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MANAGING DIVERSITY IN SINGAPORE

Policies and Prospects
Copyright © 2016 by Imperial College Press
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9”x6” b2351 Managing Diversity in Singapore
PREFACE
This edited volume was conceived back in 2011 when four of us, who
were then part of the Society and Identity cluster at the Institute of Policy
Studies (IPS), met to discuss future projects. Because we came from a
range of disciplines — Chiang Wai Fong, an anthropologist, Faizal Yahya,
a political economist, Quek Guan Cheng, an educationist and Mathew
Mathews, a sociologist, we quickly gravitated to the buzz word, “diver-
sity”, which was a concept common in all of our respective disciplines.
Since we were located in a policy institute, we were also well aware that
our roles were not merely to explicate on the realities of diversity but also
to examine the governance of this diversity. This is why we then scoped
our project to focus on the management issues related to diversity.
Our then Director, Ambassador Ong Keng Yong was interested in our
proposal to put together this volume primarily because he felt that this
information would be useful for the many outside Singapore who look to
Singapore’s model’s relative success at dealing with heterogeneity in the
population. We are very thankful for Amb Ong’s support and hope that
this volume would, in a modest way, contribute to a critical understanding
of diversity issues in Singapore. While the chapter writers have docu-
mented how Singapore’s management strategies on various fronts of
diversity management have proven to be successful, they have also pointed
out areas where such strategies have, in their opinion, not produced the
best outcomes. Such critical review is indeed useful as Singapore society
strives to become progressive and inclusive.
Mr Janadas Devan, the current Director of IPS continued his support
for this project. We are grateful for his help and comments during an early
workshop based on contributions from this book.
It has been a number of years before this edited volume could be
finally completed. We are appreciative of all the authors who kindly
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b2351 Managing Diversity in Singapore 9”x6”
vi Preface
contributed to this volume and stuck through the editing process. While
the chapters have been updated whenever possible to incorporate newer
developments, the main arguments proposed by the authors often
reflect their views at the start of the project. In some cases, changes in
government policies have addressed many of the issues which they
surfaced. As such, some discussion of how diversity has been managed

are historical facts that allow us to have a more complete picture of the
processes of management.
We appreciate the scholars and policy makers who reviewed the book
chapters. They provided useful comments which helped our chapter writ-
ers balance their arguments at times. We do not provide their names here
as some preferred to be anonymous — but we thank all of them for their
generous efforts.
Our assistants at the institute provided much support in organising
workshops, editing, and writing literature reviews, all of which allowed us
to complete this manuscript. Our special thanks to Danielle Hong, Zhou
Rongchen and Wong Fung Shing for their assistance.
Leong Wenshan provided much needed help with proof reading while
Dr Gillian Koh and Mr Christopher Gee assisted us with the publication
process in their respective tenures as IPS Publication coordinators.
We also appreciate the assistance of Sandhya Venkatesh and her team
at World Scientific Press and Imperial College Press, who helped with the
production of this edited volume.
Mathew Mathews
Chiang Wai Fong
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CONTENTS
Preface v
Introduction: Diversity in Singapore:

Historical Foundations and Current Realities xi
Mathew Mathews
Section One Manifestations and Management of Multicultural

Singapore — Race, Language and Religion 1
Chapter 1 Navigating Disconnects and Divides in Singapore’s
Cultural Diversity 3
Lai Ah Eng and Mathew Mathews
Chapter 2 Singlish as Style: Implications for

Language Policy 41
Lionel Wee Hock Ann
Chapter 3 Keeping Harmony in Singapore: An Examination

of the Inter-racial and Religious Confidence
Circles (IRCCs) in Singapore 65
Mathew Mathews and Danielle Hong
Chapter 4 The Management of New Religious Movements

in Singapore 85
Shane Pereira
vii
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viii Contents
Section Two New Tensions when Global Meets Local:

Social Class, Liveable Space, Bicultural
Ideologies, and New Media Forms 119
Chapter 5 Two Stories on Class in Singapore:
Diversity or Division? 121
Tan Ern Ser and Tan Min Wei
Chapter 6 Which Class and What Squeezes? Relationships

with Well-being, National Pride and Inequality 143
Ho Kong Weng
Chapter 7 Creating a Liveable City for Whom? A Critical

Examination of Singapore’s Recent Urban
Transformation 173
Pow Choon-Piew
Chapter 8 Are We There Yet? A Review of the Bicultural

Studies Programme 189
Chiang Wai Fong and Low Yen Yen
Chapter 9 Regulating the Big and Micro Screens:

Managing Censorship in Films and YouTube
in Singapore 217
Liew Kai Khiun
Section Three Diversity in the Cross Sections of Society:

Workplace, Family, and the Armed Forces 241
Chapter 10 Transmigrants and the Flow of Human Capital:
Wither Integration? 243
Faizal Bin Yahya
Chapter 11 Singapore Families: Stability and Diversity

in Challenging Times 265
Stella R. Quah
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Contents ix
Chapter 12 National Service: The Holy Grail in the

Management of Social Diversity 299
Leong Chan-Hoong, Yang Wai Wai
and Jerrold Hong
Conclusion 329
Chiang Wai Fong
About the Contributors 343

Index 349
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INTRODUCTION: DIVERSITY
IN SINGAPORE: HISTORICAL
FOUNDATIONS AND CURRENT

REALITIES
Mathew Mathews
GENESIS OF DIVERSITY
Emile Durkheim (1893/1933), often credited for the founding of the
academic discipline of sociology was particularly concerned about how
diversity affected the functioning of society. Based on his observations,
before wide-scale industrialisation became common in most urban centres,
societies were marked with relatively high levels of homogeneity. Those
who shared a space in these pre-modern societies were part of the same
economy and tended to be homogeneous on many fronts — ethnically,
linguistically, religiously, and in the norms and values that they embraced.
Even when there were clear differences between members of these socie-
ties — notably age and gender — there were well accepted cultural pre-
scriptions for how these differences had to be dealt with.
Modern society on the other hand, according to Durkheim, is marked
with high levels of differentiation, a characteristic that arose as a result of
the specialisation of labour during economic industrialisation.
Theoretically, this differentiation does not necessitate a loss of social
cohesion in societies. Greater differentiation actually means that people
are increasingly mutually interdependent; without cooperating with one
another, they are not able to fulfil their own individual needs. In reality
though, based on Durkheim’s observations, modern societies have low
xi
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xii Mathew Mathews
levels of social cohesion. For Durkheim, this was because modern socie-
ties lacked a collective conscience, a solidarity based on common values
which was common in pre-modern societies. The high levels of diversity
in these societies have thrown the system into confusion in terms of the
norms that are needed to regulate behaviour.
Confronting diversities of various kinds is an integral part of everyday

life in modern/postmodern societies. Vertovec (2012) traces the history of
affirmative action in the United States. Addressing the injustices experi-
enced by African Americans, who experienced substantial discrimination,
through legal means, became an important priority. A slew of initiatives

seeking to ensure proportional representation of African Americans in
educational institutions and workplaces, and subsequently other minority
groups and women, were pursued. When subsequent US administrations
became uneasy about affirmative action policies, the discourse shifted to
diversity. It is no longer about having policies to obtain a certain represen-
tation of people in a sector; it is now about developing an organisational
culture that is appreciative of the different experiences that follows a
diverse workforce.
CATEGORISING DIVERSITY
While race, and later gender, featured prominently in discussions of diver-
sity in the United States and the immigration situation in Europe (Bell and
Hartmann, 2007; Lentin and Titley, 2008), the contemporary discourse
around diversity went beyond these to a plethora of categories that socie-
ties tried to be mindful of. These include: “race, gender, ethnicity, culture,
social class, religious beliefs, sexual orientations, mental ability, physical
ability, psychological ability, veteran or military status, marital status,
state of residence, nationality, perspectives, insights, backgrounds, experi-
ences, age, education level, cultural and personal perspectives, viewpoints
and opinions” (Vertovec, 2012, pp. 295–296). In diversity management
textbooks, the dimensions of difference are either ‘‘fixed’’ or ‘‘fluid’’
(Lituin, 1997; Lorbiecki and Gavin, 2000). The former refers to differ-
ences that are inborn or immutable such as age, gender, race, physical
abilities or disabilities, while the latter denotes those differences that are
amenable to change such as educational attainment, religious belief, work
experience, ideological stances and tastes.
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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xiii
Although most of the discussions on diversity centre on social and

cultural diversity, this discourse of diversity also extends to various insti-
tutions such as the family. While anthropologists will be quick to point
out that there were multiple arrangements of family in pre-modern socie-
ties, the traditional family structure has been idealised, at least in
Western society for the last few centuries, and Asian societies in the
more recent century. However, social changes in the post-1960s era have
resulted in increasing diversity of family forms in many Western nations.
There is a departure from the dominance of the traditional, two-parent,
heterosexual family. In many of these societies, most adults no longer

live in a co-resident nuclear family (Hill, 1995). The first-married, het-
erosexual family is now one among many other alternative family
structures.
Prominently, the institution of welfare in many societies is also
becoming diversified. Welfare states, where governments traditionally
provided welfare, no longer operate as a single monolith. Rather, social
welfare and healthcare can be obtained from four different sectors — “the
statutory, the voluntary, the commercial and the informal” (Hatch and
Mocroft, 1983, p. 2). Welfare pluralism means that users are offered a
choice between alternative services in a pluralised market of services
(Barnes and Walker, 1996).
To further complicate matters, there is sometimes ‘‘conceptual chaos’’
when notions of diversity are applied in some disciplines (Lees, 2003,
p. 621). In urban planning for instance, there is great ambiguity. The
application of diversity can include not only the characteristics of people
who are part of a settlement, but also can refer to architecture, products,
lifestyles, land uses, job opportunities, amenities, services, and arts — all
of which define diversity in urban spaces.
GOAL OF DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT

Clearly, the term ‘‘diversity’’ has been stretched widely and has under-
gone a ‘‘semantic bleaching’’ (Modan, 2008, p. 210). But whether it is
societal, cultural, institutional or other ambiguous notions of diversity,
there is much reason to take this concept seriously. Diversity is a driver
for change, and ‘‘the word is used to promote some unspecified social
good” (Modan, 2008, p. 210). It is widely agreed that the ambiguity and
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xiv Mathew Mathews
elasticity of diversity invokes an aspirational element that provides hope

and security (Lentin and Titley, 2008).
Among the most significant aspirations that we have when we think
about diversity is that of social inclusion. Diversity management policies
were formulated so that the previously excluded — such as people with
disabilities, women and racial minorities — would no longer be excluded

from important spheres of society. The adaptation of institutions, such as
the family, education system, urban spaces and welfare provision, to
accommodate more visions of how processes within it should be organ-
ised have further brought about greater inclusion.
HISTORY OF DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT

IN SINGAPORE
Modern Singapore’s history as an entrepôt trade centre in the 19th cen-
tury resulted in European and Asian merchants as well as migrants from
China, India and the Indonesian archipelago settling in Singapore. Since
the British colonial administration was unconcerned about building a
nation, they had little incentive to oversee the integration of the diverse
population. Instead they developed racial categories to organise the
population, carve out separate living spaces for the different groups and
appoint leaders over the different communities (Goh, 2008). Having
inherited an ethnically diverse society in 1965, the newly elected People’s
Action Party (PAP) government, sensitised to the delicate nature of race
relations in Malaysia and Singapore based on the historical events that
unfolded, embarked on a nation-building project centred on the principles
of multiculturalism (Lai, 2004). At the core of Singapore’s policies for
diversity management has been its vision of ensuring equality among
Singaporeans despite their innate diversity. The multicultural system of
management ensured that the primary ethnic groups — designated as
Chinese, Malay, Indian and Others, or better known as the CMIO
model — are accorded equal treatment within the national space, be it
in terms of economic participation, education or religious and cultural
expression and practice (Hill and Lian, 1995). Rather than the domina-
tion of a single national culture, multiculturalism acknowledges, embraces
and even emphasises the importance of the diversity of ethnic cultural
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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xv
heritage and practices of the various groups to achieve a cohesive society

(Owen, 2005; Reitz, Phan and Banerjee, 2009; Yancey, Ericksen and
Juliani, 1976). The aim is to foster better understanding of differences
through promoting cultural exposure and cross-cultural interaction, so that
members of society will be better equipped to negotiate cultural diversity
(Owen, 2005).
These ideas percolate various policies that structure contemporary
Singapore society. The Singapore government has managed Singapore’s
multicultural landscape through instituting various measures, such as
legislation and education, to ensure that Singapore remains a vibrant and

harmonious society. The state does not believe that harmony is organic
or natural; it is always necessary to intervene in managing the differ-
ences in society. The racial riots in 1964 and 1969 are constantly evoked
as a reminder of the need for a powerful state to intervene in societal
affairs through various means outlined above. State leaders often credit
Singapore’s social strategy in ensuring the success of the city-state. When
Deputy Prime Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam was asked by renowned
CNN host Fareed Zakaria about the ingredients of Singapore’s success, he
was quick to point out how Singapore had taken “advantage of diversity,
different races, different religions, and melded a nation where people were
proud of being who they were but were Singaporean first and foremost”
(“Singapore 50 years after independence: Forum with Tharman
Shanmugaratnam at St Gallen Symposium”, 2015). In fact, he quipped
that the most interventionist of Singapore’s social policies were the pro-
grammes which were most important in Singapore’s success. One such
policy is the Ethnic Integration Policy, which ensures ethnic balances in
housing estates (Zakaria, 2015).
GLOBALISATION AND ITS IMPACT ON DIVERSITY

Singapore’s success at managing its social diversity has been well publi-
cised internationally. In reality though, managing diversity remains a
work in progress, with new challenges constantly testing Singapore’s abil-
ity to harness the strength of her diverse population while mitigating nega-
tive social consequences. In recent decades, Singapore has situated herself
on the highway of global flows by embracing cosmopolitanism in its
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xvi Mathew Mathews
totality, inclusive of a vibrant economy, good jobs, cultural liveliness,

artistic creativity, social innovation, good schools, technological advances,
museums, good food, fun places, efficient public transport and safe streets
(Goh, 1996). Such a vision has been carefully mapped out since the late
1990s with a “slew of government policies and control measures” through
investing in both hard and soft infrastructure and ensuring that both the
physical landscape and its people are equipped to compete in the global
economy (Yeoh, 2004, p. 2435). Such a “state-driven, state-engineered,
neo-liberal globalization project” produced notions of Singapore as a
Renaissance City, which helps to attract and retain foreign talent

(HistorySG, 2000). Besides the creation of a physical landscape,
Singaporeans must also be fused into the cosmopolis culture, and this can
be done through nurturing a “quality of the mind” that inspires them to
“go global” and “able to plug and play with confidence in the global
economy” (Yeoh, 2004, p. 2436; Singapore 21 Committee, 1999).
Such a rhetoric raises a challenge — the diversity that comes with a
cosmopolitan city conflicts with “the hegemonic narratives of ethnicity
and race”, which are foundations of Singapore’s nation building efforts
(Yeoh, 2004, p. 2442). Consequently, national ideals of multiculturalism
require individuals to subscribe to a clear, declared “unchanging ethnic
identity” which makes management of ethnic relations problematic (Yeoh,
2004, p. 2442).
The global within the city has thrust Singapore into a state of
“superdiversity”. Coined by Vertovec, such a condition is “distinguished
by a dynamic interplay of variables among an increased number of
new, small and scattered, multiple-origin, transnationally connected,
socio-economically differentiated and legally stratified” society (2007,
p. 1024). More specifically, this change has been brought about by
accommodating different residential statuses and their corresponding
entitlements or restrictions of rights and labour market allocations. This,
coupled with the demographic diversity within people of different resi-
dential statuses, intensifies the extent of diversity within Singapore. The
present challenge is to understand the new variations in “assemblage
and juxtaposition” which would lead to nuanced notions of diversity
(2007, p. 1025).
In cities of superdiversity, there is a need to pay attention to the pro-
cess of transnationalism. The role of immigrants as catalysts that effect
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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xvii
changes in the social, political and economic structures, and community

ties are also important to note. Clearly, the presence of migrants leads to
processes of diversification and stratification which raises questions and
challenges regarding rights of different groups in society.
In recent years, Singapore’s ability to handle the influx of new immi-
grants has come under scrutiny. This is partly due to multiple high-profile
incidents that involved foreigners, the increasing strain on the infrastruc-
ture and economy felt by locals, and the government’s Population White
Paper published in 2013 which attracted a lot of criticism and even a
public protest at Hong Lim Park.

Around the end of 2012, Singaporeans were confronted with reports
of strikes by foreign Chinese workers. The last case of an industrial strike
was more than two decades ago. The SMRT bus service strike was a major
one, followed by another strike by two crane operators who are also from
China. In the first incident, Singapore was condemned by a non-govern-
ment organisation Human Rights Watch, who asked for the workers to be
released and for Singapore to pay closer attention to the needs of its tran-
sient workers (“Singapore: Drop Charges Against Bus Strike Leaders”,
2012; “Singapore urged to drop charges against strike drivers”, 2012).
At the end of 2013, angry Indian migrant workers overturned and
burned police cars and emergency vehicles along Race Course Road (Neo,
2013). In 2014, Caucasian expatriate Anton Casey posted a controversial
video in which he called public transport users poor, while flaunting his
expensive car. Casey was deemed to have insulted many Singaporeans
who took public transport (Ho, 2014). Later that year, there was an uproar
over the intentions of Filipinos to celebrate their independence day in the
heart of Singapore’s iconic Orchard Road (Tan, 2014). Negative senti-
ments about Filipinos were further fuelled when a Filipino nurse wrote
on his Facebook page that Singaporeans were losers and that Filipinos
would take over the country. (Neo, 2015). The uproar that resulted from
these episodes had similar elements; they reflected the deep unhappiness
Singaporeans felt towards the government’s liberal immigration policy,
which was believed to have contributed to these problems.
Evidently, Singapore’s ability to deal with diversity, especially those
posed by immigration, is still lacking. The vocabulary with which such
issues have been articulated, especially in social media, pits locals against
foreigners and fuels feelings of national pride. In fact, social media
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xviii Mathew Mathews
platforms such as the now defunct The Real Singapore (which was
ordered by Singaporean authorities to be discontinued) took advantage of
such a positioning and sought to further the rift by altering news articles
to contain statements which would heighten locals suspicions of foreign-
ers (Au-Yong, 2015). Nonetheless, there have been mature responses to
the issues; there are those who go beyond primordial sentiments to adopt
a more humanist language calling for greater respect regardless of nation-
ality and encouraging netizens to disaggregate errant individuals from
their racial or nationality background.
DIVERSITY OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE

Other than issues on nationalism and sovereignty, these incidents also
highlight the increasing economic disparity in Singapore society today.
In fact, the Anton Casey incident came right after discussions on insti-
tuting a poverty line in Singapore. Undoubtedly, there is a growing
recognition of class diversity and more importantly, of those who are
struggling in the system. A discourse about the “invisible poor” and the
“working poor”, for instance, has emerged, with commentators calling
for a redefinition of our understanding of poverty (Chan and Basu,
2013; Leyl, 2014; Aziz, 2013; Nair, 2014; Benner, 2013).
The prominence of counter arguments to official rhetoric points to
existing diversity in opinions and outlook amongst its population.
Singapore has always had voices of dissent (Chua, 2014). Singaporeans
who have studied and worked abroad in developed countries with liberal
political systems and different cultural values, for instance, have differing
opinions from the government. With the democratisation of social media,
individuals or groups with varying ideological positions are able to air
their views with relative freedom. The social media boom has had massive
implications on the socio-political landscape in Singapore. Studies have
shown that those who previously did not agree with the state preferred to
remain silent rather than speak up (Leong, 2000). This is despite the rising
desire to have their political views heard (Ooi, Tan and Koh, 1999, p. 132).
With online platforms such as blogs and Facebook, Singaporeans have
found an avenue to express their political thoughts freely. In 2007, there
were around 862,000 bloggers and 958,000 blog readers (Feng, 2007).
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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xix
The Internet has contoured the views of the younger generation, who
are normally more critical of status quo, less likely to vote for the PAP,
more likely to consume political content, and more likely to see govern-
ment control of media and bias in reporting compared to older persons
(Tan, Mahizhnan and Ang, 2011).
The Internet has promoted political development worldwide by reduc-

ing the costs of social and political engagement (Best and Dautrich, 2003).
This is exemplified in Singapore in recent years, as seen from the
Population White Paper protests; the vigorous discourse on the rights of
Muslim women to don the tudung in uniformed services; and how neti-
zens have sought accountability from various public office such as the
National Parks Board on its procurement processes. All of these issues
were promoted and actively pursued using online platforms. Skoric,
Ying and Ng (2009) suggest that the Internet provides a “feeling of
togetherness which may help mobilise politically inactive citizens ….
Furthermore, strong online bonding ties may alleviate the fears associ-
ated with attending political rallies, speaking publicly about politics or
joining political parties, which certainly represent barriers to traditional
political participation in Singapore” (2009, p. 427).
The diversity in public discourse in Singapore has also been fuelled
by the proliferation of civil society groups, which also utilise online
platforms to promote their views. They, in addition to the opposition
politicians, provide a wider range of perspectives to issues. The preva-
lence of online petitions, social media sites such as Facebook, Twitter,
Instagram and blogs, as well as alternative news sites, are signs of an
increasing democratisation of public discourse. It is quite clear that a
burgeoning educated middle class has contributed to the shift to a society
which values individualism, autonomy and self-expression, as antici-
pated by modernisation scholars. Using results from the World Values
Survey, Inglehart and Welzel (2005) highlighted that as national econo-
mies grew out of the need to merely survive and are mature enough to
provide their citizens with the Maslovian fundamentals, its people will
become more involved in the political discourse and place more impor-
tance on self-expression.
No doubt, the confounding of factors have resulted in a more diverse
and complex Singapore society. How the government and society reacts to
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xx Mathew Mathews
this complex landscape should certainly be a matter of interest for schol-

arly reflections.
SCOPE OF BOOK
The chapters in this book are written by scholars who are interested in
exploring the notions of diversity and how it has affected various institu-
tions in Singapore. The chapters reflect the fact that 50 years after
Singapore’s independence, the number of areas where diversity is pro-
foundly apparent remains copious, and its manifestations more varied.

They also reflect that the management of diversity is increasingly com-
plex. While state policies in earlier years were focused on promoting
uniformity for ease of management, current discourses on diversity
management recognise that a one-fit-all solution is not sufficient.
Singapore’s ability to maintain global competitiveness as an economic
hub for many industries is partly dependant on its ability to satisfy the
concerns of a diverse population and its consistency in being compas-
sionate, morally upright, and ensuring social inclusion in its management
of diversity.
Section I: Manifestations & Management of Multicultural

Singapore — Race, Language and Religion
The chapters are split into three broad areas. The first section examines
the existing racial, linguistic and religious diversity in multicultural
Singapore. The chapters emphasise the management of these differences
by both the state and non-state actors and considers some of the new con-
cerns that are pertinent in this landscape.
Regular contact between groups can either reduce prejudicial feelings
and increase respect, or have no effect at all on cultural exchanges
(Hewstone and Brown, 1986; Amin, 2002). Conversely, close contact
could instead exacerbate animosities, fears and competition. However,
since urban governance necessitates intercultural interaction, the question
lies in how to ease the friction between different groups. City life and
communalism can be contradictory; while there is the “desire for the
security of a home” amidst the “inevitability of migration, change and
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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xxi
conflict”, some “kind of commonality” also has to be inculcated (Donald,

1999, p. 145).
Singapore’s practice of hard multiculturalism — where the rights of
minorities are protected through institutionally recognising cultural differ-
ences in the public sphere — necessitates constant negotiation to deal with
inevitable friction caused by diversity. To reach a consensus, the context

of the banal everyday interaction must be looked at for “some basis of
dialogue” (Sandercock and Attili, 2008, p. 202).
In the case of Singapore, the influx of immigrants in the past decade
has seen several highly publicised events where religious, ethnic, and
cultural sensitivities have been infringed. The chapter by Lai and Mathews
delves into some of the current challenges in cultural diversity that exist
today through discussing several high-profile incidents. These incidents
include (1) a Facebook post complaining of the Muslim azan (call to
prayer) being broadcasted in a MacDonald’s outlet; (2) a Bollywood-
themed dinner and dance event; (3) a posting of a young PAP member
questioning whether Muslim kindergarten children wearing headscarves
would be future terrorists; and (4) the “curry incident” where a local
Indian family could cook curry only when their Chinese immigrant neigh-
bours were not at home. These events are selected as they garnered high
media attention and were widely discussed by the public over the last few
years. The chapter moves on from the tensions highlighted to how they are
articulated along majority-minority and local-foreign lines. By doing so,
it allows closer analysis on how these tensions are negotiated, managed or
resolved by the various stakeholders. This helps to better identify the
prized societal values and principles as well as approaches of inter-group
negotiation in Singapore.
There is an increasingly concentrated effort in handling conflicts that
are inevitable in Singapore, as a result of new cultures being introduced
by migrants of diverse ethnicities and fears of religious terrorism and
fundamentalism. Religion, a strong marker of identity, is a calculated
risk in need of constant governance. As such, while hard measures such
as the law, censorship and policing are consistently employed, soft meas-
ures such as education and community networks are also seen as instru-
mental pre-emptive initiatives for possible intercultural and religious
conflicts.
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xxii Mathew Mathews
Mathew and Hong’s chapter on the Inter-Racial and Religious

Confidence Circles (IRCCs) is situated in such a context. The IRCC initia-
tive is an example of a soft pre-emptive measure to curb conflicts and
provide a ready structure and network in times of crises. This would be
done through creating and maintaining constituency-level platforms for
strengthening community engagement, specifically between religious

and community leaders, to create trust and confidence. Such a network
would in turn contribute to more effective mediation of everyday life
racial and/or religious tensions.
Through in-depth interviews with 17 IRCC chairmen and leaders, the

study aims at understanding the initiative through their lenses. It addresses
several research questions, namely: (1) how useful is the initiative to them
personally and to the community, as well as (2) what major disjuncture are
there between the ideal state-driven goals of the IRCCs and the on-the-
ground practices both in planning and execution.
While the state often engages mainstream religious groups through
the IRCC, the Inter Religious Organisation (IRO) and other platforms,
new religious movements (NRMs) are seldom incorporated. This is
despite their growing prominence in the local religious scene, although no
official statistics provide details about the number of adherents of NRMs.
Pereira’s chapter on the management of NRM contributes to the under-
standing of how the state manages such groups. He highlights the use of
“direct and indirect legislation and a wide array of policies and informal
practices” Essentially, there is an accommodating relationship pursued by
the state and the NRMs, not too unlike how the state deals with Protestant
churches (Mathew, 2009). The Satya Sai Baba movement which Pereira
focuses on has essentially learnt how to fit within the larger religious and
secular ecosystem, presenting itself as a provider of welfare services and
working in different ways to gain greater state recognition.
As one of the three pillar markers of diversity in Singapore, language
has consistently been managed to regulate, as well as embrace, a cosmo-
politan attitude. Language policies as a barometer have been constantly
tweaked to suit our cultural and economic needs. For example, mother
tongue language selection has been expanded to include non-Tamil Indian
languages such as Bengali, Gujarati and Hindi for the ethnic Indian com-
munity. A Bicultural Studies programme was started in 2005 in selected
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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xxiii
schools to inculcate a group of students with greater Mandarin compe-

tency and an ability to engage China. A Regional Studies Programme
(RSP) was also established in 2008 to nurture a group of students comfort-
ably conversant in Malay to better engage Southeast Asia.
While languages are managed as hegemonic labels decades ago, lan-
guages, dialects, sub-group heritage languages and localised varieties are

often seen as relevant forms of cultural broking today. For example, while
the state views Singlish as problematic, Singaporeans have adopted it as
an intrinsic part of the Singaporean national identity and culture.
In his chapter, Wee expounds more on Singlish as styling and how

Singlish poses a challenge to the state’s language policy. The state is
insistent on positioning Singlish ontologically as a linguistic variety as
well as stigmatising it as something that penalises its users. Such a per-
spective remains focused on policing rather than negotiating bounda-
ries. Additionally, it reinforces a distinction between native and
non-native speakers. Lastly, there is a concern with propriety rather than
the effectiveness in language use.
Section II: New Tensions when Global Meets

Local — Social Class, Liveable Space, Bicultural
Ideologies and New Media Forms
The second section of this book looks at issues and tensions arising from
diversity which are accentuated by global forces and new forms of living.
Social class divides are increasingly pertinent in Singapore. As
Singapore competes in a global economy, it has chosen to prioritise
industries that require large numbers of highly-skilled labour. The high-
technology industries and professional services sectors provide great
opportunities for highly-skilled Singaporeans. However, since there is a
knowledge barrier for entry into these industries, Singaporeans, espe-
cially those who are older and less educated are not able to benefit from
working in these high-value industries, resulting in stark income inequal-
ity within Singapore. In fact, Singapore has one of the highest income
inequalities among developed countries (Cheung, 2015).
Two chapters in this section deal with social class related issues. Tan
Ern Ser and Tan Min Wei are not convinced that Singapore will be, as
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xxiv Mathew Mathews
politicians sometimes argue, overwhelmingly middle class. They point out

that class differences are inevitable especially with the ability of the upper
classes to reproduce themselves through supporting their children’s educa-
tion. However, the authors believe that the tensions which come with such
differences can be mitigated if there are opportunities for upward social
mobility. They describe a number of recent moves by the government,

such as the Skills Future initiative and changes in the taxation system,
which could help ensure a more equitable Singapore.
Ho Kong Weng examines how people of different socio-economic
class differ in attitudes to a number of items featured in the World Values

Survey. He notes that attitudes towards inequality — such as the need of
governments to tax the rich and subsidise the poor, and that inequality is
necessary as incentives for individual effort — were class-related. Ho uses
a series of Probit models to test whether there is a middle-income squeeze
in terms of perceived well-being, national pride, or attitudes towards ine-
quality. He concludes that the middle class feel lesser national pride or
sense of belonging, hypothesising that the middle class face more socio-
economic stressors compared to those who are at the top of the income
ladder. The latter group is highly mobile due to globalisation.
Singapore is considered a liveable city-state by most conventional
standards. It is consistently ranked highly on housing, transport infrastruc-
ture, business environment, safety and connectivity by international con-
sultancy groups. Paradoxically, the accolades come at a time where
Singapore’s Gini coefficient is at its highest, with income disparity also at
its highest.
Local state discourses on liveability endorse Singapore as the best
place to live, work and play in Asia, in order to draw and retain foreign
talent, development and innovation. Examples of the rejuvenation of
Singapore as the fun capital of Asia also include projects such as bringing
in the Formula One Grand Prix Race, an entire remake of the Marina Bay
stretch as well as exclusive waterfront communities such as Sentosa Cove
(Savage and Pow, 2011). Pow’s study in this volume attempts to unpack
Singapore’s urban transformation into a critical examination of how live-
able the city really is, through looking at the various disjunctures and
contradictions in the state’s efforts to create an ideal space for each strata
of society.
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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xxv
Vastly different from a critique on the state’s urban planning policies,

Liew’s study on filmmaking culture in Singapore provides an update on
the changing media policies in Singapore. The state manages the local
film industry to plug Singapore into a world-class creative industry that
holds much economic prospects for the global city. Yet, local filmmakers
are interested in producing an indigenous industry that allows them to

artistically express themselves. Liew documents how local filmmakers
have attempted to push the boundaries to obtain the autonomy they need
amidst prevailing censorship laws. With the advent of YouTube, broad-
casting has become much more accessible to many different artistes and
political groups. As a result, the state’s ability to actively censor content
becomes much more difficult. Liew argues that with a much more diverse
population, “rather than defending seemingly outmoded ‘Asian values’,
it is perhaps necessary for the government to use film as a test-bed for
discussions, to bring out new values”.
Changing visions of society must be accompanied by new mindsets to
better adapt and adjust to the changing global and local landscapes. As
pointed out earlier in this chapter, language and education policies have
been constantly modified to adjust to changing societal and global
demands. One of which is the introduction of a Bicultural Studies
Programme on top of the bilingual education policy. This has an undeni-
able economic impetus. Deputy Prime Minister Teo Chee Hean pointed
out that “Singapore needs to step up its efforts to groom bicultural indi-
viduals, not just bilingual ones, to ensure that it has a real advantage when
engaging with China” (Teo, 2011).
Hence, in extension of the state’s support for a strong base in
mother tongue linguistic abilities, bicultural education was introduced
to the education system in 2004 to inculcate a deeper and wider knowl-
edge of the cultural aspects of the Chinese language. The impetus for
the programme is apparent in its economic and political desires to
nurture a group of Singaporeans who are able to participate in the
Chinese economy. Chiang and Low conducted discourse analysis on
newspaper reports on the programme to examine the perceived motiva-
tions and objectives of the programme, as well as public reactions to the
ideological shift from bilingualism to biculturalism. The analysis also
unveils an apparent conflict between multiculturalism and meritocracy,
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xxvi Mathew Mathews
both of which are important elements in Singapore’s successful diversity

management.
Section III: Diversity in the Cross Sections of Society —

Workplace, Family and the Armed Forces
The third section scrutinises how diversity is managed in three specific

spheres of life in Singapore, namely: (1) the workforce which sees an
influx of migrant workers; (2) the family that has undergone changes in
various forms; and (3) the armed forces that looks to integrate local born
and new citizens.
Singapore’s need to recruit foreign human capital — in order to sus-
tain its rate of economic growth — has compounded urban problems.
There has been noticeably worse traffic congestion and more frequent
breakdowns in public transport. In addition, there have also been nega-
tive spillover effects such as rising inflation, escalating property prices,
and general greater competition for employment opportunities. However,
the need for foreign labour remains a necessity, and managing a larger
transnational immigrant population requires careful balancing to abate
economic, social and political consequences.
The state has moved towards integrating new immigrants through
various sites of interaction — one of which is the workplace. Yahya’s
study on transmigrant identities and the flow of human capital looks
in-depth at integration in the workplace. The study also documents the
problems and challenges of integration at the workplace and how these
have been mitigated or resolved. Yahya notes that while integration has
taken place, both culturally and economically, there is often a lack of
Singaporean identity in some workplaces. Foreign bosses hire people of
the same nationality or social background, which can prove to be detri-
mental to social integration in the workplace and the society at large.
With considerable proportion of the workforce being foreign (including
PRs), and few are represented by the National Trades Union Congress
(NTUC), there is a need to tweak workplace policies amidst complaints
of discriminatory hiring practices against Singaporeans, so as to achieve
better synergy between locals and foreigners.
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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xxvii
The family as a societal unit has undergone changes in various

aspects amidst structural changes. Terms of divorce, attitudes towards
marriage, and technologies of conception are some of these aspects.
What was formerly anathema — such as same-sex marriages — in many
societies are becoming normalised, with many economically developed
societies opting to liberalise former restrictions on homosexual unions. In

Singapore, younger cohorts are more open to cohabitation, divorce and
remarriage (Mathew, 2014). There is a substantial portion of inter-ethnic
and international marriages. Beyond these shifts in attitudes and practices,
Quah notes that there are many other changes that affect traditional fami-
lies. She notes the multiple and contradictory demands on time because of
work that consumes both husband and wife and the spillover from work
to family, which affects family cohesion. She argues that some of these
struggles are due to the rise of technology and its role in shaping the fam-
ily. While some propose that families will no longer continue to be what
Singaporean politicians often refer to as the “building block of society”
because of the contradicting demands on families, Quah seems to provide
a different take. She asserts that families will continue to be the force of
stability amidst the changes that society will experience. This is because
Singapore’s social policy has effectively kept families strong and resil-
ient. However, Quah suggests that the state can give better and more
assistance to families, especially those in crisis and reform policies
related to ageing.
Another common space for inter-ethnic interaction is National
Service (NS), which is helmed as the national bedrock of defence and
security. As an intrinsic component to nation-building and defence, it is
more importantly a rite of passage for all Singaporean men who reach the
age of 18. Not only is it a personal progression into adulthood, it is also
an embodiment of equality, where people from different social back-
grounds, race and religions are deployed based on the best fit and bond
through shared memories and adversaries. The changing socio-economic
terrain that features rising income disparity and changing values of Gen
Y Singaporeans has impacted the institution to a significant extent. This
has resulted in NS being a sore point for segments of the population.
Some of these sore points include the exclusion of Malays from vocations
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xxviii Mathew Mathews
deemed sensitive, homosexuality, increasingly neo-liberal values of

Gen Y and immigration. A prior study by Leong and Yang (2015) on the
social markers of integration in Singapore reveals that NS was a key
marker for 69% of local-born Singaporeans but only for 43% of natural-
ised citizens. As Singapore increasingly becomes a transient abode for
global citizens, NS have to be reformed so that it is accepted and endorsed

by the population.
CONCLUSION
The types of diversity addressed in this volume do not cover the full range
of diversity that currently exists in Singapore. Much more can be dis-
cussed on issues ranging from the diversity posed by gender and sexuality,
age cohorts, political affiliation and the digital divide. However, what is
crucial is that we consider the complexity that is intrinsic in diversity —
intersectionality being one of the key points which future discussions on
diversity should address. Individual experiences of diversity are varied
with forces such as gender, age, class and employment status interacting
in a complex manner and potentially discriminating certain groups. A crit-
ical approach to understanding diversity is therefore crucial especially for
policymakers and programme planners. As Singapore rapidly ages and
demands higher volumes of immigration, the opportunities and challenges
accompanying a diverse society will be at the heart of public discussion.
A diverse population will have diverse needs and expect diverse services,
which will result in the government having to cater to a range of voices
and expectations. It is then crucial to build the capability to dialogue and
come to decisions that are inclusive.
The focus on individual differences in a dialogue on diversity can
give very direct implications on the way people perceive others.
Ethnicity/race, gender, age, sexuality and disability are now categories
that people are arguably more aware of, alongside other axes of differ-
ences such as personal outlooks and experiences. While the discourse
can lead to social progress and better outcomes for the marginalised, it is
important that this does not spiral out of control and tear down the social
glue that holds our society together. To be able to dialogue about diver-
sity constructively, we must recognise the common denominator in every
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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xxix
member of the society — everyone is committed to the betterment of

people’s lives and wellbeing in Singapore.
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5 Toh Tuck Link, Singapore 596224

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

MANAGING DIVERSITY IN SINGAPORE

Desk Editor: Sandhya Venkatesh

Typeset by Stallion Press

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surfaced. As such, some discussion of how diversity has been managed

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Introduction: Diversity in Singapore:

Section One Manifestations and Management of Multicultural

Chapter 2 Singlish as Style: Implications for

Chapter 3 Keeping Harmony in Singapore: An Examination

Chapter 4 The Management of New Religious Movements

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Section Two New Tensions when Global Meets Local:

Tan Ern Ser and Tan Min Wei

Chapter 6 Which Class and What Squeezes? Relationships

Chapter 7 Creating a Liveable City for Whom? A Critical

Chapter 8 Are We There Yet? A Review of the Bicultural

Chapter 9 Regulating the Big and Micro Screens:

Section Three Diversity in the Cross Sections of Society:

Chapter 11 Singapore Families: Stability and Diversity

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Chapter 12 National Service: The Holy Grail in the

About the Contributors 343

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FOUNDATIONS AND CURRENT

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xii Mathew Mathews

Confronting diversities of various kinds is an integral part of everyday

through legal means, became an important priority. A slew of initiatives

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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xiii

Although most of the discussions on diversity centre on social and

heterosexual family. In many of these societies, most adults no longer

GOAL OF DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT

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xiv Mathew Mathews

elasticity of diversity invokes an aspirational element that provides hope

disabilities, women and racial minorities — would no longer be excluded

ised have further brought about greater inclusion.

HISTORY OF DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT

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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xv

heritage and practices of the various groups to achieve a cohesive society

legislation and education, to ensure that Singapore remains a vibrant and

GLOBALISATION AND ITS IMPACT ON DIVERSITY

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xvi Mathew Mathews

totality, inclusive of a vibrant economy, good jobs, cultural liveliness,

Renaissance City, which helps to attract and retain foreign talent

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Diversity in Singapore: Historical Foundations and Current Realities xvii

changes in the social, political and economic structures, and community

public protest at Hong Lim Park.

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xviii Mathew Mathews

DIVERSITY OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE

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