ISSN 1018-9556=Ekklesiastikos Pharos 91 (2009) N.S.

20

THE POST-BYZANTINE CHRONICLE OF

CEPHALONIA: THE AUTHOR‘S NATIONAL AND
PATRIOTIC SENTIMENTS AND CONCEPTS

Thekla Sansaridou-Hendrickx

University of Johannesburg

Abstract

In the framework of literary, political and social influences of

Greece and Western Europe upon the social and cultural life of
the Ionian Islands in the 18th Century, this article analyses the
patriotic and national concepts and sentiments of the author of
the Post-Byzantine ―Chronicle of Cephalonia‖ as he expresses
them in the first 125 verses of his narrative poem.

1. The Chronicle of Cephalonia

Written in 561 political1 verses by Charalambos Lagkousis Phlorios2 before
the end of the Venetian occupation of Cephalonia in 1797, this chronicle was
published under the title Χρονολογικόν απάνθισμα περί της νήσου
Κεφαλληνίας (Chronological Anthology about the Island of Cephalonia)
only in 19603. Starting from the creation of the world, the author narrates the
history of his native land, Cephalonia, ending his narration in the year 1593
A.D.
1
C. Dimaras, Modern Greek Literature, London, 1974, p. 29: The metre took its name from Polis, i.e.
Constantinople, where it originated. The term defines rhythmic poetry consisting of two half verses
of respectively eight and seven syllables.
2 A descendant of an old Cephalonian family, whose origin mounted back to the 13th Century,
Charalambos Lagkousis Phlorios was born in Lexouri, in the middle of 18th Century. He wrote his
works and epigrams during the period of 1771-1782.
3 E. A. Tsitselis, Κεθαιιεληαθά ΢ύκκηθηα, ΢πκβνιαὶ εἰο ηὴλ ἱζηνξίαλ θαὶ ιανγξαθίαλ ηῆο λήζνπ
Κεθαιιελίαο, Αthens, 1960, pp. 506-526.

305
2. Assessment of the Chronicle by the editor and aim of this article
In his work the Chronographer does not seem to have literary or scholar
ambitions, yet the effort to present his text in verses and the use of certain
literary forms, such as personifications4, imagery5, similes6 and metaphors7,

4
Personifications:
‖ἡ ἀθξηβὴ παηξίδα κνπ θαὶ ζπιαγρληθὴ Μεηέξα.
θαὶ θαίλεηαί κνπ λὰ ᾿κηιῇ θαὶ λὰ κὲ θαηαθξέλῃ‖.
(ll. 30-31)
‖Ἔηδη ἐηνύηε, θαίλεηαη, ζηὸλ λνῦλ κνπ λὰ κνῦ ιέγῃ
θαὶ ἡ θαιή κνπ ζέιεζηο, δεηιηάδεη θαὶ κνῦ θεύγεη‖.
(ll.41-42)
―θῃ‘ ἂλ ἴζσο θῃ‘ ἀπὸ ηἄλζε κνπ, δὲλ ἔιαβεο θαλέλα
θαὶ ζὺ θησρὲ λὰ κπξηζηῇο, δὲλ ἦηνλ ἀπν‘ κέλα
κ‘ ἀπ᾿ ἄιινπο ὁπνῦ ηὰ θξαηνῦλ ἐθεῖλνη λὰ ζθνξπίδνπλ
ὅπνπ ηζ‘ ἀξέζεη ὄρη ἐθεῖ ᾿πνῦ πξέπεη λὰ ραξίδνπλ.‖
(ll.121-124)
5
Imagery:
‖ηὸ πῶο δὲλ ἔπξεπε ἐμ ἐκνῦ λἆλε πεξηγξακκέλε
ὁπνῦ δὲλ ἔρσ πξνθνπή λὰ ηὴλ ὑπεξηηκήζσ
θαὶ κάμηα θνξέκαηα ζὰλ πξέπεη λὰ ζηνιίζσ‖∙
(ll. 33-35)
―ὤ! ηί ἀζρεκηὰ ηῆο γπλαηθὸο λὰ θόβῃ ηὰ καιιηά ηεο
᾿πνῦ εἶλε ἡ εὐγεληθηὰ ζηνιὴ θαὶ ὠκνξθηά ηεο.
Σξίρεο καθξαῖο ηῆο γπλαηθόο, ἡ Φύζηο ηῆο ραξίδεη
ἀθ᾿ η᾿ ἀξζεληθὸ ηὸ ζειπθὸ ἀπ᾿ αὔηαηο λὰ γλσξίδῃ
θαὶ θόβνληάο ηεο δὲλ βνιεῖ, λὰ εἶλε γλσξηζκέλε‖.
(ll. 49-53)
6
Similies:
―θαὶ ἡ πνιιὴ ἀπώιεηα, ἡ ᾿ιεπηεξηὰ ἡ κεγάιε
᾿πνῦ θάζε εἷο ζηνράδεηαη ζὰλ ηὤξηῃ ζηὸ θεθάιη‖.
(ll. 69-70)
―θαζὼο ζ’ ἕλ ἄξξσζην παηδὶ ᾿πνῦ ὁ γηαηξὸο ηνῦ βάλεη
εἰο ηὸ πνηῆξη γηαηξηθό, ἕλα πηθξὸ βνηάλη‖.
(ll. 97-98)
7
Metaphors:
‖Μηὰ παιαηὰ ὑπόζεζη ζηνράδνκαη λὰ ἀξρίζσ
θαὶ κὲ θαηλνύξγηα ρξώκαηα λὰ ηὴλ ἐδσγξαθίζσ.‖
(l. 1-2)
‖ὁπνῦ δὲλ ἔρσ πξνθνπή λὰ ηὴλ ὑπεξηηκήζσ
θαὶ κάμηα θνξέκαηα ζὰλ πξέπεη λὰ ζηνιίζσ∙
κ᾿ ἀπ᾿ ἄιινλ ἐπηζηήκνλα ἐηύραηλε λὰ γέλῃ
κὲ ρξώκαηα ῥεηνξηθὰ λἆλε πεξηγξακκέλε‖.
(ll.33-36)
‖γη᾿ αὐηὸ κὲ θνιαθεύκαηα ἐγὼ δὲλ ζὲ ζηνιίδσ.―
(l.80)
‖Δἰο μεξνηόπη εἶλ᾿ ηὸ δεληξὶ ηνῦ λνῦ κνπ θπηεπκέλν
θαὶ δὲλ κπνξεῖ πνηὲ θαξπὸ λὰ θάκῃ πξνθνκέλν.‖

306
suggests that he did not shy away from literary embellishment. Moreover,
Phlorios refers to poetic tradition, to Mount Parnassos8 and to ―his‖ Muse as
source of his inspiration:
“νὰ γράψω καθὼς ἔχουνε οἱ ποιηταὶ συνήθη
διὰ τοῦτο τὸ περίφημο νησὶ Κεφαλληνίας”.
(ll. 16-17)
“Ἡ Μοῦσα μου δὲν ἔφτασε ν’ ἀναίβῃ στοῦ Ἑλικῶνα
τὸ ὄρος νὰ στεφανωθῇ τῆς δάφνης τὴν κορόννα
οὔτε ὁποῦ ἐχόρτασε στοῦ Παρνασσοῦ τὴ βρύσι
νερὸ πολὺ τῆς ἀρετῆς, τὴ δίψα της νὰ σβύσῃ·‛
(ll. 83-86)
”καὶ διὰ στίχων τἄβαλα διὰ νὰ τὸν πλανέσω
μὲ Παρνασσοῦ γλυκὸ νερὸ νὰν τόνε κολακεύσω”.
(ll. 95-96)

With the aim to assess this document, the editor of the Chronicle, Elias
Tsitselis, provides some critical remarks too important to be overlooked.9
Among others, he states that this ―anthology‖ certainly does not have great
historical value, that its sources are not known and that it has not been
meticulously written.
Furthermore, regarding the content, Tsitselis lists the following
shortcomings: chronological and historical inaccuracies, repetitions,
chattering, wrong spelling and the use of ―impure‖ Greek language (Ionian
dialect). After having placed the chronicle in its proper time and local
framework, Tsitselis also comments:
a) on the significance and value of the local idiom as a linguistic sample10.
b) At the same time, he expresses his conviction that through the
publication of the text all what intellectuals of that time (ca 1771) knew
and believed about their own history would become widely known.
c) He believes that this work may have initiated the creation of more
systematic and detailed essays and memoirs.

(ll. 81-82)
―ηνῦ Ἰζκαήι, θαὶ βξίζθεηαη ζηὴλ ζθέπε ἀπνθνπθάηνπ
ηνῦ Γνύθα καο ηνῦ ἐζπιαγρληθνῦ θαὶ ηνῦ Γαιελνηάηνπ.―
(ll. 25-26)
8
Νεώηεξνλ εγθπθινπαηδηθόλ ιεμηθόλ «Ήιηνο», Athens, 1957, vol. 15, pp. 565-567: Mount
Parnassos is situated north of Delphi, on the border of Phocis, Phthiotis, and Boeotia prefectures.
In ancient Greece Parnassos was devoted to Apollo and the Muses, and considered as a symbol
of poetic inspiration. Based on this concept, the Parnassian School was founded in France in the
1860s.
9 E. A. Tsitselis, Κεθαιιεληαθά ΢ύκκηθηα, pp. 506-526.

10 Ibidem, p. 506, ―θαζ’ νὓο ἐγξάθε ρξόλνπο εἶρε πνιιὴλ ζεκαζίαλ θαὶ ζθνπηκόηεηα, δηόηη ἐλ η῵

ἐγρῳξίῳ ἰδηώκαηη ηῆο λήζνπ, θαὶ δὴ ὑπὸ θεθαιιῆλνο, νὐδὲλ κέρξη ηόηε δεκνζηεπζῇ, νὔηε
ἐγλσξίδεην ἂλ ἐμεπνλεῖηό ηη ηὸ ἀθνξῶλ εἰο ηὴλ ρξνλνινγηθὴλ θαὶ ἐλ ἐλὶ θαηάηαμηλ ηῶλ
ἱζηνξηθῶλ ηῆο λήζνπ γεγνλόησλ‖.

307
d) Lastly, he expresses his gratitude towards the author, who despite his
limitations as a self taught Greek clergyman, succeeded with real
modesty and zeal in recording and narrating previous studies and essays
regarding the island of Cephalonia.

*
Having taking under consideration the above-mentioned points, we will
through an intertextual analysis examine the feelings and sentiments of the
author, and, if possible, of contemporary intellectuals and the society in
general regarding cultural, political and social issues. In our examination of
the introduction of the Chronicle, we will be led by the following three
factors:
a) The historical context in which the Chronicle belongs;
b) Its literary style; and
c) The affiliation of its author, as an Orthodox priest, with the
Byzantine tradition and his Church.

3. Historical framework : The period between 1770 to 1820

3.1. Venice and the Ionian Islands in the 18th Century

The Venetians were the last Christian ‗Latins‘ that had held some parts of the
Greek, previously Byzantine, lands, mainly because of their strong Navy.
Indeed, due to their naval victories over the Ottomans on 19 July 1717 (at
Tainaros) and one year later, on 20 July 1718 (north of Elaphonision), at the
beginning of the 18th Century they could finally stabilize their position in the
Islands, and drive back the Turks to the Aegean Sea.11
Meanwhile, after the conquest of Venetian Crete by the Ottomans in
1669, Kerkyra and the Ionian Islands became the centre of refugees from the
Greek world, artists and artisans, as well as a centre of ecclesiastic (orthodox)
art12. The Cretan tradition was firstly followed by painters such as Nikolaos
Kallergis (1715-47), Spyridon Stentas (1672-1711) and George Gryparis
(1719). Others, influenced by Italian as well as Flemish art, took the lead and
obtained fame: amongst them one can cite George Chrysolaras (1723-61) (in
Kerkyra), and Leon Laskaris Leichoudos (1734), Andreas Karantinos (1702-
40) and Eustathios Karousos (1756-1820) (in Cephalonia), who were
succeeded by a younger generation. Aristocratic houses (archontika) and
churches were built in baroque style.13
Since many of the Ionian islanders had a mainly western (Italian)
education, revolutionary orientations existed among them which were spred
11 I. Chasiotis, ―Ζ θάκςε ηεο Οζσκαληθήο δπλάκεσο», in Ηζηνξία ηνπ Διιεληθνύ Έζλνπο, vol. ΗΑ,
Athens, 1975, p. 47.
12 For the Greek territories, which had not been occupied by the Turks, Venice represented their

―moral capital city‖ with the meaning of a cultural and spiritual centre: see A. Vakalopoulos,
«Νεζηά ηνπ Ηνλίνπ, ε ηειεπηαία πεξίνδνο βελεηηθήο θπξηαξρίαο (1689-1797)», in Ηζηνξία ηνπ
Διιεληθνύ Έζλνπο, vol. ΗΑ, 212-218, p. 217.
13 M. Chatzidakis, ―Πλεπκαηηθφο βίνο θαη πνιηηηζκφο‖, in Ηζηνξία ηνπ Διιεληθνύ Έζλνπο, vol. ΗΑ, 244-

273, pp. 263-66.

308
by contemporary French ideologists. Moreover, many islanders were in Italy
when Napoleon Bonaparte occupied Italy. 14
Consequently, several islanders conceived the creation of a ―Hellenic
Democracy‖, even before the Greek ideologist, Rigas Pheraios, had
expressed his own ideas. Thus, the Greek ―Ephemeris‖ (Journal) of Viennes
wrote on 12 June 1797 – in retrospective – that ―these days word goes
around that the inhabitants of Corfou, the Orthodox ones, declared that they
no longer wish to remain under the administration of other nations, but that
they wish to create a Greek democracy, like it was in the time of their famous
forefathers‖.15

3.2 Political and social changes in Cephalonia (18th Century)

In Cephalonia, the changes brought about by the arrival of refugees from
Crete were manifested in the political, economic, social and cultural life of
the inhabitants. For instance, in 1750, following the political reforms, which
Venice introduced, the Council of Nobles consisted of 6 000 members,
instead of the original number of 93. As a result, among the other islanders,
Cephalonians not only gained the name of αθάζαξηνη (unclean=low class),
but their social structure experienced changes that created conflicts among
nobles, bourgeois and peasants16.

4. The cultural framework : Western and Eastern currents

As an island between West and East Europe, between Catholicism and the
Islamic Ottoman Empire, and between Italian and Greco-Byzantine
civilizations, Cephalonia was directly influenced by all these factors, albeit in
different degrees.17
Referring to the cultural tendencies in England during the second half of
the 18th Century, Louis Cazamian18 mainly identifies ―the feeling for the past
in all its diverse aspects‖. In other words, there was a ―need of the soul for
moral alienation from the present‖ and the search for ideals and emotions in
the past, and mainly in the Middle Ages.19 There was a growing interest for
national causes, old-time texts and ancient monuments. In literature, though
still classical in form, new elements such as ―patriotism‖ ―national tradition‖,
―political eloquence‖ the ―Nature‖ and ―strong sentimentality‖ were

14 L. Vranousis, «Ηδενινγηθέο δπκψζεηο θαη ζπγθξνχζεηο», in Ηζηνξία ηνπ Διιεληθνύ Έζλνπο, vol. ΗΑ,
p. 447.
15 In reality, an Ionian State (Πνιηηεία) was indeed created and existed from 1800 to 1807: see Ν.

Μνζρνλάο, «Σα Ηφληα λεζηά θαηά ηελ πεξίνδν 1797-1821», in Ηζηνξία ηνπ Διιεληθνύ Έζλνπο, vol.
ΗΑ, 382-402, pp. 393ff.
16 A. Vakalopoulos, «Νεζηά ηνπ Ηνλίνπ, ε ηειεπηαία πεξίνδνο βελεηηθήο θπξηαξρίαο (1689-1797) », in

Ηζηνξία ηνπ Διιεληθνύ Έζλνπο, vol. ΗΑ, 212-218, p. 217. On the economy and commerce of that
time, see M. Pratt, Britain’s Greek Empire, London, 1978, pp. 25-27, 58, passim.
17
On the interaction of Western and Eastern cultures and issues of integration and self-
determination, especially on religious matters, see M. Pratt, Britain’s Greek Empire, pp.41ff.
18 L. Cazamian, ―Modern Times (1660-1914)‖, A History of English Literature, London & Torondo,

1930, pp. 938ff.

19 Ibidem, p. 940.

309
preparing the route to Romanticism.20 On the tendency of writing in verses,
Cazamian remarks: ―From the third to the eighth decade of the century, a
great number of authors are writing in verse from impulses that are the most
part rational, but in which there is an admixture, variously proportioned, of
those of the new spirit.‖21
The English influence on the French authors was remarkable manifesting
itself as scientific and reformative. In this period in France, the new
tendencies are demonstrated through strong interest in political, social, moral
or religious issues, which became basic factors for the happiness of the
individual in general. Supported by the public opinion, literary works,
although mediocre in value, became the voice of the society expressing the
essential rights of the individual, liberté and égalité. As for the style, l‘esprit
de conversation dominated most of the works, in order to demonstrate
simplicity, logic, sensibility, passion and enthusiasm. Scientific vulgarisation
and criticism of traditions were the ordinary themes in literature22. However,
whilst the sovereignty of the people was manifested in works of art and
literature, the taste for luxuries and earthy pleasures was reflected in the daily
life in France23.
Italy was the nearest to the Ionian islands and the strongest in terms of
cultural influence on them. C. Cappuccio labels the Italian 18th century as the
age of Enlightement and defines it as the movement which originated in
England, but it was in France where it found its ―pieno sviluppo, e di lì si
diffonde come un vento impetuoso su tutta l‘Europa, investendo e
transormando idee, costumi, forme politiche, letteratura, ogni aspetto della
società.‖24
Cappuccio explains how the new ideas deriving from England and
France invaded most aspects of the Italian life, i.e. in commerce, in
agriculture and in the justice system introducing also something totally new:
―anche le dame penetrano nel cerchio magico delle nuove correnti,
abbandonano spesso i minuetti e i cicisbei per discutere dei diritti dell‘uomo
e della libertà. He defines the phenomenon as anglomania and gallomania.25
As for the Italian literature, it aimed at educating and instructing the
Italian people by spreading knowledge to the masses. Popularization of
culture and science was the new logo. According to Cappuccio, and most
relevant for the form and style of the Chronicle of Cephalonia, this period

20 Ibidem, pp. 900ff.

21
Ibidem, p. 843.
22 See G. De Plinval, Histoire de la littérature française, Paris, 1930, pp. 125-126. Indeed, England
was considered as the land of experimental research and of independent thinking, offerring new
directions to the French thinkers and authors.See also pp. 162-163: ―les idées sont, presque
toutes, la traduction abstraite d’un sentiment‖.
23 P.-G. Castex & P. Surer, Manuel des études littéraires françaises, XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1966, p. 1,

referring to the French philosophers: ―...ils opèrent une révolution dans les esprits qui précède la
grande révolution dans les institutions et dans les moeurs‖; see also pp. 4, 6.
24 C. Cappuccio, Storia della letteratura italiana, Firenze, 1958, p. 381.
25 Ibidem, pp. 394ff.

310
―fu l‘epoca dei giornali, ch esprimevano questa nuova aspirazione, e sorsero
numerosi e vivaci. Fu l‘età della filosofia e della scienza ridotte in facili
versi, per divulgare il sapere anche tra i profan).26
Referring to Greece, C. Dimaras not only confirms the above-mentioned
but also states that during these ―critical‖ years for Greece the ―predominant
spirit‖ was that of ―popular bourgeoisie‖ and ―subjectivity‖. He identifies the
same elements as in the Western Enlightenment, such as thirst for
knowledge, return to natural sciences, and time for the conquest of the
external world. Summarising he writes:
―An essentially critical period, it is given to scientific investigations and
to revival of moral values; the individual is detached from the group,
expression of the subjective world is affirmed, literary preoccupations
are accentuated. There is an obvious tendency toward a synthesis of
various currents and the beginning of preromanticism. The period is
characterized by a vigor that will be intensified; it will reach its peak
and will be shattered by the War of Independence.‖27

In Greece too, returning to the Platonic tradition, authors applied dialogues to

express sentiments, concepts and personal opinions. As for historical
writings, Dimaras refers to the developing of a pure historical awareness. He
argues, that historical works of the period were written in simple language
and expressed a desire to make aware the Greek public of the Unity of
Hellenism28.
As for the reactions of the Greek Church to the new ideas and cultural
streams, Dimaras states: ―...The church passes from conservatism to
reaction.‖ He believes that the whole movement was posing a serious danger
for the church in the sense that it might lead neophytes to lose their faith,
especially because of the new directions philosophy and physics opened to
the public and their strong opposition to superstitions and blind faith.29

5. The Chronicle of Cephalonia and its Author : concepts and influences

Aside from its narrative nature, the Chronicle of Cephalonia contains certain
elements, which may be considered as a reflection of nearly all the above-
mentioned ―tendencies‖. In his lengthy introduction in form of dialogue, the
author expresses among other feelings strong sentimentality, popularization,
anti-bourgeoisie, and above all national consciousness.

5.1 The concept of Venice in the Chronicle of Cephalonia

Phlorios refers to Venice as the aristocratic liberator power of the Venitians
who freed his island from the Turkish domination. In contrast to the

26 Ibidem, p. 397.
27 C. Dimaras, Modern Greek Literature, pp. 142ff.
28 Ibidem, p. 154. On the French and Italian influences, see Ibidem, p. 151.
29 Ibidem, p. 144.

311
―tyranny‖ of the Turk Ismail30, he describes the Venetian Doge31 as not only
a merciful and most noble man but also ―as one of their own‖ (τοῦ Δούκα
μας).
Moreover, he considers the Venetian occupation as an act of
―liberation‖ and not as ―enslavement‖:
“ὁποῦ τὴν ἐλευθέρωσεν ἡ Ἀριστοκρατία
τῶν Ἐνετῶν μὲ τ᾿ ἄρματα ἀπὸ τὴν τυραννία
τοῦ Ἰσμαήλ, καὶ βρίσκεται στὴν σκέπη ἀπουκάτου
τοῦ Δούκα μας τοῦ ἐσπλαγχνικοῦ καὶ τοῦ Γαληνοτάτου”.
(ll. 23-26)

5.2 Western influences in the Chronicle

Beside his direct reference to Venice, the author either linguistically (by the
use of Hellenized Italian words) or conceptually (by the description of
fashion in habits and appearance), indirectly points at the influences of the
Italian culture on the local cultural and social life:
“μὲ μάντο μὲ ἀνδριανὲ μὲ χρυσωμένα γάντζα
μὲ σοβραντόνδο καὶ κουτόν, ἀλλ᾿ οὔλτιμα ου᾿σάντζα.”
(ll. 39-40)
“καὶ τώρα στὰ γεράματα μὲ τόση μπιτζαρία
γυρεύεις νὰ στολίζεσαι μὲ παραγκοναρία,
νὰ κόψῃς ταῖς πλεςίδαις σου νὰ βάλῃς τὴν περοῦκα.”
(ll. 45-47)
“Ἐγὼ θυμῶμαιτὴν στολὴν ὁποῦ ἐφόριες πρῶτα
στὴ Μερτζαρία τῶν Ὁμαλῶν τὰ μαῦρα τζαμπελότα
νὰ κάνῃς τόσαις φορεσιαῖς καὶ τόσες σοτανέλαις
καὶ τώρα δὲν σὺ φτάνουναι νὰ ᾿φαίνουν σταῖς μπρονζέλαις.”
(ll. 55-58)
“-Λέγε μου, σὲ εὐχαριστῶ κῃ᾿ ἄς μ᾿ ἔχεις ἐνδυμένη
μὲ φορεσιὰ καθημερινή, σὰν λέγουν ἄλλα μπόνα
μὲ στίχους ᾿ποῦ τοὺς λέγουσιν οἱ Φράγκοι ἀλλὰ Καρλόνα.” 32
(ll. 118-120)

30 During this period, the Sultan in reign was Mehmet II (1451-1481). The name Ismail refers to an
Ottoman commander: D. Nicol, The Despotate of Epiros, 1267-1479. Cambridge, vol. II, 1984,
Index.
31
We cannot be sure to which Doge the author refers: Agostino Barbarigo (1486-1501) and
Leonardo Loredan (1501-1521) successively reigned during this period. See J. J Norwich, A
History of Venice, Middlesex, 1983, p. 642.
32 κάλην / mantello = cloak, γάληδα / ganzzo = the buckle, ζνβξαληόλδν / sopratondo = rich overcoat,

νὔιηηκα νὐζάληδα /ultima usanza = latest fashion, κπηηδαξία bizzaria = eccentricity, πεξνῦθα /
parrucca = wig, see also Tsitselis, Κεθαιιεληαθά ΢ύκκηθηα, ΢πκβνιαὶ ..., p. 509, footnotes 1-7
and p. 511, footnotes 1-2: ἄιια κπόλα / alla buona = simply, to dress casually.

312
The words are Italian in origin and describe cloths and fashion of dressing.
However, the degree of awareness the priest author demonstrates regarding
fashion and female outfits creates a paradox on which Phlorios himself
elaborates as follows:
“Ἀτὸς σου εἶσαι ἱερεὺς κῃ᾿ ὡσὰν παραξενίζεις
δὲν εἶσαι λαϊκὸς ... ταῖς μόδαις νὰ γνωρίζῃς”
(ll. 77-78)

From a linguistic point of view, the fact that a priest uses these terms
indicates how common they were in his contemporary society. In
addition, as G. Gizelis’s argues, people have culturally bound
perceptual styles acquired at a young age and these styles dictate the
way "that members of a particular culture conceive of reality and
organize and categorize their experience"33.
Moreover, the use of Latin and Greek by learned people
facilitated the integration of cultural elements deriving from both
worlds:
”Μὰ λίγο ἐπερίγραψε διὰ ταύτη ὁ καθένας
μέσα στὶς ἱστορίαις τους ᾿παφῆκαν γεγραμμένας
σὲ διάφορα ἰδιώματα ἑλλήνων καὶ λατίνων
καθὼς ἐσυνηθείζασιν εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ἐκείνον.”
(ll. 7-10)

Nature is conceptualised as a ―good Mother‖ who does not approve human

efforts to forge her creations; e.g. women should keep their hair long and
men short for Her to recognise them:
“Τρίχες μακραῖς τῆς γυναικός, ἡ Φύσις τῆς χαρίζει
ἀφ᾿ τ᾿ ἀρσενικὸ τὸ θηλυκὸ ἀπ᾿ αὔταις νὰ γνωρίζῃ
καὶ κόβοντάς τες δὲν βολεῖ, νὰ εἶνε γνωρισμένη,
ὥστ᾿ ἡ Μητέρα ἡ καλὴ ἔμεινε γελασμένη.”
(ll. 51-54)

In accordance with European tendencies, the traditional role of the Church in

setting moral standards and preaching celestial felicity to faithful Christians
was taken up by intellectuals: ―moral questions were discussed in every
literary form‖ while virtue became ―the basis of ethics in human society‖34

33
G. Gizelis, ―Historical Event into Song: the Use of Cultural Perpetual Style", Folklore 83 (1972),
302-320, p. 319 - For a detailed analysis of the cultural interaction between individual and society
and its expression in chronicles, see Thekla Sansaridou-Hendrickx, Ανωνύμου Το Χρονικόν
των Τόκκων, Έλληνες, Ιταλοί, Αλβανοί και Τούρκοι στο Δεσποτάτο της
Ηπείρου (14ος-15ος αιώνας), Η κοσμοθεωρία του Αγνώστου συγγραφέα,
Thessaloniki, 2008, pp. 404ff.
34 C. Dimaras, Modern Greek Literature, p. 158.

313
 By blaming his native island for ‗her‘ frivolous and costly tastes, the
author, as a clergyman, indirectly expresses clear rejection of his
contemporary social morals;
“Τόσαις μεγάλαις ἔξοδες γιὰ νάσαι στολισμένη,
γἰ αὐτὸ τὰ πλούτη σου εἶσαι ξεπεσωμένη”.
(ll. 59-60)
”καὶ βασιλεύει ἡ φαντασιὰ σταῖς γνώμαις τῶν ἀνθρώπων
καὶ ἡ πολλὴ ἀπώλεια, ἡ ᾿λευτεριὰ ἡ μεγάλη”.
(ll.69-70)

In his introduction, the author expresses his frustrations regarding scholar

snobbism and social differentiation. Based on external indications, the author
demonstrates his concept regarding social stratification by drawing the line
between rich and poor:
“Ἄν ἴσως αἱ κατώτεραι ντυόνται εἰς τέτοιον τρόπον
καὶ βασιλεύει ἡ φαντασιὰ σταῖς γνώμαις τῶν ἀνθρώπων”
(ll. 67-68)
“καὶ ξέπεσα καθὼς μοῦ λές, ὀχ᾿ τὸ πολύ μου πλοῦτος
πρέπει ν᾿ ἀκολουθῶ κῃ᾿ ἐγὼ τῶν ἀλλωνῶν τὴ τάξι”.
(ll. 72-73)

The author also expresses cultural differentiation as he draws the line

between the learned, erudite people and those of limited knowledge:
“ὄχι σοφῶν ἀνθρώπωνε, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἁπλουστέρων
γιατ᾿ οἱ οἱ σοφοὶ τὰ ἔχουνε κῃ’ ἐκεῖνοι διαβασμένα”.
(ll. 114-115)
He wonders whether his native island, Cephalonia, should not prefer to be
described in rhetoric language by an academic or more learned person:
“μ᾿ ἀπ᾿ ἄλλον ἐπιστήμονα ἐτύχαινε νὰ γένῃ
μὲ χρώματα ῥητορικὰ νἆνε περιγραμμένη
κῇ ἀπ᾿ ἄλλονε σοφώτερον, νἆν᾿ περιενδυμένη
νὰ τὴν στολίσῃ κατὰ πῶς τῆς πρέπει καὶ τυχαίνει.”
(ll. 35-38)
He repeatedly rejects the ivory tower mentality of his contemporary
intellectual scholars, usually manifested by rhetoric language or their
exclusiveness:
“ὁποῦ τὰ ἐπερίγραψαν εἰς ἄλλαις ἱστορίαις
διάφοραις καὶ παλαιαῖς τόσαις χρονολογίαις
εἰς μίαν γλῶσσαν ᾿ποῦ ἦν δεινή, κἀγὼ σ’ ἁπλῆ τὴ φράσι”.
(ll. 89-91)

314
Popularization is another feature of Phlorios‘ narrative poem. Since the very
beginning and in contrast to the erudite tradition of writing adopted by most
scholars, the author explains that his aim is to inform the non educated
general public about their native island by means of vernacular language. At
the same time, he distances himself from other writers who used a difficult
and complimentary language in writing about Cephalonia.
”γι᾿ αὐτὸ μὲ κολακεύματα ἐγὼ δὲν σὲ στολίζω”.
(l. 80)
“Καὶ μὴ μὲ βαρεθῇς γι’ αὐτό, πολλ’ ἀκριβὴ πατρίδα,
ἄν καὶ ἀπὸ τὰ ἄνθη σου, ἕνα ποτὲ δὲν εἶδα
νὰ μυριστῶ, ‘σὰν τὰ σκορπᾷς καὶ δίνεις ἀλλουνῶνε
ἀπ’ ἔχουν ἀπὸ λόγου μου πλέα κακὸν καιρόνε”.
(ll. 101-104)
“κῃ’ ἂν ἴσως κῃ’ ἀπὸ τἄνθη μου, δὲν ἔλαβες κανένα
καὶ σὺ φτωχὲ νὰ μυριστῇς, δὲν ἦτον ἀπο’ μένα
μ’ ἀπ᾿ ἄλλους ὁποῦ τὰ κρατοῦν ἐκεῖνοι νὰ σκορπίζουν
ὅπου τσ’ ἀρέσει ὄχι ἐκεῖ ᾿ποῦ πρέπει νὰ χαρίζουν.
καὶ τὰ γρικοῦν καὶ ξέρουνε καλλίτερ’ ἀπεμένα”.
(ll. 121-125)

The author propagates all factual information he has obtained was the result
of meticulous reading and translating, and places it in the disposition of his
fellow simple man (ἁπλοῦς ἄνθρωπος):
“ Αὐτὰ περιμαζόνοντας ἀπό πολλά βιβλία
εἰς σὲ μακρὸ διάστημα καὶ μὲ ἐπιμελεία
ἐγὼ τὰ μεταγλώτισσα εἰς σὲ πεζὴ τὴ φράση
διὰ νὰ ᾿μπορῇ πᾶσα ἁπλοῦς ἄνθρωπος νὰ διαβάσῃ“
(ll. 11-14)

Regarding the writing style, in the Chronicle of Cephalonia there are two
styles adopted: In his introduction of 125 verses, Phlorios uses dialogue,
which is guided by strong sentimentality and subjectivity while in the rest of
his text (ll. 187-561) he applies narrative verses with no significant personal
interventions.
As J. A. Cuddon explains, there was a major revival of lyric poetry
throughout Europe towards the end of the 18th Century and during the
Romantic period: ―It usually expresses the feelings and thoughts of a single
speaker in a personal and subjective fashion‖35.

35 J.A. Cuddon, A Dictionary of Literary Terms, London, 1986, pp. 371-374.

315
 Sentimentality, which marked the literary style of the 18th Century in
Europe36, is also expressed in various parts of the introduction of the
Chronicle of Cephalonia in terms of nostalgic reflections about a glorious,
but lost, past of the author‘s native island37:
“Λέγω της σὲ θαυμάζομαι ᾿ποῦ στὴν νεότητά σου
τόσαις στολαῖς δὲν ἤθελες παρὰ τὰ ἄρματά σου”.
(ll. 43-44)
“Ἐγὼ θυμῶμαι τὴν στολὴν ὁποῦ ἐφόριες πρῶτα
στὴ Μερτζαρία τῶν Ὁμαλῶν τὰ μαῦρα τζαμπελότα
νὰ κάνῃς τόσαις φορεσιαῖς καὶ τόσες σοτανέλαις”.
(ll.55-57)
“μὰ τώρ᾿ ἀλλάξαν οἱ καιροί, τότες εἶχαν τὴν χάριν,
τὰ ἄρματα, μὰ ἡ στολὴ τώρα τὴν εἶχε πάρει”.
(ll. 62-63)
καὶ ξέπεσα καθὼς μοῦ λές, ὀχ᾿ τὸ πολύ μου πλοῦτος
πρέπει ν᾿ ἀκολουθῶ κῃ᾿ ἐγὼ τῶν ἀλλωνῶν τὴ τάξι”.
(ll. 72-73)

5.3 The Byzantine literary tradition in the Chronicle of

Cephalonia
In the introduction of the Chronicle, except the above-identified elements of
Western origin, there are also certain characteristics associated with the
identity of Phlorios as Greek Orthodox priest and writer, namely Byzantine
literary features in the religious framework of the Greek Orthodox Church.38
36 Ibidem, p. 617 – M. H. Abrams, A Glossary of Literary Terms, Hong Kong, 1987 (4th ed), p. 175
explains: ―A useful distinction between sentimental and nonsentimental is one which does not
depend on the intensity or type of the feeling expressed or evoked, but labels as sentimental a
work or passage in which the feeling is rendered in commonplaces and Clichés, instead of being
freshly verbalized and sharply realized in details of the situation as represented.‖
37 Comp. http//www.William Wordsworth.com., ―On the Extinction of the Venetian Republic‖ 1802:

1. Once did she hold the gorgeous East in fee;

And was the safeguard of the West: the worth
Of Venice did not fall below her birth,
Venice, the eldest Child of Liberty.
5 She was a maiden City, bright and free;
No guile seduced, no force could violate;
And, when she took unto herself a mate,
She must espouse the everlasting Sea.
And what if she had seen those glories fade,
10 Those titles vanish, and that strength decay;
Yet shall some tribute of regret be paid
When her long life hath reach'd its final day:
Men are we, and must grieve when even the Shade
Of that which once was great is pass'd away.
38 On the connection between Byzantine liturgical poetry and secular literature, see K. Mitsakis, Σν

εκςπρνύλ ύδσξ, Athens, 1983, pp. 93ff. On other faces of the development of the Byzantine
hymnography, passim.

316
The fascination with narration, which characterizes the Byzantine romance39,
seems to have guided Phlorios in formulating his inspiration40.
Indeed, the Chronicle of Cephalonia may be considered as a reflection
of this statement: though the author admits that in his narration, he models
after the Frankish poetic tradition, “μὲ στίχους’ ποῦ τοὺς λέγουσιν οἱ
Φράγκοι ἀλλὰ Καρλόνα” (l. 120), he has evidently followed the
Byzantine popular literary tradition of narration; the use of ―simple‖,
―vernacular‖ language and of ―political‖ verse, characteristic of the
Byzantine folk songs, the so-called παξαινγέο (ballads) and chronicles41,
together with the author‘s Orthodox clerical identity, indicate the affiliation
of the author with the Byzantine popular poetic tradition.42
In confirmation, though from another point of view, notwithstanding the
profound mark the Venetian domination had left on the Ionian Islands, M.
Pratt identifies this integration of cultures as follows:
―Ionian culture, like so much else in the islands, was deceptive.
Superficial westernization obscured the reality of the fundamental and
immutable Greek character of the population.‖43

6. Sentiments of nationalism and provincialism

It is believed that in a nation the main unifying factors, which constitute
national awareness among its people are language, religion and a collective
historical memory. However, sentiments of love for one‘s native land,
defined as provincialism or localism may be confused as feelings of
nationalism. 44
According to the Webster Dictionary, localism refers to the ―habit of
mind which favours what is local, or characteristic of a particular place or
area‖, while the term provincialism means ―narrowness of outlook, failure to
consider questions from a national point of view‖45. The corresponding term

39 C. Dimaras, Modern Greek Literature, pp. 21ff.

40 Comp. Thekla Sansaridou-Hendrickx, Ανωνύμου Το Χρονικόν των Τόκκων, pp. 33, 69:

“Ἀκούσατε γάρ, ἅπαντες, μετὰ πληροφορίας,

τὸ πῶς ἐγίνη ἡ ἀρχή θαυμάσια μεγάλως.”
(ll. 1-2) and
“Καὶ τώρα θέλω νὰ σὲ εἰπῶ καὶ περὶ τὸν δεσπότην
τὸν τόπον του πῶς ὤρθωσεν, τὴν ἀφεντίαν, τὰ κάστρη.”
(ll.2278-2279).
41 Comp. C. A. Trypanis, The Penguin Book of Greek Verse, Middlesex, 1971, pp. Lviii and 463ff.
42 On the integration of literary elements of Italian, Classical and Byzantine origin, see Th. Pylarinos,

Δπηαλεζηαθή ΢ρνιή, Athens, 2003, pp. 167, 169ff.

43
M. Pratt, Britain’s Greek Empire, p. 60.
44
For an analysis of the sentiment of nationalism and national consciousness, see Thekla
Sansaridou-Hendrickx, Δζληθηζκόο θαη εζληθή ζπλείδεζε ζηνλ Μεζαίσλα κε βάζε ην Χξνληθό ηνπ
Μνξέσο, Α. ΢ηακνχιε, Thessaloniki, 2007, passim; for an analysis of the two concepts, i.e.
provincialism and nationalism, see ibid. pp. 113-ff. - Thekla Sansaridou-Hendrickx, ―The
awakening of Greek National Consciousness during the 13th Century‖, in Anno Domini I (2003) 81-
124, and II (2005) 137-181.
45 H. C. Wyld, E. H. Partridge, Webster Universal Dictionary, pp. 828, 1141.

317
in Greek ηνπηθηζκφο is defined as the absolute loyalty to the interests of one‘s
particular area of one‘s native land.46 M.M. Handelsmann, who labelled the
phenomenon as ―solidarité provinciale‖, argues that this sentiment of
solidarity or ―accord‖ developed into nationalism47.
The author manifests his love for his native land especially in his first
lines used as a preface to his main theme. By means of a dialogue, he
addresses her as his compassionate Mother‖, praises her for her beauty and
her glorious historical past.48
Another main element in the definition of nationalism is collective
historical memory49. According to L. Gazamian, the sympathy for things of
the past after 1760 ―is a phase, one might say, in its own inner evolution, that
the national spirit perceives and approves of in the imaginative return to the
past.‖50
In his introduction, the author stresses the importance of building up
national consciousness, by insisting that every ―simple‖ man and future
generations (τῶν μεταγενεστέρων). should be able to read and understand
his narration of the history of Cephalonia
“ ἐγὼ τὰ μεταγλώτισσα εἰς σὲ πεζὴ τὴ φράση
διὰ νὰ ᾿μπορῇ πᾶσα ἁπλοῦς ἄνθρωπος νὰ διαβάσῃ
τοῦτο τὸ συνταγμάτιον, ὁποῦ μοῦ ἐβουλήθη“.
(ll. 13-14)
“διὰ μικρὰν ἐνθύμησι τῶν μεταγενεστέρων”
(l. 113)
“Μιὰ παλαιὰ ὑπόθεσι στοχάζομαι νὰ ἀρχίσω

46 Georgopapadakos, Σν κεγάιν ιεμηθό ηεο λενειιεληθήο γιώζζαο, Thessaloniki, 1980, p. 2393;

47 M.M. Handelsmann, ―Le rôle de la nationalité dans l‘histoire du Moyen Age‖, Bulletin of the
International Committee of Historical Sciences II, 2 (1929), pp. 235-247.
48
―ἡ ἀθξηβὴ παηξίδα κνπ θαὶ ζπιαγρληθὴ Μεηέξα.‖
(l. 30)
―δηὰ ηνῦην ηὸ πεξίθεκν λεζὶ Κεθαιιελίαο
ὀρ ηνὺο θαηξνὺο ηῶλ ἐζληθῶλ θαὶ ηῆο πνιπζεἸαο
ιέγσ, ἀπὸ θηίζεσο θόζκνπ δύν ρηιηάδεο
ἔηε ᾿πνῦ βάλσ ηὴλ ἀξρὴ θ᾿ ἑπηὰ ἑθαηνζηάδεο
θαὶ ἕσο εἰο ηὰ ρίιηα θαὶ πεληαθόζηα ἔηε
ἐθ ηῆο ἐλαλζξσπίζεσο Χξηζηνῦ ηνῦ εὐεξγέηε.‖
(ll.17-22)
―ηνῦην ην ΢πληαγκάηηνλ ’πὤρσ πεξηγξακκέλν
ὅζα ζνῦ ἐζπλέβεζαλ ηόζσλ πνιιῶλ ρξνλῶλε
δηάζηεκα, ὀρ ηνὺο θαηξνὺο ηῶλ πξῴελ ἐζληθῶλε.‖
(ll. 108-110)
49
On nations and Greek nationalism, see Thekla Sansaridou-Hendrickx, ―The awakening of Greek
National Consciousness ...‖, in Anno Domini I, pp. 86-94.
50 L.Gazamian, A History of English Literature, p. 941; Gazamian, p. 939, elaborates on the feeling

for the past and the thirst for factual information which are expressed by the pre-Romantic writers,
and especially searched in the Middle ages.

318
 καὶ μὲ καινούργια χρώματα νὰ τὴν ἐζωγραφίσω.”
(l. 1-2)
“κἄποιον ὀλίγον τίποτε διὰ τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν
μὰ ἀδιάκοπον τελείαν ἱστορίαν. “
(ll. 5-6)
“διὰ τοῦτο τὸ περίφημο νησὶ Κεφαλληνίας
ὀχ τοὺς καιροὺς τῶν ἐθνικῶν καὶ τῆς πολυθεἸας“.
(ll. 17-18)
“ἡ ἀκριβὴ πατρίδα μου καὶ σπλαγχνικὴ Μητέρα.”
(l. 30)

7. Conclusion
In his introduction, the author manifests the following points:
a) Integration of cultural concepts and beliefs from two opposed worlds, in
terms of religion, language, social behaviour and value systems.
b) Strong features of self-determination regarding national identity,
collective historical memory have come to the fore.
c) Strong subjectivity, attachment to Mother Nature and projection of
human social virtues versus spiritual satisfaction after death, represent
some of the main ingredients identified as basic features of the
Romanticism flourished in the 19th century.
d) Finally, the main aim of the author to wake national consciousness
among his fellow men by writing the history of his native island in
vernacular language proves the existence of national sentiments before
the creation of nations in Europe in the 19th century.

319