Professional Documents
Culture Documents
in Global History: Topics on Global South Asia
G65.3005
Term Essay
Miguel A. Cruz
Purchasing Sovereignty: The East India Company and the Birth of
the Corporate NationState.
“The East India Company are at this time sovereigns of a rich, populous, fruitful
country in extent beyond France and Spain united; they are in possession of the
labour, industry, and manufactures of twenty million of subjects; they are in
actual receipt of between five and six millions a year. They have an army of fifty
thousand men.”
‐Robert Clive, Speech to the House of Commons, 1769
Is sovereignty for sale? Can the defining element of the Westphalian concept
of the nation‐state be traded and acquired like any other commodity? Perhaps more
importantly, has it happened before? This paper seeks to provide an admittedly
controversial answer to these questions: a simple “yes”.
Sovereignty has always been tied not just to the spatial component that
defines it or the legal framework that solidifies it, but also to the economic
prosperity that allows it to exist as an independent unit in a domestic context and in
shared communality with other sovereign entities. Such constructs of sovereign
power, before the advent of the fixed border and stable government so
characteristic of the current nation‐state model after 1648, were always in constant
motion. They had a more organic dynamism as they were usually directly tied to the
highest figure of authority, usually a particular sovereign or his or her court.
However, when discussing the nature of sovereignty associated to the nation‐
state, we must also clarify that such a concept is not constrained to the usual
formulation of State as a polity. History has given us a vital historical prototype to
advance our understanding of this concept, an example where sovereignty was a
commodity bought and sold. This particular corporate sovereignty was born from a
global commercial enterprise that ended shaping the psyche of an Empire, and
inspired elements that would later give rise to the multinational corporation and the
corporatized nation‐sate: the fabled East India Company.
The East India Company became, in form and function, a corporate State
where sovereignty was acquired by both the conduct of commercial enterprise and
military conquest through its own private standing army, a privilege traditionally
reserved for bona fide nations. Founded on 31 December 1600, The East India
Company was chartered by Queen Elizabeth as a joint‐stock corporation. The
advantages of a joint‐stock corporation were the minimizing of risk to the investors
and a more secure avenue of raising a larger sum of investment capital that would
have been possible as a wholly private concern:
2
member Court of Directors, the stability of an archive,
and a staff recruited for their specialized skills.1
In time, such advantages would transform what started out as a simple
trading company into an entity that would challenge the very meaning of the nation‐
state, redefining the role and shape of sovereignty not just for its own space, but for
the Indian subcontinent as a whole and the British imperial project itself.
Indeed, as Barbara Metcalf stated, it would be in India where, shaped by the
East India Company’s presence in the subcontinent, “Britain developed many of the
institutions of the ‘modern’ state, among which none was to be more crucial than
the joint stock corporation.”2 Again, capitalism and nationhood developed as one.
According to Nicholas Dirks: “From the late sixteenth century at least, English
preoccupations with nationhood were largely reactive, vitally linked as they were to
travel in and experience of other worlds beyond Europe.”3 The very elements of
British national/spatial identity, therefore, developed and matured along with its
own imperial project.
The concept of the nation‐state, like any other imagined construct, is subject
to modification, mutation, and variation in line with changing cultural attitudes,
political and economic forces, and social norms, amongst other influential elements.
To a certain degree, the principle element of what is known as a modern nation state
has remained constant since its conceptual genesis with the Peace of Westphalia in
1 Barbara Metcalf, A Concise History of Modern India, (Cambridge University Press, 2001)
P. 44
2 Ibid.
3 Nicholas B. Dirks, The Scandal of Empire: India and the Creation of Imperial Britain,
(Harvard University Press, 2006) P. 204
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1648 up to the end of the Second World War. This core element is that of an
defined and bound by the rule of law and the sovereignty of space. Such
characteristics served to create a definable and homogenizing Self, or citizenry, with
varying degrees of political agency but subject to centralized structures of power.
Westphalia also established another defining aspect to nationhood: recognition of
sovereignty by peers. This would serve as the prototype for the international system
and international law.
Such a socio‐political entity is by its very definition an exclusionary one and
requires a strong political body to maintain the necessary policies to ensure social
(i.e. political) and economic stability. In the case of the East India Company, its
sovereignty was ensured by its economic stranglehold, its manipulation of internal
rivalries between the successor principalities of the Mughal Empire and the
Maharatas, and later, by open conquest with its standing military, in a behavioral
pattern that has been compared by Nicholas Dirks to a rogue state: “What was
supposed to have been a trading company with an eastern monopoly vested by
Parliament had become a rogue state: waging war, administering justice, minting
coin, and collecting revenue over Indian territory.”4
Control of these key points of social and economic stability that the East India
Company had come to dominate is a fundamental issue to the viability of the
concept of sovereignty. Antonio Gramsci once wrote, while theorizing about
possible future forms of capitalist States, that at one point the line between the
4 Ibid. P. 13
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public/social and private/economic spheres would become progressively blurred,
until any form of differentiation between the corporate and the governmental would
be completely obliterated. According to Gramsci:
If it is true that no type of state can avoid passing through
a phase of economic‐corporate primitivism, it may be
deduced that the content of the political hegemony of the
new social group which has founded the new type of state
must be predominantly of an economic order: what is
involved is the reorganization of the structure and the
real relations between men and the world of the economy
or of production.5
In order to understand the link between the kind of sovereignty that the East
India Company secured and the structural makeup of what constitutes the latest
incarnation of the nation‐state in a contemporary context, I believe that it is
important to further analyze the concept of what Gramsci called “economic‐
corporate primitivism” and its current relevance. Currently, this concept can be
directly tied to actual globalized, deregulated capitalism and its entrenched relation
to the political. The “primitivism” is in actuality the fleshing out of capitalism to its
purest, rawest form, exemplified by policies such as total deregulation of the
market, the reduction of higher education to a marketable ideology, the dismantling
of the Welfare State, and the kind of practices that author and journalist Naomi Klein
refers to as “shock capitalism”. One can argue that the earliest forms of such a policy
5 David Forgacs, (Ed.), The Antonio Gramsci Reader, Selected Writings 19161935, (New York
University Press, 200). P. 237
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were practiced by imperial powers in one shape or another in their colonial spheres
of control pioneered, in the case of the British Empire, by the East Indian Company.
The East India Company had two fronts to deal with when shoring up its
sovereignty: the local political dynamics of post‐Mughal India (including the early
involvement of the French) and the political maneuverings of Parliament. On the
home front, political favor was necessary do to the joint‐stock nature of the
company (making it an early example of a public‐private alliance) was secured with
a subvention payment of £400,000 a year. According to Nicholas Dirks, this
subvention was “in part a massive bribe to Parliament to maintain the Company
monopoly, but it was also a compromise to stem the force of the assault on the
Company from the Chatham Ministry, concerned as it was with the statelike
character of the company.”6
The Indian subcontinent was a different affair. After the Battle of Buxar,
fought on the 23 of October 1764, English domination of eastern India was secured.
After 1765, the Company was no longer on a subservient relationship to a powerful
political entity as had been the case with the Mughal Empire at its height in the 17th
century, or merely playing competing princesses off each other. The EIC was able to
exercise true sovereignty. Barbara and Thomas Metcalf wrote:
No longer able to keep up the pretence that they were
mere traders, in 1765, by a treaty with the Mughal
emperor, in return for an annual tribute the Company
secured the diwani, or revenue collecting rights, for the
6 Op. Cit. Dirks, P. 14
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provinces of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. Legally, this
made the Company the emperor’s deputy as revenue
minister, a position they retained until 1858. The
administration of justice, or nizamat, was left to the
nawab. In form Bengal remained a Mughal province.7
While at first glance it seemed that the Mughal Emperor retained political
and judicial power over his territories, the truth was another matter: “In fact,
however, it was wholly under the control of the East India Company, for neither the
emperor in Delhi nor the figurehead nawab exercised any independent authority
over the region.”8 In other words, a private company held true sovereign power
through control of revenue, law and military force. The East India Company had
become a fully functioning State, although this sovereignty was checked by its
official role as a proxy of a larger imperial project. Yet it was the EIC and not the
imperial metropolis, with its actual control of the territory and its economy that
shaped Britain’s imperial project. In reality it was this corporate State that defined
the latter nature of the British Empire.
This is how the company continued to shore up its control over the methods
of generating wealth and the means to secure its hegemony. It isn’t difficult to
ascertain why, even in its own time, the company was perceived and derided by
some as a de facto State. The undisputed sovereignty of the Company was in a large
part predicated on what Gramsci calls a “level of development of the material forces
7 Op. Cit, Metcalf, P. 53
8 Ibid.
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of production9” as basis for social groupings. Such groupings are, of course, the
origins of societal hierarchy in both the political (organized structures of power)
and economical (the control of means of production and wealth). If we follow
Gramsci’s observations, a close reading of Metcalf illustrates these forces quite
clearly:
Part of the reason for Britain’s success too lies, quite
simply, in the fact that after 1757, by its conquest of
Bengal, the East India Company had gained control of
India’s richest province. This gave the resources to
dominate the other players in the continuing contests
among India’s regional states. With a larger revenue
base, the Company could field a larger army than its
Indian rivals, and organize a more efficient state
structure.10
Gramsci argued that the study of such conditions could reveal the nature of
societal transformations. Aspects of material production in societal transformation,
on a variety of levels, as Gramsci described, are responsible for the corporatization
of the nation‐state and the creation of its immediate prototype, the corporation as a
sovereign power.
successors to the East India Company, have arguably turned major powers into
appendages to existing financial interests, and lesser states into national‐scale
9 Op. Cit. Forgacs, P. 204.
10 Op. Cit. Metcalf, P. 55
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fiefdoms and client states. By doing so, the question of sovereignty is once again
revisited. The change to a post‐Fordian, post‐industrial knowledge‐based economy
within the globalized network of instant communications on the developed world,
and to the subversion of the sovereignty of other States in order to keep such
developing countries purposely stagnated as sources of cheap labor, has only sped
up those societal transformations, safeguarded by supranational entities such as the
International Monetary Fund. Capital continues to dictate national and foreign
policy.
This clear interdependency between the social and economic structures of
world has further diffused the lines between what constitutes the political and the
private economic spheres of the modern liberal state in an unprecedented way. As
previously stated, the nature of globalized neo‐liberal policies has created a hybrid
were the traditional roles of governance reserved for the State, including domestic
and foreign policy, and the modes of capital production and the creation of wealth
have become indistinguishable from one another.
Could we then argue that, if the East India Company bought its sovereignty as
we’ve previously established, then its very creation would serve to inspire the
future template not only for the multinational corporation, but for the corporatized
nation‐state as well? To a certain extent yes, we can argue precisely that. The East
India Company was hugely important in a truly global way. It opened the Indian
subcontinent to English expansion and, after the loss of its American colonies,
provided a renewed impetus for territorial and economic expansion that not only
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paved the way for the British Empire, but also to the colonial experience that would
lead to a formation of English identity and the framework for the Indian State. While
sovereign way, they are still subject to localized regulation and control. Similarly, in
times of financial hardships, modern day corporations follow what the EIC did in
times of need, and ask for a bailout. In the days of the corporatized nation‐state,
such bailouts are essentially a sure thing if we consider the modus operandi of
private enterprise lobbies and the massive influence that they exert on the political
spectrum, to the point of compromising the very notion of governance itself.
The economic component is, of course, a foundational element to the very
concept of the nation‐state. One must acknowledge that the modern nation‐state
Negri goes on to state that the very nature of the nation‐state is an essential part of
the modernist project in combination with the expanding role of capital and the
maturity of the capitalist system. To Negri, the notion of the Hobbsian social
contract is “forged on capital”11. As the crisis of the world market accelerates, the
economic models of capital accumulation and power dynamics. This is the nexus of
balancing act defined by a series of complex societal structures. These societal
structures are key to understanding the shift to the corporatized nation‐state
schema, and makes the study of the East India Company extremely relevant.
11 Michael Hardt & Antonio Negri, Empire (Harvard University Press, 200).
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Is the fusion of the corporate and the political the new face of the sovereign,
only on a global scale? Or will this lead to further deterioration of the prevailing
concept of the enclosed, Westphalian sovereign nation‐state space into something
totally different? One can only guess at the current time, but what it is clear is that
the shape of our world, not just India or Great Britain, will continue to be haunted by
the shadow of the original corporate nation‐state.
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Annotated Bibliography
This paper utilized five books as primary sources that cover various subjects
relevant to its subject matter. They range from a general history of modern India to
the history and workings of the East India Company and, to a certain extent, the
nature of globalization.
There is, of course, a vast amount of material available about the subject of
British Imperialism, globalization and the East India Company. However this paper
is targeted at a specific aspect of the EIC, specifically as a precursor to modern‐day
models of the nation‐state and public‐private hybridity, and is not an in‐depth study
of the Corporation or British dominion over India.
The texts utilized were the following:
I. Dirks, Nicholas B., The Scandal of Empire: India and the Creation of Imperial
Britain, (Harvard University Press, 2006).
This book was utilized as a direct reference in order to properly understand
the implications of the Corporation on the historical development of both Britain
and India. The term scandal visits the recurrent theme of perceived “orientalization
of governance” that lead to a crisis of confidence from Parliament and even
threatened the very existence of the Corporation. It is also a reference to the relation
between Empire and scandal, a point that Dirks makes clear repeatedly.
Certain specific parts of the book were utilized: the first chapter, “Scandal”,
the fifth and sixth chapters, “Sovereignty” and “State”, and the final chapter,
“Empire”. The information utilized mainly concerned the formation of the Company.
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II. Forgacs, David (Ed.), The Antonio Gramsci Reader, Selected Writings 19161935,
(New York University Press, 2000).
Antonio Gramsci’s work has been rediscovered as of late. This is not
surprising if we consider the growing interest in anarchism and neo‐marxism that
has been resurgent in Leftist academia as of late. Gramsci’s importance resides in his
thoughtful analysis of systems, from cultural to political to economical. In the
context of this work Gramsci’s theoretical approaches presciently point towards late
capitalism’s growing hybridity with the corporate elements of laissez faire neo‐
liberalism. As such, Gramsci’s work has taken renewed importance on both the local
and international levels of the study of the State.
III. Hardt, Michael & Antonio Negri, Empire (Harvard University Press, 2000)
Hardt and Negri are inheritors of the Italian Autonomist school of Marxist
thought, where their source of inspiration for the concept of the multitude, Paulo
growing supranational nature of capital in a globalized model of neo‐liberal
capitalism that is, ironically, shaped by populist neo‐nationalism. Hardt and Negri’s
analysis of globalization was important in elaborating the concept of the
corporatized nation‐state, as well as establishing the direct correlation between
capitalism and nationalism.
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IV. Metcalf, Barbara D., A Concise History of Modern India, (Cambridge University
Press, 2001).
It is necessary to understand the historical context of modern India in order
to discuss the British imperial experience. Without understanding the vacuum of
power that the disintegrating Moghul Empire or the quarrelling Maharatas from
East India that allowed for the penetration and eventual domination of the East
India Company. This book also has a very precise background to the Company.
V. Robins, Nick, The Corporation that Changed the World; How the East India
Company Shaped the Modern Multinational, (Pluto Press, 2006).
While Nicholas B. Dirks’s book was more directly related to general aspects
of governance and empire of the East India Company, Nick Robins’s The Corporation
that Changed the World covers a more economic history of the Company, including
painstakingly detailed analysis on the inner workings of the East India Company.
This book brought a deeper layer of detail that fleshed out and explained the
corporate aspects of the company in an accessible way, while laying bare the direct
connections between the East India Company and the modern multinational
corporation.
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