Current and previous findings
also provide rationale for the creation of mental health interventions that
address the SBW myth of relentless strength and excessive self-sacrifice.
Examinations of the efficacy of these interventions would also be helpful.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publica-
tion of this article.

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