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AIM
5. To analyse the changing character of war in the strat envt of 21 st century, and
discuss the various factors influencing the nature and conduct of warfare.
SCOPE
6. The fwg themes would be analysed:
(a) Part I: Evolving Character of War
(b) Part II: Trends in Warfare
(c) Part III: Capb Devp
(d) Part IV: Strat for Future Conflict
(e) Part-V: Conclusion
monopolize the high tech which is used in mil. Besides the nuc wpns that are still
states’ monopoly, there is no balance between advanced sides and less advanced
sides in war at the level of air warfare, elec and cyber capb. High mil tech is central
in counterterrorist ops as well.
Grey Z W
13. The grey z describes a set of activities that occur between peace (or coop)
and war (or armed conflict). A multitude of activities fall into this murky in-between—
from nefarious economic activities, influence ops, and cyberattacks to mercenary
ops, assassinations, and disinformation campaigns. Generally, grey z activities are
considered gradualist campaigns by state and non-state actors that combine non-mil
and quasi-mil tools and fall below the threshold of armed conflict. They aim to thwart,
destabilize, weaken, or attk an adversary, and they are often tailored toward the vuln
of the tgt state. While grey-zone activities are nothing new, the onset of new tech has
provided states with more tools to op and avoid clear categorization, attribution, and
detection—all of which complicates a country and its allies’ ability to respond.
14. The activities in the grey z have always been a feature of great-power
competition. Proxy wars, destabilizing insurgencies, legal w (lawfare), and info w—by
adversaries and allies alike—have been a feature of conflict for millennia. But the
cost of conventional conflict in the nuc era has grown too steep, and the risk of
escalation too profound. As a result, nations seek to promote their national objs
through aggression conducted covertly, or with obfuscated attribution or justification,
in order to achieve their goals.
15. Autocracies tend to have an advantage in the grey z in two ways. First, the
nature of their centralized systems allows them to marshal whole-of-state (and
whole-of-society) resources to execute ops. Second, the openness of democracies
and the often-diffuse nature of power can leave them more vuln to grey z activities
and less effective at cobbling together effective national responses. While the United
States and other democracies are faring better in some areas, such as cyberspace,
they lag behind in others, such as the info domain. Because Russia, China, and
other actors have ingrained grey z tac into their docs, whereas many democracies
have failed to even build consensus around those concepts—let alone embed them
into their security strats, despite having most of the tools to do so.
PART-II TRENDS IN WARFARE
16. National Security Trends. The peace war paradigm has ceased to
exist betn India & Pak & now China & India. It is now a paradigm of war & the
contours of conflict are suggestive of the fact that India will always remain in
competition / confrontation, & it is just the intensity & the nature of that competition
that will determine the type & nature of contest. Most strat analysts agree that non-
contact & non-kinetic wars make good economic sense because they do not impose
a high economic burden unlike conventional wars & achieve their goals w/o much
bloodshed. Indeed, ‘successful wars’ of the future may be those that conclude w/o
firing a shot. The internal security sit needs to be stabilised, with emerging threats of
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our adversaries employing non-kinetic means to attk us; instance, “Bleeding with a
thousand cuts.”
Emerging Domains
17. The three traditional domains of warfare have been land, sea & air. Rapid
tech adv have led to the creation of three new domains viz cyber, space & cognitive.
The advent of these three new domains has changed the character of warfare.
Therefore, to achieve success in any future war, any jt force will aim at closely integ
all the six domains to expl the str of each & gain kinetic as well as non-kinetic
advantages over the en, thus making it a multi-domain battle space. Tech today are
increasingly impacting both i.e. battle-thought & battle spaces in profound ways. At
present, the three domains, namely land, sea & air have merged with space & cyber
domains, which are fast emerging as addl points of impact & fusion. Therefore, any
future Indo-Pak conflict will no longer be confined to just the physical domain – but
will be exec simultaneously in all the domains.
18. Cognitive domain can be defined as ‘A domain consisting of perception &
reasoning in which mvre is achieved by expl the info envt to influence interconnected
beliefs, values & culture of indls, gps &/ or populations’. Therefore, cognitive W can
be defined as mvres in the cognitive domain to est a pre-determined perception
among a tgt audience in order to gain advantage over another party. Though
cognitive W perpetuated since ages to influence decisions of mil cdrs but its
significance has enhanced manifolds now & will continue to enhance in future as
well. From Indian perspective, we face unique, substantial & multi-domain
challenges from Western & Northern adversary, with threat of collusivity if not coop.
Disputed bdrs with nuc neighbours, coupled with State sponsored ‘Proxy War’ poses
a challenge for India to devp capb for dealing with multiple scenarios of Peace &
Conventional threat in Multi-Domain W envt.
19. Future wars would be fought in multiple domains, possibly by a jt force on
their own in an indep theatre. The jt force must, therefore, understand land, sea, air,
cyber, space & cognitive domains & be capb of op eff in all when called upon to do
so. The multi domain battle concept is not just about better integ of the ops of the
services; multi domain also requires each indl service to expand its AsOR. Moreover,
cross-domain synergy will be an imperative. Cross domain implies that a force
should be capb of op eff in any domain be it land, sea, air, space or cyber, & in doing
so, it would enhance the op eff of the other domain specialist. The US DoD, Jt Op
Access Concept elaborates that cross-domain synergy creates & expl asymmetrical
advantages inherent in a jt force – air power to defeat maritime power, maritime
power to neutr conventional air power, grnd forces to neutr land-based threats to air
& maritime assets, cyber ops to defeat space sys & so on. It is amply clear that the
window of conventional conflict is narrowing with advent of various disruptive
technologies while the window of Grey Z W is expanding & dominating the battle
space across all domains.
PART- III: CAPB DEVP
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complexities of conflict in South Asia are further aggravated as all three protagonists
are recognized nuc wpn states.
particular, with niche technologies and path breaking innovations, is only possible
indigenously. To harness the capb of these emerging tech it will require the Land
Forces to be an equal partner in the R & D and devp of tailormade innovative
solutions. It will also have to hand hold pvt and public enterprises, in their design,
devp and manufacturing. Thus, ensuring that the civ-mil synergy empowers the
nation and the Armed Forces.
PART-IV: STRATEGIES FOR FUTURE CONFLICT
Purpose, Triggers & Desired End State
27. India’s priorities are maintaining the status quo (as well as both its contested
borders) and preventing power implosion, while power projection remains a distant
possibility. In India’s context, “power implosion” does not solely mean internal
disturbances or non-state actors: it also includes loss of territorial and/or functional
control due to climate change, food insecurity, or any other factor that may not yet
have been conceived as a threat. Taking this “power imperative” model as the basis,
some contours of a future-ready force can be drawn out.
28. The international envt that India currently operates in is fluid, dynamic, and
subject to constant stresses. The era of a certain type of stability, with the US as the
sole superpower, is over—to be replaced by constant friction with the nearest
contender, China. Certain other powers have risen, if not to the posn of a “pole,” at
least near it. The European Union (EU) is at odds with itself, with many diverging
issues—refugees, climate crisis, nationalism, significance of the Euro, and now the
Russia-Ukraine crisis—threatening to put the brakes on this unique experiment in
pooling sovereignties. Russian actions in Ukraine, and growing convergence with
China, seem to stretch US Indo-Pacific strat, by dividing focus on to the Eastern
European theatre.
29. The era of interests-based coalitions is on the rise, as a result of the failure of
regional and intl institutions to devp a consensus on critical security, economic, pol,
tech, and ecological issues. For its part, India now plays a huge role in a significant
number of functional groupings, such as the Quad, SCO, BRICS, BIMSTEC and
G20. The future of such groupings remains to be seen, as they present a geopolitical
self-contradiction. Further, allocating sovereignties based on specific issues will be
difficult betn countries with Westphalian disputes: for instance, India and China’s
mutual interests in climate change and trade negotiations may be marred by
territorial issues.
30. New realignments (not yet alliances but more than abstract ideas) have
started being etched out. While Russia, China, Iran and Pakistan are generally
aligning their aims with each other, the US ‘camp’ is mostly running on empty. The
US’s vigour in countering China has not been received enthusiastically by Germany,
whose economic stewardship of the EU is dependent on Chinese markets and
financing. Similarly, Germany has hesitatingly taken actions against Russia including
holding off on Nord Stream II and supplying the Ukrainians with arms and amn. The
Australia-UK-US trilateral security partnership, announced on 15 September 2021,
has securitised an Australia-Chinese relationship that was previously devoid of any
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mil eles. It also put a spanner betn an ongoing French-Australia trade deal over
diesel-electric submarines, exacerbating the distrust betn the US and Europe. The
US is now torn betn the def of Europe and the forfeiture of the Indo-Pacific to
Chinese hegemony.
31. The intl order is in flux, and nothing is more reflective of this than the creation
of a host of ad-hoc coalitions. Within this flux, India has a key role to play. On the
strength of its three ‘Ds’ —Demography, Democracy, and Demand —India stands
both as a beacon of multicultural democracy and as a rock against adventurous
nation-states and terror groups. The country’s size, economic heft, professional mil
forces, huge markets, and resilient institutions make it a critical player in shaping the
new world order, when it emerges. Until then, with unipolarity melting away but are
yet to be replaced with a more stable order, India must play the role of a balancer, a
facilitator amongst various groupings—those already in place as well as others that
could emerge soon.
Contours of Escalatory Continuum
32. The escalatory matrix covering the complete spectrum of ops highlights the
need to be ready for all out conventional war under nucl umbrella. The long-standing
Sino-Pak collusive relns, recent Pakistani overtures to Russia & easy avbl of low
cost niche tech based wpn platforms have meant that any future Indo-Pak conflict
would be fought under an overhang of disruptive tech based wpn sys and more
importantly nucl wpns, which would be the last resort to terminate such a conflict.
This highlights the need for capb bldg in line with present policy of indigenisation,
need based procurement of niche tech from foreign sources & contd engagement
with friendly mil for capb enhancement.
33. Pak, with its robust sub conventional capb & a comparatively weaker
conventional capb has continuously strived to keep conflict into the sub conventional
domain forcing the conventional window to be optimally constricted with a threat of a
spill over into the nucl domain. The erstwhile ‘Strat Restraint’ & ‘Zero Response’
policy had played into the Pak strat narr that sought to keep the threshold of conflict
at the sub conventional spectrum with aberrations in 1965 & 1971 where
conventional domain was breached with obvious outcomes. It is thus imperative for
India to expand the conventional spectrum to create space for ops below full-scale
conventional war, where it enjoys a comparative superiority, & minimize the
possibility of playing out of conflict in sub conventional & nuc domains. Simplistic
extrapolation of the same on the above-mentioned scenario legislates that with the
induction of emerging tech in PA, its existing capb in Grey Z W in virtual & cognitive
domain will rise exponentially. While PA has mastered the art & science of exploiting
Grey Z W against India, has IA devp adequate capbs to counter the same?
Therefore, a reorientation of Indian strat will be reqd to achieve start advantage in
future.
34. In any future war, India would attempt to leverage all eles of national power on
the multi-domain battle fd i.e. “Diplomacy, Info, Mil & Econs (DIME)” Extrapolating
the same on India – Pak confrontation, diplomacy is in a deadlock, W in info domain
is consistently being persecuted against each other causing trust deficit, mil eles of
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both the nations are continuously engaged in Grey Z W & econ ele is non-existent
due to above mentioned factors. Therefore, all these leverages are reqd to be devp
& structured so that these leverages can be used during any conflict by India along
WF. The ‘Means’ of achieving ‘Ends’ are changing with the incr in complexities in the
future battle fd, leading to the shifting in spectrum of W towards NCW.
(a) Cost & Risk. The costs & risks of a conventional war are going
to be so huge that nations will avoid it. Even rogue nation such as Pak which
is otherwise aggressive, weak & irrational, will avoid risking a conventional
war. In our context, the threat of a large war may have been reduced but the
constant threat scenario does remain relevant since India is encircled by
inimical state & non-state actors who are capb of threatening the sovereignty
of this nation. The ‘Notion of Victory’ can be achieved by an inferior state/
non-state actor at lesser cost by appl of NCW & controling the escalation
ladder to avoid/ minimize the contact ph involving the classical conventional
means to achieve ends of war.
PART-V: CONCLUSION
36. The current transformation of the Indian Armed Forces is only structural, and
not capb-based. Therefore, there remain gaps on how to create a credible theory of
victory for India, especially in the age of non-contact w. Furthermore, the armed
forces, despite some accretions in emerging tech, are constrained by antiquated
procurement procedures and an attrition war mindset. This must be discarded in
favour of a decentralised, networked, flexible, and directive style—one that prioritises
disruptive thinking rather than well-rehearsed battle drills. The recommendations
made in this brief, if applied well in time, can prepare the armed forces to prevail
over their adversaries in the next two to three decades, giving pol imperatives the
space to play out and lead to pol settlements.
37. Radical transformations need to be implemented within the Indian Armed
Forces to make them battle-ready for the future. These must be pursued with vigour
and persistence, to ensure that the armed forces can deliver results, despite budget
cuts. Versatility, speed and tempo, indl initiative, and decentralization, along with a
comprehensive understanding of what war is and how to integrate the myriad eles of
national power to a given purpose, are the keys to prevailing in these challenging
times. In short, we must adapt to the new realities of war. Doing so will require a
deep understanding of both its fundamental nature and its changing character in the
coming era.