Theo Jan L.

Isaac December 12, 2022

POLSCI 11 - TFG
Asynchronous Activity #2

From Turbans to Suits: Authoritarianism Across the Globe

In their opening match against England in this year's world cup, the Iranian Football team
opted not to sing their national anthem as a sign of solidarity with the ongoing protests for
equality; this action prompted threats from their politicians shortly after (Wintour, 2022). After
being impeached twice, Donald Trump, a man capable of inspiring people to go against
legitimate election results without providing proper evidence, is still one of the top contenders in
the 2024 US Elections (Ponnaiya, 2022). In Russia, the government headed by the Kremlin
would rather opt to detain thousands of peaceful protestors, than listen to their plea to stop the
invasion (Vernon, 2022). According to Heywood (2013), Authoritarianism is a belief or practice
of an exercise of authority without regard for popular consent. Given how recent the examples
are and how they happen in different parts of the globe, more likely than not, Authoritarianism is
here to stay. There are three factors this paper will cover to justify its prediction: Supply,
Demand, and Resistance.

For something to remain in contemporary politics, there must first and foremost, be a
steady source for it. All across different regions, we see a group of individuals who have the
propensity, capacity, and willingness to embrace Authoritarianism. Going back to Iran, their
leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has held the status of supreme leader for over three decades
withstanding countless protests. Their regime structure affords him incredible amounts of power
across the board as he directly or indirectly appoints people from military personnel to heads of
universities (CFR Editors, 2022). He nominates six of the twelve members of the Guardian
Council, a group in Iran that wields much power and has recently disqualified more than half of
aspiring parliament candidates, a good sum of which are advocating for reform (Freedom House,
2022). While there were rumors regarding his poor health a few months back, there are
speculations that the Assembly of Experts (a group of clerics) already chose a replacement
should a vacancy come (Slavin, 2022). Taking into account how the predecessor of this
incumbent, Khomeini - an authoritarian himself, built a system that vests a magnanimous amount
of power to its leader, it would be likely that we would see history repeat itself in Iran. This level
of vast control can also be seen elsewhere. In China, Xi Jinping removes his former boss, Hu
Jintao, from congress even when the old man can be seen resisting (Areddy, 2022). If Xi can do
this to their country's former number one, what can he not do? Meanwhile in Russia, Putin is still
able to continue his war, after a ton of embargos and numerous calls for him to stop (both in and
out of his country). After just examining three countries, it is already clear that there exist leaders
who are willing to suppress other voices and have the political machinery and will to do so. The
unfortunate reality then becomes apparent; there is no shortage in the supply of authoritarians.
 The case with Authoritarianism is that it can also exist within seemingly democratic
systems if the situation allows it. This is where the factor of demand comes in because, in areas
that do not have as much supply of authoritarian leaders, the way for it to survive is when some
people choose to rally behind one. In the United States, Donald Trump was known for making
countless accusations against the media and undermining the trust of the American public in the
elections claiming it was rigged (Harned & Jimenez, 2020). Down south in Brazil, former
president Jair Bolsonaro also took a page from the authoritarian book by attacking their supreme
court and threatening their supposed independence (Human Rights Watch, 2021). The scary
thing in both these situations is that the people have clear alternatives, yet some still choose to
support these figures. By the numbers, there is a chance that Trump may be back in office by
2024 (Ponnaiya, 2022), and after the narrow defeat of Bolsonaro in the recent elections, his
supporters formed blockades across the country disrupting daily life and further undermining
democracy (BBC News, 2022). There are multiple reasons why these situations may be
happening (further discussion provided in the next segment). One can point to the abuse of the
internet by strongmen leaders to rally their base (Bremmer, 2018). Another may be the rise of
anti-politics sentiment which leads people to go against traditional institutions and systems
which are then capitalized by people who “offer an alternative” (Heywood, 2019). Indeed, if
Authoritarianism were to go away completely, it is not only the ambitious strongmen alone that
must be taken into account.

Thankfully, along with the resurfacing ideology of Authoritarianism, on the rise are
people and institutions that are ready to combat it. However, the reason why this paper stands by
its prediction is because of observations that show how these efforts of resistance fall short in
stopping such leaders, mainly because Authoritarians themselves understand they need to deal
with them if they are to retain their positions. To ensure control of their harshest critic, Putin is
pressing even more charges to extend jail time for his primary opposition Alexei Navalny
(Deutsche Welle, 2022). In Iran, authorities are willing to shoot live rounds on protestors and are
not showing signs of easing crackdown measures (Fassihi, 2022). All of this is not to say that
there have not been victories against anti-democratic leaders as evidenced by the defeat of
Trump and Bolsonaro in their re-election bids. However, it is also unlikely to see how there will
be an eradication of Authoritarians within the current political landscape.
 The Illusive Golden Era: Populism in the Philippines

Education leaders, Professionals, and Economists (Guinigundo, 2022; Mateo & Flores,
2022; Magsambol, 2022) are just some of the groups that backed the Leni-Kiko tandem in the
past election. Yet despite the overwhelming amount of credentials one can see from the
supporters of the then-vice president, the results of the elections were clear. If one was part of the
academe or any university, it was easy to feel as if two separate worlds were existing during the
election. Within the halls of knowledge, it was pink; but on the streets, especially in the poorer
areas, it was red. Cox (2017) tries to describe populism as skeptical of the prevailing
establishment. Throughout his campaign Marcos Jr. harped about the glory days the country had
under the rule of his father; his signature populist tactic (Jalea, 2022). This was his clear strategy
despite the facts established within our history books all telling a different tale. More than ever, it
is important to pay higher attention to populism in the study of politics, because in the words of
Cox, something is happening (not just in the Philippines). That is why this paper aims to tackle
the causes, challenges, and implications of populist politics using the Marcos-Duterte tandem as
its focus. The rise of populism is caused primarily by deep dissatisfaction with the current
political system, challenges the liberal framework through which our democracy operates, and
brings about new arguments in the discussion of power.

Dilawan was (and still is) a common pejorative term thrown a lot during the elections,
most of it hurled toward the critics of the Marcoses. Its use was aimed to paint any critic of the
administration as someone who is blindly following the Aquinos legacy; all the while insinuating
that the "Yellows" only failed the country. It capitalized on the deep-lying problems within the
nation and painted it to be all the fault of the past administrations (specifically Cory's and
PNoy's). If one looks back, it can be seen that this is one of the main focal points of attack of
both the Marcos and Duterte camp to their opposition. The term was excessively used even back
during the senatorial race in 2019 against the Otso Diretso Team (Punzalan, 2019).
Spokesperson Vic Rodriguez was comfortable using it even when making false statements
during the campaign season (PressONE.PH, 2022). Cox (2017) recognizes that it is when people
are dissatisfied with what they have been receiving do they become more vulnerable to populist
rhetoric. The Dutertes and Marcoses knew this and struck when the iron was hot. Rodrigo
Duterte, despite several criticisms hurled by local and international groups for his illiberal
methods, particularly in his drug war, maintained a high approval rating as the people were
charmed with the idea that he "can do something" (Affatato, 2017). Meanwhile, Marcos also has
his brand of populism, a variation that relies on a sense of nostalgia for a lost glorious past his
father put up (Jalea, 2022). Interestingly he also uses the slogan "Sama-sama tayong, babangon
muli", implicitly pressing on the wounds within a broken country. It is hard to imagine that such
tactics can work in a country where the people are not extremely hungry for change because of
their circumstances, but alas, the average Filipino people probably had been living a hard life.
 "This antagonism to populism may be understandable given that so much of what some
populists say is deeply concerning from a liberal perspective" (Cox, 2017). One of the key
features of populism is that it appeals directly to voters and paints the elites as corrupt
(Heywood, 2013), something the Marcoses and Dutertes have done by vilifying traditional media
outlets (Gavilan, 2018) and discrediting academic institutions (Abad, 2022) among other things.
This part is neither meant to vilify populism as a whole nor to necessarily defend the liberal
status quo, given populists can vary greatly. Rather, this paragraph aims to present how its rise
challenges the liberal democratic foundations most modern politics (the Philippines included)
stand on today. Perhaps the most obvious challenge rising populism poses in the status quo is the
traditional way we push for democratic legitimacy. Heywood (2013) points out that one of the
key democratic factors legitimacy is pushed is through a good feedback system. Currently,
however, the Philippines is now more polarized than ever because of the rampant propaganda
usage brought about by the rise of populists in power (Mendoza, 2021). At least for the context
of populism present in our country, the challenge to liberal ideologies has also brought about the
threat to informed debates and discourse. The challenge populism brings therefore is not only to
the existing structures but to the Filipino citizenry as well.

A quick search on Google or Facebook can reveal how many Marcos supporters feel
about the supporters of Leni. They feel they are arrogant and elitist; in some cases, it is
unfortunately true. As discussed in the opening lines of this essay, there is a divide between the
experts and the masses, and that should be enough for us to rethink the way we approach politics.
The greatest implication populism brings to the table is the discussion of how power should be
distributed. Mogato (2022), explains why the poor, the ones who make up most of the Philippine
population, want the Marcoses. Their reasons vary significantly from that of the experts, but just
because there is a difference in opinion does not mean discussion should be hampered, right?
Unfortunately, multiple authors say that the Philippines is facing a polarized society (Chua,
2022; Gutierrez, 2022; Llamas, 2022). While this paper does not defend the stance that all
opinions should be treated equally, maybe it is time the experts and academics ensure that they
bridge the gap between them and the common people, not burn it.

Socrates was a known critic of Athenian Democracy. He warned how people can be
fooled by a sweet shop owner rather than listen to a doctor. With the rise of populism today it is
high time we consider what we can do to make the system better.

Part 1 Word Count: 937 Words

Part 2 Word Count: 1013 Words
Total Word Count: 1950 Words
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