Correctional criminology is dependent on and responsive to the state. It uses official crime statistics to manage and administer the population, which means it is inherently political and bureaucratic. These statistics are often analyzed without considering the context in which they are produced and used by the state. The document will examine how crime statistics are assembled, how they are used by the government, and the theories of correctional criminology and its relationship to the state.
Correctional criminology is dependent on and responsive to the state. It uses official crime statistics to manage and administer the population, which means it is inherently political and bureaucratic. These statistics are often analyzed without considering the context in which they are produced and used by the state. The document will examine how crime statistics are assembled, how they are used by the government, and the theories of correctional criminology and its relationship to the state.
Correctional criminology is dependent on and responsive to the state. It uses official crime statistics to manage and administer the population, which means it is inherently political and bureaucratic. These statistics are often analyzed without considering the context in which they are produced and used by the state. The document will examine how crime statistics are assembled, how they are used by the government, and the theories of correctional criminology and its relationship to the state.
Correctional criminology, whether as purely administrative statis-
tical correctionalism or as theorized correctional criminology, is in the first place a state-dependent enterprise. “For most of its existence criminology has been located, for all practical purposes, within the institutions of the criminal justice state” (Garland and Sparks 2000: 201). This means it is motivated by, constituted as and responsive to, the state’s fundamental interest in managing, administering and, where necessary, correcting its population. It further means that it is unavoidably political, economic and bureaucratic in character, being responsive to the requirements of the government in power – not least the need to budget and allocate its resources, the demands issu- ing from the public at large or particular segments of it, and the demand characteristics of the organizational infrastructure in and through which its tasks must be carried out. It is with respect to these contexts that the meaning and use must be assessed of the official crime statistics on which administrative and correctional criminology depend. The fact is, however, that the debate over the meaning and use of official statistics in professional sociology has not been addressed in this way, but rather in terms of the utility of these data for the purposes of scientific description and theorizing on the assumption that crime exists independently of any inquiries into it. In grammatical terms, this is a clear case of “taking language on holiday”; that is, removing these organizational objects in quan- titative form from the very contexts where they alone make sense. First, we shall briefly consider the issue of official crime statistics in sociology at two moments of their assembly and use; namely, in the production of the index called “crimes known to the police” and at their major point of consumption in the halls of government administration. Second, we will characterize the general form of cor- rectional criminology’s theories. Third, we will return to reflect on the significance of the place of these sociologies in relation to the state.
The meaning and use of official crime statistics
Assembling crimes known to the police
In the epigraph that heads this chapter, the economist Josiah Stamp captures in a particularly colourful way a point that no serious