The Death of Antisthenes, or "P.Oxy".

XI 1366 Revisited
Author(s): Rosalia Hatzilambrou
Source: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik , 2015, Bd. 194 (2015), pp. 80-90
Published by: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43909714

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80

The Death of Antisthenes, or P. Oxy. XI 1366 Revisited1

P. Ghent inv. 51 (M-P3 2502, TM nr. 61290, LDAB id 2432)2 was originally published in 1915 by Gren-
fell and Hunt as P. Oxy . XI 1366 entitled 'Fragment of an Attic orator'; since then the papyrus has been
considered to preserve a text of Attic forensic oratory. In what follows I am arguing that P. Oxy. XI 1366
preserves a fragment of a 1ieÀixr|, which involves the two most celebrated Cynics of the fourth century B.C.
and which could be the product of a famous rhetorician of the imperial period.

The Manuscript and Its Script

The so-called text of an Attic orator is written across the fibres on the back (after being turned upside
down) of a report by a 8em7tpcoToc to a cxpaxriyóc, which was published as P. Oxy. XII 1444. The report
is dated to the summer of 249, which provides a terminus post quem for the writing of the literary text on
the back.3 The latter preserves in a column to full height according to Grenfell and Hunt "the beginnings of
lines of the ')7ió0£cic, and first column of a speech by an Attic orator, preceded by the conclusion of a title
]oyevoi)c". More correctly, the title is written in the middle of an âypocípov (which is now marred by many
holes) preceding the column of the text, almost opposite to lines 12-13. The upper margin of the text is pre-
served to 3.1 cm, the lower to 3.7 cm, which give a ratio of approximately 4:5, but I doubt that the margins
are complete at any point. However, there is a tendency for taller columns to prefer smaller margins.4 The
column amounts to 30 lines, with a written height of 25.9 cm. Regarding the length of the lines Grenfell
and Hunt suggested that it "need not exceed an average of seventeen letters". But if my suggestions for the
reconstruction of the first lines of the text are correct, the line would averagely accommodate 29 letters,
with a width of 9.6 cm. In that case, the papyrus would confirm the tendency observed by Johnson that "a
tall column is usually wide and is rarely written in a fine script".5 The column-height and width are not
unexpected, especially for a prose text and an informal hand. The estimated height of the roll (32.7 cm) also
corresponds to the expected range for bookrolls in the Roman era, that is 25-33 cm.6
Title and text are written by the same scribe.7 The title is executed in a formal and larger script, and is
decorated by means of horizontal lines marked above and below it. The hand of the text can be certainly
classified as informal or semi-cursive. Its script is round, fairly large (especially the initial letters of a line),
roughly bilinear and displays extensive ligaturing, a, JlI, v in particular are written cursively.
On palaeographical grounds such a hand would well be assigned to the late third century. Dated com-
parable hands are GLH 22 a, c, d, dated to c. A.D. 260. The cursive features of this hand are very common
in documents of the second half of the third century.8 Dating to the late third century conforms well to the
terminus post quern provided by the date of the report on the front, on the assumption of a minimum time
interval of five to ten years for the reuse of a papyrus.9 Grenfell and Hunt also considered the literary text
on the back "probably not more than a generation later than the report".
1 I cordially thank Dr Daniela Colomo and Prof. Mike Edwards for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper. My
thanks are also due to E.L.K.E. of the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens for its financial support.
2 A digital image of the papyrus can be seen at http://adore.ugent.be/view?q=BHSL.PAP&sort=score&sort_dir=asc&
language=en&search_type=advanced&fq=&start=23 (last retrieved 10/8/2014).
3 And not to 248 or 248/9 as stated in the ed. pr. On its dating see P. Oxy. LXXII 4878, 4n.
4 See Johnson (2004: 139-140).
5 Johnson (2004: 128).
6 Johnson (2004: 141-143).
7 Pace Bastianini (1995: 27) and Caroli (2007: 286).
8 Browsing images of documents of that period at the PapPal (www.pappal.info) will render this obvious; cf. for instance
P. Oxy. LXXV 5061 of 278 [on the date see Gnomon 83 (2011) 690], PSI VII 807 of 280, P. Oxy. LXI 4120 of 287, P. Oxy.
XXXVIII 2855 of 291.

9 Cf. GMAW1 19, and Lama (1991: 55-120, esp. 87-92).

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 The Death ofAntisthenes, or P. Oxy. XI 1366 Revisited 81

The scribe marks the beginning of a section by ekthesis, enlargement of the first letter (lines 1
5) and mpaypoccpoc (above line 5).10 Diairesis is marked on initial v (line 22). Elision is effected but
marked in line 9 and perhaps line 8. A possible blank at the end of line 19 (after c) may indicate the end of
a sentence. Itacistic spelling (yeiv-) occurs in line 14 and probably line 18 (tuc0- instead of 7teic0-).

Previous Scholarly Work

Contentwise, Grenfell and Hunt believed that the fragment involves an unidentifiable Antisthenes, ei
as the perpetrator or the victim of a case of murder by poisoning (see lines 2, 4, 6-7, 12 and 17).
such circumstances do not correspond with any of the known speeches by Attic orators involving i
viduals whose name ended in -oyevrļc: these are the two Kaxôc Â0T1voyévoDC speeches by Hypereides
V and or. deperd. I Fr. 1, ed. Jensen),11 three (or four, see below) speeches by Lysias, namely îlepi t
AioyévoDC KÀíipoD (or. deperd. XXXVIII Frr. 85-88, ed. Carey), Flpòc Aioyévr|v vnkp jnicGcocecoc o
or npòc Aioyévrjv vnkp Apxecxpáxoi) nepi ^copiou (or. deperd. XXXIX Frr. 89-94, ed. Carey)12 and I
rXat)Kcova 7tepì toC AiKaioyévow KÀripoD (or. deperd. XXXIII and XXXIV,13 Frr. 71-74, ed. Carey)
one by Isaeus, entitled Ilepi xoC AncaioyévoDC KĀiļpoi) (Is. V, ed. Thalheim), which is preserved entire
Central, however, to Grenfell and Hunt's understanding of this fragment is the differentiation of the ti
from the larger body of text, that is the speech concerning Antisthenes. On this assumption, they suggest
that the title might belong to the speech previously written in the roll which could be identified with one
of the aforementioned speeches written by Hypereides or Lysias. In the ensuing years scholarship14
not seriously questioned the conclusions of the first editors on this fragment. It is worth mentioning that
Turner-Parsons (1987: 14, n. 70), Bastianini (1995: 27) and Capasso (1998: 71, n. 79) listed the papyr
among the ones which have the title marked in a blank space, an aypacpov, before the first column, which
suggests that they assume that the title refers forwards. In fact, evidence does suggest that titles written
large aypa<poc which occupy the space of a column are relevant to the text that follows them.15 Additiona
ly, Whitehead (2000: 474) expressed his doubts that the papyrus preserves a speech by Hypereides, on
grounds that the particular dikasts' address, co avôpec Ā0iļvaīoi in lines 5-6, is not attested in the ex
works of Hypereides. Finally, Carey in his 2007 OCT edition of Lysias included the text of the papy
among Lysias' aTiÓKpDcpa (number A5), that is fragments attributed to Lysias by scholars, and he offered
some suggestions for supplementing the text. This, then, is where scholarly work stands regarding P. Oxy
XI 1366.

A New Proposal for Identification of the Nature of the Text

I am pretty much convinced that the papyrus under study preserves the title, the imoOecic and the first lines
of a [lekh rļ, more specifically a historical forensic declamation, where a historical figure was represented
as standing trial for some charge, and the declamation consists of its defence or accusation speech.16 This
declamation falls well into the first category of historical declamation, according to Russell's division,
which includes "fabricated events, usually trials or proposals for legislation, which never actually occurred

10 On the various forms of the mpaypoccpoc in the papyri see Barbis Lupi (1994: 414-417).
1 1 See also Whitehead (2000: 265-266).
12 In fact, scholarship now accepts that the titles npòc Aioyévrjv ímèp ļiicOcocecoc o'ikod and npòc Aioyévr|v ùrcep
ÂpxECTpœuoD Tcspì xcopíoD refer to the same speech, see Carey (2007: 358-359).
13 There were possibly two speeches (a and ß) by that name, see Carey (2007: 351, Fr. 71).
14 See Körte (1924: 160), Bartolini (1977: 35), Lama (1991: 78), Whitehead (2000: 474), Caroli (2007: 285-287).
15 See Caroli (2007: 53-57).
16 The relevant references in the rhetorical handbooks of the second to fifth centuries are assembled by Kohl (1915). For
an account of actual texts of historical declamations that have survived on papyrus, the earliest of them Ptolemaic in date, see
for instance Mertens-Pack3 between numbers 2495-2559, and Jander (1913: 23-40). Later examples include elaborate speech-
es of Aelius Aristides, Libanius and Choricius. On Greek declamation Russell (1983) is still the standard work. See also Swain
(1996: 91-96), Berry-Heath (1997: 393-420). On the educational use of the declamation, 'the crowning achievement of the
student of rhetoric' [Cribiore (2001: 223)], see Cribiore (2001: 220-244, esp. 231-238).

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82 R. Hatzilambrou

but are suggested by something in the

centrate on the classical period, with a
The text preserved in P. Oxy. XI 136
as they were standardized in the era o
study probably falls. The people mentio
ry Athens, namely the Cynics Antist
movement of Cynicism,19 and Diogen
disciple as a Cynic.20 The declamation
delivered in an imaginary trial. In my
founded, Diogenes is the defendant i
preserved in the title of the declamatio
In the imperial period the primary
first half of the third century Diogene
Cynics and included them in his work B
Diogenes is actually one of the length
material on the Cynic Diogenes in the
prominently appear in many Lucian
sthenes themselves are the protagonists
four discourses on the character of D
on Kingship Alexander is represented
Sayings attributed to Antisthenes but
of the Roman period, e.g. Plutarch, P
ostraca, mainly stemming from schools
yvœjLiai of Diogenes and a few by A
enjoyed apparently popularity in the
lenism and of its classical heritage, and
of that time.27
What is more, Antisthenes and Diog
inent hyper Greek figures, namely S

17 Russell (1983: 117). The second category

with the characters and places not specified".
18 See Kennedy (1974: 19), Russell (1983: 1
19 Our main source of information on Ant
sthenes' life, and relevant bibliography in S
20 In the third century the much disputed
lished, see Sayre (1938: 59-60), Navia (1998:
and writings see Sayre (1938) and Navia (199
21 The Lives of Cynics occupy the whole of
22 On Diogenes Laertius' sources see Gou
23 1,11,13,21,22 and 29.
24 See Giannantoni (1983: passim).
25 See Cribiore (1996: 44-47 and the catalog
popular wisdom in the Roman period see M
26 On Cynicism and Cynics in the imperi
of Old Cynics in that period, particularly att
2781) and Billerbeck (1996: 205-221). The same
27 Antisthenes himself began his intellect
in his own right a teacher of rhetoric. From
which include two declamations entitled A'iac
survived, see D. L. VI 15 (Caizzi Frr. 14-15).

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 The Death of Antisthenes, or P. Oxy. XI 1366 Revisited 83

as subjects for declamation.28 Antisthenes was one of the most faithful disciples of Socrates, present at his
master's execution.29 After all, he was named Antisthenes Socraticus, while his own disciple, Diogene
was dubbed by Plato CcoKpcxxric juaivójLievoc ('mad Socrates').30 So, both Antisthenes and Diogenes w
located within the great philosophical tradition founded by Socrates. Finally, Diogenes was connected w
Alexander, the King, not only in the fourth Kingship oration by Dio Chrysostom; and Diogenes' (supposed)
encounter with Alexander at the Isthmus also became legendary. It is reported by Cicero, Arrian, Plutarch,
Diogenes Laertius and others,31 where Alexander is said to have been enormously impressed by Diogen
genius, proverbially expressed as "ri jllt| A^é^avSpoc fļjLLTļv, Aioyévr|c âv fļjLiTļv".
The setting of the declamation preserved in P. Oxy. 1366 is probably one of the Athenian courts where
homicide cases were tried in fourth-century Athens,32 namely the Delphinion, the Palladion or the Ar
pagos. There is nothing in the written record to suggest that such a trial actually occurred. However,
declaimer could have drawn inspiration for the composition of his speech from accounts which link the ill
and about to die Antisthenes with his disciple, Diogenes, such as the one attested in Diogenes Laertius
18-19 (Caizzi Fr. 142), which reports that Antisthenes

èxekemr'CE 8è àppcocTÍa* Öt£ Kal Aioyévr1C riciœv Ttpòc aúxòv ecprļ, "'ir'xi xpria cpíXoi);"
KOCÍ 7tOT£ 7tap' OCÒTÒV ^l(p(8lOV £%CDV £ÍCT1^0£. TOO) Ô' riítÓVTOC, "líc CXV a7T0À,t)C£l£ 1I£ TOOV
7tóvcov;" Ô£Í^ac tò ^icpíôiov, £911 "toCto"* Kai öc, "xœv rcóvcov, rircov, oí) tou Çrjv." £§ók£i yap
Ttcoc jLiataxK(ÓT£pov cpép£iv TTļv vócov ')7cò cpiXoÇcoíac.33

('he died of disease just as Diogenes, who had come in, inquired of him, "Have you need of a
friend?"

Once too Diogenes, when he came to him, brought a dagger. And when Antisthenes cried
out, "Who will release me from these pains?" replied, "This," showing him the dagger. "I said",
quoth the other, "from my pains, not from life." It was thought that he showed some weakness
in bearing his malady through love of life.')34

Diogenes, then, is attested to have been present when Antisthenes died and perhaps he was the sole w
ness to his death.35 On a second occasion, Diogenes is reported to have volunteered to help Antisthen
and release him from his pains by offering him a dagger as means of suicide, which Antisthenes rejec
because of love of life. This was considered an exceptional attitude for a Cynic, who was expected to t
minate his own life when it became a burden for him because of illness or old age.36
The meeting between the ill Antisthenes and Diogenes is also quoted by Julian the Emperor in th
fourth century in his treatise Eie tovc amióróioDC Kwac ('To the Uneducated Cynics') 181a-b (Caiz-
zi Fr. 143). In this account Diogenes asks Antisthenes if he needs the aid of a friend (ri (pitan) %pf|í¡
')7io')pyíac), while he was handing to him a dagger.

28 See for instance Kohl (1915: nos. 175-184 on Socrates, and nos. 329-349 on Alexander). In addition, Alexander appears
in declamations which focus on Demosthenes' career, see for instance Kohl (1915: nos. 318-322) and Maggiorini (20
passim).
29 See PL Phd. 59b.
30 See Ael. V. H. XIV 33 and D. L. VI 54.
31 See D. L. VI 38, 60, 68, and Giannantoni (1983: 422-426).
32 Since Antisthenes died in Athens, cf. Eudoc. Violar. XCVI p. 56 (Caizzi Fr. 141): 7iepi AvxicGevoDC. èxeXeÚTrice 5e
A0r|vr|civ eßöo(iTiKovTo{)Tr|c yevó^evoc.
33 Goulet-Cazé (1992: 3967) points that "cette anecdote circulait dans les collections d'apophthegmes" and wonders
whether "elle est antérieure à Diogene Laërce ou ce dernier est responsable de sa presence".
34 All translations are from the Loeb edition, unless otherwise stated.
35 As Antisthenes had accompanied Socrates into his last hours, see PL Phd. 59b.
36 Diogenes himself committed suicide by self-asphyxiation according to one account, reported by Diogenes Laertius in
VI 76-77. Other Cynics are said to have followed his example, see Navia (2001) 22-23.

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 84 R. Hatzilambrou

appcocxoCvxi yow, (pacív, AvxicGév

éjiéScoKev ó Aioyévî1C cíticóv eí (píÀ,
o')Ô8 àÀ,yeivòv xòv Gávaxov.

('At any rate when Antisthenes was su

ed him a dagger with these words,
that there is nothing terrible or grie

The text is repeated in Suda a272338:

oxi àppcocxowxi AvxicGevei ļiaKpa

£7u8é5cDK8v eírccov d epikou %pfi
Gávaxov, cocxe yívecGai xr|v àppcocxí

('When Antisthenes was suffering

dagger, saying, "If you should requi
nothing painful, such that illness bec

Finally, in Boissonade's Anecdota Gr

name of Diogenes, which could be relev

AioyévoDc: oúk ëcxiv oůSeví41 ócvSpì

('Of Diogenes: there is no remedy of d

In this context and given the small por

of the declamation is that when Anti
dagger as a remedy by which Antisth
brought himself to justice43 and was tr
genes would be expected to advance a
death, namely that it is not something
text would have been in essence an ap

The Text

Here is the complete text followed by my suggestions for supplements.

col. i col. ii
avxicGev [
9apļLiaKo[
Kaieai)xc)[
vaxoDKp[

37 Cf. Schol. in Lucian. Par. 57 (Caizzi Fr. 144): mT(X7ipr|c0évx(xc <papļi(XKcp coc CcoKpomļc, KcxT(X7Epr|c0£VTac to ccojia
we 'HpaK^eixoc ó 'E<pécioc, (p0ivr|cavxac cbc ĀvīicGevrļc.
38 Cf. also Suda ei340 s.l. ei (pitan) xpf|Ceic ')7co')pyiac.
39 ôdcocvockAtitov is in all probability the outcome of textual corruption and should be restored to ÔDcaváÀ,ri7tTov, attested
in the aforementioned text of Julian. ôdcocvoíkAtitov has escaped notice, for it is also employed in medical texts with the mean-
ing 'hard to restore to one's senses (literally of hysterics)', see LSJ s.v.
40 Translation from http://www.stoa.org/sol-entries/aZ2723.
41 I would rather correct it to oúôév; it could have been misread by Boissonade.
42 Translated by R. Hatzilambrou.
43 At any rate as the Cynic par excellence Diogenes would not have feared exile or death, especially after the death of
his mentor. Actually, Dio Chrysostom in VIII 4, states that imi ôè àrcéBavev ó Āvxic0evrļc, cbc xéòv áXXam oúôeva fyyeixo
CDVoucíac a^iov, (lexeßri eie Kópiv0ov ('After Antisthenes' death he [Diogenes] moved to Corinth, since he considered none
of the others worth associating with').

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 The Death of Antisthenes, or P. Oxy. XI 1366 Revisited 85

5 Kaivov|ie[
vaioi(pi^[
cpavx[
À,0TIKCX[

ey(oyoi)[
10 KaiKax [
118VOD[
Kaici)Kc>[
]oyevoDC ļj,erļ8r|[
Kaiyeiv[
15 TOVuauT [
ÔIKT1V[
Tioc0av[
T17TIC0[
1I8VOC [
20 [ ]jiaxco[
[ ]KCO8E[
i)|iivo[
'lĆkew[
V0DC7C[
25 vrļcxiv[
TODCļl[
Ôp8C [
K0C1IV[

(piÀoc[
30 TOlTCöf

col. ii 1 [ left part of a curve

image. 14 1. yiyv-[ 15 [ a l

col. i col. ii
ÄVTIC08V
cpap|iaKc>[v
Kai 80CDTC>[ 0a-]
VOCTOD Kp[(v8

5 Kaivòv ļxe[v A0rļ-]

VaiOl <pik[ CDKO-]
cpavxf àX-]
À/OTl Ka[
eycoy' o')[
10 Kai Kax [
ļi8voa)[
Kal c')Ko[cpavT
Ai]oyévo')C lie Tļ0Tļ[
Kai yeiv[
15 toi xai)T [
ô(kt1v[ aí-]
Tioc 0av[áx
Tl 7CIC0[

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 86 R. Hatzilambrou

ļLievoc [
20 [ ]ļaocxco[
[T1]kco 8e[
')JLUV o[

V0DC7C[
25 vīļc xiv[
TOUC ļLl[ 0CV-]
Spec [
kocjiv[
cpiAoc[
30 toi tco[

col. i

Ai]oyévo')c. For supplement

the title KepKDpaicov in P.
or even Arco^oyícx Ai]oyév
that this declamation invo
understood in broad terms. I
examples of rhetorical ànoX
to's and Xenophon's version
and Lycurgus,45 while by t
Similarly, the author of this
apologetic response to accus
would have established an i
would have claimed a certai
Antiquity. From the latter
which the long declamation

col. ii

1-4 The first four lines of

to be stated in a fixed mann
personality and "record a wel
puts him in an imaginary s
the subject of the charge is p

44 In his Avtíôocic (Isoc. XV).

45 Lycurgus probably wrote two
Â7coXoyiC|j.òc obv 7t£7coÂÍT£DT
46 See Whitmarsh (2005: 79). Ru
pamphleteering. For more exam
47 It is of particular interest th
when considered within the fram
were àípcovóxepoi tt1C ckiôcc xf
[3.664, 'make more mistakes than
of Diogenes, the almost legendary
such accusations addressed, of co
48 Liban. Deci. I (ed. Foerster, v
49 Cf. Kohl (1915: passim) and P.
for declamations.

50 P. Oxy XXIV 2400 on p. 107.

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 The Death ofAntisthenes, or P. Oxy. XI 1366 Revisited 87

thus Avtic0£vc>[dc or Avxic0£vç[i would be supplied respectively. If Avxic0£vç[i is the correct reading, th
')7có08cic could be reconstructed exempli gratia as follows:

1 ÄVTlC08Ve[l ļiOCKpOVOCoCvTl ÔÍKT1V

2 (papļj,(XK9[') Aioyévrjc ^Kpíôiov £tu5o')C
3 Kal £auxò[v TcpocayyéXÀcov aíxíac 0a-
4 váxoD Kp[ívec0ai à^ioí.
Which would be translated: 'Diogenes provided Antisthenes who was suffering from a long illness wi
dagger as remedy. He denounces himself and claims to be tried for responsibility for the death.'
1 For ļLiaKpovoceīv and ļiaicpovocia (in the reconstruction of the ')7có0£cic) see LSJ s.v. Alternatively
given the space provided, I would suggest ôeivíoc vocowui instead of jiaicpovocown. appcocxowu co
also be an option.
3 rcpocayyéÀÀcov. rcpocayyei^ac could also be supplied. rcpocayyeAia as topic abounds in declam
tion.51 There is a series of examples in Sopater52 and Libanius.53 rcpocayyeÀía is 'denunciation', espec
'self-denunciation', that is declaration to the authorities that one wishes to be allowed the means of suicide
(usually by poison), because circumstances have made life unbearable. Such a speech is often to be ta
as a 'figured speech' (A,óyoc £CxrļļiaxiCļLļivoc), that is one which has a different object from the one pro
fessed.54 In our case, Diogenes' object could have been to refute (sycophantic) accusations against Cy
beliefs.

The collocation rcpocayyeAAeiv èauxóv is attested in the majority of the 'mo0£c£ic of such de
mations. Cf. also Suda tc2583: TtpocayyéAAev ó 8è èawòv rcpocayyéÀÀei (àvxí xov jiir|vt>£i) èauxòv a
0avaxou.
3-4 aíxíac 0a]váxou. For the attestation of the collocation in the ')7to0£c£ic of declamations cf. R
VIII 182.20, 185.20-21, 370.23 (ed. Walz).
4 Kp[iv£C0ai à^ioî is considered a better supplement than Kp[iv£xai. Kpiv£C0ai is the commone
finite verb in the imoOéceic of forensic declamations; for instance, it is employed in about one fourth of
i)7io0éc£ic listed by Kohl (1915). à^iow is often employed in the ')7io0éc£ic of declamations, cf. Sopa
RG VIII 306.25, 308.13, 309.12, 309.16-17, 312.6, 313.25, 315.20, 316.16, 317.13, 317.24-25, 320.23, 336.
(ed. Walz); Liban. Deel. 9, 19, 20, 21, 31, 35, 45, 48, 50.
5-30 The declamation begins in line 5. The text preserved in our piece is expected to have accomm
dated the 7ipooiļniov, and, if this was not very extensive, also the 7ipó0£cic (if there was one) and part of
Kaxacxacic, that is "the narrative establishing the circumstances of the case, which was normally inse
after the prologue".55 Apart from the £K0£CIC and the Ttapaypacpoc which marks a major change of sect
there is no other sign visible on the papyrus to mark the beginning of a section. However, the beginning
a new section within the text of the declamation would perhaps not necessarily have been marked so.
5-6 I would supplement lines 5-6 as follows: raivòv 1iè[v o')8év ècxiv, co av5p£C Ā0rļ]vaīoi ('it
nothing strange, men of Athens'), cf. the beginning of Demosthenes' Exordium 29: np&xov |lI£v oúôév écx
raivóv, co avSp£C A0īļvaīoi, xoîc 8ó£aciv mp' ùjliîv £Íva( xivac oïxiv£C àvx£poí)civ, £7i£iôàv 7ipáxx£
0£Tļ. Kaivóc and Kaivóxaxa are attested in the prooimia of declamations, cf. Liban. Deci. 22 (icaivóxa
the first word) and 23 (' Demosthenis Apologia '), and also in Isocrates' Antidosis (Isocrates' 'Apologia')
avôp£C A0īļvaīoi is commoner in the texts of declamations than the plain A0rļvaīoi or âvôp£C A0rļ
(without the clitic particle). The address to the 'dikasts' often appears in the first sentence of a declamatio
6-7 (piA,[ . (píÀ,ov, <piÀ,ócocpov avôpa, (piÀocoípowxa, (piÀ,oco(píav, cpiÀoÇaríav could be supplied. Cf
line 29. 1 would tentatively suggest (piÀ,óco(pov xœv kdvikcov c')Kocpavx£Îv (cf. also line 12). CDKO(pavx£

51 See Russell (1983: 35-37).

52 Sopater RG VIII 306.20-320.20 and 336.1-339.25 (ed. Walz).
53 Liban. Deel. 12, 19, 20, 26, 28-32, 35, 50 (ed. Foerster vol. V-VII).
54 On 'figured speech' see for instance Russell (1983: 36-37) and Whitmarsh (2005: 57-59).
55 Russell (1983: 139).

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 88 R. Hatzilambrou

often pairs with Kai 8iaßaA,A,eiv. In

SiaßcxAAeiv are mentioned many tim
49, 56, 96, 101, 153, 154, 164, 168, 170,
7-8 aÀ]À,' on or aX]ko xi. m[í could
9-11 eycoy' ou v cannot be initial,
ly put forward is: eycoy' o') [0erļcoļn
[ÓJLIOÍGOC.

13 ļie T1ÔT1 is preferable to an imper

15 xa')TT][v could be supplied and refe
16-17 aïjxioc 0av[(XTO') is the expec
7capaí]xioc and £7taí]xioc 0av[áxoD sh
Antisthenes was held responsible for
Socrates' trial: aùxòc Se Kai Avóxcp x
there be a reference to this in our papy
18 7tic0[. Probably an itacistic spellin
19-20 Taking into account the rules
or c for [-c]ļiaxco[v. In the latter case,
x£%vac]ļnaxco[v, co(pic]ļj,axio[v, 7cxaic]
refer to the obscure story of the napax
of Sinope, that obliged him to leave his
genes consulted an oracle at Sinope or
(figuratively used) to change the moral
metaphorical sense could have been pa
12. On these stories see for instance
21 The space suggests that one letter
I think, the only fitting supplement.
22-23 -uļiīv o[xi . . . oúôév jlioi] jiéÀ
should be considered as possible supp
23-24 Avxic0é]voi)c or ac0e]voi)c co
24-25 Similarly, Āvxic0e]vrļc or acO
with the name of Antisthenes?

26 Words beginning with cji- are not common in prose, thus the division xoùc ļi[ is more plausible.
In this case xoi>c ji[apx')pac could be an option.
26-27 The trace after the restored avôpec cannot belong to an a for Ā0rļvaīoi, but might be y, rļ, jli
or v.

28 KajLiv[. A form of mjiveiv is preferable. Handley (apud Carey) has suggested ôé]Ka jiv[ac or S
ļnv[a>v.
29 (piXoc[. Cf. my comments on 11. 6-7.

The Authorship

This declamation could be either a copy of an exemplary ércíSei^ic,56 or the draft of an original one. No
concrete conclusions can be drawn, given the little portion of the text preserved. No annotations or cor-
rections are extant on the piece, which would suggest that this is the draft of an original declamation. The
existence of the aypaipov with the title probably leads to the same conclusion. The hand is accomplished
and fast, which encourages me to consider the text as a copy of an exemplary imaginary speech. If this is
correct, one could entertain the thought that this might be the product of a famous rhetorician of the impe-
rial period. The candidates are many of course. Dio Chrysostom, the foremost Greek orator of the first cen-

56 On the performative aspect of declamation, especially of historical declamation, see for instance Schmitz (1997) and
Webb (2006).

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 The Death ofAntisthenes, or P. Oxy. XI 1366 Revisited 89

tury A.D., would be a good option for the authorship of the text. Dio was particularly interested in Diogen
of Sinope, who features in some of his works,57 because Dio had adopted Diogenes as a role model in
wanderings.58 Dio's writings are represented in the papyri, for one papyrus assigned to the fourth centur
bearing works of Dio has already been published (M-P3 0341). However, although he is attested to ha
written 'sophistic' pieces in his earlier days, there is no testimony that he composed declamations.59 Aelius
Aristides in the second century, the best rhetorician of his time, compared to Demosthenes by his admire
could be another candidate for the authorship of the text. Aristides did write declamations, while texts on
five papyri (all of later date, assigned to the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries)60 have been identified so
preserving fragments of works of Aristides. There is also evidence that an enormous amount of Aristides'
work has been lost.61
Whoever its composer might be, P. Oxy. XI 1366, fragmentary though it is, preserves an interesting t
which documents the reception and exploitation of the classical heritage in the imperial period within the
rhetorical practice of the Second Sophistic.

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59 See Russell (1992: 5).
60 For the list see P. Bingen 24 with the addition of P. Oxy. LXXIII 4949. P. Oxy. LXXII 4854 comes from one of
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61 On Aristides' lost works see Robert (2012); pages 141-170 and 247-333 refer to his lost declamations. For an account
of Aristides' work see also Swain (1996: 254-297).

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Rosalia Hatzilambrou,
University of Athens
rosahatz@phil.uoa.gr

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