Professional Documents
Culture Documents
As we have seen Old English was a highly inflected language. These inflections appeared at the end of words and were
unstressed. Because the inflectional endings showed the relationships between words in a sentence, the word order of
Old English was fairly free.
As a consequence of the loss of inflectional endings, grammatical relationships began to be marked through word
order and the use of preposition.
Syntax
Word order became fixed SVO, even in subordinate clauses. It had to be fixed, because case morphology wasn’t able
to guarantee right thematic interpretation for NPs.
The suffix was a nominalisation suffix in OE and into ME. Progressive could have a passive meaning until the 19th
century:
English starts to develop condition that all sentences have a subject, so subjectless impersonals like the following
become rare:
Pronunciation changes:
[w] lost between consonant and back vowel (w is silent in two, sword, answer)
Loss of final -n in possessive pronouns (min fæder - mi fæder) and the addition of -n to some words beginning with a
vowel (a napron - an apron, a nuncle - an uncle)
[ž] phoneme was borrowed from French as the voiced counterpart for [š]
Because English spelling was becoming standardized in the 15th and 16th centuries, the Great Vowel Shift is
responsible for many of the peculiarities of English spelling.
GVS
I. The Great Vowel Shift signals the single most important change from Middle to Modern English, and it separates
English from other European languages.
A. Only six vowels were affected. These are long, stressed monophthongs—that is, vowels in stressed positions in the
word that were held long in pronunciation and that had a pure sound (i.e., were not made up of groups of sounds).
B. The GVS was a systemic shift: that is, it was a change in a system of pronunciation, not a change in individual
sounds.
D. Here is one scholarly reconstruction of the order of the shift and perhaps how it happened:
1. The high front vowels represented by the letters i and u in ME became diphthongs: that is, they became pronounced
differently, each as a cluster of two sounds. This change took time: In early Modern English of the sixteenth century,
words like mice and mouse (in ME, pronounced “mees” and “moose”) would have been pronounced “moice” and
“mohuse.” By the end of the seventeenth century, they were pronounced “mah-ees” and “mah-oose” —very close to
our own pronunciations, which are diphthongs.
2. The mid vowels, in ME written as e and o, were raised. Thus ME feet, pronounced “fate,” came to be pronounced as
Mod English “feet.” ME do, pronounced “dough,” came to be pronounced as Mod English “do.”
3. The low back vowel written in ME as a rose to fill the place left by the older ME e. Thus, a word like name,
pronounced in ME as “nahme,” became pronounced “naim.”
4. Finally, the long, open o (pronounced like “aw”) was raised to the long o. Thus, the ME word so, pronounced like
“saw,” came to be pronounced “so.”
1. Migrations from the north and the Midlands into London brought speakers into contact.
2. This mix of dialects created social pressures to develop or select a set of pronunciations that would have new social
status or prestige.
3. The sounds that were chosen or developed appear, in retrospect, as the sounds of the GVS.
A. Alexander Pope, writing in the eighteenth century, reveals that the GVS still hasn’t completely run its course.
B. But there is much early written evidence for the GVS. There survives a large body of letters from the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, mostly from family correspondence.
2. Their spelling forms were not learned in Chancery, but rather reflected their speech habits.
3. They used older, ME spelling to record new sounds in their speech resulting from the GVS.
IV. The impact of the GVS on speech and writing was substantial.
A. We need to understand the GVS in tandem with the rise in the standard forms of written English being developed in
Chancery and used by Caxton and his successors in print.
1. In educated and official writing, spelling was old-fashioned: it was, in effect, etymological. It did not reflect the
newer sounds of speech in the GVS (nor did it reflect several other minor sound changes also going on the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries).
2. An added effect of this growing separation was a change in how punctuation was used. In the Middle Ages,
punctuation was, in essence, ear punctuation: It signals breaks in reading aloud. By Caxton’s time, punctuation was
moving toward eye-punctuation, which signals syntactic or clausal units of a sentence.
2. For a handful of words, like steak and great, the GVS did not even apply.