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A Comparison of Christian and Non-

Christian Males, Authoritarianism,
and Their Relationship to Internet
Pornography Addiction/Compulsion
a
Natasha Petty Levert
a
CentrePointe Couseling, Inc. ,
Published online: 31 May 2007.

To cite this article: Natasha Petty Levert (2007) A Comparison of Christian and Non-Christian
Males, Authoritarianism, and Their Relationship to Internet Pornography Addiction/Compulsion,
Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity: The Journal of Treatment & Prevention, 14:2, 145-166, DOI:
10.1080/10720160701354771

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 Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity, 14:145–166, 2007
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1072-0162 print / 1532-5318 online
DOI: 10.1080/10720160701354771

A Comparison of Christian and Non-Christian

Males, Authoritarianism, and Their
Relationship to Internet Pornography
Addiction/Compulsion

NATASHA PETTY LEVERT

CentrePointe Couseling, Inc.
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This study sought to determine whether right-wing authoritar-

ian (RWA) tendencies were traits common to Christian and non-
Christian males who were Internet pornography compulsives. Par-
ticipants of the study included males (N = 120), 18 or older, who
had Internet access. An online survey that included the Kalichman
Sexual Compulsivity Scale (KSCS), the Right-Wing Authoritarian
Scale (RWA Scale), and a general demographics questionnaire was
administered. A two-way factorial analysis of variance (ANOVA)
was conducted for the study. The ANOVA indicated significant in-
teraction between compulsivity and RWA, F (1, 116) = 13.92, p <
.0001, partial eta squared = .11. However, Christian compulsives
did not appear to demonstrate more right-wing authoritarian ten-
dencies than non-Christian compulsives, F (1, 116) = .52, p = .45,
partial eta squared = .005. The results strengthen the field of Inter-
net pornography research because the understanding of RWA and
compulsives is necessary for the treatment of cybersexuals.

Cybersex is changing the way =therapists understand, assess, and treat sexual
addiction and compulsivity. As mental health professionals enter a new age of
technology and addiction, the need to educate clinicians, the public, and the
church about the powerful influence of the Internet has emerged. Researchers
in the field of human sexuality have studied for decades the impact and
predictors of sexual addiction (Carnes, 1989, 1992). However, with the onset
of online sex, people who have had no prior history of sexual compulsivity
are now developing problems (Carnes, 2001; Cooper, Putnam, Planchon, &
Boies, 1999).

Address correspondence to Natasha Petty Levert, 8288 Telegraph Road, Suite A, Odenton,
MD 21113. E-mail: tasha@cafecrossroads.com

145
 146 N. P. Levert

The rationale for the study is to compare Christians and non-Christians

addicted to Internet pornography in order to understand if and how they
differ. Identifying the right-wing authoritarian addict has possible implica-
tions for clinicians and the church. Mental health professionals and the
church could benefit from understanding the right-wing authoritarian’s ori-
gins, cognitions, faith, and defense mechanisms. Such understandings could
change the way compulsivity is treated within the Christian community.
Not all Christian faith communities demonstrate RWA tendencies, but there
are some that foster RWA more so than others. The study fills a research
gap in the field of Internet pornography compulsion in that no analy-
ses have been conducted on cybersex and RWA. In fact, few researchers
have empirically studied Christians and Internet pornography addiction in
general.
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The first hypothesis suggests that there is a positive correlation between

Christian males who are Internet pornography compulsives and right-wing
authoritarianism. The second hypothesis suggests that, in general, Chris-
tian males demonstrate more right-wing authoritarian characteristics than
do non-Christian males. The third hypothesis suggests that both Christian
and non-Christian males who are Internet pornography compulsives demon-
strate more right-wing authoritarian characteristics than do Christian and
non-Christian noncompulsives. The fourth hypothesis suggests that Chris-
tian males who are Internet pornography compulsives demonstrate more
right-wing authoritarian characteristics than do non-Christian males who are
Internet pornography compulsives.

DEFINITION OF TERMS
Christian
A Christian is a person who professes to follow and believe in Jesus as Christ.
The Christian religion is based on the life and teachings of Jesus.

Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA)

Altemeyer (1996) defined RWA as a combination of the following tenets:

1. Authoritarian submission: a high degree of submission to the authorities

who are perceived to be established and legitimate in the society in which
one lives.
2. Authoritarian aggression: a general aggressiveness, directed against various
persons, that is perceived to be sanctioned by established authorities.
3. Conventionalism: a high degree of adherence to the social conventions
that are perceived to be endorsed by society and its established authorities.
(p. 6)
 Christianity, Authoritarianism and Internet Pornography 147

Internet Pornography Addiction/Compulsion

Internet pornography addiction/compulsion is a pathological preoccupation
with online sexual behaviors in an effort to create a mood-altering expe-
rience. The individual’s sexual behavior is pathological when it becomes
unmanageable and impairs daily functioning (Carnes, 1989; Schaumburg,
1997). For the purposes of this study, the requirement for compulsive group
placement will include moderate and compulsive scorers on the Kalichman
Sexual Compulsivity Scale (KSCS).

RIGHT-WING AUTHORITARIANISM
Religious Messages of the RWA
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Authoritarians appear to demonstrate conventionalism, aggression toward

outgroups (e.g., Jews, women, homosexuals, etc.), and submission to author-
itarian leadership. The characteristics of the right-wing authoritarian make
relating to self, others, and God difficult. Altemeyer (1996) suggested that
certain kinds of religions fostered right-wing authoritarian personalities. First,
right-wing authoritarians reported a faith that stressed rigid obedience, the
wrath of God, and the religious authority’s influence over parishioners’ ac-
tions. Booth (1991), the first to label such religious messages as addiction and
abuse, worked to determine the effects of these messages on mental health.
Booth held that religious messages found in “absolute, unquestioning, and
uncritical acceptance of a set of teachings” (p. 26) proclaimed in the name
of God led to dysfunctional religious experience. The religious addict’s need
for power and control compelled the addict to lead others down a road
of fear and shame that teetered along a cliff of abuse. Second, right-wing
authoritarian religious leaders encouraged egocentrism (Altemeyer, 1996).
Johnson (1977) investigated the relationship between religious commitment
and social distance and found that authoritarians exhibited higher social
distance in all categories of religious commitment. Arterburn and Felton
(2001) suggested that people of a toxic-faith system claim to possess char-
acteristics, abilities, and knowledge that make them superior and special
when compared to the general public. Third, right-wing authoritarian reli-
gious leaders promoted a memorized Truth rather than an internalized Truth.
Willard (1998) wrote that some clergy relied on the Gospels either to pre-
pare one to die or to correct the sinful human condition. Willard wrote,
“Our usual ‘gospels’ are, in their effects, nothing less than a standing invi-
tation to omit God from the course of our daily existence” (p. 13). Willard
challenged Christians to move beyond this memorized and simplistic ap-
plication of the Gospels to a more relational and authentic faith with their
Creator.
 148 N. P. Levert

COGNITIONS OF THE RWA

The following section illustrates five cognitive tendencies of right-wing au-

thoritarians: (a) incorrect inferences, (b) compartmentalized thinking, (c) fear-
arousing information, (d) sufficient evidence, (e) the Fundamental Attribution
Error (Altemeyer, 1996).

Incorrect Inferences
Altemeyer conducted a test to analyze the intellectual skills of high and low
scorers on the RWA Scale and found that they differed in their tendency to
make incorrect inferences. Right-wing authoritarians tended to allow author-
ity figures to determine which ideas were good and which were bad. In fact,
high scorers on the RWA Scale appeared to agree rather than disagree with
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authorities, thus making it difficult for them to make correct conclusions on

their own (Altemeyer, 1996).

Compartmentalized Thinking
Altemeyer postulated that right-wing authoritarians tended to believe con-
tradictory ideals and to think in a compartmentalized fashion. Right-wing
authoritarians appeared to “think out of both sides of their heads” (p. 97).
The right-wing authoritarians who believed for many life was unfair also
could believe that everyone in America has an equal opportunity. The com-
partmentalized and inconsistent thinking of right-wing authoritarians aided
them in believing that they were highly moral individuals even though their
actions were sometimes immoral (Altemeyer, 1996).

Fear-Arousing Information
Right-wing authoritarians appeared to express a vulnerability to fear-arousing
information and viewed the world as dangerous, deteriorating, and poi-
sonous regardless of how placid the times. In an effort to depict these per-
spectives, Altemeyer (1996) utilized strong phrases in the construction of his
RWA Scale, such as “imminent ruin,” “perversions eating away at society,”
“the situation in our country is getting so serious,” “the rot that is poisoning
us” (p. 101). Altemeyer held that right-wing authoritarians seemed to live in
fear more than others. Right-wing authoritarians were easily panicked and
vulnerable to fear-arousing information about society. The researcher pos-
tulated that the combination of their fear-based inferences and lack of criti-
cal thinking could be the fuel for their authoritarian aggression (Altemeyer,
1996).

Sufficient Evidence
Billings, Guastelle, and Rieke (1993) held that right-wing authoritarians ap-
peared to be “unimaginative, lacking in self sufficiency, and closed minded”
 Christianity, Authoritarianism and Internet Pornography 149

on the 16PF scale (p. 328). Altemeyer (1996) conducted a study to analyze
right-wing authoritarians’ propensity towards disregarding critical thinking
when judging sufficient evidence. As a result, right-wing authoritarians had
the tendency to agree blindly with data that supported what they wanted to
believe. Altemeyer held that their religion fostered this cognitive pattern by
reinforcing believers who rejected reason and accepted faith. In fact, right-
wing authoritarians’ tendency to rely on social reinforcement rather than
thinking for one’s self extended beyond religion and into one of their most
defining characteristics, authoritarian submission (Altemeyer, 1996).

Fundamental Attribution Error

Ross’s (1977) Fundamental Attribution Error explains the misjudgment soci-
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ety makes when examining the behaviors of others. People tend to focus on
the personalities of others while disregarding their circumstances when eval-
uating behavior (e.g., poor people are poor because they are lazy). Ross held
that the Fundamental Attribution Error leads to conclusions lacking sufficient
evidence. In 1990, Altemeyer conducted a test to examine the vulnerability
of right-wing authoritarians to the Fundamental Attribution Error. Altemeyer
suggested that right-wing authoritarians seemed to make more attribution
errors than did low scorers of the RWA Scale, especially when the topic sup-
ported their personal convictions (Altemeyer, 1996).

THE PROPOSED RWA ADDICT/COMPULSIVE

Religious and non-religious people struggle with sexual compulsivity and

the RWA personality. In the most basic sense, sexual addiction is founded
in escape, shame, isolation, and the search for intimacy. The ultimate goal
is to avoid, medicate, or dismiss reality in an effort to guard against feelings
of hurt, anxiety, fear, abandonment, and loneliness. The compulsive’s lack
of intimacy creates a void that craves acceptance. Thus, cybersexuals turn to
online pornography in an attempt to satisfy this longing for authentic com-
munity. Unfortunately, the nurturing effect of Internet pornography provides
a temporary and counterfeit solution that reinforces the cybersexual’s core
belief, “No one will ever love me for the person that I am” (Altemeyer, 1996,
Carnes, 1989, 1992, 2001; Earle & Laaser, 2002; Laaser, 1992).
Carnes (1989) developed the Addiction Cycle and listed shame as one of
the contributing factors of the addiction process. However, Altemeyer (1996)
held that counselors may have difficulties treating the shame of right-wing
authoritarian clients because they did not appear to experience the emotion.
In fact, their self-righteousness and narcissism undermined their need for
personal improvement or treatment. Right-wing authoritarians appeared to
be champions of rationalizing problematic behaviors.
 150 N. P. Levert

Family of Origin
The sexual compulsive’s loss of control typically begins when life becomes
too difficult to manage. Thus, pornography becomes the drug of choice when
seeking a way to escape and find relief from a hurtful reality. The escape
therefore becomes habit-forming and the addiction begins. Sex addicts be-
gin avoiding reality as children. Many come from rigid, authoritarian families
where addiction is already present, and the need for escape is modeled
within the family system. Sexual compulsives learn to pretend that problems
do not exist and everyone in the family unit is healthy. The result is poor
intimacy skills. Like the right-wing authoritarian personality, sex addicts be-
come devoid of their ability to be vulnerable or seek help (Altemeyer, 1996;
Carnes, 2001).
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The Christian Addict/Compulsive

Davies (2003) held that Christian and non-Christian compulsives had com-
mon characteristics regarding their addiction:

1. They are victims of abuse (sexual, physical, emotional).

2. They come from rigidly disengaged families.
3. They see themselves as shameful, bad, unworthy persons.
4. They are codependent and believe no one will love them as they are.
5. They see sexual activity as the most important way of taking care of their
emotional needs.
6. They engage in a variety of sexual behaviors. (p. 99)

Carnes (1991) found that 78% of sex addicts he studied came from disen-
gaged families of origin. Davies (2003) held that the family of God appeared
to carry a similar dysfunction within its system. Too often the church com-
munity focuses on a person’s performance with rigid fervor while ignoring
personhood. Christianity becomes a quest for doing good for Christ instead of
simply being with Christ. Schaumburg (1997) wrote that the Christian addict’s
quest for obedience was rarely based on a genuine relationship with God; but
instead was a desperate act to impress themselves, others, and God. Exter-
nalism (measuring worth based on what can be outwardly observed) became
the ultimate goal for obedience. In fact, the Christian addict’s superficial ef-
fort to appear pure externally was in actuality an avoidance in realizing the
internal impurities of the soul. Altemeyer (1996) suggested that, like the Chris-
tian addict described by the above researchers, the right-wing authoritarian
prioritized an external appearance of faith over the internal reality of faith.
Laaser (1992) proposed that Christian addicts adopted rigid religious
rituals to gain control of their unmanageable behavior. Many believed if they
led pagans to Christ, gave beyond their tithe, and upheld their legalistic
 Christianity, Authoritarianism and Internet Pornography 151

religious standards, God would reward their efforts with relief from their
sexual sins. Christian addicts’ dualistic thinking of good and bad spurred
them to believe that good works negated bad behavior. Similarly, right-wing
authoritarians are marked by rigid obedience (Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992)
and dualistic thinking (Perry, 1968).
Sadly, pastors are not exempt from such findings. Patrick (1990) held
that sexually addicted pastors lacked the ability to experience guilt, intimacy,
and inferiority. Addicted pastors appeared to project their sexual shame onto
others. Irons and Laaser (1994) reported a combination of narcissistic person-
ality disorder and dependent personality disorder among sexually exploitive
male clergy. The researchers suggested that the combined result of narcissism
and dependence portrayed such clergy as likable, high achieving, and charis-
matic with the ability to maintain double lives of sexual and other addictions,
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depression, neediness, and defensiveness when confronted.

Davies (2003) outlined characteristics unique to clergy sex addicts:

1. They hope that their ordination would reduce the shame they feel in their
lives
2. They are codependents who seek approval from others and get their needs
met by gaining widespread approval by pleasing parishioners
3. They are in significant denial. Because the consequences for clergy are
profound when it comes to sexual indiscretion, denial becomes an even
more significant problem
4. They are often well entrenched in rigid judgmental thinking that is but-
tressed by their theology
5. They often have a great deal of unexpressed anger (p. 99)

Common characteristics of Christian compulsives and right-wing

authoritarians included compartmentalized thinking, self-righteousness,
immature faith, inconsistent life patterns, lack of intimacy with others and
God, ethnocentrism, an external appearance faith, and double standards in
their faith, morality, values, opinions, and lifestyle (Altemeyer, 1996; Carnes,
1989, 1991, 1992, 2001; Davies, 2003; Laaser, 1992, 1996; Leak & Randall,
1995; Schaumburg, 1997).

METHOD
Participants
Participants were divided into four groups, and each group consisted of 30
male volunteers (N = 120) who had Internet access. The age of the subjects
ranged from 18 to 78 (M = 39.51). All participants resided in the United States
of America, and reported from among 35 states. Most were from Alabama
(n = 25; 20.80%), California (n = 10, 8.30%), and Florida (n = 7; 5.80%).
 152 N. P. Levert

The race/ethnicity of the subjects was Caucasian (n = 93; 77.5%), African-

American (n = 9; 7.5%), and Latino/Hispanic (n = 7; 5.8%). The religious
affiliation of the participants was Baptist (n = 31; 25.8%), Agnostic/Atheist
(n = 19; 15.8%), Catholic (n = 17; 14.2%), and Mormon (n = 10; 8.3%). The
marital status of the subjects was married (n = 76; 63.3%), single (n = 44;
36.7%), and cohabitating (n = 6; 5%); of the married subjects, the majority
reported as being happily married (n = 66; 55%) and married once (n = 68;
56.7%). The sexual orientation of the participants was heterosexual (n = 106;
88%), homosexual (n = 4; 3.3%), bisexual (n = 10; 8.3%). Seventy-seven
(64.1%) of the subjects reported earning an associate’s degree or higher.
The majority of the respondents reported never viewing online pornog-
raphy (n= 43), followed by 25 participants (20.8%) who viewed online
pornography daily, and 30 participants (25%) who viewed online pornog-
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raphy weekly. Among the participants who viewed online pornography (n

= 77), the maximum number of hours spent viewing online pornography
per week was 30 (M = 3.76), and the maximum amount of money spent on
online pornography per month was $75.00 (M = 2.49).

Measures
In order to assess the sexual behaviors and right-wing authoritarian faith
tendencies of the participants, the researcher asked each participant to com-
plete the following: (a) the Kalichman Sexual Compulsivity Scale (KSCS), (b)
the Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale (RWA Scale), and (c) a general de-
mographic questionnaire. Demographic information included age, gender,
ethnicity, religious affiliation, marital status, occupation, sexual orientation,
number of hours spent viewing Internet pornography, and amount of money
spent monthly on Internet pornography.

THE KALICHMAN SEXUAL COMPULSIVITY SCALE (KSCS)

The KSCS is a 10-item, 4-point, Likert-type measure. The Likert scale ranges
from 1 to 4. The scale was designed to determine the sexually compulsive
behaviors, preoccupations, and intrusive thoughts of individuals. The KSCS
demonstrated internal consistency, reliability, alpha coefficients between .84
and .89, and an acceptable test-retest reliability with correlations between .64
and .95. The KSCS was internally consistent for both genders: men (alpha
= .89) and women (alpha = .92). Kalichman and Rompa (2001, p. 389)
suggested that the KSCS demonstrated convergent, divergent, and criterion-
related validity for both men and women. The KSCS results indicated a single
significant discriminant function for men, Wilk’s  = .81, χ 2 (8, N = 195) =
39.2, p, .01, eigenvalue = .23; and women, Wilk’s  = .76, χ 2 8, N = 89) =
22.5, p , .01, eigenvalue = .31.
The scoring of the KSCS involves adding the ten responses and dividing
that sum by ten (no reverse scoring). Kalichman holds that a mean score is
 Christianity, Authoritarianism and Internet Pornography 153

more interpretable and better handles missing responses (personal commu-

nication, June 21, 2002).
Cooper, A., Delmonico, D. L., & Burg, R. (2000, p. 11) utilized the KSCS
in their study of cybersexuals to divide the participants into four groups. The
research team generated four sets of cut-off scores to determine the subjects’
level of pathological behavior:

1. Nonsexually Compulsive (NC). Participants scored below 23.78 (M = 2.38),

one standard deviation from the mean.
2. Moderate Sexual Compulsive (MSC). Participants scored between 23.78
(M = 2.38) and 29.93 (M = 2.99), one and two standard deviations from
the mean.
3. Sexually Compulsive (SC). Participants in this group scored above 29.93
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(M = 2.99), two standard deviations above the mean.

4. Cybersex Compulsive (CC). Participants in this group scored above 29.93
(M = 2.99) and reported spending more than 11 hours per week partici-
pating in Internet pornography activities.

Cut-off scores of Cooper et al. were employed when defining the groups for
this study.

RIGHT-WING AUTHORITARIANISM SCALE (RWA SCALE)

The RWA Scale is a 30-item, 9-point, Likert-type measure. The 9-point contin-
uum ranges from “fully agree” (+4) to “completely disagree” (-4). The scale
was designed to determine subjects’ beliefs regarding authoritarian submis-
sion, aggression, and conventionalism.
While the scale was first normed in Canada, subsequent studies have
been conducted all over the world. The alpha coefficients according to coun-
try are as follows: Canada (alpha = .89 – .93), United States (alpha = .86 -
.94), South Africa (alpha = .83), Israel (alpha = .88), Palestine (alpha = .84),
Australia (alpha = .88), Moscow (alpha = .81 – .92). According to Altemeyer,
the validity scores of the RWA Scale in most correlations were .60 or over
(Altemeyer, 1996).
Regarding scoring, Altemeyer instructed researchers to only score items
5–34; items are scored on a 1 to 9 basis (e.g. -4 response = 1; +4 response
= 9). Reverse scoring was required on questions 6, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16, 19,
20, 22, 24, 25, 27, 29, 31, and 33. Altemeyer framed half of the items in
an authoritarian’s world view, while the other half were framed from an
opposing view. The RWA Scale’s highest score is 270, and the lowest is 30.
While Altemeyer does not give exact cut-off scores, he does contend that
scores in the 180s are “high” (1996, p. 311 n. 9) and scores in the 200s are
“very high” (Altemeyer, 1996, p. 345 n. 3).
 154 N. P. Levert

Procedure
ONLINE SURVEY

An online survey methodology was employed for the study. Respondents

completed identical surveys. The survey was composed of (a) a cover sheet,
(b) a general demographic questionnaire, (c) the KSCS, and (d) the RWA
Scale. The cover sheet included (a) a brief description of the survey, (b) basic
instructions, (c) confidentiality information, and (d) a message on the par-
ticipant’s informed consent. The American Psychological Association (APA)
does not require researchers to obtain informed consent when administering
anonymous questionnaires. Regardless, the researcher placed a statement on
the cover sheet of the questionnaire stating that completion of the survey
granted consent. The treatment of the subjects was in accordance with the
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“Ethical Standards for Reporting and Publishing of Scientific Information”

conduct code (APA, 2001, p. 387–396). In addition, the researcher included
a section at the end of the survey where respondents could send contact in-
formation and indicate whether they would like to receive a summary of the
research results, and/or be entered into a drawing to receive cash prizes to
serve as an incentive and reward for participation. The contact information
of subjects interested in participating in the drawing was stored separately
from the survey information for confidentiality purposes.
The procedure for the development of the online survey was consis-
tent with some of the suggested procedures listed by Witmer, Coleman, and
Katzman (1999). The online survey included (a) clearly stated directions and
rules, (b) response boxes allowing participants to use minimal key strokes,
and (c) generous amounts of “white space” to create favorable readability.

DATA COLLECTION

A Web site was created for the online survey with the domain names
http://www.cybersexsurvey.com and http://www.thecybersurvey.com. The
two domain names were necessary because some computers filter out Web
sites that have the potential for being sexual in nature. The Web site do-
main names were then submitted to multiple search engines to generate
traffic using the following keywords: cyber, survey, cyber survey, cybersex,
Internet pornography, cybersex survey, cybersex research, cybersex question-
naire, sex addiction, sex addiction research, XXX, sex, Internet, sex survey.
Data collection lasted eight months once the survey was online. The survey
was advertised on the Internet in various ways in order to achieve a diverse
sample. First, the researcher contacted various pastors and asked them to ad-
vertise the study in their church newsletters. Second, the researcher e-mailed
more than100 sex addiction/compulsivity and counseling Web sites. Leaders
of the various programs were asked to either post a link to the survey on
their Web site or to encourage their subscribers to participate in the study.
 Christianity, Authoritarianism and Internet Pornography 155

Third, a professor of a small college in Alabama granted extra credit to stu-

dents in her introductory psychology courses if they completed the survey.
Fourth, the researcher hired an e-mail marketing company to send out a bulk
e-mail campaign to 500,000 males. The e-mail marketing company sent out
the first 100,000 e-mails using four different subject lines to determine which
one would get the best response:
1. Win $100 in 10 minutes!
2. Get paid for your opinion!
3. Participate in cyber-addiction research.
4. What’s your cyber-profile?
The subject line, “Get paid for your opinion!” had the best response rate.
Thus, the final 400,000 e-mails were sent out using the subject line. Finally,
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the researcher did not e-mail requests to individuals known personally to

avoid possible contamination and bias within the sample.

GROUP FORMATION

The individual participants of the study were divided into four groups: (a)
Christian compulsives, (b) non-Christian compulsives, (c) Christian noncom-
pulsives, and (d) non-Christian noncompulsives of Internet pornography. An
a priori power analysis was conducted to determine a sufficient sample size
for the study. The researcher selected power = .80, p = .05, and effect size
= .65; the minimal sample size for each group was 30 (N = 120).
The original sample size of the study was 416 males. Unfortunately,
the groups were grossly uneven: Christian addicts (n = 65); non-Christian
addicts (n = 30); Christian nonaddicts (n = 147); non-Christian nonaddicts
(n = 174). A two-way factorial analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted
for the study. The ANOVA does not require a large group size, but it does
require an equal number of participants within the groups (Shavelson, 1996,
p. 417). When the smallest group had a minimum of 30 participants, the
data gathering ceased, and the process of group formation began. This re-
searcher employed a nonrandom sampling method, purposive sampling with
matching via a SPSS function, to obtain subjects for all four groups. Matching
subjects across identified demographic factors insured homogeneity across
groups. Thus, each group had 30 males (N = 120).
Addicted and nonaddicted status was determined by the subjects’ score
on the KSCS. The cut-off scores of KSCS established by Cooper et al. (2000)
were utilized in the study. Participants scoring one standard deviation or more
from the mean (M =≥ 2.38) were placed in the addicted group; participants
scoring less than one standard deviation from the mean (M =< 2.38) were
placed in the nonaddicted group.
Christian and non-Christian status was determined by questions asked on
the demographic questionnaire. Participants were asked, “Do you consider
 156 N. P. Levert

yourself to be a Christian?” If the respondent answered “no,” he was placed

in the non-Christian group and could proceed with the rest of the survey.
If the respondent answered “yes,” the researcher sought clarification from
the participant for what it means to be a Christian by listing four possible
options. Participants were asked to choose one of the following:

1. I go to church regularly.
2. I was raised in a Christian home.
3. I do more good things than bad things.
4. I know Jesus as my personal Lord and Savior.

Respondents that chose option #4 were placed in the Christian group; re-
spondents that chose options #1, #2, or #3 were placed in the non-Christian
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group.

DATA ANALYSIS

The study was quantitative in nature. To test the hypotheses, the researcher
conducted a two-way ANOVA to compare the mean RWA Scale scores of the
four groups. The 2 × 2 factorial design consisted of three major tests: a test of
each of the two main effects and a test of the interaction of the variables. The
dependent variable was the RWA Scale scores. The independent variables or
factors were (a) Factor A = compulsivity with two levels (compulsive and
noncompulsive), and (b) Factor B = religiosity with two levels (Christian
and non-Chrstian). The researcher asked three questions: (a) does Factor A
differ, (b) does Factor B differ, and (c) does the pattern of differences between
Factor A depend on Factor B? Post hoc tests were conducted when significant
differences occurred at p =≤ .05 in one or more of the overall effects.
According to Shavelson (1996), researchers must consider three as-
sumptions regarding independence, normality, and homogeneity when
computing the two-way ANOVA. First, the assumption of independence
suggests that a participant’s scores must stand independently of the other
participant’s scores. However, since each respondent had no contact with the
other respondents because of survey completion procedures, independence
was confirmed.
Second, the normality assumption holds that scores within each group
will be drawn from a normally distributed population (forming a bell-shaped
curve). The researcher tested for normality by conducting the Kolmogorov-
Smirnov and the Shapiro-Wilk tests.
Third, the homogeneity assumption holds that group variances are equal.
The researcher tested for homogeneity by conducting the Levene’s test of
homogeneity of variance.
While normality and homogeneity are desired in the ANOVA analyses,
the satisfaction of the assumptions is not mandatory. When considering non-
normality, statisticians suggest that this failure has a minimal impact on Type 1
 Christianity, Authoritarianism and Internet Pornography 157

error (including highly skewed or kurtotic curves). When considering homo-

geneity, if the groups sizes are equal or almost equal (largest/smallest < 1.5),
then the ANOVA is robust to the assumption violation. Thus, the possible fail-
ure to comply with the normality and homogeneity assumptions were not
considered to be problematic to the study.

RESULTS
Hypothesis One
The first hypothesis suggested that there was a positive correlation between
Christian compulsives and RWA. A two-way ANOVA was conducted to com-
pare the mean scores of the four groups. Christian compulsives did appear
to demonstrate right-wing authoritarian tendencies (M = 5.78).
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Hypothesis Two
Hypothesis two suggested that Christian males in general demonstrate more
right-wing authoritarian characteristics than do non-Christian males. The re-
searcher conducted a 2 x 2 ANOVA to evaluate the effects of religiosity and
compulsivity on RWA. The means and standard deviations for RWA Scale
scores for the four groups are presented in Table 1. The ANOVA indicated sig-
nificant interaction between religiosity and RWA, F (1, 116) = 9.53, p = .003,
partial eta squared = .08.

Hypothesis Three
Hypothesis three suggested that both Christian and non-Christian com-
pulsives demonstrated more right-wing authoritarian characteristics than
do Christian and non-Christian noncompulsives. The ANOVA indicated
significant interaction between compulsivity and RWA, F (1, 116) = 13.92,
p < .0001, partial eta squared = .11.

TABLE 1 Means and Standard Deviations for RWA Scale Scores

M SD N

Noncompulsive group
Christian 5.3 .91 30
Non-Christian 4.6 1.10 30
Total 4.9 1.03 60
Compulsive group
Christian 5.8 .73 30
Non-Christian 5.4 1.04 30
Total 5.6 .92 60
Total Sample 5.3 1.02 120
 158 N. P. Levert

Hypothesis Four
Hypothesis four suggested that Christian compulsives demonstrate more
right-wing authoritarian tendencies than do non-Christian compulsives. The
ANOVA indicated no significant interaction among the four groups. Christian
compulsives did not differ from non-Christian compulsives on the RWA Scale,
F (1, 116) = .52, p = .45, partial eta squared = .005.

CONCLUSION

The primary purpose of the study was to demonstrate that Christian compul-
sives demonstrated more right-wing authoritarian tendencies than did non-
Christian compulsives. Follow-up analyses were conducted to examine the
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main effect of RWA. The follow-up test consisted of all pairwise compar-
isons between the two independent variables–religiosity and compulsivity.
The Tukey HSD and Dunnett’s C procedures were employed to control for
Type 1 error across the pairwise comparisons. The results indicated that
Christians appeared to demonstrate more right-wing authoritarian charac-
teristics than did non-Christians, and compulsives appeared to demonstrate
more right-wing authoritarian characteristics than did noncompulsives. The
overall 2 × 2 ANOVA indicated that Christian and non-Christian compulsives
exhibit right-wing authoritarian characteristics. Such findings are consistent
with those of the researchers mentioned in the literature review of this study.

DISCUSSION

In the present study, it was hypothesized that Christian compulsives demon-

strated more right-wing authoritarian tendencies than did non-Christian com-
pulsives. And while the hypothesis was not supported statistically, the results
of the study did indicate that both Christian and non-Christian compulsives
demonstrated more right-wing authoritarian tendencies than did Christian
and non-Christian noncompulsives. The results strengthen the field of Inter-
net pornography addiction research by enhancing the validity of the obser-
vations made by sex addiction researchers over the last fifteen years (Carnes,
1989, 1991, 1992, 2001; Laaser 1992, 1996). The findings of the study con-
tribute to the limited empirical base of sex addiction research by further
profiling and defining the compulsive cybersexual.
Statistical analyses supported all but one of the research hypotheses.
The fourth hypothesis was not supported: Christian compulsives do not
appear to exhibit more right-wing authoritarian characteristics than do
non-Christian compulsives. Hypotheses one through three were supported:
(a) Christian compulsives do appear to exhibit right-wing authoritarian
tendencies, (b) Christian males in general do appear to present more
right-wing authoritarian tendencies than do non-Christian males, (c) both
Christian and non-Christian compulsives appear to demonstrate more
 Christianity, Authoritarianism and Internet Pornography 159

right-wing authoritarian characteristics than do Christian and non-Christian

non-compulsives. The following discussion consists of explanations and in-
terpretations of the major findings, implications for such findings, limitations
of the study, and recommendations for future research.

Explanation and Interpretation of Major Findings

HYPOTHESIS 1
Hypothesis one, “a positive correlation between Christian males who are
Internet pornography compulsives and right-wing authoritarian,” was statis-
tically supported, p < .01. The first hypothesis was based on this researcher’s
clinical observations of cybersexuals, as there appeared to be a disconnect
between clients’ religious convictions and sexual practices. One client in par-
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ticular believed it to be sinful to grow facial hair, go the cinema, allow his
wife to wear pants, or miss Sunday gatherings with his church community;
and yet he spent more than 20 hours per week reading sexual stories and
viewing pornographic images on the Internet. The researcher found no issue
with the client’s convictions with regard to religious expression; the issue was
with the client’s inability to realize his blatant disregard for Biblical princi-
ples with respect to pornography. Researchers of the field documented their
observations of right-wing authoritarian-like qualities, but no one attributed
the behavior to RWA and no statistical analysis was conducted.

HYPOTHESIS 2
Hypothesis two, “Christian males in general demonstrate more right-wing
authoritarian tendencies than do non-Christian males,” was supported,
p =< .001. Before making any interpretations, the researcher had to
establish whether RWA was expressed by Christians, non-Christians, or
both. RWA is not a religious-only or Christian-only characteristic; however,
Christians do appear to exhibit more RWA qualities that do non-Christians.
The religious origins, religious messages, and rigid family structures of some
Christian families tend toward a right-wing authoritarian result in individual
development. Thus, RWA is in some ways founded in an unhealthy system
of religious beliefs.

HYPOTHESIS 3
Hypothesis three, “Christian and non-Christian males who are Internet
pornography compulsives demonstrate more RWA characteristics than do
non-compulsives,” was supported at p =< .003. The results are consistent
with the observations of the major researchers in the sex addiction field,
and further illustrate that RWA is not solely descriptive of unhealthy religious
practices. Right-wing authoritarian tendencies remain evident in both groups
and can be interpreted as necessary components for the development and
maintenance of cybersex addiction.
 160 N. P. Levert

HYPOTHESIS 4
Hypothesis four, “Christian males who are Internet pornography compulsives
demonstrate more right-wing authoritarian tendencies than do non-Christian
males who are Internet pornography compulsives,” was not supported statis-
tically, p => .05. This researcher was surprised by the outcome of hypothesis
four. The researcher held that non-Christian compulsives would not demon-
strate right-wing authoritarian tendencies because of the religious origins
associated with RWA. Non-Christians did not share the same experiences,
pressures, and worldviews unique to compulsives within the faith commu-
nity. Thus, the researcher assumed that the lack of such experiences would
lead to fewer right-wing authoritarian characteristics.
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Limitations
Although there are advantages to collecting data online, some disadvantages
do exist with regard to sampling and procedure. Random sampling was an
important standard within the study. However, the sample was limited to
male Internet pornography consumers who happened to have access to the
survey between the months of October 2003 and May 2004. Due to the nature
of online survey collection, procedure was also an issue as the researcher
was not able to administer the survey in person or observe the participants
as they completed the survey.
Another limitation inherent to online surveys is the process for partici-
pant selection. No screening process was employed as consumers voluntarily
selected themselves to be participants for the study. Only people who had
the time and were willing to dedicate 30 minutes to the survey submitted
completed surveys. Also, because of the enormous amount of traffic on the
Internet, there is no way of knowing exactly how many people came in con-
tact with the survey. Visitor statistics for the online survey were recorded, but
determining whether the Web site “hits” were potential participants is unclear
(i.e., some visitors could have been female, under the age of 18, cybersexuals
looking for a new porn Web site, or bulk e-mailing companies looking for
e-mail addresses). In the eight month period that data was collected, more
than 43,000 people visited the survey site. From those visitors, a minimum
of 1,314 people with identifiable IP addresses started the survey. One flaw
in the design of the online survey was the failure to add a feature that dis-
abled females and minors from completing the survey. Thus, the number of
female and underaged visitors is unknown. Of the 1,314 visitors, 416 males
completed the survey. Determining a response rate is therefore difficult. Of
the people that visited the Web site, .967% of them completed the survey;
of the people that visited the Web site and started the online survey, 32%
of them completed the survey. One way to improve the response rate could
have been to shorten the length of the survey.
 Christianity, Authoritarianism and Internet Pornography 161

A final limitation was the disproportionate number of subjects that

resided in Alabama (20.8%). The reason for the high response rate was that
a professor at a small college in Alabama offered her students extra credit
points for completing the survey. Thus, unlike the other subjects of the study,
the students were motivated to participate in the study by both the cash prize
drawing and extra credit points.

Implications of the Findings

Practical implications of the findings of this study include the observations of
the sex addiction researchers. The right-wing authoritarian tendencies of the
male compulsives are important to the understanding and treatment of the
sexual behaviors and cognitions of cybersexuals. Right-wing authoritarian
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characteristics relevant to the treatment of male cybersexuals include the

following:

1. Rigid families of origin.

2. Experience little guilt.
3. Compartmentalized thinking.
4. Possess contradictory ideals.
5. Adopt double standards.
6. Shift of principles to justify desire.
7. Unlikely to be vulnerable.
8. Low in self-understanding.
9. Low resolve towards personal improvement.
10. Less likely to admit wrongdoings.

The characteristics listed above can also be found in cybersexuals and have
strong clinical implications. In other words, when therapists work with sexual
compulsives, it could be beneficial to treatment to consider the impact that
RWA tendencies and cognitions has on the patient.
Right-wing authoritarians are marked by submission, aggression, and
conventionalism. Authoritarian submission is to acknowledge the inherent
right of perceived established authorities (e.g. parents, religious officials, civic
officers, military superiors, etc.) to set standards for society. Right-wing au-
thoritarians possess a general willingness to comply with the laws of their
authorities without questioning or criticizing their efforts. Right-wing author-
itarians believe their authorities are the only ones who should define what
is moral and immoral, and reject the idea of free thinking (Altemeyer, 1996).
Authoritarian submission becomes relevant in therapy as clinicians can ob-
serve and confront the inconsistency of behavior in relation to standard and
law as established by authorities of the right-wing authoritarian compulsive
(i.e., few established authorities within the life of the right-wing authoritarian
would approve of compulsive sexual behaviors). Clinicians must challenge
 162 N. P. Levert

the sexually addicted RWA’s tendency towards authoritarian submission in an

attempt to offer freedom, confidence, self-worth, and personal autonomy.
Aggression is authoritarian when it is coupled with the belief that the
established authority condones the behavior. Authoritarian aggression is
based on self-righteousness and works to control the behaviors of others
through punishment. Right-wing authoritarians demonstrate “an ‘Old Tes-
tament harshness’ in their approach to human conduct” (Altemeyer, 1996,
p. 10). An understanding of this aggression has treatment implications. First,
therapists must understand that anyone can become a target of authoritarian
aggression: the client’s therapist, family of origin, spouse, children, neighbor,
church community, social deviants, or minority groups. Therapists need to
be aware of the potentiality of transference and countertransference issues
when addressing the aggression. Therapists must confront the right-wing au-
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thoritarian compulsive’s use of punishment, blame, and anger as an isolation

strategy for maintaining or justifying the addiction. Clinicians must also ad-
dress the sexually compulsive RWA’s need to control the behaviors of others
while leading a life that is grossly out of control.
Authoritarian conventionalism is to possess a strong commitment to
the social norms of society. Right-wing authoritarians believe in law, and
generally have conflict with people who do not possess the same convic-
tions. Right-wing authoritarians embrace conventional attitudes toward gen-
der roles. Women are to be subservient to their husbands and demonstrate
modesty. Sexuality in general is viewed as sinful and, while sexual trans-
gressions are condemned for both genders, the wrongdoings of women are
judged more harshly when compared to men. Religious right-wing authoritar-
ians appear to be fundamental, blindly compliant to teachings, and resistant
to change (Altemeyer, 1996). The implications for clinicians involve help-
ing right-wing authoritarian compulsive redefine their understanding of law.
Whittling life down to a set of laws and standards may lead to a life based
in performance and perfectionism. When behaviors alone define a person
as good or bad, then a theme of hopelessness with regard to recovery is re-
inforced. Compulsives need to be introduced to concepts such as freedom,
choice, and humanity’s propensity towards failure in an effort to ensue a
trade: an understanding of true love and grace in exchange for their defense
mechanisms (e.g. denial, rationalization, projection, reaction formation, etc.).
Therapists must also work to redefine the role of women as equals within
the context of community. Finally, compulsives must embrace the idea that
all people are in some way sinners, deviant, minorities, and failures needing
something bigger than themselves for wholeness. The use of pornography
to achieve this sense of wholeness is a counterfeit quest that will only lead
to more self-destructive patterns.
Overall implications for therapists involve some more generalized ther-
apeutic themes. First, from a systems perspective, marriage and family
therapists can expose the rigid and sometimes abusive family of origin
 Christianity, Authoritarianism and Internet Pornography 163

patterns experienced by most compulsives. Compulsives need to restruc-

ture their early childhood cognitions that may be the underlying voice that
leading them to addiction.
Second, mental health professionals must help uncover the shame and
guilt that exist within the right-wing authoritarian compulsive. The idea that
the RWA compulsive does not experience shame does not mean that it does
not exist. The stronghold of the Internet is a symptom of this underlying
sense of shame. An unveiling of the shame could help explain the need for
cybersex for escape in the context of the addiction cycle.
Third, compulsives need to learn healthy views of sexuality. In other
words, if cybersexuals deem most sexual behaviors as bad or sinful, then
it becomes difficult for them to reconcile even healthy behaviors. Again, an
unveiling of the underlying shame associated with sex could be most useful
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in treatment. The client needs to experience freedom from shame even within
the context of healthy sexual expression. Unhealthy views of sexuality could
stem from the compulsive’s family of origin and therefore a systems approach
may be appropriate.
Fourth, when treating Christian compulsives, clinicians must be aware
of the nuances of their addiction as affected by their faith. While Christian
and non-Christian addicts share common characteristics that coincide with
right-wing authoritarian tendencies, clinicians must not ignore the unique
dynamics of the Christian addiction pattern. Like non-Christian addicts, Chris-
tian addicts experience problems with intimacy within their social commu-
nities. Unlike non-Christian addicts, Christian addicts experience problems
with intimacy within their spiritual community and with their God. Like
non-Christian addicts, Christian addicts distort reality. Unlike non-Christian
addicts, Christian addicts distort the reality of God, grace, healing, and for-
giveness, making the need for escape even greater. Thus, addiction for the
Christian takes on added dimensions as it is plagued by toxic-faith mes-
sages and a distorted view of God. Christian compulsives need to rede-
fine their understanding of God’s character and forgiveness. An authoritar-
ian view of God is not consistent with His true character as described in
Scripture. While God takes seriously the law He has given to mankind, His
purpose for such standards is founded in His deep love for humanity and
not judgment or disgust. Thus, while developing intimacy skills in compul-
sives in general is therapeutically relevant, it is equally important to address
with Christian compulsives the need for intimacy with their Lord and faith
community.

Future Research
The results of the present study contribute to the field of Internet pornog-
raphy addiction, but conservative steps must be taken before making any
definitive claims about the population as a whole. The findings of this study
 164 N. P. Levert

must be used as the foundation for further research of compulsives and

RWA. Researchers also must consider the right-wing authoritarian character-
istics of women. A common assumption made about Internet pornography
consumers is that they are mostly male. However, while the research is lim-
ited, there are some studies suggesting that females are engaging in online
sexual pursuits as well.
Future researchers could also examine the right-wing authoritarian ten-
dencies of homosexuals and bisexuals. Homosexuals and bisexuals were
included in the present study, but their representation was disproportionate
when compared to the number of heterosexual participants. One major ques-
tion would be whether homosexual and bisexual compulsives demonstrate
RWA, and if so, do they appear to demonstrate the same levels of author-
itarian aggression? An assumption would be that they do not since, in the
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popular media, they are more portrayed as generally being a more tolerant
group. Future research could solidify this hypothesis.
Future research projects also could be designed to sample cybersexuals
from specific religions. Potential research questions could include the fol-
lowing: (a) Do certain Protestant faiths encourage right-wing authoritarian
thought more than others? (b) Do certain non-Protestant faiths encourage
right-wing authoritarian thought more than others? (c) Do certain non-
Christian religions encourage right-wing authoritarian thought more than
others? If so, what are the unique messages of the religion that make fol-
lowers vulnerable to RWA and sexual compulsivity?
Finally, more research in the area of RWA and compulsivity needs to
be done from a worldwide perspective. The present study sampled people
residing in the United States only. Another research question to consider is
whether right-wing authoritarian compulsivity is unique to the United States
or evident in addicts across the globe.

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