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AREA HANDBOOK
for

ETHIOPIA
 ไม่ได้
STANFORDIU RARIES

HOOVER INSTITUTION
on War, Revolution, and Peace
FOUNDED BY HERBERT HOOVER , 1919
 American University , Washington ,
D. C. Foreign Area Studies Civisini

AREA HANDBOOK

for

ETHIOPIA

Co -Authors

Irving Kaplan

Mark Farber
Barbara Marvin
James McLaughlin
Harold D. Nelson
Donald Whitaker

Research and writing were completed on

August 31 , 1970

Published
1971

(This pamphlet supersedes

DA Pam 550-28 , October 1960.)

DA Pam 550-28
DT373
ns12a
copy !

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 79-609351

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office

Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $ 3.75
 FOREWORD

This volume is one of a series of handbooks prepared by For

eign Area Studies ( FAS ) of The American University, designed
to be useful to military and other personnel who need a con
venient compilation of basic facts about the social, economic,
political , and military institutions and practices of various coun
tries. The emphasis is on objective description of the nation's
present society and the kinds of possible or probably changes
that might be expected in the future. The handbook seeks to
present as full and as balanced an integrated exposition as lim
itations on space and research time permit. It was compiled
from information available in openly published material. An ex
tensive bibliography is provided to permit recourse to other
published sources for more detailed information . There has
been no attempt to express any specific point of view or to
make policy recommendations . The contents of the handbook
represent the work of the authors and FAS and do not represent
the official view of the United States government.
An effort has been made to make the handbook as compre
hensive as possible . It can be expected , however, that the ma
terial , interpretations , and conclusions are subject to modifica
tion in the light of new information and developments. Such
corrections, additions , and suggestions for factual, interpretive,
or other change as readers may have will be welcomed for use
in future revisions . Comments may be addressed to:
The Director
Foreign Area Studies
The American University
5010 Wisconsin Avenue , N.W.
Washington , D.C. 20016

iii
 PREFACE

Shortly after the first area handbook for Ethiopia was pub
lished in 1960, an attempted coup sought to overthrow the
Emperor. The coup failed , but a process of gradual change in
the formal political system ensued in the following decade, as
did changes in Ethiopian society and economy. Although devel
opment has been gradual, much of the specific information in
the earlier handbook is outdated. Moreover, the publication in
the 1960s of the results of research by a number of social sci
entists permits a more detailed and accurate picture of the
country and its people than was possible in 1960. There remain ,
however, a number of gaps in information to which attention
has been called. Ethiopia's political role in the Horn of Africa
and its size warrant a revision of the original handbook .
The handbook seeks to provide a compact and objective ex
position and analysis of the dominant social, political, and eco
nomic aspects of Ethiopian society. It is designed to give read
ers an understanding of the forces operating in the society and
an insight into the goals and values of the people.
The original version of the handbook was prepared by a re
search team made up of Clifford R. Barnett, Wendell Blanch
ard , Abraham M. Hirsch , Bela C. Maday, and Suzanne Teleki
under the chairmanship of George A. Lipsky. A draft of Chapter
18, Agriculture, was contributed to the revised version by Philip
>

W. Moeller .
The Ethiopian calendar year provides the temporal frame
work for the round of events in government, the religious cere
monies of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and the activities of
the average Ethiopian , particularly the dominant Amhara - Tigre
peoples. Some statistical series prepared by government depart
ments use the Ethiopian calendar. Others are compiled accord
ing to either the Ethiopian trade year or the Ethiopian fiscal
year. Each of these bears a fixed relationship to the Gregorian
(Western ) calendar year, and the relationship is usually noted
in official publications. The Ethiopian year consists of twelve
months of thirty days each and one month of five days (six in
leap year). The sequence of years in the Ethiopian calendar
runs seven years behind the Gregorian calendar at the begin
ning of an Ethiopian year and eight years behind at its end .
Thus the first day, Maskerem 1, of the Ethiopian year 1962 cor
responds to September 11 , 1969 , and the last day corresponds
to September 10 , 1970. The relationship of the Ethiopian fiscal
and trade years to the Ethiopian calendar year and of all of
these to the Gregorian calendar year is shown in figure 1 .
The transliteration of place and personal names and Ethio
pian words has posed a problem. No standardized and univer
sally acceptable system for the transliteration of Amharic (offi
cial language) has been developed, and even official publica
tions of the Ethiopian government vary in their English spell
ings of proper names . In these circumstances the handbook fol
lowed several sources and , for place names , relied specifically
on " Summary of Administrative Divisions of Ethiopia by Prov .
ince and Sub -Province” pages 183-206 in Central Statistical
Office, Statistical Abstract 1964. Unless otherwise noted, all
tonnage is given in metric terms.

ETHIOPIAN CALENDAR
GREGORIAN CALENDAR YEAR
CALENDAR
DAYS PER TRADE YEAR FISCAL YEAR
MONTHS
MONTH

JULY 8, 1969 HAMLE 1,196 !

ETHIOPIAN
AUGUST

SEPTEMBER 11 ----- MASKEREM I , 1962 30 FISCAL

YEAR
1962
CALENDAR
ETHIOPIAN

OCTOBER
TIKIMT 30
NOVEMBER
YEAR
1962

HIDAR 30
DECEMBER
30
GREGORIAN

TAHSAS
CALENDAR

JANUARY 1 , 1970- TAHSAS 23

JANUARY 9 TIRI , ----- 1962

YEAR

ETHIOPIAN
1970

TIR 30
FEBRUARY
TRADE

YEKATIT 30
YEAR
1962

MARCH
MEGABIT 30
APRIL
MIAZIA 30
MAY
GUENBOT 30
JUNE
SENE 30
JULY 7 SENE 30, 1962
HAMLE 30
AUGUST
NEHASSIE 30
SEPTEMBER 10- PAGUME 5 5 OR 6
MASKEREM 1963
OCTOBER
TIKIMT
NOVEMBER
HIDAR
DECEMBER 31 TAHSAS 22

JANUARY 8 , 1971 -TAHSAS 30 , 1963

Source: Adapted from Imperial Ethiopian Government, Statistical Abstract,

1966, n.d., xv.

Figure 1. Ethiopian Calendar

vi
 COUNTRY SUMMARY

1. COUNTRY: Empire of Ethiopia ; short -form name, Ethiopia;

oldest independent state in Africa ; capital , Addis Ababa.
2. GOVERNMENT : Centralized unitary monarchy; virtually all
powers of government vested in Emperor by constitutional au
thority. Council of Ministers directs day-to-day operations but
defers all major decisions to Emperor. Bicameral Parliament's
actual powers limited to examining and amending government
bills .
3. POPULATION : No census ; mid- 1969 estimate, 24.8 million ,
more than 90 percent rural . Ethnically heterogeneous; politi
cally and socially dominant Amhara group constitutes about
one quarter of total; closely related are Christian Tigre of more
than 1 million ; largest group is Galla, roughly 40 percent of
population . Large number of smaller groups include Somali,
Gurage, Northern ( Muslim ) Tigre, and Afar; largest has no
more than 500,000 members.
4. SIZE : 471,776 square miles .
5. TOPOGRAPHY : Massive highland complex of mountains
and plateaus divided by deep Great Rift Valley running gener
ally north to south and series of lowlands along northern and
western peripheries ; coastline of about 800 miles formed by Red
Sea .
6. CLIMATE : Elevation and geographic location produce three
climatic zones: cool zone above 8,000 feet elevation where tem
peratures range from 60 ° F . to near freezing; temperate zone at
elevations of 5,000 to 8,000 feet with temperatures from 60°F.
to 85 °F.; and hot zone below 5,000 feet with both tropical and
arid conditions and temperatures from 80°F. to 120° F. Rainy
season from mid-June to mid-September preceded by intermit
tent showers from February or March ; remainder of year basi
cally dry. Average annual rainfall from 2.5 inches on Red Sea
coast to 106 inches in southwest plateau region .
7. LANGUAGES : Official language and the one used in pri
mary schools is Amharic, spoken as mother tongue or second
language by more than half of population ; English is language
of instruction in higher schools and used along with Amharic in
government documents. More than ninety -five languages and
dialects spoken by groups of varying size; after Amharic, Galla
vii
 !
in several dialects is most important. Some Italian used in Eri
trea ; Arabic spoken along coast and in some inland areas.
8. RELIGION : About half of population adheres to Christian
belief and follows doctrine of Ethiopian Orthodox Church, iden
tified largely with socially and politically dominant Amhara
Tigre peoples but accepted by others ; 20 to 40 percent of popu
lation Muslim, mainly in eastern part of country ; less than 2
2
percent adhere to Protestant and Catholic mission churches; re
mainder of population practices various tribal religions.
1
9. EDUCATION : In 1967/68 school year, about 452,000 stu
dents in six-year primary schools ; 45,000 in junior secondary
schools ( grades 7 and 8); 27,000 in senior secondary schools
(grades 9 through 12) . Haile Selassie I University (Addis Ababa)
and Roman Catholic University of Asmara had combined enroll
ment of 3,200; 1,852 studying in West and East European, North
American , African , and Middle Eastern colleges. Government
vocational and technical schools training more than 2,000 in
1970. Adult education courses aimed at raising national literacy
rate ( 9 to 10 percent currently) .
10. HEALTH : Malaria and tuberculosis are major endemic dis
eases ; health problems from parasitic and gastroenteritic infec
tions, leprosy, venereal diseases, smallpox, typhus, typhoid, tra
choma, conjunctivitis, and childhood diseases ; all complicated
by limited public health facilities, traditional sanitation prac
tices, and nutritional deficiencies.
11. JUSTICE : Original court system and legal codes date from
antiquity, but modern codes, based on Western models, now
used . Protection of rule of law provided by Bill of Rights in
$
Constitution and by an established judiciary . Four -tier court
system, with appeal rights ultimately to Emperor. Informal
court systems at local level , based on tradition , adjudicates mi
nor disputes and criminal offenses.
12. ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS: Fourteen provinces divid
ed in turn into 99 subprovinces , 440 districts, and roughly 1,330
subdistricts. Each province administered by governor general
appointed by Emperor. i
13. ECONOMY: Agriculture involves 90 percent of population,
accounts for two-thirds of gross domestic product and provides
nearly all export earnings . Small industrial sector limited to
processing of farm products and manufacture of items for local
consumption (cement, paper, bricks, shoes , glassware, textiles).
Coffee is chief cash crop; cattle raising has important potential.
Mineral resources largely unknown and unexploited , but some
gold, platinum , and potash mined.
14. PRINCIPAL IMPORTS : Machinery, electrical equipment,
motor vehicles, aircraft, chemicals and related products, petro i

viii
leum and petroleum products. Principal suppliers: United
States, West Germany, Japan , and United Kingdom .
15. PRINCIPAL EXPORTS : Coffee constitutes nearly 60 per
cent of exports; others include lentils and other pulses, hides,
skins, and oilseeds . Principal market: United States.
16. CURRENCY: Monetary unit of exchange is Ethiopian dollar
( 1 Ethiopian dollar equals U.S. $0.40), divided into 100 Ethio
pian cents.
17. COMMUNICATIONS: All facilities government owned and
operated ; more than 36,000 telephones in 1969, two -thirds in
Addis Ababa, one -sixth in Asmara, rest in remaining towns.
Telex service in Addis Ababa, Asmara, and Dire Dawa, with
connections to European , Middle Eastern , Asian , and other Af
rican cities. Government shortwave and mediumwave radio sta
tions at Addis Ababa , Asmara, and Harar; about 500,000 radio
receivers. Government television station in Addis Ababa; esti
mated 12,000 television receivers. Lutheran Church -owned radio
station at Addis Ababa ; United States military radio and tele
vision transmitters at Kagnew Station, near Asmara.
18. RAILROADS: Franco -Ethiopian Railway connects Addis
Ababa with port of Djibouti in French Territory of the Afars
and Issas (former French Somaliland) over distance of 486 rail
miles; Eritrean Railways and Ropeway ( Imperial Ethiopian
Government Railways and Ropeway) from port of Massawa to
Asmara and Akordet ( 191 rail miles); short spur line connects
Teseney in western Eritrea Province with Sudanese railway sys
tem .
19. INLAND WATERWAYS: All rivers have steep gradients
and rocky rapids ; 138 miles of Baro River in Illubabor Province
navigable between May and October by boats with three- foot
drafts; lake transport limited to Lake Tana.
20. PORTS: Deepwater ports on Red Sea at Massawa and
Assab; agreement with French government allows free move
ment of Ethiopian goods through major port of Djibouti in
French Territory of the Afars and Issas .
21. ROADS : In mid- 1970 entire road network totaled 14,000 to
15,000 miles; about 4,800 miles of all-weather roads in Central
Plateau region and to ports ; large number of track trails limited
to travel by mule, donkey, or camel .
22. CIVIL AVIATION : Domestic and international passenger
and cargo service by Ethiopian Airlines, equipped with Boeing
707 and 720 jets , DC6s , and DC - 3s. International airports at
Addis Ababa and Asmara; airport facilities near forty -two
towns and cities provide important domestic trade links.
23. INTERNATIONAL MEMBERSHIPS: Founding member of
United Nations; headquarters of Organization of African Unity
ix
(OAU ) and United Nations Economic Commission for Africa
( UNECA ) ; member of African Liberation Committee, African
Development Bank, and specialized agencies of United Nations.
>

24. INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS AND TREATIES : Mil

itary assistance agreement with United States since 1953 ; mu
tual defense treaty with Kenya since 1963; provided significant
military forces for United Nations operations in Korea in 1950s
and Congo in 1960s . United States has been major source of
economic and military aid ; has received extensive economic as
sistance from various West and East European countries and
Soviet Union . Membership in East African Community pend
ing in 1970.
25. ARMED FORCES : Western trained and equipped national
defense force of about 45,000. Includes army of more than
40,000, organized chiefly as infantry with supporting artillery
and armor. A 3,000 -man air force equipped with jet fighter
bombers , supersonic jet fighters, light jet bombers , conventional
ground attack aircraft, conventional and jet trainers , and jet
helicopters. Navy of more than 1,000 men ; fleet includes con
verted seaplane tender, several coastal patrol boats, motor tor
pedo boats , and landing craft. Western trained and equipped
national police force , total strength about 28,000 ; includes
3,000-man paramilitary carabinieri ( mobile battalion ) and 1,500
border guards.

X
 ETHIOPIA
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
FOREWORD iii
PREFACE V

COUNTRY SUMMARY vii

SECTION I. SOCIAL
Chapter 1. General Character of the Society 1
2. Physical Environment 9
Geographic Regions - Climate - The Land - Boundaries
and Administrative Divisions — Transportation Features
Settlement Patterns
3. Historical Setting 31
Origins and the Early Period - The Middle Period- Iso
lation and Decline of Imperial Power-The Making of the
Modern Empire – The Postwar Era: Reconstruction and
Development
4. Population 71
Regional and Urban -Rural Distribution - Age and Sex
Distribution- Rates of Population Growth - Urbanization
5. Ethnic Groups and Languages 81
Semitic -Speaking Groups - Cushitic-Speaking Groups
-Nilo - Saharan Groups - Interethnic Relations
6. Social Structure 101
Hierarchy in Amhara- Tigre Society-Ethnic Stratifica
tion - Submerged Status Groups - Local Ethnic Struc
tures—Voluntary Associations
7. Family 131
The Legal Situation - Amhara-Tigre - Galla - Gurage
-

Somali -Other Cushitic- Speaking Groups

8. Living Conditions 155
Patterns of Living- Health -Social Welfare - Time Cy
cles- Leisure
9. Education 185
Historical Background-School Administration - Pri
mary and Secondary Schools-Higher Education - Voca
tional and Technical Education - Teachers and Teacher
Training–Traditional Education-Financing of Educa
tion-Adult Education and Literacy
10. Artistic and Intellectual Expression 207
Literature in Geez -Amharic Literature- Folk Litera
ture-Painting and Sculpture-Music, Dance, and Song
The Theater - Architecture — Scholarship and Intellectual
Development
11. Religion 229
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church- Islam-Tribal Reli
gion- Foreign Missions
xi
 Page

12. Social Values 257

Amhara- Tigre - Other Ethnic Groups
SECTION II . POLITICAL
Chapter 13. The Governmental System 271
Development of the Modern System-The Constitution
of 1955-Development of the Ministerial System - The
Court System - Provincial and Local Government–The
Public Service
14. Political Dynamics and Values 289
The Continuity of Tradition , The Center of Power
The Parliament—The Administrators-Ethnic Differ
ences and Political Power-The Government of Minori.
ties — The Intellectual Opposition –The Eritrean Problem
15. Foreign Relations 307
Conduct and Motivation of Foreign Relations -- Rela
tions with International Organizations - Relations with
Neighboring States-Relations with the Arab World
Relations with the United States - Relations with Other
Countries
16. Public Information 321
The Government and Public Information – The Press
Radio-Television-Films- Book Publishing and Li
braries — Traditional Channels-Foreign Information
Activities

SECTION III . ECONOMIC

Chapter 17. Character and Structure of the Economy 345
The Resources Base - Patterns of Growth - Develop
ment Financing - Economic Planning
18. Agriculture 357
Land - Technology - Crop Production - Livestock - For
estry - Fishing - Finance and Marketing—The Role of
Government
19. Industry ...... 375
Pattern of Industrial Activity - Handicraft and Small
Scale Industry - Electric Power
20. Labor 385
Manpower-Seasonal and Migratory Labor - Unemploy
ment-Hours, Wages, and Working Conditions-Labor
Organizations and Labor Relations
21. Domestic Trade 403
Market System-Government Role in Marketing - Pric
ing and Price Control— Trade Promotion - Transporta
tion - Communications - Tourism
22. Foreign Economic Relations 423
Foreign Trade- Balance of Payments- Foreign Aid and
Lending
23. Fiscal and Monetary Systems 437
Public Finance- Banking and Currency

SECTION IV . NATIONAL SECURITY

Chapter 24. Public Order and Internal Security 455
The Criminal Law System- Incidence of Crime - The
National Police — Prisons - Internal Security
xii
 Page
25. The Armed Forces 479
Military Tradition in National Life - The Armed Forces
and the Government - Defense Costs - Manpower - Mis
sion and Organization Morale and Conditions of Ser.
vice - Military Justice-Foreign Influence
BIBLIOGRAPHY 503
GLOSSARY 533
INDEX 535

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
AWN
voor
Ecoop

Ethiopian Calendar vi
Empire of Ethiopia xiv
Physical Features of Ethiopia 11
Rainfall in Ethiopia 15
Soil Fertility in Ethiopia 17
Natural Vegetation of Ethiopia 19
Transportation in Ethiopia 27
8 Estimated Population Density in Ethiopia, 1967 73
9 Estimated Population of Ethiopia by Age and Sex, 1967 76
10 Distribution of Major Language Families and Ethnic Groups
in Ethiopia .... 82
11 Geographic Distribution of Religions in Ethiopia 230
12 Organization of the Imperial Ethiopian Armed Forces,
1970 ....... 495

LIST OF TABLES
Table Page

1 Major Administrative Divisions of Ethiopia 25

2 Estimated Ethiopian Urban and Rural Population , by Province,
1967 ........ 74
3 Estimated Populations of Towns in Ethiopia 75
4 Major Titles Used in Ethiopia 110
5 National Holidays in Ethiopia 181
6 Division of Responsibility in the Ethiopian Council of Ministers,
1970 ..... 281
7 Major Newspapers and Periodicals Published in Ethiopia, 1970 326
8 Radio Transmitters in Ethiopia , 1970 333
9 Ethiopia , Gross Domestic Product by Sector of Origin at Current
Factor Cost, Selected Years , 1961-67 347
10 Estimated Production of Selected Minerals and Manufactures of
Ethiopia , 1965/66 and 1966/67 377
11 Ethiopia, Survey of Manufacturing Industry, 1966/67 380
12 Occupational Groups of Employed Persons in Selected Towns in
Ethiopia, 1965 390
13 Exports of Selected Commodities , Ethiopia, 1966-68 428
14 Value of Imports of Selected Goods, Ethiopia , 1966-68 430
15 Value of Ethiopian Trade with Selected Countries, 1966 and 1968 431
16 Balance of External Payments , Ethiopia, 1966-69 432
17 Value of Foreign Official Grants and Loans to Ethiopia, 1961-68 435
18 Consolidated Central Government Budget, Current and Capital
Account of Ethiopia, 1965-69 441

xiii
 36 40 48

International
RED SEA AFRICA
boundaries
16 16
Provincial
boundaries MASSAWA ETHIOPIA
ASMARA I
I Provincial
capitals ERITREA
Other towns

50 100 150 TIGRE

MILES
MEKELE
BEGEMDER SSAB

GONDAR
Lake
12 Tana
WOLLO FTAL 12

0 GULF OF ADEN
DJIBOUTI
SUDAN GOJAM DESSIE

DEBRE MARKOS

WOLLEGA SOMALIA
SHOA HARAR
NEKEM TIE 1 ADOIS ABABA O

GORE HARARGE
JIMMA TASSELA
ILLUBABOR ARUSSI
వీ
KEFA I GOBA
IYIRGA
ALEM
ARRA MINCH
BALE
¡ GEMU GOFA
SUDAN
SIDAMO SOMALIA
36 44 4
Lake 48
Rudolf
UGANDA KENYA

Note : French Territory of the Afars and Issas is indicated as FTAI on the map .

Source: Adapted from Margery Perham, The Government of Ethiopia , 1969.

Figure 2. Empire of Ethiopia

xiv
 SECTION I. SOCIAL
CHAPTER 1

GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE SOCIETY

By 1970 , the fortieth year of the reign of Emperor Haile

Selassie I, Ethiopia was moving slowly and cautiously toward
modernization of some of its political , social, and economic
institutions. It had moved more swiftly toward active partic
ipation in international affairs, generally, and intra - African
affairs, specifically. The country's acceptance in international
councils was , in good part, a consequence of its history as an
ancient independent African state and because of the honor
and esteem granted its ruler by Africans and non -Africans
alike .
The heart of the country , the locus of its most densely settled
populations , is a massive highland complex of mountains and
plateaus divided by a segment of the Great Rift Valley, gen
erally running north and south . The lower areas in the east
and south border on the French Territory of the Afars and
Issas , Somalia , and Kenya ; those in the west and north border
on Sudan . In the northeast, the country borders on the Red Sea
( see fig . 2) .
The population , estimated at nearly 25 million in 1970, was
very largely rural, engaged in cultivation , animal husbandry,
or a combination of the two, and ethnically and religiously
heterogeneous. The many ethnic groups that make up the Em
pire have been classified in linguistic terms as speakers of
Semitic, Cushitic , or Nilo-Saharan languages . The members
of each category, however, vary substantially in religious affil
iation, in social and political organization , and in other respects
(see ch. 5 , Ethnic Groups and Languages ; ch . 11 , Religion ).
Thus the politically and socially (but not numerically) dom
inant Amhara are Semitic speaking and adherents of the Ethi
opian Orthodox Church , as are the smaller group of Southern
Tigre who founded the ancient Kingdom of Axum (see ch. 3,
Historical Setting) . Some smaller Semitic-speaking groups,
however, are either Muslims , adherents of tribal religions or,
in small numbers , members of missionary churches.
1
 The largest single category consists of Cushitic speakers AM
whose ancestors preceded those of the Amhara and Tigre in earls
Ethiopia. Variability also characterizes these people. The most incet
numerous of them , the Galla (about 40 percent of the total
population) comprise settled Christian agriculturists, Islamic INDE
cultivators, and pastoral nomads ; the Galla have never
achieved political unity , although sections of them were orga
28 IS
nized into kingdoms.
A smaller but equally heterogeneous category of tribal peo In
i
ples, speaking Nilo -Saharan languages and called shankella
(blacks) by the Amhara- Tigre, live in the lower areas of the
west and extreme southwest . The ethnic links of most of them
Deals
are with the Nilotic peoples of southern Sudan . since
The Nilo -Saharans, many of the Cushitic peoples, and even also
some of the Semitic speakers have been for centuries under states
greater or lesser control of the Amhara . All of these peoples, Des
particularly the Cushitic speakers, have contributed culturally,
linguistically, and biologically to the way of life and to the adopt
stock of the ruling population . They have, however, been on apor
funda
the periphery of the central Ethiopian ( Amhara - Tigre) expe
rience, and even in 1970 they participated little in national politi
political, social, and economic processes (see ch . 5, Ethnic the le
Abves
Groups and Languages ; ch. 6, Social Structure; ch. 14, Political conce
Dynamics and Values).
The country's position in the highlands of the Horn of Africa are 80

and the adherence of its dominant peoples to Christianity in Indeet

the midst of lands inhabited chiefly by Muslims led to a long
the A
history of relative isolation from its African neighbors - inter nati
rupted from time to time by armed conflict - and from other
and +
Christian peoples. Ethiopia's isolation from the Middle East their
and Europe was broken intermittently, but significant relations
with the outside world were established only in the late nine tradi
teenth century . That contact was marked by two efforts to put wo.a
the country under colonial rule: the first failed when the forces andV
of Emperor Menelik II defeated the Italians in 1896; the second
succeeded when modern equipment permitted an Italian vic pire i
tory in the 1935-36 period. Italian domination was transitory, been
however, brought to an end by Ethiopian and British forces in educa
1941 ( see ch . 3, Historical Setting ). social
The long isolation , and the nature of relations when the tia.is
isolation was broken , contributed to the suspicion with which 153,
Ethiopians tended to regard all outsiders. In general there a Pa
was little change in the period from the late nineteenth cen
tury through World War II; railroads were built, and a very
few of the features of modern technology were introduced,
but the life of the people and the organization of the state trm
a
remained essentially as it had for centuries.
the
2
 After World War II and particularly in the late 1950s and
early 1960s, when numbers of African territories achieved
independence , the Emperor and his government developed a
strong interest in external affairs, especially in African matters.
Emperor Haile Selassie is the senior figure in the Organization
of African Unity (OAU). Its headquarters is in Addis Ababa,
as is that of the United Nations Economic Commission for
Africa , largely because of the Emperor's efforts.
In the same period the Ethiopians became ardent champions
of collective security through the United Nations, a response
to the failure of the League of Nations to heed Ethiopia'a ap
peals for protection against Italy in the mid-1930s. In the years
since the formation of the United Nations, the Emperor has
also played a prominent part in the affairs of the group of
states stressing nonalignment (see ch. 15, Foreign Relations).
Despite its involvement with the outside world, its formal
adoption of modern governmental institutions, and its tentative
approaches to economic development, the country retains its
fundamental conservatism . The culture of the socially and
politically dominant Amhara - Tigre peoples (called Habasha in
the local languages — the source of the now little-used term
Abyssinian) goes back many centuries, and the values and
conceptions governing the Amhara - Tigre view of the world
are such as to make them reluctant to accept innovation and
to engage in the cooperation sometimes necessary for change.
Indeed, the willingness of the ordinary Ethiopian, particularly
the Amhara -Tigre, to support the Emperor's enterprise in inter
national affairs is based not on a new conception of themselves
and the future of their country but on their ancient sense of
their own superiority and the superiority of the value of their
traditions and on their deep desire to keep their borders in
violate ( see ch . 12, Social Values ; ch . 14, Political Dynamics
and Values ).
In the nearly three decades since the restoration of the Em
pire in 1941 , a number of political and economic changes have
been instituted , and a small group of persons with modern
education has emerged , but there has been little change in the
social order. The modernization of the state was begun essen
tially with the promulgation of the Revised Constitution of
1955, which established several governmental bodies, including
a Parliament, with limited powers . Legislation promulgated in
1966 carried on the process by giving greater powers to the
Council of Ministers and specifically to the prime minister.
Nevertheless, by law and in fact, ultimate power of decision
remained in the hands of the Emperor, and the processes of
decisionmaking continued in the traditional mold. In fact, both
the revised Constitution and subsequent modernizing legisla
3
tion were instituted at the initiative of the Emperor (see ch . 3,
Historical Setting; ch . 13, the Governmental System ; ch. 14 ,
Political Dynamics and Values) .
A few persons at the top have a vision of a state that can be
modified and still retain its historical character, but the mod
ernization of the state has not reached below the top levels.
The people , in general , have little interest in how decisions
are made or carried out. For most of them the state is person
ified by the Emperor. Some officials are not interested in
change . As of 1970, when change was initiated, it was usually
done from above and implemented only if superiors exercised
constant supervision .
A major initial result of such modernization as has taken
place was the creation of a new category of persons who had
received fairly extensive modern education. These persons
were directly dependent upon the Emperor, who had encour
aged their education and found places for them in the new
bureaucracy. The members of this group were drawn mainly
from the old elite but, unlike the latter, did not base their
strength on their control over regional forces. The new group
did, however, remain under the influence of traditional values.
Only in the 1960s did a small educated minority begin to break
with tradition . Although their opposition was sometimes
couched in Marxist jargon , their ideas also stemmed from
Western democratic and technological sources and from their
experience of Pan -African ideologies (see ch. 6, Social Struc
ture ; ch. 14 , Political Dynamics and Values) .
A few other groups rebel against the Empire, chiefly on eth
nic and religious grounds; some Eritreans and Somali, nearly
all of them Muslims , seek detachment from Ethiopia and, in
the case of the Somali , ultimate attachment to those they con
sider their religious and ethnic brothers, but they are not con
cerned to change the Ethiopian social and political orders
(see ch . 14 , Political Dynamics and Values; ch . 15, Foreign
Relations ; ch. 24 , Public Order and Internal Security ).
The most important manifestation of the country's basic
conservatism is the preservation of the imperial order. The
Emperor dominates the social and political scene. He is looked
to as protector and source of relief from difficulties. When his
acts do not produce desired results , he may be criticized for
his lack of success ; in the late 1960s and in early 1970, only a
very few Ethiopians questioned his power. The Emperor has
tried to preserve what he considered good from the past and
to create what he thought necessary for the future. An inev.
itable result has been that he has been criticized by the power
ful traditionalists for his innovations and by the modernists,
4
still relatively weak in mid - 1970, for his failure to move rapidly
enough .
The strength of the imperial office and his own personal
prestige are so great that Haile Selassie has been able to con
tain the forces of dissent. An attempted coup in 1960 was
quickly suppressed , and in 1970 no group or combination of
groups appeared to be in a position to present a serious chal
lenge to the Emperor's rule . Haile Selassie was, however,
seventy -nine years of age in 1970. Succession to the throne
in Ethiopian history has usually been attended by difficulties,
and these may be compounded by the challenge not only of
the traditional regional forces but also of such new elements
as the modernists and the separatists.
The Amhara , constituting roughly one-quarter of the popu
lation , and the related Southern Tigre, constituting less than
one-tenth , have succeeded in dominating Ethiopia throughout
its long history, although their hegemony has been challenged
from time to time. They were early set apart from their neigh
bors by their sociopolitical organization (stressing kingship
and hierarchy ), their language, and their Christianity.
The ancestors of the Tigre were the founders, some 2,500
years ago, of the Kingdom of Axum in the northern highlands .
About 1,500 years ago they became adherents of a form of
Christianity derived from one of the early Eastern churches.
Some of their descendants, notably the Northern Tigre, were
later affected by Islam; most, however, remain Christians who
think of themselves as the truest Ethiopians in religion and
culture and consider themselves to have been deprived of their
rightful influence.
The Amhara have been the vehicle of the southward move
ment of the centers of Ethiopian power. As they moved south,
they created a number of new kingdoms, including Shoa , which
has provided the two Emperors, Menelik II and Haile Selassie
I, who have succeeded in unifying the Empire.
The division of the Christian , Semitic-speaking highland
peoples into Amhara and Tigre and of the Amhara into re
gional groupings has resulted in some cultural heterogeneity,
but all continue to share the basic forms of social organiza
tion , religion, and values. They stand relatively united in facing
the pressures of other intermingling and surrounding peoples
(see ch. 3, Historical Setting; ch . 5, Ethnic Groups and Lan
guages; ch . 11, Religion ).
The social order of the Amhara -Tigre rests on the assump
tion that they are a chosen people of God. For most of them ,
to be Christian is to be Amhara or Tigre and vice versa. They
conceive their continued independence and their domination
5
of others to be an order of things instituted by God (see ch.
11 , Religion ; ch. 12, Social Values) .
The Amhara -Tigre have assigned central importance to the
role and qualities of the warrior. The traditional social hier
archy and to a substantial extent the modern one, was deter
mined by the requirements of military organization ; social
rewards - titles and land - were measured by one's place in the
military hierarchy. Military rank of a sufficiently high level
conveyed the status of nobility that might become quasi-hier
archical.
A title gave one the right to deference from commoners and
nobles of lower rank. Land, conquered or given as a gift by
king (negus) or emperor (negusa nagast – king of kings), pro
vided not only a source of livelihood but also control over
those who worked the land and an opportunity to build a local
power base .
The structure of Amhara - Tigre communities was marked by
relations between the local lord , often a war leader who had
acquired his rights in land by conquest or gift, and the peas
ants , who might themselves hold small plots of land but were
otherwise dependents of the lord. When the lord and peasant
were both Amhara (or Tigre ), the relationship , although clearly
one of inequality, was not as harsh as that in the southern
areas, where Amhara lords controlled non -Amhara (see ch. 6,
Social Structure ).
After World War II land and titles were awarded to those
who distinguished themselves as leaders in the resistance to
the Italians, but by the 1950s and 1960s loyalty to the Emperor,
competence, or both increasingly became the basis for status.
For the most part, however, those who had the greatest oppor
tunity to demonstrate their loyalty or to acquire and exhibit
competence were the sons of the traditional nobility. More
over, the basic pattern of social relationships among the still
largely rural Amhara- Tigre had changed little by 1970. De
spite substantial strides in the formal centralization of govern
ment, the local lord remained the link between the peasant
and the central bureaucracy and therefore continued to be not
only the leading social and economic figure in the community
but also its political chief (see ch. 6, Social Structure; ch . 13,
The Governmental System ; ch . 14, Political Dynamics and
Values ).
Despite the hierarchical organization of the Amhara- Tigre,
they are characterized by a strong emphasis on the autonomy
of the individual or, at best, of the household. That emphasis
is linked with a tendency to consider those outside the house
hold as hostile . Indeed, strict hierarchy is conceived of as es
6
sential to the control of what might otherwise be rampant
aggression of each against all (see ch. 12, Social Values) .
The Galla , the largest group of Cushitic origin , are second
to the Amhara - Tigre in social and political importance. Their
internal heterogeneity, however, diminishes their potential
strength . Galla struggles with the Amhara, on the one hand,
and fellow Cushitic peoples like the Somali , on the other, have
dispersed them through much of Ethiopia , although the great
bulk live in the south central regions.
The Galla have included the only substantial segment of
non -Amhara - Tigre people who have been able to move into
the social order accepted and maintained by the traditional
elite. Numbers of Galla were rewarded for their military valor
by Menelik II and by earlier emperors; they and their descend
ants have become adherents of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
and have intermarried with the nobility. Although these Galla
and the Amhara among whom they live - are aware of their
origins, observers consider them almost indistinguishable from
Amhara in their mode of life.
Most Galla, however, are settled cultivators who also keep
livestock . Of these, a substantial number are Muslims. Some,
living in the arid southern provinces , are pastoral nomads. In
any case, whatever their religion or mode of livelihood , the
Galla are fragmented into a large number of subgroups. At
this level they tend to be more cooperative and group-oriented
than the Amhara - Tigre, but they have achieved political orga
nization beyond the local community in only a few cases ( see
ch . 5, Ethnic Groups and Languages; ch . 6 , Social Structure ).
Other Cushitic peoples include the Islamized Somali and
the Afar, both largely pastoral nomads, a number of smaller
groups in the southwest, largely settled cultivators, and some
remnants of peoples - engulfed in the southward surge of the
Amhara - who now exist as enclaves in the highlands . Such
peoples as the Somali and Afar still live on the edges of the
emerging national society. The Somali pose a specific problem
because of their links with their ethnic brethren in independent
Somalia on the eastern border of Ethiopia . In 1970, however,
the governments of both countries concerned were making an
effort to minimize conflict (see ch . 5, Ethnic Groups and Lan
guages ; ch. 15, Foreign Relations) .
The Nilotic peoples have been of marginal political or so
cial concern . Until the abolition of slavery, which existed well
into the twentieth century, these people , as well as some
Cushitic peoples, were the source of slaves for the Amhara
Tigre. Occasionally an ex-slave has even achieved prominence
as a local lord in Amhara country. Administrative control over
7
the outlying areas in which the Nilotic peoples live is weak.
Generally, these peoples maintain their traditional ways with
little interference.
Ethiopians rely almost entirely on crops and livestock for
subsistence, local trade , and exports (see ch. 17, Character
and Structure of the Economy; ch. 18, Agriculture; ch. 21 ,
Domestic Trade; ch . 22, Foreign Economic Relations). Their
chief export in recent years has been coffee, which may have
originated in Ethiopia and which grows wild ; it has been sys
tematically cultivated only in the second half of the twentieth
century .
Since World War II an effort has been made to develop
light industry, particularly to produce those necessary items
that the country has been required to import (see ch . 19, In
dustry ). By 1970 local firms, most of them small, were produc
ing textiles, leather goods, sugar, construction materials (bricks
and steel products ), refined petroleum products, and other
items . The proportion of the labor force engaged in this sector
of the economy and its contribution to the national product
were still, however, relatively small .
The capital cost of economic development and the develop
ment of a social infrastructure must be provided largely by
foreign investment, loans, and grants (see ch . 9, Education ;
ch . 22, Foreign Economic Relations). Some gold has been
mined for a long time; substantial potash deposits , however,
had not yet been exploited in mid-1970 . Other commercially
exploitable mineral resources that might provide the founda
tion or provide income for development had not been found,
but explorations were underway in the late 1960s and in early
1970 (see ch . 2, Physical Environment) .

8
 CHAPTER 2

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT

The Empire of Ethiopia, including in its northeastern section ,

the former Italian colony of Eritrea, occupies the major portion
of the easternmost landmass of the African continent known
as the Horn (see fig. 2). Roughly triangular in shape, the coun
try covers approximately 472,000 square miles and shares fron
tiers with Sudan , Kenya, the Somali Democratic Republic
( Somalia ), and the French Territory of Afars and Issas ( for
merly French Somaliland). Its northeastern coastline extends
approximately 600 miles along the Red Sea . From its northern
apex at 18 ° north latitude to its southern border at 3°30' north
latitude, the country measures approximately 900 miles; its
east-west axis between 33° and 48° east longitude is about
the same distance.
The major topographical features are a massive highland
complex of mountains and plateaus divided by the deep Great
Rift Valley and a series of lowlands along the periphery. The
highland complex is formed of crystalline rocks covered with
sedimentary limestone , sandstone, and thick layers of volcanic
lava . The Great Rift Valley, which divides the country into
two segments along a north -to -south axis , was formed by vol
canic activity. The existence of small volcanoes, hot springs,
and many deep gorges indicates that the highland mass is still
geologically unstable.
Varied climatic conditions are the result of the country's
geographic location and extensive topographical diversities.
Altitude, climate, and vegetation combine to produce three
environmental zones: a hot zone at altitudes up to 5,000 feet,
characterized by arid to tropical climatic conditions and veg.
etation ; a temperate zone at altitudes from 5,000 to 8,000 feet,
with climate and vegetation similar to that of the milder sea
sons of Western Europe; and a cool zone , with climate and
natural vegetation best described as Afro-alpine at altitudes
above 8,000 feet. Rainfall occurs in pronounced wet and dry
seasons, often of uncertain duration . Actual levels of rainfall
vary considerably and may average from eight to more than
eighty inches annually in different parts of the country.
In mid - 1969 the government estimated a population of ap
9
proximately 24.8 million , of which about 92 percent was settled
in rural areas. Because the land was better and the climate
more desirable , most of the people lived in the temperate high
lands. Few of the urban centers were classified as cities or
towns in the usual municipal sense (see ch . 4 , Population ; ch .
5, Ethnic Groups and Languages) .
Although local geological conditions suggest the presence
of valuable mineral deposits, exploration has not advanced
sufficiently to indicate the full extent of their size or exploit
ability. Minerals known to exist in some quantity in mid - 1970
included potash , salt, gold , platinum , iron ore, copper, man
ganese , nickel , and asbestos . Natural gas had been discovered
along the Red Sea coast , and exploration for petroleum depos
its was in progress .
The generally limited transportation network has inhibited
rapid national development. The national road system is largely
limited to dry weather use , although a few all -weather roads
connect the major cities and extend inland from the two Red
Sea ports of Massawa and Assab. A short rail line connecting
Massawa with Asmara and Akordet provides limited service to
populated areas in the northern regions. A longer rail line
connects Addis Ababa with Djibouti in the French Territory
of Afars and Issas . Navigable inland waterways are restricted
to a short stretch of a single river and one lake. The national
airline serves as the country's most important modern trans
portation medium . Traditional methods of transportation, in
cluding mules , donkeys , and camels , are found in areas away
from the major roads .

GEOGRAPHIC REGIONS
Terrain variations form the basis for the division of the coun
try into its chief geographic regions (see fig . 3 ) . They are also
fundamental to regional variations in climate , natural vegeta
tion , soil composition , and settlement patterns.
About two-thirds of the land rises high above the coastal
lowlands to form part of one of the most clearly defined re
gions of the African continent, the East African Rift Plateau .
In Ethiopia it has a general elevation ranging from 5,000 to
10,000 feet above sea level and is interspersed with higher
mountain ranges and cratered cones , the highest of which is
the 15,000 -foot Mount Ras Dashen in northeastern Begemder
Province. The northwestern region of the high plateau is the
historic core of Ethiopia , where the original kingdom of Axum
was formed and where the national capital of Addis Ababa is
located (see ch. 3, Historical Setting) . Millennia of erosion have
10
 36 40 48

Elevation in foot

16
16
Dohlac Islands - 9843 and over

ASMARA
3281

TE
KE -0
ZE
LAKE ASALEN
Below sea level
MOUNT RAS DASHEN
Donokil
GONDAR Depression

12
LAKE TANA
12

BAHIR DAR

BLUE NIL RIVE

E R
eo
ot
Pl

ian
iop HARAR
Eth ADDIS ABABA
OS

RIVER
ley
Rif t
a

TO
AK

Gre

Volt
RI
OB
VE

JIMMA
O
R

MENDEBO MOUNTAINS

WAB SHEBEL RIV

I E ER
LAKE ABAYA
en
ad
Og
GE
NA
RIV
LE
ER

LAKE RUDOY
36 44 48

Source: Adapted from Omero Sabatini and Louise N. Samuel, A Survey

of Agriculture in Ethiopia, 1969.
Figure 3. Physical features of Ethiopia

produced steep -sided valleys , in places a mile deep and several

miles wide, at the bottom of which flow rapid streams not suit
able for navigation but adequate as potential sources of hydro
electric power and irrigation .
The elevated tableland is surrounded by stretches of tropical
lowland , more similar in terms of geology, population , and cul
ture to the adjacent countries than to the Ethiopian Plateau.
The highlands , especially in the north and west, and the sur 9

rounding desert area together with the Red Sea are part of a
protective belt that historically has discouraged military inva
sions and aggressions from the north but has not barred com
mercial contacts or the incursions of small groups of settlers.
On the other hand, the relatively lower slopes of the south
and east have made the plateau more vulnerable to military,
political, and population pressures from these directions. Most
11
invaders have penetrated from the south and east, which have
also been the historic directions of the Empire's expansion (see
ch . 3, Historical Setting). Through federation with Eritrea in
1952, Ethiopia gained unobstructed access to the Red Sea,
enabling it again to give expression to its historic interest in
that region and the lands beyond it.
A number of volcanoes occur in the Danakil desert, and hot
springs and smoking fissures are found in the northern reaches
of the Great Rift Valley . Although a line of seismic belts ex
tends along the length of Eritrea Province and the Danakil
Depression , no serious earthquakes have been recorded in the
area in the first seventy years of the twentieth century .

The Ethiopian Plateau

The mountainous Ethiopian Plateau, which comprises most
of the country, consists of two distinct regions: the rugged high
plateau bisected by the Great Rift Valley and, merging with it
in the east, a more level region known as the Somali Plateau.
Northward from Addis Ababa, the high plateau is often re
ferred to as the Central , or Amhara, Plateau because of the
predominant Amhara who inhabit it (see ch . 5, Ethnic Groups
and Languages ). This northern section embraces six of the
country's fourteen provinces and three of the most densely
populated districts of Eritrea Province. It inclines slightly
toward the west and northwest, then abruptly descends near
the boundary with Sudan . Its towering mountains and deep
chasms provide the region with a wide variety of physiography,
climate, and vegetation . The region is marked by such moun
tain ranges as the Chercher, Aranna, and Chelalo. Although
the massifs are frequently called plateaus, this often conveys
erroneous impression of the country's topography. The
mountain surfaces are rarely flat, except for a scattering of
level-topped mountains known to Ethiopians as ambas.
South of Addis Ababa the plateau is also rugged , but its
elevation is slightly lower than in the northern section. Most
of the coffee grows in this southern region, which also has
the greatest undeveloped agricultural potential (see ch. 18 ,
Agriculture). The eastern section of the high plateau, which
is separated from the main body by the Great Rift Valley, ex
hibits characteristics almost identical to its western counter
part. It is fertile, has patches of forests, and is relatively
densely populated .
Toward the southeast, beyond the continuation of the high
plateau and its Ahmar and Mendebo mountain ranges, lies the
12
Somali Plateau. The flat, extremely arid, and rocky land is
sparsely populated. Its inhabitants are the nomadic Somali ,
constantly on the move with their herds of cattle, camels,
goats, and sheep. Much of the area is semidesert in nature.
The Great Rift Valley

The Great Rift Valley, the most extensive fault on the earth's
surface, extends for more than 50 ° latitude from the Middle
East's Jordan valley to the Shire tributary of the Zambezi River
in Mozambique. The vast segment that runs through Ethiopia
is marked in the north by the Danakil Depression , a large tri
angular-shaped region of the Danakil lowlands, or Afar Plain ,
as it is sometimes known . To the south, at approximately 9°
north latitude, the rift becomes a deep trench slicing through
the central plateau from north to south , its varying width aver
aging thirty miles. The southern half of the valley in Ethiopia
is dotted by a chain of relatively large lakes. Some are of the
fresh water variety, fed by small streams from the east; others
contain various salts and minerals .

The Lowlands

In the north the Great Rift Valley broadens into a funnel

shaped saline plain , the land of the seminomadic Afar (Dana
kil) herdsmen . The Danakil Depression, which in places is 300
feet below sea level , is said to be the hottest place on earth .
North of the depression , the maritime hills, also called the
Danakil Alps, border a 10- to 50 -mile -wide hot, arid , and tree
less coastal strip of land . These coastal hills drain inland into
the saline lakes, from which commercial salt is extracted .
Along the coast of the Red Sea, mainly opposite the Buri
Peninsula, are the many small, sparsely inhabited Dahlac
Islands. On the 800 -mile- long Ethiopian coast of the Red Sea
are Massawa, the country's largest seaport, and, farther to
the south , Assab.
In contrast to the steep cliffs of the plateau along the Great
Rift Valley and in the north , the western and southwestern
slopes descend somewhat less abruptly and are broken more
often by river exits. Between the plateau and the Sudanese
border lies a narrow strip of sparsely populated , tropical low
land that belongs politically to Ethiopia but whose people are
related to those in Sudan (see ch . 5, Ethnic Groups and Lan
guages). Because of topographic barriers and ethnic ties , most
of its peoples are still administratively and culturally isolated
from the rest of Ethiopia .
13
 CLIMATE
The widely diversified rainfall and temperature patterns are 1

largely the result of the country's geographic location and its

great topographical variations (see fig . 4). Elevation, climate,
and vegetation combine to produce three distinct and clearly
recognizable environmental zones - cool, temperate, and hot
which have been known to Ethiopians since antiquity as the
dega, the weina dega, and the kolla, respectively.
The cool zone consists of the central parts of both the west
ern and the eastern sections of the high plateau and a small
area around Harar. The terrain is generally above 8,000 feet
in elevation, temperatures range from 60° F. to near freezing,
and the air is thin . The hottest months in this zone are March,
April, and May. Although included within the cool zone, the
mountain tops above 10,000 feet are referred to by Ethiopians
as the wirch, and temperatures are at the lower end of the
scale. Alpine conditions prevail, hail causes frequent damage
to crops , and frost is not unusual. Snow falls only on the loft
iest peaks. At lower elevations in the cool zone, stock raising
and cereal farming are practiced ; the zone , however, is essen
tially one of mountain grassland (see ch. 18, Agriculture).
The temperate zone, which is the most densely populated
and most agriculturally productive, includes the greater portion
of the high plateau at elevations between 5,000 and 8,000 feet.
Temperatures range from 60 °F. to 85 ° F ., with highest daily
variations occurring between November and January. The mid
day heat diminishes quickly in the afternoon, and nights are
usually cool . During most years, light frosts often occur at
night.
The hot zone comprises those areas where the altitude is
below 5,000 feet. This zone encompasses the Danakil Depres
sion and Eritrea Province (the lowlands) , the eastern Ogaden,
the deep tropical valleys of the Blue Nile (Abay) and Tekeze
rivers, and the belt area along the Sudanese and Kenyan
borders. Climatic conditions in these areas are torrid , with
slight daily temperature changes. Although the zone's aver
age annual temperature is roughly 80 °F., midyear readings
.

in the arid and semiarid areas along the Red Sea coast often
soar to 120 °F. and to more than 100°F. in the arid Ogaden.
Humidity is usually high in the tropical valleys and along
the seacoast. The hot zone is used mainly by nomadic tribes
for grazing livestock and for sparse subsistence cultivation.
The year is divided into two markedly different seasons:
the rainy season (kremt) , which generally lasts from mid
June to about mid -September, and the dry season (bega ),
14
which prevails during the rest of the year. These seasonal
changes are believed to be a fringe effect of the winds,
mainly the monsoon , that govern the climate of southern
Asia . During the rainy season southeast winds off the Indian
Ocean prevail, whereas in the dry season the winds blow
from the northeast, across the Arabian desert. The rainy sea
son is generally regarded as the winter season because cloud
cover and heavy rain reduce the temperature. Ethiopians re
gard the dry season as summer .
Clouds are found over the high plateau 50 to 70 percent
of the time. The main rainy season is usually preceded by a
period of light rains, called balq, during April and May and
often is followed by a six -week period of hot and dry weather.
Toward the middle of June , violent electrical storms occur
daily. These are the big rains, which produce approximately
36 40 48
Average annual
rainfall , inches
50
16 16
40
MASSAWA
I 30
ASMARA
20
10
o
100 200

MILES
ASSAB

SEGONDAR
12 12

BAHIRDAR

HARAR
ADDIS ABABA

JIMMA

36 44 48

Source: Adapted from Omero Sabatini and Louise N. Samuel, A Survey

of Agriculture in Ethiopia , 1969.
Figure 4. Rainfall in Ethiopia

15
80 to 85 percent of the annual rainfall on the northwestern
region of the high plateau.
In the southwest rainfall is more evenly distributed and
also more abundant. The relative humidity and precipitation
decrease from south to north ; rains are the heaviest in the
southwest, near Gore , in Illubabor Province , where they may
reach 104 inches a year. Rainfall is rather scant in the Great
Rift Valley, even less frequent on the eastern part of the So
mali Plateau, and negligible over the Danakil Depression.

THE LAND

Most of the land consists of highland plateaus and moun

tains, where the climate is , for the most part, hospitable and
moist. The hot , arid lowlands of the extreme southeast, the
Ethiopian extension of the Sudan plain in the west, and the
north’s vast and primitive Danakil desert are less hospitable
and offer limited potential for utilization . About 54 percent
of the country's total area consists of permanent grassland,
and 10 percent is cultivated land (see ch. 18, Agriculture).
Forests occupy approximately 7 percent of the land; desert,
other nonagricultural land, and bodies of water constitute
the rest .
Most of the cropland lies in the highlands or in the river
valleys. Nearly all of the pastureland is located in the Great
Rift Valley, the plains of the northeast, and the vast lowlands
of the southeast. Tree and shrub savanna occupies approx
imately one-third of the country's total area and is utilized
primarily by nomadic tribes for pasturing livestock. A large
portion of the permanent grassland is believed to be poten
tially cultivable .

Soils and Natural Vegetation

Two general types of soil are prevalent throughout most of
the country . These are the red to reddish - brown clayey loams
and the soils that are black in color. Soil information , based
on extensive samplings, indicates that varying amounts of both
types appear in most areas. Although fertility varies from re
gion to region , a large amount of the soils of the country are
considered fertile (see fig. 5) .
Reddish -brown soils , among the country's most productive,
occur over much of the plateau region of the western section.
They are deep, well drained, and of medium acidity. They have
good moisture-holding capacity and are fairly well supplied
with most plant nutrients, except phosphorus. Surfaces are
16
 36 40 44

Average to
fairly good

16
Good to excellent 16

ASMARA
TE
KE RM
ZE I
Useless to poor

GONDAR

RU 12
E
LAHIR DAR

ER
AN
EMO

HARAR
ES ADDIS ABABA
OV

JIMMA

O
COM LIVER
WAN SHEHRL ENVE
E R
d
GE
NA
LE

Source: Adapted from Kifle-Mariam Zerom , The Resources and Economy of

Ethiopia, 1969.

Figure 5. Soil fertility in Ethiopia

clayey and have a reasonably high content of organic matter.

On the high plateau the reddish loams are associated with
dark gray to black calcareous clays , which occur in poorly
drained depressions . These darker soils are well supplied
with plant nutrients but are difficult to work, because they
are sticky when wet and hard when dry. They are also asso
ciated with reddish - brown loams along flat areas of the west
ern border and the central section of the Great Rift Valley.
Extensive areas of reddish brown soils prevail east of the
Great Rift Valley in the southern half of the country . These
soils are neutral to calcareous and somewhat coarse in tex
ture. They have a relatively low water-holding capacity, which
limits their suitability for crop production. Alluvial and asso
ciated soils, occurring in areas along the rivers, are of excel
lent fertility and have a high agricultural potential. West of
the Great Rift Valley, these soils are slightly acid and are
17
loamy in texture, but they often tend to become waterlogged
and would require drainage for use as cropland. East of the
valley , soils are mildly alkaline and loamy and have a low
naturally available moisture content.
Although much of the plateau region is generally fertile,
nearly half of the land consists of shallow, stony soils suitable
only for limited grazing. There are numerous rocky areas of
little exploitable value. Much of the eastern part of the So
mali Plateau is covered with red desert soils, which receive
insufficient moisture and sustain only sparse seasonal grazing.
Soil erosion , particularly in the northern part of the coun
try and in the lowlands of the south and southeast, is of grave
dimensions and reduces the cultivable area year by year. In
some areas, where the vegetation cover is not permanent be
cause of the climate and poor cropping and grazing prac
tices, widespread grass fires and erosion considerably reduce
the amount of productive land. Along the border areas and
the plateau escarpment, especially near Harar and between
Jimma and Lake Abaya , gullying is common in the rainy sea
son . The Awash River carries 15- to 20 -percent silt in solution
at the peak of the rainy season ; the Blue Nile annually carries
millions of tons of soil to Egypt.
Protective measures have been initiated locally through ter
race cultivation and, in isolated areas , through good rotation
practices . The government is making efforts to improve crop
ping and grazing practices , water conservation , and irrigation ,
as well as reforestation, but soil erosion remains a national
problem of considerable magnitude .
Natural vegetation is varied and ranges from Afro - alpine
forests and savanna to thorny subdesert scrub (see fig. 6) .
Much of the highland vegetation consists of forests with thickly
wooded hillsides at medium levels and small groups of trees
at the higher altitudes. The timberline for deciduous forests
is up to about 12,000 feet; for evergreens, which range in
height from 6 to 18 feet, the timberline sometimes reaches
13,000 feet. At altitudes that characterize the temperate zone
are found giant junipers , large cactus-like Euphorbia candela
bra, bamboos , sycamores, laurels , mimosas, gums (such as
those producing myrrh) , and the fruit-bearing cusso.
A relatively recent feature of the landscape is the eucalyptus,
which was first imported in the late nineteenth century and is
widespread on the plateaus and around all Amhara settle
ments . Extensive planting of these trees forms a wide green
belt surrounding Addis Ababa . The trees provide inhabitants
with wood for fuel, tool handles, furniture, telegraph and tele
phone poles , fences, and numerous other uses . The eucalyptus
forests also shade and decorate many settled areas .
18
 36 40 48

Sovanna, evergreen forest,

and Afro- olpine vegetation
16 Open woodland 16

ASMARA Steppe ( Desert scrub

and sporse gross)
M
Desert

7 Subdesert steppe
Acacia thornbush and
desert gross sovanna
GONDAR
12 12

ADDISABABA HARAR
e

JIMMA
D
o
C

36 40 48

Source: Adapted from Kifle -Mariam Zerom , The Resources and

Economy of Ethiopia, 1969.
Figure 6. Natural vegetation of Ethiopia

In drier regions , in deforested areas, and at higher eleva

tions, numerous mountain grasslands prevail. Species of tall,
bristly grasses predominate, but a number of short grasses,
sedges, and rushes also occur with varying frequency. In the
highest regions Afro -alpine vegetation is common ; it includes
giant red, white, and blue flowering lobelias and various herbs
and shrubs. On the southwestern plateaus, where tempera
tures are higher and rainfall is heavier, large areas of broad
leaved rain forest are found. The coffee plant is indigenous
to this region and occurs naturally in the forest. Kefa Prov
ince derives its name from the prevalent growth of wild cof
fee plants found within that area .
In the hot climatic zone, vegetation in the lowlands consists
generally of the thorny acacia, which appears after the rainy
season and withers away during the rest of the year. During
this period bush fires often devastate large areas. Farther
19
down the valleys vegetation is tropical in nature and includes
many large palm tress . The area of the Danakil Depression
is desert wasteland, most of which is completely lacking in
vegetation .

Drainage
All of the country's rivers originate in the massive highlands
and flow outward in many directions through deep gorges. 1

Because of the general slope of the highlands, a number of

the larger rivers are tributaries of the Nile system . Most no
table of these is the Blue Nile, the country's largest river. The
Blue Nile and its tributaries, together with the Tekeze in the
north and the Baro in the south , account for about half of the
outflow of water from the country .
In the high plateau region , drainage is generally to the
northwest, the Blue Nile and Tekeze carrying most of the
waters down to Sudan . The Blue Nile has its source in Lake
Tana , the country's largest lake, which lies in a depression
in the west-central section of the plateau. Its waters are
dammed naturally near the town of Bahir Dar by a flow of
lava that is crossed by the present -day course of the river. The
Upper Nile (Little Abay), considered a sacred river during the
Axum period, originates nearly 11,000 feet above sea level and
feeds Lake Tana. The river, which contributes about two
thirds of the waters of the Nile River flow below Khartoum
in Sudan , flows first southward and then turns westward to
the frontier. Its tributaries drain an extensive area of the
Central Plateau. In its course of 535 miles between Lake Tana
and the Sudan border, the Blue Nile drops more than 4,000
feet, offering a significant potential for hydroelectric power
development. Twenty miles downstream from Lake Tana, the
river drops some 150 feet in the Tisisat Falls .
The northern part of the plateau is drained by the Tekeze
River and its tributaries. The Tekeze rises at an elevation of
more than 9,000 feet in the mountains of Lasta . It flows in a
semicircle around the Simen Mountains through a 3,000 -foot
gorge , forming a barrier between the northern provinces and
the Central Plateau .
South of the Blue Nile drainage basin , the plateau is drained
by the Baro River, navigable up to Gambela during the rainy
season and providing a trade route toward Sudan . In the west
the Akobo and Baro flow across the border to join the Sobat
in Sudan .
The eastern parts of the southern highlands are drained by
the Omo River system . The Omo River originates in the Bal
bala Mountains and terminates at the southern frontier in
20
Lake Rudolf, the northernmost corner of which lies within
the boundaries of Ethiopia . The rivers of the western and
central highlands have frequent rapids because of the terrain
through which they flow , and their volume is highly variable
because of uneven rainfall patterns.
In the northern half of the Great Rift Valley, between steep
cliffs descending several thousand feet, flows the Awash Riv
er , originating some fifty miles west of Addis Ababa. Coursing
northward , it is joined by several tributaries until it becomes
a river of major importance , only to disappear in the saline
lakes of the Danakil Depression .
In the southern half of the Great Rift Valley, which cuts
between the western and southeastern highlands , a number
of closed drainage basins feed numerous lakes . The northern
most of these is Lake Ziway, which lies sixty -five miles south
of Addis Ababa . To the south are lakes Abayata , Langano,
Shala, Awasa, Abaya, Chamo , Istifanos, and Rudolf.
In the southeast region of the Somali Plateau, seasonally
torrential rivers provide drainage toward the southeast. Chief
of these is the Wabi Shebele, which courses through the semi
desert of Hararge Province and into Somalia. In the southern
part of the area, many small streams combine to form the
Genale River, which also crosses into Somalia , where it be
comes the Juba River.
In mid-1970 few of the country's vast water resources had
been developed for hydroelectric power purposes. A storage
reservoir and three hydroelectric plants were in use on the
Awash River. Small hydroelectric power units were located
near Bahir Dar on the Blue Nile and near eight other urban
settlements scattered along the country's rivers.
Minerals
Reliable estimates of the country's mineral resources do not
exist, because a comprehensive geological survey has never
been conducted. Reports based on tentative data concerning
the location and quantity of mineral deposits are often con
tradictory and include a wide range of speculative estimates.
During their occupation of the area, the Italians made a thor
ough investigation of mineral possibilities in Eritrea, but in
Ethiopia proper they confined their surveys to the location of
precious metals.
The widespread mountainous terrain suggests the existence
of extensive and varied mineral deposits, but in most of the
likely areas the older, ore-bearing rock is covered by volcanic
lava flows that measure thousands of feet in depth . Such geo
logical conditions tend to indicate that, even if deposits exist,
21
commercial exploitation may not be economically feasible in
every case . Occasional outcroppings of copper, iron, lead, and
zinc in the banks of the river gorges have been used since
antiquity and continue to be worked by traditional methods
to meet local subsistence needs. Outside the high plateau,
the basic rocks are usually exposed, and in these lower sec
tions of the country there are known deposits of potash, gold,
salt, platinum , silver, manganese, tin , copper, asbestos, sulfur,
uranium, and mica.
In the late 1960s the government began action to conduct 1

a national geological survey and the preparation of a min

erals map, but in mid- 1970 the project was still in its initial
stages . Government statements in late 1969 indicated that
the prospects of finding minerals in commercial quantity in
northern Ethiopia appeared promising. According to the vice
minister of mines, surveys undertaken in that area indicated
the presence of copper, zinc, and nickel ; their exploitability
remained unknown .
1
In mid- 1970 government geologists, together with those of 8

the United Nations Development Program and private foreign

companies, were engaged in mineral surveys over some 150,000
square miles of territory. Minerals with varying degrees of ex
ploitability included gold , platinum, salt, and potash. The
prospect of finding uranium appeared reasonably good. Sev
eral United States firms were prospecting for oil on the Red
Sea coast in the north , where the discovery of natural gas in
dicated the possibility of a petroleum field . Similar exploration
was being conducted by United States and West German firms
in the Ogaden area . 1
The most significant gold-producing region is the Kebre
Mengist goldfields in the southern area's Sidamo Province.
Gold has also been found and extracted in small quantities
by the inhabitants of Wollega , Illubabor, and Gojam provinces
and in Eritrea Province along the Sudan border, where many
of the streams contain alluvial gold. Platinum has been found
and mined in the Birbir River valley east of Youbdo in Wol
lega Province. Iron ore has been found in deposits scattered
throughout the Empire, particularly in Eritrea and Wollega
provinces . Ethiopian geologists have reported a promising
copper vein in Mount Saccar near Asmara , and manganese
exists near Dallol in the Danakil Depression of Tigre Province.
Mica deposits have been worked intermittently in the area
near Jijiga in Hararge Province. Large quantities of asbestos
have been found in connection with nickel deposits in Sidamo
Province .
Salt is extracted from the Red Sea , from the vast, dry saline
22
bed of Lake Asale in the Danakil Depression , and from depos
its near Megga on the Kenya border. High-quality potash de
posits associated with salt in the Danakil Depression are being
exploited , and in mid- 1970 potash was the country's most im
portant proved mineral resource .
Wildlife
The country has a wide variety of wild animals, although
unrestricted big game hunting beginning in the latter half of
the nineteenth century posed a serious threat to large numbers
of the wildlife population. Elephant and lion hunting, which
continued unabated into the early twentieth century, resulted
in a rapid decline of these animals in all but a few regions.
Depletion of the wildlife population was intensified as animals
were killed as pests by inhabitants in all parts of the country .
In more recent times the government has established six
game reserves to help control unrestricted hunting, and game
laws are being enforced with more vigor than had been the
case in earlier times . These protected areas for wildlife con
servation include the Omo Reserve in Kefa Province, the Gam
bela Reserve in Illubabor Province, Lake Chamo Reserve in
Gemu Gofa Province, Danakil Reserve in Wollo Province,
Awash Reserve in Hararge and Shoa provinces, and the Rift
Valley Lake Reserve in Shoa Province.
Most of the wildlife consists of species found throughout
most of East Africa . In general , it is more abundant in the
southern half of the country and becomes less colorful and
decreases in variety in the north . Elephants and rhinoceroses
are found in a number of low -lying areas of the southern high
lands, but most rhinoceroses are seen on the Akobo plain in
the western area of the country. Hippopotamuses , crocodiles,
and Nile monitor lizards inhabit many of the rivers and lakes,
where otters are also plentiful. Lions are relatively scarce and
are found usually in the south , the southwest, and the Ogaden
area of the Somali Plateau. Spotted and black leopards, hye
nas, and monkeys are seen throughout the country. Lynx,
wolves, wild dogs, jackals , wart hogs, and badgers are seen
in many parts. Giraffes are found in the western areas, and
zebras inhabit the lower plains . Antelopes and gazelles of
many varieties are numerous in most areas . The rarest of the
antelopes is the nyala, found in remote high mountain regions
and protected in one of the national game reserves. Although
particularly prevalent in Kefa Province, the civet is also found
throughout much of the country. Squirrels, hares, monkeys,
and a variety of baboons range abundantly from the warm
lowlands to regions above altitudes of 8,000 feet .
23
 Pythons, cobras, and puff adders are common along with a
wide variety of smaller and less dangerous snakes . A large
range of birds includes eagles , vultures, hawks, bustards, par
tridges, ducks, guinea fowl, sand grouse, woodcocks, snipes,
pigeons, thrushes, and swallows. A variety of ostrich is com
mon ; a number of brilliant-plumaged birds abound, including
the marabou , crane , heron , and parrot.
Edible fish are abundant in the fresh waters and include H

sunfish , catfish , and Nile perch. Salt water fish are plentiful
along the Red Sea coast, where notable catches of shrimp and 1
lobster are common . The country has a vast insect population ,
including malarial mosquitoes that breed in low -lying areas.
Seasonal locust plagues occur in some of the eastern regions.
There are thousands of varieties of butterflies and other in
sects , many of which remain unclassified.

BOUNDARIES AND ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS

Except for the 600 miles of Red Sea coastline marking its
northeastern extremity, only limited stretches of the country's
borders are defined by natural features. The 1,500 -mile bound
ary between Ethiopia and Sudan is one of the longest in Af
rica; it was delimited in 1902 by a treaty between the two
countries. This long frontier generally follows the western
slopes of the mountainous Ethiopian highland, but it is defined
for a short distance in the southeast by the winding Akobo
River, a tributary of Sudan's White Nile.
The southern boundary between Ethiopia and Kenya was
delimited in detail and demarcated after an exchange of notes
between Ethiopia and the United Kingdom before Kenyan
independence . Although both countries agreed on the delim
itation , Ethiopia refused to ratify the results of the demarca
tion commission . After the conclusion of a mutual defense
treaty between Ethiopia and independent Kenya in late 1963,
an agreement between the two countries was reached on the
definition of their common frontier. The agreement was for
mally certified in June 1970 during a state visit to Kenya by
Emperor Haile Selassie .
Agreements between Great Britain , Italy, and Ethiopia in
1897 and 1908 established the early basis for the border be
tween Ethiopia and Somalia . Disputed interpretation of these
treaties ensued , and the frontier was never demarcated ex
cept for an eighteen -mile stretch from Dolo southwestward
to the tripoint of Ethiopia , Kenya , and Somalia. A portion of
the lengthy boundary was defined by a British -Ethiopian
agreement in 1950, when the United Nations established So
malia as a trust territory. This provisional administrative line
24
began at the point where the forty -eighth meridian intersects
the eighth parallel of north latitude.
The 1950 effort at delimitation did little to settle the long
standing boundary dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia. The
western frontier remained the scene of recurrent violence,
which erupted in a border war between Ethiopian and Somali
armed forces in 1964 (see ch. 3, Historical Setting; ch . 15,
Foreign Relations; ch . 25, The Armed Forces) . Despite subse
quent efforts to resolve the dispute over boundaries, a formal
agreement defining the common frontier had not been reached
by mid-1970 . The border with the French Territory of Afars
and Issas enclave to the northeast remained that demarcated
by the Franco -Italian agreement of January 1935. Although
the boundary is an arbitrarily drawn line without natural defi
nition, its legality is recognized by Ethiopia.
The country is divided into fourteen provinces (takelay
gezat), which conform roughly to the traditional feudal divi
sions that existed before centralization (see table 1 ). These
administrative divisions included Eritrea, which was first fed
erated with Ethiopia by imperial decree in 1952. In 1962 the
Eritrean National Assembly voted to unite with Ethiopia and
became a province of the Empire.
Each of the provinces is governed by a governor general
appointed by the Emperor and responsible to the regent's ad
ministrative representative, the minister of interior. The prov .
inces are subdivided into a total of about 99 subprovinces
(awraja ), some 440 districts (woreda ), and approximately 1,330
subdistricts (meketil woreda ). Although the subdistrict is no
Table 1. Major Administrative Divisions of Ethiopia
Province Alternate names Provincial capital

Arussi Arusi . Assela

Bale .Goba
Begemder Bagemder, Bagemdir, Beghemdir .Gondar
Eritrea Medra-Bahr .Asmara
Gemu Gofa Gamo Gofa , Gemu Goffa .Arba Minch
Gojam Gojjam, Gojjim , Gwojjam, Goggiam , Godjam Debre Markos
Hararge Harrarge, Harar , Harrarghie .Harar
Illubabor Ilubabor .Gore
Kefa Kaffa , Kefa Jimma , Kaffa Jimma, Caffa .Jimma
Shoa Shawa , Scioa, Shewa Addis Ababa
Sidamo Sidama, Borana Sidamo Yirga Alem
Tigre Tegre, Tigrai Mekele
Wollega Walaga, Wallage, Uollega, Welega .Nekemtie
Wollo Wallo, Uollo, Welo .Dessie

Source: Adapted from Imperial Ethiopian Government, Central Statistical

Office, Statistical Abstract , 1964 and Statistical Abstract, 1967 and 1968.
25
longer recognized as an official division , most Ethiopians still
refer to the entity. Within a subdistrict there are rural com
munes or townships (see ch. 13, The Governmental System ).
Urban centers are termed either municipalities or localities .
Addis Ababa , Asmara, and Gondar are chartered municipal
ities completely independent of the administrative control of
the provinces in which they are located. The urban localities
are merely a further subdivision of the provinces and as such
are subject to the administration of provincial governments. 1

H
TRANSPORTATION FEATURES

A number of natural factors, including the rugged terrain

of the Central Plateau and the long rainy season , make surface
transport difficult. The lack of a comprehensive all-weather
road system , a limited rail network, and a shortage of navi
gable inland waterways have been major obstacles to national
development goals (see fig. 7) . Improvement and expansion of
the highway system have been given high priority in govern
ment planning, and foreign assistance has been granted in the
form of financial loans, technicians, and equipment (see ch.
21 , Domestic Trade ). Many fertile agricultural areas cannot be
reached by road, and some crops cannot always be marketed
because of high transportation costs. Large numbers of poten
tial consumers are isolated from the centers of industrial out
put. Because of the inaccessibility of many regions by surface
means , air transport is of considerable importance.
Throughout the country's approximately 472,000 -square
mile area , there are about 14,000 to 15,000 miles of public
roads and tracks, of which roughly a third are capable of all
weather travel. Most of the major surfaced highways radiate
from Addis Ababa and Asmara to important economic produc
tion areas. In addition to the domestic movement of goods and
agricultural products , an increasing portion of the country's
foreign trade moves by road to the seaports of Assab and
Massawa . Away from the major roads , transportation is gen
erally by mule and donkey in the highlands and by camel
in the lowlands .
Two separate and independent rail systems , both carrying
passengers and freight, constitute the national railroad net
work. The larger of these , the Franco-Ethiopian Railway Com
pany (Compagnie du Chemi de Fer Franco-Ethiopien ) , is jointly
owned and operated by the governments of Ethiopia and
France. The line connects the port of Djibouti in the French
Territory of Afars and Issas with the Ethiopian capital of Addis
Ababa , a distance of about 486 miles . The second railroad ex
26
 36 20
National Capital
Dahlac Islands Provincial Capital

11111
Archipelago National Boundaries
MASSAWA RED Provincial Boundaries
Roads -16
AKORDET SEA Dry Weather Roads
Railroads
SUDAN AŞMAR Airfields
1 Ports

e so 100 150
MALES

GONDAR ASSAB

Lako Tang
12 OFTAI GULF OF ADEN 12
BAHIR DAR
DIBOUT

ETHIOPIA DIRE SOMALIA

DAWA
ADDIS ABABA
HARAR

DJIMMA
YIRGA ALEM

NC
9U

OU
D_6O
SUDAN PUTE S
DIS

SOMALIA
DOLO

UGANDA KENYA

Note : Fronch Torritory of the Alars and Issos is indicated as FTAI on the map .

Source: Adapted from Clarence J. Miller, et. al., Development of

Agriculture and Agro -Industry in Ethiopia , 1961.
Figure 7. Transportation in Ethiopia

tends for 191 miles within the province of Eritrea , connecting

the port of Massawa with Asmara and then continuing west
ward to Akordet.
The country is afforded access to the sea by its two Red Sea
deepwater ports of Massawa and Assab. The port of Massawa
is connected by railroad with Asmara and by an all-weather
road to the northern provinces. An all-weather road extends
inland from the port of Assab.
Nearly all of the Empire's streams and rivers have steep
gradients with numerous rocky rapids , except in the area along
the coastal plains. These conditions largely prevent their use
for transportation , although the feasibility of using the Omo,
Gogeb, Genale, and Wabi Shebele rivers for transport purposes
is being studied . The Baro River on the southwestern frontier
is navigable from May through October along the 138 miles
27
from Gambela to Burbayo, Sudan , in boats with drafts of not
more than three feet. Lake transport is confined to Lake Tana,
but the government plans to expand the system both there and
on Lake Abaya in the southwest.
Domestic and international air service is provided by Ethio
pian Airlines (EAL) , established in 1945 and government
owned . EAL serves a variety of cities and towns in its domestic
operations and provides both cargo and passenger services
(see ch. 21 , Domestic Trade ). Major airports are located at
Addis Ababa, Asmara , Jimma, and Dire Dawa.

SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
I
Ethiopia is basically an agricultural country; its urban pop
ulation is limited to roughly 8 percent of the total (see ch. 4,
Population ). Urban areas are mainly extended villages or mar
ket towns that have a small core of permanent dwellers but
have many visitors during times when markets, fairs, or holi
day ceremonies are taking place. Even the capital of Addis
Ababa experiences this ebb and flow of people , although the
permanent population is comparatively large in size . The ur
ban life of larger cities with their shops, schools, and theaters
is an attraction to some rural people (see ch . 4 , Population).
Although a gradually changing occupational profile of the
population will influence somewhat the rate and pattern of
urbanization , the change in settlement patterns is not expected
to be of large proportions within the immediate future.
Approximately 92 percent of the population are rural dwell
ers who have settled in patterns dictated by the ability of the
land to support agricultural activity. Thus, the greatest num
ber is concentrated in the Central Plateau region , especially
in its southern section . Extensive government development
projects have been necessary to encourage settlement of the
infertile Ogaden region of the eastern Somali Plateau.
Economy and security are primary factors shaping rural
settlement patterns. Beyond the marked differences between
the settled and pastoral economies , settlements based on
cereal production and those based on the production of ensete
(false banana-see Glossary) as staple foods also differ. In the
northwestern region of the high plateau, where grain consti
tutes the staple crop, hamlets and villages are common. Land
is usually occupied and owned by a kinship group, which allots
certain areas to individual families living together in the center
of the community land. Close cooperation of the entire group
has been essential , not only to offset hostile attacks but also
to facilitate carrying out farming tasks in common . The village
28
type of settlement in open field areas was adopted by nomadic
people, such as the Galla tribes who settled among the Amhara
(see ch. 5, Ethnic Groups and Languages) .
In the southwestern part of the high plateau, where the
ensete has been the staple food, the homestead type of settle
ment is predominant. Because the ensete can be cultivated
close to the home and by individuals or a family without the
cooperation of others , kinship groups in the ensete regions
have preferred individual farm settlements to villages, even
though the groups moved and settled together. There is some
overlapping of the two settlement patterns, however, since
individual homesteads can be found in the northwestern re
gion and some hamlets and villages are on the southwestern
plateau .
Large villages, usually built near a water supply, are charac
teristic of the areas where a pastoral economy is predominant,
as on the Somali Plateau in eastern Hararge Province and in
southern Sidamo Province, the Danakil Depression , and north
>

ern Eritrea Province . Tribes usually spend only the winter

months in these villages, for during the rest of the year they
are constantly on the move with their herds.
Patterns of residence tend to vary with ethnic groupings,
and these in turn are associated with certain forms of cultiva
tion or herding. Most Amhara and Tigre live in villages; the
majority of the Sidamo tribes live in individual settlements,
as do the Gurage; many of the Somali , Afar, and Sudanese
tribes along the northwestern border still lead a nomadic life.
Formerly nomadic tribes who adopted sedentary agriculture
usually adopted the settlement patterns of the area; thus Galla
tribes among the Amhara settled in villages, whereas those
among the Sidamo settled in individual homesteads . Almost
all foreigners live in urban areas, and approximately one-half
are residents of Addis Ababa .
Although the northwestern region of the high plateau is
considered to be the homeland area of the Amhara, members
of this group move willingly and freely into almost any other
part of the country, either for governmental service or for eco
nomic advantage . There is, however, a marked preference for
the temperate zone , because the climate , natural resources,
and scenery are considered superior to other zones and are
envied by people living in the very high , cold regions and in
the adjacent tropical countries.
All roads lead to Addis Ababa, which offers a blending of
modern and traditional living patterns. The center of all cos
mopolitan life of the country, the national capital is divided
into two main sections. The upper and older part , which is
29
400 to 500 feet higher in elevation, includes one of the main
shopping streets , the market area, one of the city's largest
cathedrals, and a segment of Haile Selassie I University. In
the newer and lower half of the city, there are numerous gov
ernment buildings, the railroad station , the remainder of the
university campus , various museums, and the Jubilee Palace.
Focal points of the city and its street system are seven circular
plazas , which the inhabitants refer to as squares . The lower
part of the city has a metropolitan air, with wide streets, tall
modern buildings, hotels, restaurants, and shops .
Contrasting with the newer section of Addis Ababa, the
market area offers a jumble of alleyways and open spaces
that serve as the center of commerce. Here may be purchased
a vast array of items ranging from locally produced merchan
dise to manufactured products from abroad . Thronging the
market are people from every area of the Empire; as in the
smaller urban centers , most of the shops are operated by
Arabs. As dusk approaches, the market empties, and people
vanish into their living quarters. The streets at this time of
day are choked with cattle and goats, being driven from the
outlying fields where they graze during the day to the quarters
they occupy in their owners' backyards at night.

30
 CHAPTER 3

HISTORICAL SETTING

The history of Ethiopia stretches over nearly 3,000 years.

In those centuries it has remained largely intact and resilient
in the face of an often hostile and sometimes forgetful outside
world . It has also remained resistant to externally introduced
change. Its own current official tradition stresses belief in,
and adherence to , a line of dynastic succession that traces it
self unbroken from the pre-Christian Era.
The founders of the original Ethiopian city -states probably
arrived from the Arabian peninsula in the first half of the first
millenium B.C., mixed with the local Cushitic peoples, and de
veloped their states into the kingdom of Axum, which remained
powerful for many centuries. In the fourth century A.D. its
rulers and, gradually, its people were converted to Christian
ity, an event of enormous importance in later Ethiopian history.
Their religious faith , linked to the belief in the divinely or
dained position of the Emperor, gave a common purpose to the
people of Axum and their descendants. Its strength was con
tinually tested after the seventh and particularly after the tenth
century , by which time Ethiopia had become a Christian island
in a Muslim sea . The rise of a hostile Islam around it led to
the severing of ties , until then relatively strong, to the outside
world and imposed an isolation from foreign influences that
lasted into the twentieth century .
During the interim Ethiopia developed and preserved cul
tural , religious, artistic, and political forms distinct from Euro
pean and Middle Eastern Christian societies . In the early six
teenth century, however, Muslim forces ravaged almost the
entire country, destroying much of the existing artistic and
architectural heritage of the country's ancient culture. Until
that point its cultural achievements had remained on a par
with those of much of Europe.
The Muslim incursion led to a tentative renewal of ties to
the Christian world with the arrival, also in the early sixteenth
century, of Portuguese diplomatic and military missions seek
ing joint action against the Muslim forces. These ties were
aborted shortly thereafter, however, by religious conflicts
between Western Christianity, in the form of the Roman Cath
31
olicism brought by the Portuguese, and the traditional forms
of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. These conflicts disap
pointed the Ethiopians, who had long hoped for renewed ties
to the Christian world, and left the country with a profound
distrust of Europeans that lasted into the twentieth century.
These internal and external conflicts weakened the position
of the Emperor in the seventeenth century, and for the first
time feudal political arrangements invaded on the imperial
power .. For 150 years the emperors remained weak, sometimes
being little more than puppets for powerful regional rulers
although still respected as the divinely ordained holder of the
throne. In mid -nineteenth century came a resurgence of their
power , first under the usurper Emperor Theodore and later,
after his defeat by British forces supported by Ethiopian re
gional leaders, by his legitimate successors of the Tigre and
Shoa royal lines .
The emperors after Theodore were occupied by efforts to
ensure the dominance of the imperial power, at first over the
regional lords and then over peripheral territories. In the later
expansion the control of the Amhara - Tigre was extended over
nearly all the territories populated by non -Christian, often
Muslim, peoples to the south and east of the Amhara -Tigre
highland plateau.
This expansion was carried out in the face of European
efforts to extend colonial control over these same or adjacent
areas and brought the country into direct contact with the
modern world . These later emperors therefore became mod
ernists in varying degrees, adopting first the arms and then
the administrative structures they saw as advantageous. Their
ability to acquire modern arms and make effective use of them
was demonstrated to the outside world at the crucial battle of
Adowa in 1896 when Ethiopian forces crushed the Italian
colonial advance .
The present Emperor of Ethiopia , Haile Selassie, came to
power as regent for the Empress Zauditu in 1916. He had
become co -ruler by 1928 and was crowned Emperor, after
Zauditu's death , in 1930. During the period until the Italian
invasion of the country in 1935, he was the champion of mod
ernist forces while still retaining the position and methods
of the traditional ruler. The country fell under Italian rule
for five years between 1936 and 1941 , during which time mod
ernization was carried a step further through the creation by
the Italians of a road infrastructure and other public works.
The Ethiopians strongly resisted the Italian conquest and rule
and took advantage of British support against the Fascist
power after the outbreak of World War II to regain control
for themselves in 1941 .

32
 The postwar era has been characterized by slow but con
tinuing modernization and the establishment of Ethiopia , or
its Emperor, as a significant voice in international affairs,
particularly within the newly developing states of Africa. The
1960s have also been marked by the development of a gen
eration of younger men with modern education who demand a
faster pace in the country's efforts to move forward into the
modern world technologically and socially, although most of
them would like to sacrifice as little as possible of the coun
try's ancient traditions in doing so (see ch . 14 , Political Dy.
namics and Values) .

ORIGINS AND THE EARLY PERIOD

The precise nature of the early origins of Ethiopian peoples
is still a matter of conjecture. The first important source of
pressure and influence in that part of Africa was probably the
kingdom of Cush or Meroe , a strong contender with Egypt for
control of the Upper Nile . Its kings ruled Egypt from 751 to
656 B.C. and dominated an area reaching from the Mediter
ranean south through what is now the Republic of Sudan,
portions of Ethiopia , and perhaps even Uganda.
The name Ethiopia was sometimes applied to them, but the
term Ethiopian , probably first used by Homer or Herodotus,
meant all the lands inhabited by black men . The origins of
Ethiopia itself, however, are found in the kingdom of Axum
and the city -states that preceded it which may date from as
early as the tenth century B.C., in what is now the area oc
cupied by the Tigre people (see ch . 5, Ethnic Groups and
Languages).
In this early period direct relationships between Ethiopia
and Egypt were maintained by way of the Nile and its tribu
taries and , more important, by sea. A relationship also was
maintained between southern Arabia and the Horn of Africa
and Ethiopia . A significant two-way movement of peoples took
place from a very early time.
It is accepted as historical fact in the Revised Constitution
of 1955 and by the average Christian Ethiopian that the im
perial dynasty of the country began with Menelik I, the son
of Makeda , the Queen of Saba (Sheba) , and King Solomon.
The ruling Emperor continues to be referred to as a member
of the Solomonic dynastic line, which is presumed to have
exercised sovereign power with minor interruptions since its
inception in the tenth century B.C. The same Ethiopian tradi
tions form a basis for the religious nature of the state. Accord
ing to that tradition , Menelik I, then a young man, was sent
on a lengthy visit to his father, Solomon . On his departure he
stole the Ark of the Covenant and, accompanied by Israelite
33
noble youths to serve the country as priests, transported it to
his Ethiopian homeland .
From the Kebra Negast (Glory of Kings) , a chronicle con
sidered a very important document by Ethiopians, the people
conclude that Menelik I and his successors are descendants
of holy men , since Solomon was one of a series through whose
bodies had passed a “ pearl” first placed by God in Adam and
intended finally, having entered the body of Hannah, to be
the essence of her daughter, the Virgin Mary (see ch . 10, Artis
tic and Intellectual Expression) . Christ being the Son of God
and Menelik a kinsman of Christ, the kings of Ethiopia , as
descendants of Menelik, are considered to be of a divine line.
The Early Kingdom: Axum
Axum was the creation of a relatively small number of
Semitic invaders from southern Arabia, who arrived between
1000 and 400 B.C. and combined with , and provided leader
ship for, earlier Cushitic-speaking inhabitants. The mixed pop
ulation , forebears of the Tigrinya -speaking peoples of Tigre
and Eritrea provinces , slowly built a novel and distinctive
civilization and founded the Axumite kingdom. The Amharas
descend from members of this population who moved south
and mixed with more southerly Cushitic inhabitants ( see ch .
5, Ethnic Groups and Languages) .
Axum's power, which emerged sometime in the first century
A.D. , was largely based on the relatively superior cultural con
tributions of the Semitic immigrants from southern Arabia,
among whom some were specifically Judaic. The kingdom was
brought into contact with Egyptian and Hellenistic influences
and , through its port of Adulis , maintained direct contact with
southern Arabian Semitic culture as well as with the Mediter
ranean world .
Ezana , the greatest Ethiopian king of the Axumite period,
reigned in the fourth century A.D. According to most sources,
he made Geez the official language with its own script, which
refined the Sabean system of Arabic, and he extended Axum's
power in all directions . Most important, he was converted to
Christianity, which became the official religion of the country
and the accepted religion of most of the people and bound the
Ethiopian state together for sixteen centuries. The country had
already come into contact with the Byzantine Empire and
undertook , at the request of its Roman emperor, a special
mission to protect and extend Christianity in eastern Africa.
Byzantium considered the Axumite-Ethiopian kingdom an ac
ceptable outpost of Christianity despite the Ethiopian church's
fealty to the Coptic Church of Egypt , which both Greek and
34
Roman churches regarded as heretical because of its adher
ence to the Monophysite doctrine - that is , that Christ had only
one nature, divine, rather than a human and a divine nature
in one being, as the larger churches maintain (see ch. 11 ,
Religion ).
Until the rise of Islam in the seventh century A.D., Axum
played a significant political role in southern Arabia. At its
fullest extension , between the fourth and seventh centuries,
its sovereignty was acknowledged from Meroe in the Nile
Valley to Mecca in Arabia . Its influence southward in Africa
has not been determined , but it was probably substantial.
The Pressure of Islam
The spread of Islam cut off the Axumite-Ethiopian kingdom
from Byzantium . At first, before the followers of the Prophet
Muhammad achieved acceptance in Arabia, some of them
found refuge with the Ethiopian king. As time passed and the
Islamic star rose , the Ethiopians gained a reputation for benev
olence toward the Arabs. This benevolence helped preserve
the central territories from the conquests by which Arabs
spread Islam throughout North Africa and the Middle East,
but it did not prevent the isolation of the country from the
rest of the Christian world for nearly 600 years and from its
Muslim neighbors as well .
The old sea routes were severed; contacts with Egypt and
Arabia and, consequently, with Greek and Semitic culture
were largely lost. Ethiopian Christianity retained only limited
links with outside systems of thought through the remaining
Copts of Egypt and was influenced by indigenous forms and
transformed into a unique pattern . The Axumite drives toward
southern Arabia and the northwest were replaced by a drive
toward the south . The whole of the highlands, including the
central and southern portions, were gradually occupied, Chris
tianized , and brought under the control of the central kingdom .
The decline in Ethiopian fortunes appears to have halted
for a time by the early tenth century. The Red Sea littoral
was partly reoccupied , and contacts were reestablished with
southern Arabia. At the end of the tenth century, however,
the Cushitic -speaking Agau people, in some versions said to
be the Falasha, the so -called Black Jews , of which there are
still remnants, rebelled and succeeded in defeating the Chris
tian forces, sacking Axum . The Agau were subdued only after
the arrival from Alexandria of a new and vigorous archbishop
(abune) who was able not only to stimulate Christianity to a
renewed life but also to begin a national moral and political
revival.
35
 During the next two centuries the threatening encroach
ments of Islam became more substantial: Muslims occupied
Suakim on the Red Sea north of Eritrea and converted the
Beja to the north of the Tigre highlands ; to the south a Mus
lin sultanate was established in eastern Shoa, and some of the
southern Cushitic tribes were gradually converted. These con
versions, largely among the pagans below and on the fringes
of the Amhara - Tigre Plateau, were generally brought about
by the proselytizing efforts of Arab merchants or fear of the
Muslim forces which sought slaves for the slave markets of
the Arab world from among those who remained pagans. This
permanently Islamized populations, which continued , even in
the latter half of the twentieth century , to contend with historic
Ethiopians—the Amhara - Tigre peoples — for command over the
lands of the Horn of Africa .
In 1137 a new force appeared in Christian Ethiopia in the
form of an Agau (Cushitic) dynasty, known as the Zagwe. The
Zagwe , who came from the Lasta mountains, occupied the
throne for 133 years . Claiming descent from Moses rather
than Solomon , they have been viewed by later generations as
usurpers, nonrepresentative of legitimate tradition . Neverthe
less , one of the Zagwe kings , Lalibela , had a distinguished
reign, made notable particularly by his construction of the
remarkable solid stone churches at the town of Lalibela (see
ch . 10 , Artistic and Intellectual Expression) . He and three
other Zagwe rulers have been canonized by the Ethiopian
Orthodox Church .

THE MIDDLE PERIOD

The year 1270 saw the end of the Agau dynasty and the re
establishment by force of a Solomonic line. Tekla Haimanot,
a saint of the church and the founder of the monastery of
Debra Libanos, is credited in Ethiopian sources with having
effected the restoration of the Solomonic line (see ch . 11 , Re
ligion ). Ethiopian contact increased not only with the Levant
and the Middle East in general but also with Europe.
The first Emperor of the restored Solomonic line was Yekuno
Amalak. The political and geographic center of the state be
came the Amhara region . The ruler's main aim became the
consolidation of control over the high plateau and the gradual
weakening and destruction of the encircling power of Muslim
states , initially that of Yfat, which threatened the heart of
Shoa . The Ethiopians then carried out continuous military
activity; they also continued the literary renaissance begun
under the Zagwe dynasty and the religious development that
led to a complete merger of the church with the state.
36
 The next monarch of importance was Amba Sion, the grand
son of Yekuno Amalak who, in the early part of the fourteenth
century , rose to heights as a military leader, reformer, and
administrator. Having taken Gojam , Damot, and Begemder,
he was able finally to turn his attention to the problem of the
encroachments of the Muslim states. During his reign the long
contest was begun with the sultanate of Adal in the Danakil
Somali region . His initial successes , giving him complete com
mand of the highlands and enhancing the advantages of his
central position , were victories over Yfat and Hadya. These
extensions of the Emperor's power were accompanied by the
spreading of Christianity to such an extent that Amba Sion
has been named a saint in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church .
Zara Yakob ( 1434-68) is judged by some to have been the
greatest Ethiopian ruler since Ezana of Axum and without
peer until the time of Menelik II and Haile Selassie. His mil
itary accomplishments were substantial, especially his defeat
of the Sidamo peoples in the Dowar region . More remarkable,
however, were his achievements in the spheres of adminis
trative and church reform . It is asserted that, having written
or inspired others to write some of the fundamental texts of
the state church , he was primarily responsible for the present
organization and doctrine of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
( see ch . 11 , Religion ). He began the struggle of the monarchy
to limit, if not destroy, the increasing power of the great re
gional rases (princes or dukes). The achievements of Zara
Yakob, however, were weakened by a lessening of central
control under his successors .

Organization of the State

During the Middle Ages the power of the Negusa Nagast,
or King of Kings, was unlimited in theory and often in fact.
The imperial government rested immediately and directly upon
his ability to retain the obedience of the governors or kings of
the provinces. The apparatus itself was relatively simple. The
agencies of direction , except for the judiciary, were primarily
provincial. When the military had to be used, it was under
central control but was composed of provincial levies or troops
who lived off the country or were supported by the provincial
governments contributing them . The result was that the ex
penses borne by the imperial administration were very small
and substantially exceeded by the contributions and tribute
provided by the provinces.
The writ of the Emperor did not depend fundamentally upon
force but, rather, upon the obedience rendered to a monarch
ordained by God to rule the country. Forces supplied by sub
37
ordinates were the major determinants of the scope and extent
of power, but at the center was an idea rather than a physical
force.
The state during this period was at once unitary and impe
rial. No powers were reserved to the local provincial or region
al authorities. In theory, the Emperor could decree, modify,
or seek any political condition he desired. In fact, however,
special interests were recognized and established in particular
areas with which the monarch would hesitate to interfere,
especially the areas of longest standing Amhara - Tigre control.
The Emperor, whose capital moved with him as he continually
changed the location of his court, was surrounded by cere
mony and protocol , which accented his sacred descent and
legitimacy. He lived in a seclusion that shielded him, except
on rare occasions during the year, from the gaze of all but his
pages and a few of the highest state officials . Even the nobil
ity had no access to his person .
The monarch's judicial function was of paramount impor
tance . The administration of justice was centralized as a
means of expressing the imperial will, conditioned by a known
body of customary law, which in the later years was formally
based on a code, the Fetha Nagast (Law of Kings) , drawn up
in Egypt in the twelfth century . Judges appointed by the Em
peror were attached to the administration of every provincial
governor and every ras. They not only heard cases but also
determined when cases could be referred to the governor or
sent on appeal to the central government.
All male members of the royal family who might challenge
the Emperor were kept , together with their families, on ambas
( flat-topped mountains), impregnable against attack and from
which they generally could not escape for the remainder of
their lives. All others were forbidden access to the place of
confinement except at the risk of severe punishment. Those
imprisoned were well provided for. With minor intervals, the
practice was continued from the time of Yekuno Amalak until
well into the eighteenth century. In the nineteenth and twen
tieth centuries the practice of exile to ambas was applied to
other important figures.

The Muslim Assault

The pressure of Muslim aggression and encirclement was

the most important problem facing the Ethiopian rulers and
people from a very early period after the appearance of Islam
and has persisted in a different context down to the early
1970s (see ch . 15 , Foreign Relations) . Islam achieved its great
38
est success in Ethiopia during the reign of Lebna Dengel
( 1508-40).
In the second half of the fifteenth century the depredations
of forces from Adal led by Mahfuz, the sultan of Zeila on the
Somali coast, began to increase in number and significance.
In 1516, when the Muslim forces began to move in strength
against Ethiopian territories, the Emperor achieved a major
success by ambushing them and killing all who were not driven
into retreat, including Mahfuz. This victory was followed up by
an Ethiopian incursion of reprisal into Adal, which coincided
with a Portuguese attack upon Zeila and appeared to the new
Emperor to complete the destruction of Muslim power in the
region .
With the Ottoman conquest of Egypt and Arabia in the same
period, the political patterns in the Red Sea area became much
more seriously altered against Ethiopian interests. Local Mus
lim forces were enabled to procure firearms as well as to add
well -disciplined troops for employment against their Christian
neighbors .
After disturbances and confusion in Adal, during which its
capital was removed to Harar, a new Muslim religious and
military leader brought all Muslim territories in Ethiopia under
his control. Ahmed Ibrahim El-Ghaz, or, as the Christians
called him , Ahmed Grañ (the Left-Handed ), took the title of
imam (politicoreligious leader) and set about creating a for
midable military organization of the Danakil and Somali forces
who were motivated by the spirit of religious war and an ap
petite for plunder. These forces were bolstered with a com
pany of Turkish riflemen . Beginning in 1528, he defeated
Lebna Dengel's forces in successive battles and devastated
almost the entire Ethiopian plateau.
The result was chaos in traditional Ethiopia, involving not
only the destruction of religious institutions and of the large
scale conversion of the people to Islam but also the loss of
the bulk of great works of historic and artistic value of the
earlier Ethiopian civilization . A great deal of the country's
intellectual heritage was permanently lost. The Muslims ex
perienced their most determined opposition in Tigre, which
was , however, not sufficient to prevent the Emperor's becom
ing a fugitive. At this point Lebna Dengel enlisted Portuguese
military aid from India , which eventually turned the tide of
Muslim expansion .

Renewal of Contact with the Christian World

The neighboring Christian states of the Nile had been

snuffed out by Egyptian Muslims in the fourteenth and fif
39
teenth centuries, but limited contact with the Western , or
Christian , world had been continued through the Egyptian
Coptic Church . Although the Muslim rulers of Egypt occa
sionally tried to use to their advantage the Ethiopians' depen
dence upon the Coptic patriarchs of Alexandria for the assign
ment of Ethiopia's archbishops , the Egyptians feared that the
>

Ethiopians would retaliate by closing the " Iron Gates" of the

Blue Nile (Abay), actually a natural stone formation at one of
the river's rapids . The effect of such closure would have been
the shutting off of the flow of water in the upper Nile, the
lifeblood of Egypt.
A further and more direct contact with the Western world
was maintained through the Ethiopian Orthodox Church's
community at Jerusalem and the visits of pilgrims to the Holy
Land . Ethiopian monks from the Jerusalem community at
tended the church council called by the Roman pope in 1441
in an effort to unite the eastern and western churches at
Florence. The Westerners, who had learned of the Ethiopians
through these monks and pilgrims, were attracted to them by
two factors. First, Ethiopia was identified with the long-sought
land of the legendary Christian priest-king, Prester John . Sec
ond, the Ethiopians were viewed as a potentially valuable ally
in the then still vital war against the Islamic forces that con
tinued to threaten southern Europe until after the Turkish de
feat at the Battle of Lepanto in 1571 .
Portugal, the first power to circle Africa and enter the Indian
Ocean, displayed primary interest in this potential ally of the
West, sending a representative to Ethiopia in 1493. A represen
tative of the Ethiopian Empress-regent Helena was sent to the
Portuguese in 1509 to request a coordinated attack on the
Muslims , and Europe received its first written accounts of the
country after the return of Father Alvarez, who visited the
country with a new Portuguese embassy in the years 1520-24 .
His book, True Information on the Lands of Prester John , ex
cited further European interest and was to prove a valuable
source of information for future historians on the glories of
the country, many of which were destroyed soon after his
visit . The first Portuguese forces responded to a specific re
quest for aid in 1541 , although by that time the Portuguese
were concerned primarily with strengthening their hegemony
over the Indian Ocean trade routes and in converting Ethiopia
to Catholicism .
After a raid on Suez, 400 men under Christovao da Gama
landed at Massawa and moved southward to join Emperor
Claudius , who had succeeded Lebna Dengel. Two battles were
fought with the forces of Ahmed Grañ . The Portuguese forces
40
remained intact, and the Muslim leader retreated only to be
reinforced by a larger troop of Turkish riflemen from Yemen .
In the next battle over half the Portuguese were killed, includ
ing da Gama. The remaining men rallied , however, along with
Ethiopian forces, on an amba that had previously been occu
pied by da Gama and, after making their own gun powder
from local supplies of sulfur and saltpeter, attacked Ahmed
Grañ near Lake Tana . Taken by surprise, his troops were
routed and dispersed , and he himself was killed.
The surviving Portuguese, under the orders of the Portu
guese king, remained in Ethiopia and were assimilated into
the population . Future Muslim attacks were minor, and the
Muslim threat tapered off. Near the close of the reign of Clau
dius, however, the Turks conquered Massawa , and the presence
of a garrison there prevented any further hope of Ethiopian
access to overseas assistance .
Portuguese Roman Catholic missionaries began to arrive in
1554 in the wake of the closer ties between the two countries.
Efforts made to induce the Ethiopian Orthodox Church to re
ject its Monophysite beliefs and to accept the leadership of
Rome continued for nearly a century and engendered great
bitterness within the empire as pro- and anti-Catholic parties
strove for control of the state . At least two of the emperors in
this period were converted to Catholicism but, after a partic
ularly bloody battle between adherents of the two faiths, the
second of the Catholic emperors , Susenyos , abdicated in favor
of his son Basilides (or Fasiladas) in 1632 in order to spare the
country any further bloodshed. The expulsion of the Jesuits
and, later, all Catholic missionaries followed . This period of
religious controversy left a strong hostility to foreign Chris
tians and to Europeans in general that continued into the twen
tieth century (see ch . 11 , Religion ). It also contributed to the
period of isolation that followed for the next 200 years .

The Galla Migrations

After the Muslim threat had been reduced, new pressures
on the Amhara - Tigre highlands developed in the form of
northward and eastward movements of the Galla peoples.
Beginning in the sixteenth century , aided by the confusion
resulting from Muslim -Christian strife, the Galla in a series
of massive movements penetrated all the highlands. Even
tually, they were pushed back, but many settled permanently
on the outer fringes of the plateau, and a substantial number
remained in the highlands (see ch . 5 , Ethnic Groups and Lan
guages ). The incursions of the Galla affected the Muslims and
the Christian Amhara - Tigre peoples equally. For the next 300
41
years Galla penetration was the major problem faced by the
Ethiopian rulers .
At the time of their early invasions, the Galla were a tribal
people, agricultural in good part but with a strong pastoral
tradition and adhering to local tribal religions. They contrib
uted little in the way of material arts to the Ethiopian society
of which they gradually became a part. They did, however,
modify the Amhara population. Many became Christians and
later participated in the imperial government, but they did not
quite lose their identity as Galla. In the seventeenth and eigh
teenth centuries, their continuing conflict with the Amhara
Tigre peoples contributed to the isolation and depression that
marked Ethiopian society in that period .
ISOLATION AND DECLINE OF IMPERIAL POWER
Emperor Basilides, in the mid-seventeenth century, kept out
disruptive influences of the foreign Christians, dealt with the
Muslims, and brought many of the weakened Muslim states
along the borders under Ethiopian control. He revived the
practice of confining members of the royal family on a remote
mountain top to lessen the challenges to his rule and is re
membered for his reconstruction of the cathedral at Axum .
A most significant move was the establishment of a perma
nent capital at Gondar, selected because of the beauty of the
site. This ended the tradition of a traveling capital that had
allowed the Emperor to maintain personal contact with the
various regions and to exert direct influence over his subor
dinates . The dynasty lost power rapidly after settling at re
mote Gondar, and its rulers began to be identified with one
group of regional leaders against which other regions or king
doms could align themselves .
It became possible for the first time for local leaders to seek
independent authority as permanent rulers of particular areas,
no longer subject to removal at the Emperor's whim. Feudal
ism in Ethiopia began only at this point late in the country's
history . Most of the succeeding emperors until 1855 were but
pawns in the struggles for power of local leaders. They re
tained their titles of Emperor ( King of Kings) but were without
the real power they had once held through the common accept
ance of their divinely provided right to rule.
Nevertheless , some emperors of the period were effective
leaders . Iyasu I (the Great), in the late seventeenth century,
was a military leader of stature and an effective administrative
reformer. The imperial authority over the church was strength
ened , and relaxation of the xenophobic policy of the two previ
ous rulers resulted in some renewed contacts with Western
Europeans .
42
 The elevation to the throne of Justus (Yost'os) , ras of Tigre,
early in the eighteenth century set aside the Solomonic line .
Even though placed in power by the nobles , he could not re
move the effects of jealousy among them , and the people could
not be brought to view him as a legitimate King of Kings . An
uprising of the army after his death prevented the enthrone
ment of his son and returned the throne to members of the
legitimate line.
The Gondar emperors, particularly Bakaffa, allowed an in
crease in the Galla influence in the government. Bakaffa em
ployed a Galla regiment in his service and used this force to
destroy temporarily the power of the nobility.
Under Bakaffa's son Iyasu II (the Little) the Solomonic line
fell into decline. To revive his reputation, Iyasu II undertook
a war against the kingdom of Sennar, between Ethiopia and
Nubia , and lost an army. His prestige was overshadowed by
that of Ras Mikael Suhul of Tigre, where an independent, self
contained power arose.
After the death of Iyasu II , a period of Galla supremacy be
gan that further alienated the Amhara -Tigre peoples and stim
ulated internal division . After a series of domestic conflicts,
the reign of Tekla Haimanot began a period of disintegration
known as the “ age of the judges ” and comparable to the Dark
Ages of Europe , which lasted until after the mid -nineteenth
century . Warfare in this period was constant, and much of the
country, particularly in the north , was frequently devastated.
The five volumes of Travels to Discover the Source of the
Nile by James Bruce, who arrived in Ethiopia in 1760 , describe
bloody dissensions and labyrinthine intrigue. During the most
confused period , around 1800 , there were as many as six rival
emperors. The foremost chiefs were: Sahle Selassie of Shoa, a
ruler of great ability and an ancestor of Emperor Haile Selas
sie; Ras Ali of Begemder; Ras Wube of Tigre; and Ras Hailu
of Gojam. The first half of the nineteenth century was dom
inated by the division among these four men , which produced
a general civil war. Finally, the rulers of Gondar and Gojam
were killed , and two contenders were left. In the meantime ,
however, another figure appeared on the scene in the person
of Kassa , later the Emperor Theodore II (Tewodros) .
During this long period of chaos only the church preserved
the nation's common cultural and religious tradition . By 1858 ,
however, the continued assault of the Galla , the aggressions
of Egypt, and the pressure of European power evoked from
the Ethiopians their usual unified response in the face of ex
ternal danger . Kassa became the instrument of political coor
dination ; with his advent , the making of the modern Empire
of Ethiopia was begun .
43
 Kassa was born in 1818 of a father who was a local chief
but who claimed descent from the Queen of Saba (Sheba).
Kassa was educated in a monastery on Lake Tana, where he
acquired a strong devotion to the cause of Ethiopian Chris
tianity. Later, he gained a reputation for preying on traveling
Muslim traders. He also defeated Muslim forces in the Sudan .
After an attempt by the queen mother of Gondar to suppress
him failed , Ras Ali, then effectively the ruler of Gondar, rec
ognized Kassa's jurisdiction over the territories he controlled
and gave him his own daughter as a wife. During the civil war
that followed , Kassa established control of Gondar and Gojam .
By 1854 he emerged as the strongest leader in the country.
Having routed and slain Ras Ali of Gondar, he attacked Wube
of Tigre, who had proclaimed himself King of Kings.
Three days after defeating the forces of Tigre and making
Wube a prisoner, he was crowned Emperor by the abune. In
return he promised to expel Roman Catholic missionaries from
the country . He took the name Theodore in recognition of a
prophecy promising an Emperor Theodore who would come as
a national savior. He deposed John III , the last of the shadow
emperors at Gondar, and transferred the capital to the fortress
of Magdala , a more central position in the Amhara highlands.
THE MAKING OF THE MODERN EMPIRE

The making of the modern empire involved a combination

of old and new elements. The outstanding old element was the
imperial institution , revived after its decline and eclipse during
the Gondar period . The church remained a preeminent arm of
the state as well as the central social institution . Traditional
social groups also remained to provide championship of old
ways and to act as a conservative restraint upon forces seek
ing to modernize.
The primary modernizing influences resulted from contact
with the outside world . Most innovations were adopted by de
cision of the government and generally involved changes and
experimentation in agriculture, new industrial developments
and the use of modern technology in communication and
transportation . Changes in administrative and, particularly,
political forms were more strongly retarded by the tradition
alist influences .

Theodore II ( 1855-68)

Theodore II halted and reversed the decline of imperial

power and reestablished, even though imperfectly, the ideal
as well as the reality of central government. During his reign
44
the country was forced to begin adjustment to the new exter
nal forces from Europe and Egypt . The end of the second long
period of Ethiopian isolation , brought about by conditions be
yond Ethiopian control, demanded the reshaping of an Ethio
pian political unity able to meet the external challenge.
The most important accomplishments of the period include
the beginning of the campaigns against the Galla and the
reunification of Shoa , Gojam , Amhara , Begemder and, even
tually, Tigre under central imperial control. In the process
Theodore brought the crown prince of Shoa (later to become
the Emperor Menelik II ) to Magdala as a captive. Theodore's
greatest immediate advantage was the possession of a personal
military force made up of men who had been with him since
his days as a quasibandit chief.
The Emperor's actions in favor of modernization and cen
tralization as well as his personality , which was by all accounts
erratic, soon generated opposition that he was never able com
pletely to suppress. His enemies labeled him insane . During
his reign European powers involved themselves in internal
Ethiopian affairs. For example , Negusie , a Tigre chieftain , rose
to power in that province and became powerful enough to
serve as a champion of French interests in the hinterland of the
Eritrean coast. The British chose to support Theodore, who
was finally able to defeat the Tigrean leader at the cost of
many lives in the province.
The Emperor made some effort to reform the state admin
istration and finances and to legislate against banditry, slavery,
and cruel punishments and in support of monogamy and
stricter religious observance. He discerned the advantage, and
pursued the practice, of breaking up the larger provincial units
into smaller ones over which he could establish governors loyal
to him personally. His reforms initiated a trend that was to
continue. But sound projects of reform were combined with
extreme measures against actual or potential dissenters, and
his repression of opposition forces was harsh. His efforts to
weaken the nobility , conquer the Galla, and forcibly convert
the Muslims were intended to unify the country, but his tem
perament drove him to excesses that had opposite results.
After 1860 his power began to wane . His actions became
so extreme, that most groups in the country became alienated ,
and even his hold on his military forces was weakened . His
reaction to his declining fortunes was to initiate a great
slaughter of his enemies . When a new British representative,
Captain Cameron , arrived in 1862 to replace Plowden, the
recently murdered British consul and friend of the Emperor,
the extent of the chaotic situation was revealed by the Em
45
peror's announcement that 1,500 men of the tribe responsible
for Plowden's death had been executed .
The denouement of Theodore's reign arose from his reaction
to the failure of the British Foreign Office to reply to a letter
from the Emperor requesting an exchange of embassies that
the British knew would result in Ethiopian efforts to get Brit
ish support against Turkey and Egypt. When in 1864 he dis
covered that the British consistently failed to reply, he reacted
by imprisoning the European diplomatic community, includ
ing Captain Cameron , and many other Europeans in his for
tress at Makedela. Attempts to explain his action have varied:
that Theodore took this step because he considered Great
Britain's failure to reply as an insult to Ethiopian sovereignty,
that he felt that his action would force the British to treat his
request seriously , or that he had become mentally deranged
and suspected the Europeans of complicity in an Egyptian plot
against him. When Theodore refused a British request to re
lease the prisoners, they replied by sending a military expedi
tion from India under Sir Robert Napier.
The Napier expedition was viewed in its day as an extraor
dinary military, engineering, and logistical feat, but the Ethi
opians themselves provided the Napier forces with their great
est advantage since many supported the efforts to bring
down the Emperor. The Emperor's forces were routed in a
battle at Aroge on April 10, 1868. Theodore retired to Magdala
where he later committed suicide after releasing his prisoners
to Napier as the British forces took the fortress. Napier re
turned to the coast , taking with him, among other spoils, the
Kebra Negast.

John IV (Yohannes)
About the time Theodore began his hostile encounters with
the British , Prince Menelik of Shoa escaped from his confine
ment and returned to Shoa , where he proclaimed himself king.
The continuity of the Shoan dynasty, which traced itself back
through King Haile Malakot, father of Menelik, and King Sahle
Selassie , his predecessor, to the Emperor Lebna Dengel of the
Solomomic line , was thus assured . After the suicide of Theo
dore , however, four years of civil strife took place among rival
chiefs, in which the main contention was between Gobayze,
ruler of Lasta , and Kassa , ras of Tigre. Kassa was victorious
in the struggle and was crowned King of Kings in 1872 under
the name of John IV, although it was another six years before
he was able to exercise control over the nearly independent
Shoans .

46
 Like Theodore, John was an ardent devotee of Ethiopian
Christianity but without most of the intemperate proclivities
of his predecessor. After his rise to power, two main figures
dominated the Ethiopian scene: the Emperor and Menelik of
Shoa. John came to power by struggling against opposing
factions in the north . Menelik consolidated himself in Shoa
and spread his rule among the Galla to the south and west.
He garrisoned Shoan forces among them and received military
and financial support from them . His conquests were facili
tated by his acquisition of firearms from European sources.
In 1882 the two came to an agreement by which Menelik was
assigned a free hand to the southern part of the empire. The
Emperor's concordat with the Shoan king was strengthened
by the provision for his son's marriage to Zauditu, daughter
of Menelik.
This agreement, made because of John's fear of Menelik's
growing power, seemed to amount only to a truce in the long
standing conflict between Tigre and Shoa , but was given
stability by John's constant preoccupation with external ene
mies and pressures. In many of John's external struggles
Menelik did not support him; indeed, he negotiated with the
Emperor's enemies and continued to consolidate Shoan author
ity in order to strengthen his position .
John first had to meet attacks in 1875 from Egypt. The
Egyptians drove in from three points. A force moved in from
Tadjoura on the Gulf of Tadjoura opposite Djibouti; it was
annihilated by Danakil tribesmen . Other Egyptians set out
from Zeila to the south and occupied Harar, where they re
mained for ten years , long after the Egyptian cause had been
lost. Another and more ambitious attack launched from
Massawa was defeated by Tigrean arms, and the Egyptian
forces were almost completely destroyed. A fourth Egyptian
army was dispatched but encountered a united Ethiopia and
was decisively defeated in 1876 southwest of Massawa near
Gura .
Italy was the next source of danger. The Italian government
took over Assab in Eritrea from an Italian shipping company
that had purchased it from a local ruler some years before.
Italy's main interest was not the port but the exploitation of
the back country; in the process of exploitation, it entered into
a relationship with Menelik. The main Italian drive was begun
in 1885 and was based on Massawa, which Italy had occupied.
With British encouragement , from this port the Italians began
the penetration of the Eritrean hinterland. After a drastic de
feat in 1887 at Dogali at the hands of the governor of Eritrea,
they sent a stronger force to the area .
47
 John was unable to give his attention to this threat because
of difficulties to the west in Gondar (Begemder) and Gojam .
In 1887 followers of the Sudanese Muslim movement, known
as Mahdists, led by a self-proclaimed mahdi (messiah ), spilled
over from the Sudan into Ethiopia and laid waste parts of the
country . The Emperor viewed it as his main duty to retaliate
against these forces. He met them in the battle of Matamma
on the border . What initially appeared to be a victory was
turned into a defeat by John's being killed in battle, for with
his death the Ethiopian forces lost their fighting spirit. Just
before his death John designated his illegitimate son , Ras
Mangasha of Tigre, as his successor but without effect as
Menelik was successful in his efforts to claim the throne.
Menelik now stood out as the dominant personage in Ethio
pia , recognized as such by all except John's son and Ras Allula ,
governor of Eritrea . During a temporary period of confusion,
the Italians advanced further into the hinterland from Massawa
and established their foothold in Eritrea, of which Menelik was
not able to deprive them. From this time until after World War
II , Ethiopia lost its maritime frontier and was forced to accept
the presence of an ambitious European power on its borders.

Menelik II ( 1889-1913 )

Emperor Menelik II was the chief creator of the modern

Ethiopian Empire . He was a ruler of great foresight, political
acumen , and personality. He is remembered as one of the three
or four greatest leaders in the country's history. His name was
feared, and he is admired and respected in the memories of the
people. In contrast with Theodore, who had a colorful person
ality in the older Ethiopian tradition, Menelik was a practical
hardheaded dealer in facts and realities . Apart from his en
largement and consolidation of the empire through the absorp
tion of peripheral peoples , his main preoccupation was develop
ing relations with outside powers , principally European. His
complex personality and talents, both reflective of tradition and
responsive to the modern world , made him a fitting symbol and
an effective actor at the particular time of his reign.
The Emperor's first important act was the signing of the
Treaty of Ucciale with Italy in May 1889. Ostensibly, the most
important part of the treaty was a provision with respect to the
handling of Ethiopia's foreign relations, a point about which the
Italian and the Amharic versions were in conflict. According to
the unsigned Italian version , the Ethiopian government was re
quired to act through the Italian government in dealing with
any other foreign states, thus making Ethiopia in effect an
48
Italian protectorate. In the Ethiopian text it was stated that the
Emperor might avail himself at his own option of the assistance
of the Italian government in dealing with other powers. Dis
agreements concerning the proper language led to Menelik's
denunciation of the treaty and a steady worsening of relations
with Italy .
In the meantime , however, the Italians, laboring under the
illusion that they possessed a protectorate over the country,
made a 4 -million -lira loan to Menelik with the customs duties
of Harar to secure the loan . In addition , and even more im
portant for Menelik's internal strength, they made him a
present of 28 cannons and 38,000 rifles.
The other terms of the treaty reflected the internal politics of
the country in that it indicated a willingness to sacrifice Tigrean
interests in the Eritrean region , particularly on the Red Sea lit
toral and its hinterland, areas that , in Tigrean eyes , had always
formed part of the main Ethiopian territories. In 1890 Eritrea
was declared by Italy to be its colony.
With the elevation of Menelik to the imperial throne, Shoan
interests had already began to overshadow those of Tigre. His
decision in 1893 to maintain his capital near Entoto, newly
named Addis Ababa (New Flower) , confirmed the southern ori
entation of the empire . Menelik was in effect creating a new
Ethiopian empire with its center farther south and its ex
pansionist ambitions so directed. This fact became, and re
mained, a further source of Tigrean disgruntlement.
Throughout the 1890s , except for a short period during the
conflict with Italy , Ras Mangasha of Tigre, Menelik's rival for
the throne , alternated submission to Menelik and accommo
dation to the Italians , with the purpose of getting their support
against Menelik , even at the sacrifice of Tigrean territorial in
terests and political prestige. This continued until his defeat in
1898 by the Emperor's forces under Ras Makonnen brought the
province effectively under imperial authority.
Menelik signified his rejection of the Italian version of the
Treaty of Ucciale by carrying on diplomatic relations with
other states, including the reception of French and Russian
missions. He refused Italian protests and showed increasing
displeasure with the buildup of Italian power and organization
in Eritrea . Although accepting an Italian gift of 2 million car
tridges, he paid off the Italian loan in full and, in 1893, for
mally denounced the treaty .
The relations between the two governments were further
strained by the Italian acquisition and growing penetration of
what was to become Italian Somaliland. Menelik felt himself
challenged by an Italian pincers movement threatening both
49
northeastern and southeastern territories. Although Great
Britain and France , in their Somali territories, impinged closely
upon the central Shoan territories, they were less active than
Italy , which was not distracted by imperial ventures elsewhere.
Nevertheless, British actions served to encourage Italian am
bitions , particularly in 1891 when, desiring to stabilize the gen
eral region in the face of the Mahdist upheaval in the Sudan,
Great Britain made an agreement with the Italian government
outlining spheres of influence , which placed Ethiopia within the
Italian orbit. France, on the other hand , attempted to counter
Italian ambitions by encouraging Menelik to state the extent of
his imperial control. French interests were mainly economic,
particularly as they centered around the project of a railroad to
run from Djibouti to Addis Ababa, and they preferred to deal
with the Ethiopians rather than to attempt to enter a colonizing
race. The French reduced the size of the area they claimed for
their territory .
Italian-Ethiopian relations reached a low point in 1895 when
Ras Mangasha , having recognized the diminishing returns of his
alliance with the Italians , came to the support of Menelik. The
Emperor was able to galvanize popular support in the country
by the issuance of a proclamation defining the external threat
to the country.
War broke out in November 1895. After suffering the defeat
of his advance forces in a series of minor battles including one
at Macalle, the Italian commander in Eritrea, General Baratieri,
decided to attack Adowa, the capital of Tigre. Possessing in
adequate intelligence information and sketch maps of the area,
the Italian forces were completely routed in the ensuing three
day battle that resulted in losses of 8,000 Italians and 4,000
native Eritrean troops killed and many prisoners. Only the de
cision of Menelik not to pursue his victory by cutting off the
Italian retreat prevented the capture, if not the destruction , of
all the remaining Italian forces.
This great victory brought the Ethiopian Empire new prestige
and standing that forced the world to recognize the fact that an
important independent African state had demonstrated its right
to sovereignty. The Treaty of Peace, besides confirming the an
nulment of the Treaty of Ucciale, asserted the full independ
ence of the empire.
For some years after the Italo -Ethiopian war the most im
portant question facing the government was that of the rail
road. When the French government attempted to take over the
concession that the Emperor had granted to a private French
company , the Emperor, fearing the intrusion of French political
50
interests, rescinded his permission for the construction of the
line. The contention over the issue finally produced proposals
put forward by the Italians and British that the line be con
structed and maintained under international auspices. That
issue was finally solved by the powers involved, encouraged
to act by the declining health of the Emperor. They signed the
Tripartite Treaty in 1906, under the terms of which the French
received Great Britain's and Italy's approval of their exclusive
right to construct the line to Addis Ababa . Through service to
Addis Ababa was not accomplished until 1918, but eventually
the economic returns fully compensated the French for the
difficulties that had been encountered.
Before the Tripartite Treaty of 1906, the British in 1902 had,
by an agreement with the Ethiopian government, received as
surances that Ethiopia would not in any way interfere with the
flow of the Blue Nile , which rises in Gojam and flows into the
Nile, to which it contributes two-thirds of its water and fertile
deposits of great importance to both the Sudan and Egypt. The
substance of this agreement was confirmed in the treaty of 1906.
These questions of influence on the part of the foreign powers
most immediately concerned were associated with efforts of
other powers and private foreign interests, including those of
Russia , Germany , and the Ottoman Empire, to gain influence
and benefits in Addis Ababa . Menelik showed a great capacity
to play one interest off against another or to make various types
of concessions without really conceding anything substantial. As
time passed , the Emperor showed a disposition to exact more
and more in return for the concessions he made .
In 1893 and 1894 Ethiopian forces completed the conquest of
the Kambatta and Wolamo regions north of Lake Abaya
(Margherita ). In 1896 and 1897 Fitawrari Habata Giorgis began
the conquest of Borana on the Kenya border and, on his return ,
after a vigorous campaign , completed the conquest of Kaffa .
Tribes in surrounding areas were subdued in 1898. Ras Gobana
completed the conquest of Beni Sciangul, the land of the shan
kella (blacks) , in 1898; and in the same year a joint Franco
Ethiopian expedition penetrated the Sudan for the purpose of
joining up with a French force at Fashoda, reaching the banks
of the White Nile . Fitawari Habata Giorgis, about the same
time penetrated the Ogaden where, between 1900 and 1904 , the
Emperor's forces combined with the British to fight the Somali
leader Mohamed Abdulla Hassan , often called the Mad Mullah ,
who for twenty years kept much of the Horn of Africa in a state
of rebellion .
From 1897 to 1908 the Emperor and the foreign powers made
51
a series of agreements fixing Ethiopia's territorial limits very
much as they were to remain , except for the boundary with
Italian Somaliland, upon which no agreement could be reached .
After the Emperor had a stroke in May 1906 , the strength of
his personal control seemed to weaken . British , French , and
Italian apprehensions concerning the future encouraged these
powers to anticipate, through the Tripartite Treaty, a situation
in which it would be appropriate to establish separate spheres
of interest within Ethiopia. In the treaty, Great Britain , France,
and Italy agreed that in dealing with future developments they
would act together to protect their respective spheres of influ
ence . Great Britain's sphere lay around Laka Tana and the
headwaters of the Blue Nile ; Italy's, in a general arc of terri
tory stretching from Eritrea to Italian Somaliland and passing
west of Addis Ababa ; and France's, in territory traversed by the
railroad.
The apprehensions of these powers were probably increased
by a simultaneous growth of German influence in the country,
also facilitated by the Emperor's relaxed grip upon his govern
ment. In the same year, 1906, Ras Makonnen and Ras Mang
asha, the foremost aspirants to the throne, died, but the Emper
or made clear that he would not recognize any agreement
among outside powers affecting Ethiopia that implied a limita
tion of the country's sovereignty.
Apparently recognizing that his strength was ebbing, in late
1907 Menelik set up a Council of Ministers to aid him in the
management of the government. Shortly thereafter, in June
1908, he designated his nephew, Lij Yassu, son of Ras Mikael of
Wallo, as his successor before a gathering of rases . In late 1908
another stroke completely immobilized him, and he appointed
Ras Tasamma as regent and formalized the designation of his
successor .
These developments ushered in a decade of political chaos.
The great nobles, some with foreign financial support, engaged
in determined intrigues anticipating a time of troubles as
well as of opportunity upon Menelik's death . Taitu, the Empress,
heavily involved in court politics on behalf of her northern
friends, contributed to political disorder by her attempts to con
centrate power in her own hands and those of members of her
family . By 1910 her efforts in support of Zauditu and against
Lij Yassu had been thwarted by the Shoan nobles, and she with
drew from political activity.
Three years of total disorganization followed. Many of
Menelik's achievements were dissipated, but some remained
the postal service, the electrical and telephone systems , and the
beginnings of health measures , especially vaccination .
52
 Menelik to Haile Selassie
The last two years of Menelik's reign , after the death of the
regent Ras Tasamma , found Lij Yassu acting under the Council
of Ministers but with much real power in the hands of his father,
Ras Mikael. By the time of the Emperor's death in December
1913, the confusion had increased . The Emperor-designate
weakened his position in the conflict by his close ties to the
Muslim supporters of his father, a convert who had been forced
to accept Christianity, and Lij Yassu's enemies accused him of
renouncing Christianity. He thus lost the support of the power
ful Ethiopian Orthodox Church .
When Lij Yassu was reported to have proclaimed his descent
from Muhammad rather than Solomon and embarked upon a
course of Islamizing his personal life, accepted Islamic state
symbols, and declared the religious subjection of Ethiopia to the
khalifa (caliph) in Turkey, all the opposing forces saw a clear
challenge. The Emperor had in fact ranged Muslim-Galla in
fluences against the country's traditional ruling groups.
Lij Yassu's ties with the Muslims were used by both German
and Turkish interests to promote their strategy of placing the
Allies at a disadvantage at the rear in the Middle East. The
French , British , and Italians then became concerned with the
efforts of the Ethiopian forces opposed to Lij Yassu.
When Lij Yassu went to Jijiga in 1916 to gather Muslim sup
porters and troops to aid him, the Shoan nobility marched into
Addis Ababa , declared their desire to be released from their
oath to him, and proclaimed Zauditu, daughter of Menelik,
Empress, and Ras Tafari Makonnen , later to become Emperor
Haile Selassie , regent and heir presumptive . The abune con
firmed these decisions and excommunicated Lij Yassu who,
after a brief, largely bloodless military campaign fled into the
Danakil region .
The Empress was crowned on February 11 , 1917. Ras Wolde
Giorgis was proclaimed negus (king) in view of the youth of
Ras Tafari, who was not yet twenty - five years old, but he did
not become the third member of the triumvirate that now fig .
ured at the center of the political stage. Fitawrari Habata
Giorgis, the minister of war , by virtue of his power and pres
tige, played that role. In the new situation Tafari represented
modernist influences, the Empress a vague and uncertain mid
dle ground, and the war minister, along with the abuna , the
forces of tradition .
The forces of Negus Mikael of Wallo , Galla father of Lij
Yassu, had to be crushed before the new order could be stabil
ized . Even afterwards the former Emperor's presence continued
to be a political problem providing a potential rallying point of
53
dissident factions, perticularly in the north where civil strife
broke out, in some cases involving the declaration of rebel
governments . Some of the chief personages of the country , such
as Ras Gugsa Wolle of Begemder (whom Zauditu was re
quired to divorce) , Ras Hailu Balaw of Gojam , and Dejazmach
Balcha of Sidamo , were unreliable as supporters of the govern
ment. The tensions were somewhat eased in 1921 , however, by
the capture of Lij Yassu. Zauditu kept him imprisoned in Shoa
until 1932 .
The balance of the government was stablized until the death
of Fitawrari Habata Giorgis in 1926. Thereafter, Ras Tafari
entered into determined contest with Zauditu and proved to
be more than a match for her. He was able to gather quickly
a more effective military force than any rival, actual or po
tential. Moreover , he brought about the expulsion of a chief
opponent, the ichege, ranking leader of the Ethiopian Ortho
dox Church . Thus fortified , he was able to counterbalance the
threat of Ras Kassa of Tigre, who had been called upon by the
Empress for help, and to bring Dejazmach Balcha of Sidamo
under control . In 1928 , when his power had been amply dem
onstrated, Ras Tafari at last was crowned negus.
Before his victory against Zauditu, Ras Tafari had concretely
revealed his modernist inclinations . He had been able to ac
complish his purposes in foreign relations because of the pre
occupation of his competitors with domestic problems and
because of his own great capacity to outwait his opponents.
His first moves in the realm of foreign affairs consisted of in
creasing personal contacts abroad. He visited Aden in 1923
and Europe in 1925; from Great Britain he brought back Theo
dore's crown , taken by Napier from Magdala in 1867.
After an abortive move to achieve membership in the League
of Nations in 1919, blocked because of the existence of slavery
in the country , he clearly saw the need of meeting international
standards in this regard . In 1923 he and the Empress estab
lished the death penalty for the buying and selling of slaves,
and in the same year Ethiopia was unanimously voted league
membership. Continuing to seek international approval of the
country's internal conditions , the government enacted laws in
1924 making provision for the freeing of slaves and their off
spring. In 1926 Ethiopia signed the International Slavery Con
vention of the league aimed at abolishing slavery in any form .
Membership in the league quickly proved to be of value . In
1925 Great Britain and Italy came to an agreement in an ex
change of notes setting forth their separate spheres of interest
within Ethiopia . Ras Tafari immediately dispatched protests to
54
the two governments and referred the matter to the league.
Full use of league machinery was not required, since both
powers backed away from the implications of their settlement
and stipulated that they had not intended to limit Ethiopia's
sovereignty. This victory for Ethiopian diplomacy had the ef
fect, however, of leading Ras Tafari to think that the league
would be effective in most other situations .
With his establishment as negus and his achievement of the
highest authority , Ras Tafari embarked upon a program of
modernization that required the opening of the country to
Western influences. The chief immediate expression of this
policy was the signing in 1928 of a twenty-year Treaty of
Friendship with Italy. Most important, a convention accom
panying the treaty provided for an Ethiopian free-trade zone
at Assab, and the construction by the two governments, each
in its own territory, of a road running from the port to Dase,
with a joint company to control the traffic on the road.
Negotiations with other outside powers had bearing upon
internal Ethiopian affairs. A Belgian military mission was en
gaged in 1929 to begin the training of royal bodyguards. In
1930 negotiations were begun for the establishment of a state
bank. The negus brought about the appointment of a new head
of the state church , Abuna Kerlos , and indicated his interest
in the management of church affairs. In the same year he
signed the Arms Traffic Act with Great Britain , France , and
Italy, by which unauthorized persons were denied the right to
import arms, but the government was acknowledged to have
the right to procure arms for defense against external aggres
sion and for the maintenance of internal order. He thus re
tained access to the arms he required to maintain Ethiopia's
internal and external security while preventing rival forces
within the country from gaining arms.
These preparations stood him in good stead. He was able to
contain the revolt of the Azebu Galla in 1929 and to overcome
the opposition forces of Ras Gugsa in 1930 by surrounding
them with superior forces and bombarding them with propa
ganda leaflets, among them one stating the endorsement of his
rule by the abune. The result was confirmation of his para
mount authority .
The coronation in 1930 of Ras Tafari in Addis Ababa as Em
peror Haile Selassie I marked the beginning of a new period
of effective central government . With power no longer even
formally divided in the central government, the great rases
were forced either to render the Emperor obedience or engage
in treasonable opposition to him .
55
 The Emperor promulgated a new constitution on July 16,
1931 , and said that he wanted it to provide means of allowing
more Ethiopians to share the responsibilities of government.
But the most substantial changes consisted of gradual replace
ment of the traditional provincial rulers by appointees loyal to
the new regime and in most cases having sufficient experience
to have some understanding of the working of a modern state.
By 1934 reliable provincial rulers were established throughout
the traditional territories of Shoa, Gojam , and Amhara and
south in Kaffa and Sidamo. Other peoples, however, remained
almost outside the control of the imperial government. The
successful strengthening of imperial powers had been dem
onstrated in 1932 , when a revolt led by Ras Hailu Balaw of
Gojam in support of Lij Yassu, who had escaped, was quickly
suppressed and a new nontraditional governor put in his place .
Thereafter the only traditional leader remaining to symbolize
the longstanding Amharic- Tigre divergence and the possibility
of overtly challenging central rule was the ras of Tigre.
Haile Selassie continued to oversee and direct all details of
government, and the members of his new Parliament, hand
picked by authorities under his supervision in the provinces,
did little of importance beyond discussing the legislative pro
posals put before them . Enactment of the laws was completely
determined by the Emperor's will. Nevertheless, the Emperor
was sincerely interested in modernization and in adopting new
principles of government. His habit of personally directing the
details of government was to some degree a brake on the
forces for change and seriously hampered decisionmaking on
lower levels , but he viewed himself as a father and therefore
overseer of a people just barely breaking away from the tradi
tionalist mold . His desire to accelerate the spread of knowl
edge of more modern administration was shown by his creation
of three so-called model provinces with civil services created
by the imperial administration .
Foreign advisers were increasingly employed not only to
train personnel but also to assist in administration . Continued
improvements were effected in the army and in the police
administration . Beginnings were made to implement the prin
ciple of compulsory education . Improvements in the adminis
tration of justice were conceived if not always accomplished.
Further efforts were made to modify or remove the slave trade
and the institution of slavery. Pressures against the still power
ful resistance of conservative traditionalist forces were also
continued . Despite these efforts, many steps toward modern
ization in the first years of the reign made little impression
beyond the capital .
56
 Italian Rule in Eritrea
The first firm Italian rule in East Africa was established in
Eritrea in the 1880s and formally proclaimed in 1890. This rule
was carried on under a succession of Italian chief administra
tors or governors. The results were the development of a de
gree of Eritrean unity and a public order that the region had
never known before . In addition , the region moved closer to
the modern world and began to experience material progress
on many fronts before Ethiopia proper did so.
The growth of Eritrean public administration was the most
important development during the period after 1890. Many
officials were dedicated to their work and contributed much
to the land over which they were set to rule.
Local governments in the colony provided new district ad
ministrations to serve as links between the population and the
central administration , particularly in the Tigrean highlands.
In other areas respect was paid to the old tribal organizations .
To a significant degree members of the indigenous Eritrean
population were employed in the public service , especially the
police and public works , and their loyalties were fostered by
the granting of substantial emoluments and symbols of status.
The local population shared in the benefits conferred under
this administration , especially through newly created medical
services, agricultural improvements, and the provision of urban
amenities in the new cities of Asmara and Massawa.
Problems besetting the administration were often the prod
uct of its efficiency. The most important was the increase in
the population . As a result, the colony became unable to ab
sorb the large number of Italian immigrants that Italy had
planned to send out as colonists.
After the establishment of the Fascists in power in Italy , the
spirit of the government changed. Whereas the former admin
istration had been somewhat relaxed, in interracial attitudes
the new administration stressed the racial and political superi
ority of the Italians; segregation became the rule , and the local
peoples were relegated to the lowest levels of public employ
ment. On the other hand, agricultural improvements were car
ried through, and a base was established for commercial
agricultural products on farms run by the Italians . The various
economic developments were carried out under quasigovern
mental agencies that controlled particular sectors of the
country.
The control of the state in the economic sphere was matched
by more control in the political sphere. Attempts at improving
the efficient management of the colony, however, could never
transform it into a self-sufficient viable entity. The colony's
57
most important function was to serve as a strategic base for
Italian interests. The experiments with colonial administration
in Eritrea provided models that the Italians attempted to fol
low in their occupation of Ethiopia .

The Italo -Ethiopian War

Ethiopia was the victim of Italian aggression in 1935. The
charges made by the Italian government that Ethiopia had
failed to fulfill treaty obligations or control border tribes in
raids across frontiers did not hide its intention , which fast
matured in 1935 , to round out its East African possessions by
taking over Ethiopia by military force.
The decision was influenced by developing European inter
national policies . The Italian hope had been that Ethiopia
might become an Italian protectorate, be thus removed from
the sphere of any other power, and afford Italy special polit
ical , economic, and social advantages . As late as September
29 , 1934 , Rome reaffirmed the 1928 Treaty of Friendship with
Ethiopia , but the climate of international affairs at the time
provided Italy with assurance that aggression could be under
taken with impunity. The Italian Fascist government, deter
mined to create a casus belli , deliberately exploited the minor
provocations that arose in its relations with Ethiopia .
Relations were allowed to deteriorate. An incident in Gondar
involved an attack by Ethiopians on the Italian consulate, but
reparations had immediately been made by the Ethiopian gov
ernment. Then an incident took place at Wal Wal on December
5 , 1934. Wal Wal was the locus of wells used by Somali nomads
originating in Ethiopia and British and Italian Somaliland.
Even though it was at least sixty miles inside Ethiopia , the
Italians had built fortified positions there in 1930 and had as
sumed that , since there had been no protests , their prescriptive
rights had been recognized . Their assumption was not chal
lenged until the Joint British Ethiopian Commission visited
Wal Wal in late November 1934 on its way to set territorial
boundary markers . On meeting Italian belligerence , the com
mission withdrew but left behind its Ethiopian military escort.
A battle took place between this force and the Italians on
December 5.
The League of Nations addressed itself to the problems of
deteriorating relations between Italy and Ethiopia only after a
prolonged delay, which convinced the Italians that they would
be allowed to accomplish their purposes without hindrance.
In August 1935 the British and the French proposed that the
signatories of the 1906 Tripartite Treaty collaborate for the
purpose of assisting in the modernization and reorganization
58
of Ethiopian internal affairs subject to the consent of Ethiopia.
The Italians flatly refused, even though Ethiopia had concurred
in the proposal, since they hoped to gain control of the entire
territory .
By this time the efforts of the league had failed . At a meet
ing of the council of the League of Nations on September 4,
1935 , the Italian representative made it plain that Italy con
sidered Ethiopia to be an enemy and unworthy of equal treat
ment in the league. This was the final expression of a decision
calling for an immediate attack on Ethiopia and a major Italian
adventure in East Africa. The buildup of Italian military
strength had begun early in the year. In the war that began
with an Italian invasion on October 3, 1935, and lasted seven
months , Ethiopia was outmatched in armament, a development
aided by the major powers , which applied an arms embargo
equally to both powers , an act of major disadvantage to
Ethiopia.
Despite the valiant defense efforts by the majority of the
Ethiopian peoples, the fall of 1935 and the winter of 1935-36
saw a decline in Ethiopian fortunes on the northern front and
in Hararge. After the defection of part of the Tigre forces led
by Leul-Ras Seyoum Mangasha and of the Galla in some areas,
as well as the Fascists ' heavy use of poison gas, the Ethiopians
were defeated in an attack on the main Italian force at Mai
chew on March 31 , 1936. By mid - April 1936 Italian forces had
reached Lake Tana in the north and Harar in the south . On
May 2 Haile Selassie left for Djibouti and exile . The Italian
forces entered Addis Ababa on May 5. Four days later Italy
announced the formal annexation of the country .
On June 30 , 1936 , the Emperor made a powerful and digni
fied speech before the League of Nations in which he called
upon that body to uphold “ the value of promises made to small
states that their integrity and their independence shall be re
spected and assured .”
The Italian Occupation

In early June a new Italian constitution was promulgated

for Italian East Africa under which Ethiopia was brought to
gether with other Italian territories in the area , and the whole
was divided into six provinces . On June 11 , 1936, Marshal
Graziani was designated viceroy to replace Marshal Badoglio.
In December the Italians declared the whole country to be
under their control, but resistance was nevertheless main
tained . It was expressed in an attempt to assassinate Marshal
Graziani on February 19 , 1937 , followed by widespread repri
sals with 30,000 persons executed , including a number of the
59
few younger Ethiopians with modern educations. There was
also continued opposition in eastern Shoa and among the
peripheral tribes.
After the harsh policy of Graziani had not pacified the coun
try, the government, in November 1937, appointed the Duke
of Aosta as his successor and directed him to attempt a softer
policy. This policy was associated with the dispatch of Italian
farmers to the country in order to improve production and to
relieve population pressures in Italy. In addition, the planning
and building of public works were undertaken on a very large
scale. One result was the construction of the country's first
system of major roads .
In the meantime, however, the Italians, on June 24 , 1937 ,
had decreed miscegenation to be illegal; and racial separation,
including residential segregation was enforced as thoroughly
as possible . Favoritism shown by the Italians to non -Christian
Galla (some of whom had supported the Italian invasion) and
Somali was a further attempt to increase divisions in the coun
try and an expression of Mussolini's general pro -Islamic policy.
Despite these efforts, Ethiopian resistance continued. This
resistance was most overtly expressed in a revolt that broke
out in Gojam in January and February 1938 under the guidance
of the Committee of Unity and Collaboration , which was made
up of some of the young educated elite who had escaped the
reprisal after the attempt on Graziani's life.
The struggle continued abroad, led by the Emperor in exile
in Great Britain , although it was caught up in the deepening
crisis produced by the Nazi government of Germany before
World War II . While Great Britain and France were appeasing
the facist states , the United States, the Soviet Union , China ,
Mexico , and New Zealand refused to recognize Italian sover
eignty over Ethiopia . By June 1940, however, when the Italians
declared war against France , the Allies — with the Emperor's
participation and that of Ethiopian forces inside and outside
the country - were in a position to prepare a campaign of dis
lodgment of the Italians from their East African possession,
now made vulnerable by British command of the sealanes.

The War of Restoration , 1940-41

Upon the Italian declaration of war, the Emperor proceeded
to Khartoum where he established closer liaison with both the
British headquarters and Ethiopian resistance forces. The Brit
ish were interested in eliminating the Italians from their rear,
resisting the Italian invasion of the Sudan , and reconquering
British Somaliland. The determination of the various forces
60
fighting the Italians was so great and the skill of their lead
ership so effective that the restoration required only six months
of acutal fighting.
The campaign involved British forces, with colonial African
troops penetrating from the south , west, and north and sup
ported by Ethiopian patriot forces. It was the task of a British
Ethiopian mission , under Brigadier Sanford and later com
manded by Colonel Orde Wingate , to enter the country from
the Sudan by way of Gojam , to begin the coordination of patri
ot forces in support of the campaign . The Emperor himself
entered Ethiopia on January 20 , 1941, and immediately under
took the task of bringing under his control the various local
resistance groups. He began this work as soon as he arrived
in Gojam. He assigned the groups their missions and strove to
bring about their coordination .
On May 5, 1941 , he reentered Addis Ababa , five years to the
day after the Italian occupation of the capital. From the capital
the Emperor could gather control in his own hands . Continu
ing operations resulted in the surrender of the Duke of Aosta
and his forces at Amba Alage on May 18. By January 1942 the
Italians in Gondar had surrendered to the British and Ethio
pian forces; at the surrender the crown prince represented
the Emperor .

THE POSTWAR ERA : RECONSTRUCTION AND

DEVELOPMENT

The period of Italian rule was not an unmitigated catas

trophe. Much that had been destroyed, particularly in the war
of restoration itself, had to be repaired , but many Italian
material contributions to the Ethiopian scene , such as new
roads, communications , and institutions of social service (hos
pitals , clinics, and laboratories ), remained . Moreover, out of
the impairment or destruction of traditional social and polit
ical processes and institutions, an advantage accrued to the
Emperor. It was necessary for him to build almost entirely
anew in many spheres. He was able to engage in many exper
iments and many projects that would have been very difficult
to undertake if the traditional institutions of the country had
not been seriously weakened by war and foreign occupation.
The Emperor's policy of modernization , particularly in agri
culture , was given a forward impulse by the experience with
the Italian occupation . Many tradition-bound Ethiopians under
stood for the first time the necessity to modernize, at least in
some sectors of national life, in order to survive as an indepen
dent nation in the modern world .
61
 Many attendant factors gave the Emperor an opportunity to
express his modernist inclinations . Among the foremost factors
was the cooperation of the British military administration in
the area , working at first under the political branch with head
quarters in Nairobi, Kenya , and through the Occupied Enemy
Territory Administration on the spot. The relations between
the Ethiopian government and Great Britain were legitimized
in January 1942, with the signature of an agreement and mil
itary convention providing for mutual cooperation during the
remainder of the war and implementing the declaration of
Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden of February 1941 , reaffirming
Great Britain's support of the reestablishment of the imperial
administration . Only such powers were retained in the allied
military command as were necessary for the continuation of
the war effort; one of the most immediate tasks was the trans
port of thousands of Italians out of the country. The military
convention associated with the 1942 treaty provided for British
assistance in creating and training a new Ethiopian army
through the operation of a military mission operating at Brit
ish expense .
An agreement signed with the British government on De
cember 19 , 1944 , placed the two countries on a plane of com
plete equality by revising the wartime agreements. British
administration in the Haud area was continued into the 1950s,
and the complete formal readmission of Ethiopia to sover
eignty was acknowledged and accepted. The association with
the British had been constructive, if not always happy, since
the Ethiopians , wary of the close ties Great Britain had estab
lished , suspected that the British intended to serve their own
interests at the expense of Ethiopia. The effects of these sus
picions continued to be felt in British -Ethiopian relations after
the war .
The reformed imperial administration of the country involved
the supplanting of the old nobility as representatives of the
Emperor in the provinces by administrators with more modern
training and experience. A national police administration and
a police force trained and advised by British experts were es
tablished and, gradually, took the place of the police that had
served in the personal retinues of the provincial governors.
Resistance to these changes in the provinces was minor; it had
its major manifestation in a revolt in 1943 in Tigre Province, a
traditional source of resistance to the Shoan dynasty. Other
wise remarkable success was experienced in reestablishing
Ethiopian administration . The national administration was in
the hands of the Emperor, and a national bureaucracy has
62
since then continued to grow in size as the demands placed
upon it have increased .
The important reforms of this period included the final
abolition of slavery, which had continued to plague the coun
try during the first forty years of the twentieth century de
spite efforts of the Emperors to abolish the slave trade. Some
authors have estimated that in the late nineteenth century
slaves constituted as much as a quarter of the country's pop
ulation . Meaningful estimates by outsiders were not actually
possible , however, as the slaves were almost all household
slaves , who, at least among the Amhara -Tigre, were generally
treated as second-class members of the family (see ch . 6 , Social
Structure). In other areas the land rents due absentee landlords
were so high that it would not always have been possible for
outsiders to distinguish free men who were tenant farmers
from the slaves .
In July 1948 the Ethiopian Orthodox Church began steps,
completed by 1956, by which it obtained independence from
the long domination of the Coptic patriarchs of Egypt. The
Emperor obtained the agreement of the patriarch of Alex
andria to appoint an Ethiopian abuna , so that for the first
time in the sixteen centuries of Ethiopian Christianity an Ethi
opian , rather than an Egyptian, sat at the head of the national
church . This appointment was followed by the creation of suf
ficient new bishoprics to allow the Ethiopians to elect their
own patriarch . The postwar years also saw a change in the
relationship between church and state; the vast church lands
came under tax legislation , and the clergy lost the right to try
their fellows for civil offenses in their own courts (see ch. 11 ,
Religion) .
Motivated by the memory of the failure of the League of
Nations in which he had placed such hopes in 1935, Emperor
Haile Selassie reacted to the first postwar challenge to the
United Nations by dispatching a considerable force to serve
with the United Nations troops in Korea (see ch . 25 , The
Armed Forces ). This move was only a part of the country's
broadening contacts in the international field in the 1950s and
1960s . Mutual relations were established with the majority of
the world's states in both the West and the Communist bloc
as well as among the newly developing nonaligned states (see
ch . 15, Foreign Relations). Large amounts of foreign assistance
.

were received from both the East and West, with the United
States supplying the largest contribution . Technical assistance
was also received from numerous countries: for example,
Sweden trained the Imperial Bodyguard; Norway, the navy;
63
and the United States, the army (see ch . 22, Foreign Economic
Relations ).

The Eritrean Federation

The most significant change in the composition of the Ethi
opian state in the twentieth century was brought about by the
addition of Eritrea to its territories in 1952 in accordance with
a decision of the United Nations General Assembly. The ac
quisition of the former Italian colony, which had been admin
istered by Great Britain after 1941 , restored a maritime frontier
to the empire for the first time since the triumph of Islam over
the African shore of the Red Sea in the tenth century A.D. It
also brought under the control of the empire an entity with a
more advanced political structure and society.
After seizing Eritrea from the Italians, the British established
a military administration to rule it until the final disposition of
the Italian colonial empire was decided upon by the Allied
powers, a duty later relegated to the United Nations. A num
ber of countries displayed an active interest in the area. Italy,
supported initially by the Soviet Union , then hoping for a
Communist victory at the Italian polls , requested that its
former colony be returned to it, either as a colony or as a
trusteeship . The Arab states, seeing Eritrea with nearly half
its population Muslim , as an extension of the Arab world,
sought the establishment of an independent state. Some Brit
ish interests favored a division of the territory, with the Chris
tian Tigrinya -speaking areas and perhaps the coast from
Massawa southward going to Ethiopia and the largely Muslim
north and northwest going to the Sudan .
Opinion within the territory varied along lines that largely
coincided with ethnic and religious divisions. By 1949 three
major political parties had been formed . The El Rabita party,
largely Muslim, was opposed to unification with Ethiopia.
Some Christian Tigrinya, partially motivated by an antipathy
toward Shoan rule, both because of historic animosities and
because of what they saw as a Shoan tendency to treat them
as poor relations, also opposed unification , and some of them
joined El Rabita . Those Eritreans favoring renewed ties with
Italy, whose numbers included the 25,000 halfcastes and others
who had gained favorable positions under Italian rule, formed
the Pro- Italia party. The greatest portion of the Ethiopian
Orthodox Christians, who constituted a majority of the popu
lation of the province, supported some form of unification
with Ethiopia and joined the Unionist party.
The British introduced the beginnings of representative gov
ernment, and the parties operated on a legal, constitutional
64
level , although from the first some of the political conflicts
involved intraparty violence; one of the Christian leaders of
the separatists, Woldeab Wolde Mariam , survived at least
seven assassination attempts. The United Nations General
Assembly , impressed by the majority support displayed by the
Unionist party and by the economic and geographic logic of
unification of at least the major portions of the territory with
Ethiopia , voted forty -seven to ten for a union .
The resolution provided that Eritrea would be linked to the
Ethiopian Empire through a loose federal structure under the
sovereignty of the Emperor but with a form and organization
of internal self-government of its own . The federal government,
identical with the existing Ethiopian imperial government, was
to control foreign and defense affairs, foreign and interstate
commerce and transportation, and finance. Control over do
mestic affairs, including police , local administration, and tax
ation to meet its own budget, was to be exercised by an elected
assembly on the parliamentary model. The state was to have
its own administrative and judicial structure and flag.
The new federal growth was gradually weakened by the
imperial government. The central authorities' reaction resulted
primarily from a fear that providing a separate status for Eri
trea would encourage separatist ideas, which might appeal to
other portions of the composite empire and precipitate a re
newed movement toward the divisiveness that has historically
weakened the empire. They were also unwilling to have a small
segment of the empire politically advanced over the rest.
Finally, the Eritrean parliament dissolved itself, and the terri
tory became a regular province of the empire in November
1962.

The Ethiopia-Somalia Conflict

A second colony on Ethiopia's frontier, Somalia, fell from
Italy's grasp during World War II . Ethiopian claims to historic
control over Somalia were not so impressive as those ties that
led the United Nations to link Eritrea to the empire, partic
ularly as the Somali people are religiously and ethnically dis
tinct from the Ethiopians and there was little economic contact
between the regions. The Ethiopians' claims were in fact relin
quished by the Emperor in an early move toward establishing
harmony with the Somali nationalists . In 1950 the United
Nations decided to place Somalia under an Italian trusteeship
with a guarantee of independence by 1960. The neighboring
colony of British Somaliland was advanced by the British gov
ernment to obtain independence at about the same time, and
65
the two were granted independence and united as the Republic
of Somalia in July 1960.
Significant causes for tension between Somalia and its neigh
bors existed . The Somali peoples, numbering perhaps 5 million ,
cover the entire Horn of Africa , sparsely populating the two
halves of their own country, the southern portions of the small
French Territory of the Afars and Issas ( formerly French So
maliland) , the northeastern quarter of Kenya , and the Ogaden
and Haud regions of eastern Ethiopia , which constitute a quar
ter or more of the country . The Somali's nomadic way of life
regularly carries them with their camel and goat herds , across
international borders in search of pasturage in the near desert
lands . Ethnically self -conscious and fiercely Muslim, the
roughly 1 million who reside within Ethiopia have resisted the
imposition of Ethiopian central government control.
After Somalia obtained independence , the new country pro
claimed an irredentist policy , laying claim to all five Somali
populated regions irrespective of existing frontiers. In addition ,
the location of the frontier between Ethiopia and the formerly
Italian portions of Somalia had never been agreed upon in
either the colonial or trusteeship periods, despite the fact that
the United Nations had directed the trusteeship government
to reach an agreement as a first order of priority. The doubts
over the correct location of the border largely hinged on
whether the northern tripoint between the British , Italian ,
and Ethiopian possessions was located at 47° or 48° east
latitude.
In the north the official location of the international frontier
was agreed upon by a treaty between Ethiopia and Great Brit
ain , but the Somali contend that it was unfairly placed so as
to exclude the herdsmen resident in Somalia from their very
important seasonal grazing lands in the Haud within Ethiopia.
The region had been administered by the British as an integral
part of Somaliland , although admitting Ethiopian sovereignty.
The British military administration in Ethiopia continued to
administer the area from Harar eastward for a number of years
after it had been disbanded in the rest of the country and did
not withdraw from the Haud until 1955. Even then the British
stressed the Haud's importance to Somalia by requiring the
Ethiopians to guarantee the Somali free access to the grazing
lands .
The Somali refuse to recognize the relevance of any pre
independence treaties defining the Somali-Ethiopian territories
because the agreements were concluded by the colonial gov.
ernments without consulting the Somali, in violation of the
colonial protectorate treaties with the Somali themselves , and
66
because the results of the treaties violated the principles of
self-determination . The Somali government even refused to
acknowledge the British treaty guaranteeing Somali grazing
rights in the Haud, despite their need for access to pasturage
for their herds , because such acknowledgment would have
indirectly recognized Ethiopia's sovereignty over the area .
Military incidents in the Haud began within six months after
Somali independence. At first the incidents were confined to
clashes between Ethiopian forces and armed groups of Somali
nomads, usually arising over traditional sources of conflict,
such as smuggling, stock theft, or tax collecting, rather than
modern nationalistic issues. In Somalia , however, the clashes
tended to be viewed as expressions of nationalism , despite
their actual causes . Tensions were heightened by a hostile
radio campaign by both sides, which further inflamed the
feelings of the Ethiopians and Somali in the contested region.
The Somali propaganda campaign received support from the
Arab world , particularly via Egyptian radio broadcasts to Ethi
opia, which aimed at arousing anti -Christian sentiment among
the Muslim peoples, both the Somali and others, particularly
those of Eritrea who were already motivated toward separatism.
Incidents grew slowly in scale until the end of 1963 and
gradually came to include limited confrontations between
Somali and Ethiopian armed forces along the border. In Feb
ruary 1964 the confrontations became an armed conflict, quick
ly extending along the entire length of the Somali-Ethiopian
frontier . The Ethiopian air force conducted raids on targets
well within Somalia.
Open hostilities were brought to an end by a cease -fire ar
ranged under the auspices of the Organization of African Unity
(OAU) by the Republic of Sudan . The terms of the cease-fire
called for an end to inflammatory radio broadcasts , the setting
up of a joint commission to examine border incidents, and the
creation of a demilitarized zone six to nine miles deep on each
side of the frontier. Although no further military confrontations
occurred , the verbal hostility continued to be intense and po
tential for further armed clashes remained high until late 1967
(see ch. 15 , Foreign Relations) .
Constitutional Development

In the 1940s and as late as 1951 , traditional - regional and

feudal - forces continued to oppose imperial control. By the
late 1950s these same traditional forces saw Emperor Haile
Selassie as their main prop against the modernizing elements
that would bring about a revolution unfavorable to their inter
ests . The younger modernizing leaders were the sons of the
67
traditional elite ( see ch. 6, Social Structure). They had obtained
a knowledge of the outside world, often through an education
overseas. They had become alienated by their inability, under
existing leadership , to initiate and implement the reforms
necessary to bring their country's development into line with
that in the rest of Africa . They had lost contact even with the
progressive elements of the existing leadership with whom
the Emperor had most often aligned himself.
The desire to satisfy these younger critics led the Emperor
to adopt a reformed constitution in 1955, as well as a new legal
code and the country's first national development plan. But,
despite these constitutional changes, the Emperor remained the
pinnacle of the state in law as well as supreme in fact. Not
until the late 1960s did meaningful devolution of his personal
concentration of power to the handpicked cabinet occur ( see
ch . 13, The Governmental System ).

The 1960 Coup

The most dramatic political event of the postwar era was an
attempted coup on December 13 and 14, 1960. The coup was
staged while the Emperor was in Brazil on the most distant
of his numerous state visits overseas. The coup's leaders were
a small segment of the modernist elements of the country's
- an force
younger and more educated elite, backed by a 4,000 m
of the Imperial Bodyguard, whose commander, Brigadier
General Mengistu Neway, was one of the chief plotters. The
other major leaders were: his brother, Germame, a United
States -educated Pan Africanist intellectual; the head of the
national police; and the head of the Emperor's intelligence
service. Until the coup all, except Germame, were closely tied
to the Emperor .
The coup was initially successful in the capital as the rebels
seized the crown prince at gunpoint and, by a subterfuge, cap
tured more than twenty of the cabinet ministers and other
important government leaders. The support of the Imperial
Bodyguard , an elite military unit, was obtained without inform
ing the men or even a majority of the officers of the purpose
of their actions. The proclaimed intent of the coup leaders was
the establishment of a government that would improve the
economic, social, and political position of the masses of the
population by ending the rule of the aristocracy and by land
reform .
The initial success of the coup leaders was not followed up.
The other military forces, particularly the army's First Division,
headquartered at Addis Ababa , and the air force at Debre Zeyt
thirty miles to the south , refused to support them ; the units
68
loyal to the Emperor treated with the rebels at first in the hope
of avoiding bloodshed but moved superior forces against them.
The revolt had been completely crushed by the time the Em
peror arrived in the city on December 17.
Just before their final defeat, however, the rebel leaders had
assassinated nearly all their captives in the imperial palace's
Green Salon . The crown prince and Leul-Ras Imru , both of
whom had been forced to cooperate with the rebels , were
spared . Nearly all of the rebel leaders were killed in the battle
or by pursuing forces, or they committed suicide to avoid cap
ture. None escaped , and only four were taken captive. Three
of these were executed after public trials - General Neway for
treason and rebellion, and the other two for the murders in
the Green Salon . Their trials were noted for their fairness by
the International Commission of Jurists, and the Emperor
showed considerable moderation in his treatment of the lesser
guilty parties. He extended a mass pardon to the students of
Addis Ababa's colleges who, although not actively involved in
the coup itself, had come out publicly in support of the coup's
leaders on its second day .
Although critics of Ethiopia's conservative political system
saw the coup as the first step in a continuing revolution against
the Emperor and the existing order, no reverberations from the
coup could be seen in the succeeding years. Many observers
have described the circumstances of the coup as an attempt
by the younger members of the traditional elite, influenced by
Western liberal political and social ideas , to reform the state
by force of arms in the hope of having their country catch up
with the social , political, and economic development in the
outside world, particularly with the states of Africa newly
emergent from colonial dominance.

The 1960s

Heavy losses to both traditional and modernist elites resulted

from the attempted coup. Those who succeeded to the leader
ship then found more opportunity for reform within the system
than had previously existed, partly because of the loss of the
most conservative traditional leaders and partly because of the
Emperor's renewed support for evolutionary change. The mod
ernists, for a number of reasons, became less interested in
seeking sudden change through coup or revolution : the Emper
or's own reforms had begun to answer some of what they saw
as the need for change; they also assumed that a time for
change would come with the death of the Emperor, already in
his seventies. In addition , many of the younger African states
whose modern governmental forms they had admired and
69
envied in 1960 succumbed to chaos or military rule without
effectively carrying out the social reforms that were the aims
of Ethiopia's modernists. They also observed from the military
coups that occurred elsewhere that coups in their own country
would probably have similar results, as Ethiopia had the
largest and strongest army in black Africa .
By the mid- 1960s , despite the conservative nature of the
government and its lack of economic and social development
in comparison with the majority of other African states, Ethi
opia had become a leading, and in some ways the leading,
nation in intra -African affairs, primarily because of the labor
and prestige of Emperor Haile Selassie (see ch . 15, Foreign
Relations) . The Emperor was a prime mover in the establish
ment of intra -African cooperation , offering scholarships to
Ethiopian colleges for students from different parts of colonial
Africa in the late 1950s . He supplied a significant military force
to the United Nations in the Congo in 1960 and to support the
legitimate governments of Tanzania in 1964 and the Congo in
1967 against insurgent threats; he served personally as the
mediator in the Moroccan - Algerian border war of 1963.
In 1963 the Emperor sponsored the establishment of the
OAU and created an impressive headquarters for it in Addis
Ababa , which already served as the headquarters for the first
permanent intra -African body, the United Nations Economic
Commission for Africa. The OAU was designed to achieve
some unity in purpose and action for the weak African states
so that, collectively, they could exert a significant degree of
influence in a broader world context. Its creation probably
could not have been achieved if the Emperor's prestige had
not allowed him to serve as a bridge between the more diver
gent elements among the leaders of the more than thirty Afri
can and Arab governments of independent Africa.

70
 CHAPTER 4

POPULATION

As of mid-1969 no comprehensive census had been under

taken . The population , however, was estimated to be about 24.8
million , third largest ( after Nigeria and the United Arab Repub
lic) on the African continent. The principal demographic fea
tures were a high birth rate and youthfulness, both character
istic of a less developed country. There were indications of a
rising growth rate during the 1960s ; it reached an estimated
average of 2.3 percent per year toward the end of the decade.
The population was preponderantly rural. Less than one
twelfth of the total lived in areas classified as urban , and only
two cities had more than 100,000 inhabitants. The greater part
of the population resided in the Ethiopian highlands, with the
largest concentration occurring in the more temperate areas at
altitudes of 5,000 feet and above.
Population estimates are based principally on information ob
tained in administrative reports made by the Ministry of Inte
rior and from field surveys carried out by the Central Statistical
Office (CSO). A start in the collection of census data was
made in 1956 when the ministry requested all administrative
subdistricts, excluding those in Eritrea, to report the estimated
number of persons under their jurisdiction . A crude estimate of
the population was determined from this. In 1963 CSO, in con
junction with interested government agencies, initiated the
National Sample Survey, a multipurpose project designed to fill
in gaps in basic statistical data. The first round of this survey
was completed in 1967, encompassing twelve of the fourteen
provinces. Urban population surveys covering 195 towns were
also carried out between 1965 and 1968 by CSO in cooperation
with the Municipalities Section of the Ministry of Interior. The
ministry also conducted a new administrative population re
cording in 1965.
Based on the surveys, CSO developed revised population es
timates for the years 1962 through 1966 and, utilizing further
the 1965 information from the Ministry of Interior, arrived at
estimates for 1967. The overall population figure for 1967 , pub
lished in the CSO Statistical Abstract 1967 and 1968, was estab
lished at 23,667,400. This compared with the revised total for
71
1962 of 21,534,800 and represented an increase of about 10 per
cent in the five-year period from 1962 to 1967.
CSO has pointed out that the estimates involved a consider
able number of adjustments and assumptions and that sample
sizes were very small. The published figures, therefore, were
open to varying degrees of error in preparation . A second round
of the National Sample Survey was started in November 1968.
Improved sampling techniques were introduced and should in
crease the reliability of later estimates. The fieldwork in this
second round , which also is planned to cover twelve of the four
teen provinces, was expected to be concluded by the end of
1970 .

REGIONAL AND URBAN -RURAL DISTRIBUTION

Topography and the effect topography has on the country's
climate have played substantial roles in the present-day location
of the population . Most of the population is found in the high
lands, and a large number lives at altitudes of 5,000 feet and
over . There are larger concentrations in particular in the zone
between about 5,000 and 8,000 feet, which has a temperate cli
mate (see ch . 2, Physical Environment ).
Population density in 1967 was about 50 persons per square
mile. It would be close to 53 persons per square mile in mid
1969 on the basis of the population estimate for that date. Dis
tribution , however, was not uniform . Heavier concentrations,
ranging from about 50 to over 400 per square mile, occurred in
a generally north -to -south central zone beginning in the As
mara region in the north and running southward through Ad
dis Ababa to the region surrounding the southern Rift Valley
lakes . Arms of this concentration ran eastward from just below
Addis Ababa to the area around the city of Harar and west
ward to the Sudanese border (see fig . 8) . This relatively dense
population was immediately bordered for the most part by
areas in which population densities ran between about 14 and
52 persons per square mile. The outer fringe areas of the coun
try , which generally were at lower altitudes and included
regions in which rainfall was sparse , had population densities
of from less than 1 to about 13 persons per square mile.
Population densities of the different provinces varied great
ly, from about 1 per square mile for Bale to slightly over 120
for Arussi. Both Shoa Province (excluding Addis Ababa) and
Wollo Province had about 100 persons per square mile, and
Tigre Province had about 90 per square mile. Population den
sity in Gojam was between 65 and 70 per square mile. In Gemu
Gofa and Wollega it was between 50 and 55 , and Begemder
had somewhat under 50 per square mile. The provinces of
Eritrea, Hararge, Illubabor, Kefa, and Sidamo had population
72
 30
Number of persons
per square milo
less than 13
-16
14-26

27.52

53-104

105. 207

208.414

415 and over

12 Subprovince boundarios -1
Provinco boundaries

Source: Adapted from Kifle-Mariam Zerom , The Resources and Economy of

Ethiopia , 1969.
Figure 8. Estimated population density in Ethiopia, 1967

densities of about 35 per square mile. The lower densities in

Eritrea and Hararge were related in part to the inclusion with
in their provincial boundaries of large areas of arid, thinly pop
ulated land (see ch. 2, Physical Environment). Population den
sities for rural areas and towns were unavailable , except for
Addis Ababa, which had a reported density in 1967 of over
8,300 persons per square mile..
The population at the beginning of the 1970s was predomi
nantly rural. The estimate for 1967 showed 21,742,000 persons,
constituting 91.9 percent of the total , in rural areas and
1,925,400, or 8.1 percent, in urban areas (see table 2). One
third of all urban residents lived in Addis Ababa. Most of the
provinces had rural populations of over 95 percent. Only Shoa,
in which Addis Ababa is situated , and Eritrea, in which the
country's second largest city, Asmara, is located, had urban
populations significantly exceeding 10 percent of the total. Bale
Province also had an urban population exceeding 10 percent;
73
 Table 2. Estimated Ethiopian Urban and Rural Population, by Province, 1967
( in thousands)

Urban Rural Province Percent of

Province Number Percent Number Percent Total Total Population

Arussi 41.4 3.7 1,069.4 96.3 1,110.8 4.7

Bale 20.0 12.5 139.8 87.5 159.8 0.7
Begemder 70.5 5.2 1,277.9 94.8 1,348.4 5.7
Eritrea 265.3 16.7 1,324.1 83.3 1,589.4 6.7
Gemu Gofa 22.0 2.6 818.5 97.4 840.5 3.6
Gojam 69.8 4.4 1,506.3 95.6 1,576.1 6.7
Hararge 152.5 4.6 3,189.2 95.4 3,341.7 14.1
Illubabor 25.3 3.8 637.9 96.2 663.2 2.8
Kefa 53.3 7.7 635.1 92.3 688.4 2.9
Shoa 854.9 21.5 3,115.4 78.5 3,970.3 16.8
Sidamo 91.0 6.0 1,430.9 94.0 1,521.9 6.4
Tigre 106.9 4.6 2,200.4 95.4 2,307.3 9.7
Wollega 53.9 3.8 1,376.0 96.2 1,429.9 6.0
Wollo 98.6 3.2 3,021.1 96.8 3,119.7 13.2
Total .. 1,925.4 8.1 * 21,742.0 91.9 * 23,667.4 100.0

* Percent of total population .

Source: Adapted from Imperial Ethiopian Government, Central Statistical
Office, Statistical Abstract , 1967 and 1968, p. 26.

however, its total population was very small, and the absolute
number of its urban dwellers was also small.
Included in the rural population was an undetermined num
ber of nomadic and seminomadic people, estimated at perhaps
1.5 million persons . The largest group was the Somali - perhaps
as many as 1 million - located largely in the Ogaden section of
Hararge Province, in southern Bale Province, and to some ex
tent in the southern areas of Sidamo Province. The next largest
group was the Afar, or Danakil , found in eastern Wollo, eastern
Tigre, and the southeastern part of Eritrea . Two other groups
were the Borano Galla, located in the southern part of Gemu
Gofa , and the Beni Amer, found in northwestern Eritrea .
The Statistical Abstract 1967 and 1968 listed 248 town
throughout the country. No strict classification scheme was
used in determining a community's status as a town ; however,
all included towns had appointed heads functioning within the
country's regular administrative setup. The population of these
towns ranged from less than 1,000 to more than 600,000 inhab
itants. Almost five- sixths of the total number ( 195 towns) had
populations under 5,000 persons. Some 23.3 percent of the
urban population lived in these communities (see table 3). Two
cities – Addis Ababa and Asmara-accounted for nearly 43 per
cent of the urban population .
74
 Table 3. Estimated Populations of Towns in Ethiopia '
Urban Percent of total
Population center population urban population

Addis Ababa 644,190 33.5

Asmara 178,537 9.3
Dire Dawa 50,733 2.6
Harar 42,771 2.2
Dessie 40,619 2.1
Gondar 30,734 1.6
Jimma 30,580 1.6
Nazret 27,812 1.4
Mekele 23,105 1.2
Debre Zeyt 22,055 1.1
Debre Markos 21,536 1.1
Massawa 15,489 0.8
Other towns ?
10,001 - 15,000 population ( 10) 120,611 6.3
7,001 - 10,000 .. do .. ( 16) 131,942 6.9
5,001 - 7,000 .. do .. ( 15) 94,274 4.9
3,001 - 5,000 .. do .. ( 61 ) 233,609 12.1
1,001 - 3,000 .. do .. ( 100) 193,475 10.0
600 . 1,000 .. do .. ( 34 ) 23,281 1.2

Total 1,925,353 99.93

Population of Addis Ababa from 1967 census; of Asmara from 1968 census ; populations of other towns
estimates based on surveys made between 1965 and 1968 or on Ministry of Interior population reports.
2Numbers in parens indicate number of towns in this category.
* Does not add to 100.0 because of rounding.
Source: Adapted from Imperial Ethiopian Government, Central Statistical
Office, Statistical Abstract , 1967 and 1968, pp . 29-36 .

There were 67,600 resident foreigners as of July 1967.

Roughly 39 percent were Yemeni (26,213), and another 25 per
cent were Italian (16,671 ). Larger groups among the remainder
were 3,832 Indians , 3,707 British , 2,450 Americans (other than
those stationed at the United States military installation ,
Kagnew Station , near Asmara) , over 2,400 French , and almost
2,200 Greeks.

AGE AND SEX DISTRIBUTION

The estimates for 1967 indicated a young population: about
one-half of the total were under twenty years of age. The coun
try's age structure in general exhibited features that are found
typically in less developed countries. This included a high pro
portion of the population - over 44 percent - in the age group
from birth to fifteen years of age. Another 51 percent were in
the fifteen to fifty -nine age group, and the remaining 4 to 5 per
cent were sixty years of age and older (see fig . 9).
75
 MALE AGE FEMALE
623.1 60+ 458.4
272.4 55-59 143.5
417.9 50-54 394.8
414.2 45-49 321.1
586.3 40-44 652.3
730.8 35-39 681.1
824.7 30-34 998.7
855.0 25-29 1122.8
736.3 20-24 1021.1
100 9.6 15-19 904.8

1331.8 10-14 1068.3

2046.9 5-9 1901.4
2116.0 0-4 2034.1
2500 2000 1500 1000 500 500 1000 1500 2000 2500
( IN THOUSANDS ) (IN THOUSANDS)

Source: Adapted from Imperial Ethiopian Government, Statistical

Abstract, 1967 and 1968, 1969, 27 .

Figure 9. Estimated population of Ethiopia by age and sex, 1967

There were differences, however, between urban and rural

age structures. Rural and overall population age groupings were
generally similar in proportions, reflecting the overwhelming
weight of the rural population in the total. Urban age group
ings , on the other hand, reflected the migration of individuals
in the economically active age range to the towns for the pur
pose of seeking work or improved conditions. Thus, almost 57
percent of urban dwellers were in the fifteen to fifty-nine age
group, compared with less than 51 percent in rural areas.
Similarly, the birth to fifteen age group in urban areas consti
tuted slightly over 39 percent, contrasted with almost 45 per
cent in rural areas .
The 1967 estimates also showed a higher proportion of males
to females in the overall population , the ratio being about 102.2
males to 100 females. This compared with the usual ratio of be
tween 95 and 100 males to 100 females for national aggregates.
A marked difference existed in rural and urban ratios. In rural
areas there were about 103.2 males to 100 females. Contrasted
with this was the ratio of less than 92 males to 100 females
in the urban population , an unusual pattern for urban ratios in
African countries where males usually outnumber females in
the towns.
A possible explanation for the urban ratio may lie in the mar
riage and divorce patterns among the Amhara and Tigre (see
76
ch. 7, Family). The marriage age is usually below twenty for
women, whereas men marry after that age. Divorce is common ;
after being divorced many women go to the towns, presumably
to look for better opportunities. In various cities covered by the
National Sample Survey, divorcees , a considerable number of
whom were less than thirty -five years of age, formed an impor
tant part of the female population . For instance, in Debre Zeyt
they constituted over 20 percent, in Gondar more than 24 per
cent, in Dessie almost 21 percent, and in Jimma almost 14
percent. In contrast, divorced men represented generally less
than 5 percent of the total males.
There was also a noticeably larger number of widows than
widowers in the towns. They were in general older than the di
vorced females. Presumably , they also had gone to the towns
seeking better opportunities for themselves. They constituted, in
various surveyed towns, between 5 and 7 percent of the female
population .
In contrast to the situation in most towns, the proportion of
males to females in Addis Ababa in 1967 was 101.3 to 100. This
was explainable by the larger number of men attracted to the
capital for work or other purposes . Similarly, in the port towns
of Assab and Massawa, where stevedoring and associated oc
cupations called for male workers , there was a preponderance
of males . The ratio in Assab was 135.1 males to 100 females;
in Massawa , 112.5 males to 100 females.

RATES OF POPULATION GROWTH

Available statistics on births and deaths were based on sam

ple surveys conducted by the CSO in rural areas of the prov
inces of Arussi, Gemu Gofa, Gojam , Shoa, Tigre, Wollega, and
Wollo. In five of these provinces crude birth rates were reported
to be between 40.6 and 43.7 per 1,000 population . One province
had a birth rate of 38.5 per 1,000 population ; another, 53.1 . The
International Demographic Statistics Center, United States Bu
reau of the Census , basing its estimate on very limited data ob
tained between 1962 and 1966 from six roadside towns, stated
that in 1968 the country's crude birth rate was about 43 per
1,000 population . These figures generally coincide with the birth
rate of over 40 per 1,000 population , which is considered char
acteristic of a less developed country.
Crude death rates obtained in these provinces varied from a
low of 17.3 to a high of 28.5 per 1,000 population . CSO noted
that some of the rates were questionable, pointing out that
there was a probably reluctance of mothers to report infant
deaths to strangers, especially those that had occurred within a
77
few days of birth . From these and other surveys conducted
through the National Sample Survey, the CSO estimated that
the annual growth rate of the overall population was about 2.3
percent in 1966. The International Demographic Statistics Cen
ter placed the rate of natural increase at 2.1 percent in 1968.
If the more recently estimated rates of population growth
continue at the same level the population would double in be
tween thirty and thirty -three years. There was no official de
clared policy at the end of 1969 on family planning; however,
no objections existed to the inclusion of family planning in pro
grams of maternal and child care. The voluntary Family Guid
ance Association, formed in 1966 , has representatives of several
government agencies as members of its executive committee. A
clinic is operated in Addis Ababa, and branches of the associa
furnish family planning services in over twenty centers out
side the capital.

URBANIZATION

A large majority of the population lives in villages, and ur

banization is less extensive than in some other areas of Africa.
This is presumably related in part to the greater comparative
richness of Ethiopia's agricultural and pastoral lands . These
lands , during most of the 1960s , provided adequate subsistence
for their inhabitants , who thus had less urge to go to urban
areas. The smaller urban areas are, moreover, essentially little
more than extended villages or market towns. There is a core of
permanent dwellers , which is augmented by visitors at the time
of markets or when holiday festivals occur.
The growth of individual towns appears largely to have been
affected by local circumstances. The ancient city of Harar, for
instance , was reported in the early 1940s to have a population
of approximately 41,000 . A CSO survey in the summer of 1965
enumerated a total of only 41,150 persons at that time. The lack
of population growth was probably associated with the develop
ment of Dire Dawa, about thirty -five miles northwest of Harar
on the Addis Ababa-Djibouti rail line , as the region's commer
cial center. Another example is Gondar, which grew from about
23,300 in 1939 to 29,570 in 1965. This represented a growth rate
of less than 1 percent a year. Gondar was largely isolated from
the country's other main centers until the 1960s, which probably
accounted for its slow growth . In contrast, Debre Zeyt, located
about thirty miles southeast of Addis Ababa , grew from about
1,500 around 1940 to 21,220 in 1965 , or roughly 10 percent an
nually. The town , the headquarters of the Ethiopian air force,
is also a weekend resort for many residents of Addis Ababa.
78
 The country's largest city, Addis Ababa, grew during the
1960s at a rate roughly three times that of the overall popula
tion . Asmara, the second largest city, grew about two times the
overall rate. A 1961 census of Addis Ababa showed 443,728 in
habitants, and a census conducted in 1967 recorded a total of
664,190 residents. This represented an increase of 200,462 in
dividuals , or about 45 percent, during the six years, for an in
dicated annual average growth rate of 6.4 percent. Asmara in
creased in population during the 1962-68 period by 40,817, or
not quite 30 percent, from 137,720 residents determined by a
survey carried out in 1962, to 178,537 tabulated in a census of
the city in 1968. The average annual growth rate during this pe
riod was 4.4 percent.

79
i
1
!
1
-
 CHAPTER 5

ETHNIC GROUPS AND LANGUAGES

The country is characterized by substantial cultural, linguistic,

and physical diversity despite the central government's efforts to
favor the language and, to some extent, the culture of the polit
ically and socially dominant Amhara , about one-quarter of the
population . Other numerically significant groups are the Tigre,
who are very closely related to the Amhara and make up about
8 percent of the population , and the Galla , who as the largest
single ethnic group make up approximately 40 percent of the
total . The remainder consists of a fairly large number of groups.
In early 1970 preliminary results of a language and language
use survey indicated that ninety - five languages were spoken .
Variations in social organization , custom , and dress further dif
ferentiated most groups. There are two major religious faiths ,
Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity and Islam-as well as numer
ous local cults (see ch . 11 , Religion ). In some cases, religion
overlaps ethnic and linguistic boundaries; in others, differences
of religion reinforce those boundaries.
Although many of the identifying characteristics of the ethnic
groups have remained fairly constant, all of them have been
affected culturally and physically by their interaction with each
other as well as with peoples from outside the country's borders.
Thus, Amharic is the national language and the language of in
struction in the primary schools, and with increasing school
attendance and the development of administrative structures in
the outlying districts, Amharic has become increasingly familiar
to many (see ch. 9, Education ; ch. 13, The Governmental
System). On the other hand, Amharic itself has been influenced
by its long contact with the language of the Galla and, although
the Amhara are aware of their physical differences from the
Galla , there has been a significant degree of mixing with them
and with others who live in the territory conquered by the
Amhara .
Each of the country's ethnic groups speaks a language belong
ing to one or another branch of the Afroasiatic language family .
Two major branches-Semitic and Cushitic of the Afroasiatic
language group include the languages spoken by most of the
people. Several branches of another language group , the Nilo
81
 36 NO 48
RT LANGUAGE FAMILIES
HE T
RN IGRE Northern Cushitic
Central Cushitic Agau)
16 16

MA
Somitic (Ethiopic)
DAREA
NA
KU Western Cushitic
Eastern Cushitic
HERN IGRE
SOUT T Nilo -Saharan

SUDAN D
AF
AR
o
12 FTAI 12
GALLA
AM
HA
RA
BERTA

SOMALIA
GALLA
O
ANJER

SIDAMO CLUSTER

ANUA
K

FA MO A
KAF LL
WOLA GA

LI
MA
SO
SUDAN
KONSO
SOMALIA
GELEBA

KENYA 36 44
1
48
UGANDA

NOTE French Territory of the Afars and Issos is indicated as FTAI on the map .

Source: Adapted from A. N. Tucker and M. A. Bryan , The Non -Bantu Lan.
guages of North -Eastern Africa, 1956; and Joseph H. Greenberg ,
“ The Languages of Africa,” International Journal of American Lin.
guistics, Part II , XXIX, No. 1 , January 1963.
Figure 10. Distribution of major language families and
ethnic groups in Ethiopia.

Saharan , are represented, but speakers of these languages, who

live chiefly along the lengthy border with Sudan , are few , and >

they are peripheral to an understanding of the Ethiopian ex

perience.
The groups that dominate the country , although together they
constitute only about a third of its population, are the Semitic
speaking Amhara and Tigre (Southern Tigre ), who are for the
most part agriculturalists, concentrated in the central and north
western highlands (see fig. 10) .
The Amhara and the Tigre are Ethiopian Christians, who,
though vying with each other many times for political su
82
premacy , have always maintained an awareness of their com
mon religious and Semitic cultural heritage.
Another Semitic-speaking group also called the Tigre (North
ern Tigre) are descendants of the Tigrinya -speaking Southern
Tigre as well as the indigenous tribal populations conquered by
them . These people are generally Muslims , and their language,
called Tigre, differs from Tigrinya.
Although the shapers of Ethiopian culture and politics have
been , and continue to be , the Semitic- speaking Amhara -Tigre,
the country has more speakers of Cushitic than of Semitic lan
guages. Cushitic speakers are found throughout the country,
though they tend to be concentrated in the lowlands rather than
on the plateau. There are both sedentary agriculturalists and
nomadic groups among them .
The largest Cushitic-speaking group is the Galla , a highly dif
ferentiated people. Their language, Gallinya, is probably spo
ken by nearly as many people as Amharic. Other Cushitic
speaking groups are the Somali , the Sidamo, the Afar (Danakil) ,
the Saho, the Beja ( Bedawiye ), and the Agau. Islam is the re
ligion of the majority; many of the Galla living in close prox
imity to the Amhara - Tigre are Christian , however, and there
are other scattered groups or Cushitic-speaking Christians as
well . Many still adhere to local tribal cults.
The Cushitic-speaking groups in particular show a high degree
of bilingual, and sometimes trilingual, capability, a consequence
of the large number of groups speaking different languages
living in close proximity to each other. The importance of
Arabic to Islam and efforts by the central government to spread
Amharic as a lingua franca have also influenced language pat
terms and use . To some degree, the same multilingual situation
holds true for speakers of non -Amharic Semitic tongues.
A number of Negro peoples living along the Sudanese
Ethiopian border are known as shankella (blacks) . They speak
languages belonging to the Nilo-Saharan family. They are basic
ally agriculturalists, and estimates of their total number in the
country range from 500,000 to 1 million .

SEMITIC -SPEAKING GROUPS

Several groups, varying substantially in political power, social

status, and numbers, speak languages of the Ethiopic branch of
Southern Semitic. Northern Ethiopic languages include: Geez
(extinct except as the liturgical language of the Ethiopian Orth
odox Church) ; Tigrinya, spoken by roughly 2 million Christian
Southern Tigre, whose ancestors established the ancient king
83
dom of Axum ; and Tigre, spoken by the largely Islamic and eth
nically mixed peoples of Eritrea.
Southern Ethiopic includes Amharic, spoken as a mother
tongue by perhaps 8 million people and as a second language by
4 to 5 million others. The second most important Southern Eth
iopic language is Gurage, spoken by 350,000 to 400,000 persons.
Two Southern Ethiopic languages - Argobba and Gafat - are ex
tinct, and a third , Harar (called Adare by its speakers) , is spo
ken by fewer than 50,000 people in and around the city of Harar.
It has been heavily influenced by Galla and Somali.
Most linguists think that the Semitic languages spoken in
Ethiopia probably derive ultimately from Geez. Tigrinya is con
sidered closest to it .

The Amhara

The Amhara are basically an agricultural people, growing teff

(see Glossary ), barley, sorghum, maize (corn ), and wheat. They
also engage in herding. Their origins seem to have been in the
country just to the south of the old kingdom of Axum (see ch . 3,
Historical Setting ). A proud and warlike folk , their fortunes
rose as that of Axum declined , and despite sometimes violent in
ternecine fighting, this group has had a continuing political con
sciousness coupled with a belief that it has an undeniable right
to unite and rule Ethiopia (see ch. 12, Social Values; ch . 14, Po
litical Dynamics and Values) .
The Amhara have a strong sense of religious, linguistic, and
ethnic identification that is readily apparent in their relation
ships with non -Amhara . Among themselves, however, they make
certain distinctions, based largely on the area in which they live.
They are deeply sentimental about their homelands, and they
look upon those whose families have long been neighbors al
most as kinsmen , as opposed to Amhara from other regions. The
Amhara are also differentiated by wealth and status, although
there have always been channels of mobility within the system
of social stratification (see ch . 6 , Social Structure).
Amhara contributions to Ethiopian society, in addition to giv
ing the country political unity, are many and varied . Through
their adherence to Ethiopian Christianity over the centuries,
the country was always able to keep at least a tenuous link with
Western civilization . The churches and monasteries became
storehouses of both religious and historical documents and are
a major source of information on the culture of the country in
former times. Until recently , the only formal education was
through the system maintained by the priests of the church .
The degree of Amhara dominance of Ethiopian culture is seen
in the fact that all emperors have been Amhara since the be
84
ginning of what is known as the restored Solomonid dynasty in
A.D. 1270 , except for one in the late nineteenth century, and he
was a member of the closely related Tigre group (see ch . 3, His
torical Setting). In modern Ethiopia , Amhara fill most of the top
political offices; Amhara ways and attitudes are spread by offi
cials, soldiers , settlers, and teachers ; the use of Amharic is even
being substituted for indigenous place names in non-Amhara
parts of the country .
Amharic has long been called the language of the king (lesana
negus), for although it has only recently become the official
language of Ethiopia in the technical sense , for centuries it has
been the language used at the courts of the emperors and by
the great majority of the population living on the central pla
teau. As the national language of the country and the language
of instruction in government primary schools through the sixth
grade, after which it is replaced by English , it is probably spo
ken by more than half the population , including many who
have learned it as a second language (see ch . 9 , Education) .
Twenty-six of the consonants in the Amharic syllabary are
taken from Geez, so that anyone learning Geez, as many child
ren do in the church schools, has made a start toward reading
Amharic. The 26 Geez symbols are combined with vowels to
make a total of 182 basic Geez symbols. In order to write Am
haric and transliterate loanwords , additional symbols have been
added , so that the total syllabic system which must be learned
consists of 282 symbols. There are , in addition , 20 symbols for
numerals, although Arabic numerals are now being taught in
the schools . Amharic is written from left to right, in contrast to
most other Semitic languages , including early Geez.
Amharic has few dialectal variations. Differences between
speakers from Shoa and Gojam , for example, can be recognized,
but they are of a minor order and do not appreciably hinder
understanding. Except among a few writers in this century, very
little interest has been shown by Ethiopians in formal analysis
of the language (see ch . 10 , Artistic and Intellectual Expres
sion). The complexities of grammar are mastered only by a few
scholars and well-educated members of noble families.
Despite contemporary changes in writing style , the meager
Amharic literature is basically influenced by Geez. The structure
of all writing, except that of everyday news or propaganda, gen.
erally is complex and obscure (see ch. 10, Artistic and Intellec
tual Expression) . Amharic lends itself to double or hidden mean
ings. Both Amharic and Tigrinya speakers love flowery oratory
and respect the man who can manipulate the language. Great
emphasis is placed on the use of proper forms and polite usage
(see ch . 12, Social Values) .
85
 The style of language also reflects gradations in the social
status of both the user and the person addressed; for example,
two forms of the familiar " thou ” address are used (see ch. 6,
Social Structure ). The well-bred speaker chooses his words
with deliberation and speaks them in a soft voice with mea
sured cadence .
Several secret languages, or argots, use Amharic as a base
but mingle with it many words of the early Cushitic language
Agau. For example, there is an argot of merchants, one of
traveling minstrels, and one used by members of the Zar relig.
ious cult when possessed by spirits (see ch. 11 , Religion ).

The Southern Tigre

Like the Amhara, the Southern Tigre are agriculturalists; they

also share the legacy of the Axumite kingdom; they share a
common literature, Geez in origin; both groups are Monophysite
Christians; both follow the same general lifestyle and share the
same political and social institutions. In political matters, how
ever, if there is a conflict of interest, it is the Amhara who are
likely to predominate.
With the exception of language, there are few significant
points of distinction between the modern Tigre and Amhara .
Ethnic antagonism between them is akin to snobbishness. The
Southern Tigre feel that they are of a somewhat purer stock
than the Amhara, since the Amhara have mixed more readily
with the surrounding non -Amhara -Tigre groups, especially the
Galla . In addition, residing as they do in the original homeland
of the Axumite kingdom, the Southern Tigre claim superiority
as the cultural founders of Amhara - Tigre civilization as well as
the upholders of Ethiopian Christianity in its pristine form .
The Amhara , in turn , feel that the Tigre are shrewd, fast in
thought and action , light in tongue , and impatient, whereas they
themselves are noble, slow of speech , subtle, patient, and slow
to anger. Also, they tend to look down on the Tigre as being
somewhat backward, although the Tigre consider this attribute
of their group to be merely good, solid conservatism .
Tigrinya, the language spoken by the Southern Tigre, is the
language of the area that in former times was the kingdom of
Axum and is spoken by well over 1 million people.
In its written form , Tigrinya , like Amharic, uses the Geez syl
labary and contains many Agau (Cushitic) elements, although
not so many as Amharic. There seem to be some regional varia
tions in speech but no major dialectal differences. There is very
little creative literary work in the language, but within the last
few years there has been a great deal of translation of non - Tig
86
rinyan works. In addition, a few newspapers and journals are
now published.
The Northern Tigre
Tigre, spoken by various peoples in Eritrea , is descended
from Tigrinya and has sometimes been called northern or low
lands Tigrinya. But the sharp geographical barrier formed by
the escarpment has enforced a long and independent develop
ment of the two languages , so that they are mutually unintelli
gible.
The speakers of Tigre are a very heterogeneous group, and
even members of the same tribe may have another language as
their primary tongue. This is especially true in the case of Beni
Amer, themselves a heterogeneous group , many of whom speak
Beja (Bedawiye), a Cushitic language ; others are bilingual.
The Beni Amer are the largest Tigre- speaking tribe and in
habit a large area in western Eritrea. They number about 60,000
there, with another 30,000 or so in the Sudan. Strictly speaking,
the Beni Amer are a federation rather than a single tribe and
owe their allegiance to a paramount chief known as the Diglal.
All are Muslims, the majority recognizing the religious leader
ship of the Mirghani family in the eastern Sudan. A few mem
bers of the tribe are agriculturalists, but the overwhelming ma
jority are nomadic herdsmen .
Another tribal federation is that of the Bet Asgede, which is
made up of three subtribes: the Habab, the Ad Tekles, and the
Ad Temariam . They originally came from Tigrinya -speaking
areas to conquer and rule over the native Tigre speakers. Their
social structure reflects this situation in that there is a ruling
class (shumagalle) and a serf or vassal class ( Tigre ). But the
rulers have given up their original language and adopted Tigre,
and the original linguistic difference reflected in this nomencla
ture is now blurred . In addition , the Bet Asgede have renounced
their original Ethiopian Christian faith in favor of Islam, the re
ligion of the conquered tribes.
Many Tigre speakers seem to have been originally Ethiopian
Christians but to have subsequently converted to Islam. Two
other large tribes that underwent such a change are the Marya
and the Mensa , both of which are found in the Keren region of
Eritrea. A small group of Mensa are still Tigrinya -speaking
Ethiopian Christians, and there is another group that have be
come Protestants under the strong influence of the Swedish
Evangelical Mission , but generally the change from Christianity
to Islam has been virtually total.
Northern Tigre are , for the most part, illiterate; there is no
written literature, and those who can read usually turn to Arabic.
87
Since most Tigre speakers are both Muslims and traders, they
frequently find that Arabic is a more useful vehicle for commun
ication , and there is evidence that Tigre is slowly losing ground
in favor of Arabic as the language of general use. If the govern
ment's program favoring Amharic is even moderately successful,
that language will be yet another candidate competing for pre
dominance in the area .

The Gurage
The Gurage live just southwest of Addis Ababa, mainly in an
area circumscribed by the Awash and Omo rivers and Lake
Ziway . They number approximately 350,000 , are sedentary cul.
tivators, and derive their living from the ensete ( false banana
see Glossary ). Although a small compact group in relation to the
total population of the country, the Gurage show an amazing
degree of fragmentation in terms of linguistic, religious, and
cultural elements .
It seems that the cultural progenitors of the Gurage were
northerners who were originally sent down as military colonists,
thus mixing their Semitic culture with the indigenous Cushitic
one. In appearance they generally resemble the Amhara -Tigre,
although there is considerable evidence of their mixing with the
Cushitic-speaking Sidamo. Some of the eastern Gurage groups
claim descent from peoples who moved into the area from
Hararge . The Shoa kingdom periodically raided the area , and
Gurarge slaves were highly prized (see ch . 3, Historical Setting).
As a result of their contacts with surrounding groups, the
Gurage have been variously converted to Islam and to Ethio
pian Christianity. It has been estimated that about one-third of
the Gurage are Muslim, one-third are Christian , and one-third
adhere to their traditional beliefs ( see ch . 11 , Religion ) . It seems
likely , however, that there is still a strong substratum of tradi
tional belief and practice underlying the Christianity and Islam
that are practiced .
Most practice mixed farming and herding. Many, however, are
skilled smiths , potters , and carpenters . In addition , there is a
large migratory movement of Gurage into Addis Ababa, which
lies just to the north of their home area. At some times of the
year, more than 50 percent of the total male population may be
away from their home villages. According to one figure, be
tween 15 and 20 percent of the total population of Addis Ababa
is made up of Gurage.
The Gurage benefit from this migration to Addis Ababa main
ly because they are willing to perform duties traditionally de
spised by other Semitic peoples . They also become the vegetable
gardeners of the metropolitan area, replacing most of the Euro
88
peans who preceded them . They are considered by Westerners
to be the most industrious workers of all the Semitic peoples
of the country. The Amhara-Tigre, however, consider such
tasks menial and therefore tend to look down on the Gurage.
Non-Gurage simply refer to all Gurage as Gurage, regardless
of tribal identification . They consider this collective term as be
ing applicable to all of the tribes regardless of the real tribal
differences perceived by the Gurage themselves. To the dif
ferent groups making up the Gurage, the narrower tribal iden
tity is most important; one is a Chaha Gurage, a Muher Gu
rage , and so forth .
The Gurage linguistic situation is exceedingly complex. The
linguistic groupings are divided into three categories roughly
corresponding to the political and geographical divisions of the
various tribes, which usually are known by the same name as
the dialect that each speaks: Eastern - Selti, Wolane (Walani),
Ulbarag (Urbarag ), Innek’or, Zeway; Western - Chaha, Ezha,
Ennemor, Gyeto, Muher, Masqan, Gogot; and Northern
Aymellel.
Guraginya, the term used by the Gurage to describe the group
of related dialects spoken by them, has been influenced con
siderably by Sidamo, the Cushitic language of the same area .
Other strong influences have been Harari and Arabic on East
ern Gurage and Amharic on the entire dialect group .
Each dialect has become so differentiated over a period of
time that a speaker of one dialect is usually unable to under
stand a speaker of another, There is, however, a varying degree
of mutual intelligibility among groups that inhabit neighboring
areas. In addition , many Gurage speak Amharic.

CUSHITIC-SPEAKING GROUPS
Cushitic, like Semitic a member of the Afroasiatic stock of
languages , has five branches: Northern , Central, Eastern, West
ern , and Southern Cushitic. All except the southern branch are
represented in Ethiopia, but the languages of the great majority
of Cushitic speakers are in the eastern branch. Included in this
group are Galla, Somali, Afar-Saho, Sidamo, Konso, and
Kambata .
Of the approximately seventy -five Cushitic languages rep
resented, most are found in southern and central Ethiopia and
its immediate border regions. This distribution suggests that
Ethiopia is the point of origin for the dispersal of Cushitic
speakers to Somalia and countries to the south and that peoples
speaking languages of this family have been in Ethiopia for a
very long time. The history of the incursion of the Amhara - Tigre
89
indicates that they displaced or absorbed the ancestors of the
Agau , a Cushitic people, from 2,500 to 3,000 years ago.
The Galla

The largest single ethnic group in the country is the Galla,

constituting about 40 percent of the population . Significant num
bers of Galla are to be found in all but two of the twelve prov
inces , but most are in central, southern, and southwestern
Ethiopia .
Formerly a nomadic people, the large majority of the Galla
have gradually adopted agriculture and taken up a sedentary
existence . Those who came to reside in close contact with Mus
lim groups adopted Islam, and those nearer Ethiopian Christian
communities adopted Christianity . Whichever religion was cho
sen , however, was never entirely free of influences from the
original tribal cults, and perhaps as many as 50 percent of the
present Galla population still adhere to their traditional belief
system .
The principal Gallinya dialects are the Macha , spoken by that
group and others, such as the Kaffa , Kasa , and the Gibe, all in
western and southwestern Ethiopia; Tulama, the Shoan Galla
dialect; Eastern Galla, spoken by the Galla in the area of Harar
and Arussi; and some southern dialects spoken by the Borana
and groups on the border with Kenya in the south . There is an
extensive oral literature that includes war songs, chronicles, and
love songs (see ch . 10, Artistic and Intellectual Expression).
When Galla is written at all , it is transcribed into either Am
haric or Arabic characters.
Most Galla recognize a common genealogical relationship,
and Galla dialects are , for the most part, mutually intelligible. It
is probable that they were characterized by cultural homo
geneity before they began their incursions into Amhara -Tigre
territory in the sixteenth century. Their contacts with the Chris
tian Amhara on the one hand and with the then newly Muslim
Somali on the other resulted in a good deal of differentiation .
In no case were any substantial number of them politically uni
fied for more than short periods. Given their dispersion and di
verse contacts , Galla are now characterized by considerable
cultural and physical variations.
The Gala have a consciousness of their long residence in Ethi
opia. Anecdotal material suggests that they resent the assump
tion held by some European scholars that they are recent (in the
last 400 years) intruders into Ethiopia. The same data also indi
cate that the average Galla does not feel estranged from the
dominant Amhara - Tigre culture . On the other hand , a small
number of educated nationalists use the Galla term for them
90
selves–Oromo—to emphasize their cultural distinctiveness as
well as their opposition to Amharic political and cultural
dominance .
Early in the sixteenth century the Galla began a series of
powerful thrusts from the south of the country pushing to the
edge of the Ethiopian Plateau , combating Somali , Sidamo,
Gurage, and Amhara (see ch. 3, Historical Setting). By the be
ginning of the seventeenth century, a number of different
tribal groups that had reached the Danakil Depression moved
south again to settle in what is now Wollo Province. Other
groups moved into Arussi Province and the region around
Harar; still others moved westward into Illubabor and Wollega
provinces and conquered the Sidamo kingdoms of Kaffa and
Janjero .
Once their original impetus had been exhausted, the Galla
tribes never were able to maintain even the weak cooperative
ties that bound them at the time of the great invasions. Their
association with the peoples they fought, conquered, or settled
among gave each group a different history and subjected them
to different religious, cultural, and political influences.
A general process of change from nomadic or seminomadic
pastoralism to sedentary agriculture eventually occurred among
all of the Galla groups , with the exception of the Borana
(Boran ). The Borana in Ethiopia are located in the southern part
of Sidamo and the southeastern portion of Gemu -Gofa Province.
The Borana tribes were conquered in 1897 on behalf of the cen
tral government (by an expedition led by a northern Galla, who
had the help of certain Muslim Galla groups and Galla-held
Kaffa ), but groups still flee across the Kenya border to escape
Ethiopian administration . Occasionally, the government author
ities clash with Borana groups entering Ethiopia from Kenya in
search of water.
They remain basically pastoral peoples and probably most
closely reflect the presixteenth -century Galla. In particular, they
retain intact the gada, or age-grade system , which constituted
the traditional Galla social system (see ch . 6, Social Structure) .
They also retain their indigenous religion and practices.
The Galla groups in the southwest (at Jimma, Kaffa, Kosa,
Gera, and Guma) probably moved into these areas sometime
after the sixteenth century and took over what had been Sidamo
kingdoms. While conquering the Sidamo they also absorbed ele
ments from the Sidamo kingship system . In the late nineteenth
century the Galla of the southwestern provinces and districts be
gan to pay tribute to Menelik II , and some, like the Galla of
Jimma , had their own governor general .
The Galla of Arussi and Wollega were not conquered until the
91
end of the last century. Wollega had a Galla chief as ruler until
1945. Some of the Arussi and Wollega Galla are Muslim , but
most follow their traditional religion . Arussi is a well-endowed
province , with fertile grasslands and wild coffee trees, and
many of the Arussi Galla have large herds of cattle. A few , high
er on the plateau, are now settled cultivators.
The Galla of Shoa are nearly all Christians and settled culti
vators. There has been a great deal of intermarriage between
Amhara and Galla in this area, so that by the 1920s observers
reported great difficulty in telling the difference between them ,
and the process of amalgamation has continued since then .
The Galla of Wollo have been incorporated into the adminis
trative system only gradually. The Yaju Galla, who have mixed
a great deal with Afar -Saho peoples and dwell more on the low
lands than the plateau, provided a dynasty that actually ruled
Ethiopia during the eighteenth century until it was overthrown
by the Emperor Theodore (see ch. 3, Historical Setting ). Many
of the Galla in this area have been Muslims since the sixteenth
century; some revolted against Haile Selassie as late as 1929,
and many again revolted in 1948 and 1953 (see ch. 3, Historical
Setting ).
Yet, those Galla who have acted against the central authority
represent only a minority, and some Galla are highly placed in
both the government and the army. The late Empress Woizero
Menen, wife of Emperor Haile Selassie, was a Galla .
The Somali

The Somali people comprise two groups, a larger one various

ly called Somal or Northern Somali and a smaller one called the
Sab or, sometimes, the Southern Somali. The Somal are gener
ally pastoral nomads or seminomads, adapted to an arid en
vironment. By far the greatest number of Somali in Ethiopia (as
in Somalia) are Somal . The Sab in Somalia practice a mixed
economy of cattle husbandry and cultivation , but it is not clear
that their representatives in Ethiopia along the Kenya border do
so . Members of either division of the Somali may settle in river
ine towns .
Each of the major divisions comprises several clan families
clusters of clans that are in turn divided into greater and lesser
lineages, all based on descent from a common ancestor (see ch.
6, Social Structure ). Three clan families of Somal-Ishak in the
north , Darod in the center, and Hawiya in the south - are repre
sented in Ethiopia ; one clan family of Sab—the Digil - has mem
bers in southern Ethiopia .
The various segments (clans , lineages) rarely unite under one
banner, and they may quarrel as much with each other-usually
92
over water and grazing rights - as they do with the non-Somali
peoples on the borders of their traditional territory. Tradition
ally, they are an individualistic, proud people with a warrior
tradition , jealous of their rights and mistrustful of any authority
not based on kinship.
By the sixteenth century almost all the Somali groups had be
come Muslim, most having adopted Islam from the Arabs who
moved into the coastal areas of the Horn from Arabia. Most of
them, however, particularly those in the interior, retain aspects
of their indigenous belief and ritual system and have modified
Islam to their needs (see ch. 11 , Religion ).
Until the emergence of the modern Somali state in 1960 , no
substantial numbers of Somali had ever been politically unified
for long periods. Despite their lack of political unity, however,
they had developed a sense of ethnic unity and of their differ
ence from others . In their relations with the Amhara, the reli
gious difference has reinforced the ethnic barrier. The attitude
of Ethiopian Somali to the state is difficult to determine. Histor
ically, there has been a good deal of enmity, sometimes involv
ing armed conflict, between Somali and the Ethiopian govern
ment . On the other hand, some Somali have participated in the
government, and others are in the university.
The Somali language has been variously grouped into three or
four dialect clusters . The distribution of these among Ethiopian
Somali is uncertain, but one authority maintains that only one
of these dialects is spoken in Ethiopia.
Somali scripts have been developed but never universally or
officially accepted. Some literate Somali make limited use of the
Arabic script. The Somali have, however, developed a large
body of oral literature, chiefly poetry and folk tales in which
they use a literary language and a polished style with elaborate
rules ( see ch. 10, Artistic and Intellectual Expression) .
In ordinary speech the style is terse, but vocabulary and idio
matic expression are rich . Words are used with great subtlety
and skill not merely for expression but also to conceal meaning.
The Sidamo
Sidamo is the name of a specific language and its speakers,
who inhabit southwestern Ethiopia. It is also used as the name
of a closely related group of languages, of which Sidamo is only
one . There are at least five different groups of languages found
in this larger Sidamo group of Eastern Cushitic languages:
Alaba, Derasa, Hadiyya , Kambata, and Sidamo. These lan
guages, in turn , may be divided into two groups: northern
(Hadiyya) and central (in two subgroups - Kambata -Alaba and
Sidamo-Derasa ); in addition there is some evidence that a third,
93
southern group (Burji) may be close enough linguistically speak
ing, even though geographically separated , to be included in
the Sidamo group .
In a study carried out in 1968 and 1969 , the degree of mutual
intelligibility among the six languages was investigated. There
was a substantial degree of intelligibility between Kambata and
Alaba and between these and Hadiyya, as compared to the lack
of mutual intelligibility between these three languages and
Sidamo-Derasa. Sidamo and Derasa speakers were not as intel
ligible to each other as their position in the same subgroup
would suggest. Burji was not well understood by any of the
speakers of the other languages.
All of the Sidamo peoples were practitioners of a highly de
veloped agriculture that included terraced fields, plowing with
oxen (though many evidently still use iron - pointed sticks for
breaking up the soil) , and fertilization with animal manure.
They raise the same grain -based crops as the Amhara - Tigre, as
well as the ensete. In addition, maize, coffee, and tobacco are
major crops. Numerous herds of cattle, sheep, and horses are
kept, and dairy products are especially important. There are a
few groups on the edges of the present Sidamo areas, however,
who are essentially nomadic herding folk.
For the most part, the Sidamo peoples seem to adhere to their
original belief systems and, although some of them may profess
to be either Muslim or Christian , even among the majority of
these the old traditions remain strong. None of these groups had
a strong centralized organization. Instead they are generally
segmentary patrilineal clans governed largely by elders, whose
position is supported by a generational class system (see ch . 6 ,
Social Structure ).
In addition to this closely related group of peoples and their
languages, the term Sidamo is used in a much broader and am
biguous sense to cover all of the non-Galla Cushitic -speaking
peoples who live in southwestern Ethiopia , whether they speak
a Sidamo language or not. These peoples have a culture similar
to that of the Sidamo-speaking groups .
The westernmost of these peoples had, by the late fourteenth
century , established a number of independent kingdoms, the
most famous of which were those of Kaffa and Janjero. Again ,
the general Sidamo culture was characteristic of the groups,
with the exception of the religious practices of the people living
in Janjero , where human sacrifice was the chief feature of Jan
jero religious ritual .

The Afar ( Danakil) and Saho

The Afar, or Danakil, have a reputation as a fierce and war
like group. They occupy the most inhospitable area in the coun
94
try : the hot sand, lava, and scrub bush lowlands of the Danakil
Depression . There are perhaps 175,000 to 200,000 in Ethiopia
and an estimated 30,000 in the French territory of the Afar and
Issa . Physically they are almost indistinguishable from their
neighbors, and they have adopted Islam, although many of their
own local traditions have survived (see ch . 11 , Religion ). They
are organized in confederacies, tribes, and numerous clans, but
they have never been politically unified . They do, however, have
a strong sense of common identity.
The division between the northern Afar (chiefly in parts of
Eritrea and Tigre provinces) and the southern Afar ( eastern
Wollo and northern Hararge provinces) dates from the four
teenth century and perhaps earlier. Corresponding roughly to
these geographical division is the division between the red Afar,
mainly in the south , and the white Afar, mainly in the north .
The origin of the terms is obscure, but the divisions to which
they refer seem to be traditionally hostile to each other.
The northern groups periodically came under the control of
the rulers of Tigre, whereas those to the south came under the
suzerainty of the Shoa rulers. The southern area , Aussa, on the
Awash River is the only part of the area that is capable of sup
porting a permanently settled population. It was here that the
Sultanate of Aussa was established in the sixteenth century, and
it has since been maintained as a semi-independent govern
ing unit.
Almost all the Saho -speaking tribes are located in east -central
Eritrea. These peoples, numbering about 50,000 are grouped to
gether, since they speak a common language (Saho) and most
are Muslims . They do not identify themselves as Saho, however;
many are evidently of Afar origin , some clearly represent Arab
immigrants, and some originally were Tigre-speaking peoples of
the plateau area .
The majority of these groups are seminomadic, staying in the
coastal area during the winter but migrating westward into the
plateau, through areas inhabited by Tigrinya -speaking peoples,
to an area beyond the Marab River. Over the centuries they
have been extending westward, and more of them are becom
ing permanently settled, since they engage in some agriculture
in both their winter and summer settlement areas . The largest
unit of these people is that of the Asaorta group comprising five
tribes with a total population of about 18,000. A few Saho tribes
are Christian, but most are Muslim.

The Beja (Bedawiye)

The Beja language is a member of the Northern Cushitic
branch of the Cushitic family. The Beja tribal group is repre
sented in northeastern Eritrea by sections of the Hadendoa and
95
the Beni Amer, large numbers of whom live in the Sudan . They
are nomadic herdsmen who travel widely in search of forage
for their flocks and herds. Islam is the faith of the overwhelm
ing majority .
The largest group of Beja are the Beni Amer. They number
about 60,000 in Eritrea and about 100,000 in the Sudan. In addi
tion to their nomadic existence, which takes many of them back
and forth over the frontier between Ethiopia and the Sudan ,
many Ethiopian Beni Amer go to the Sudan to pick cotton at
certain times of the year . This constant crossing of the border
leads to friction between the Beni Amer and the central author
ities. In addition, their Islamic faith and the fact that so many of
their own tribesmen live in the Muslim state of the Sudan make
an opportunity for divided loyalties to arise. A few groups
around Akordet have given up their nomadic existence and
taken up a sedentary existence; a large number of the Beni
Amer are Tigre speaking. Like the neighboring Tigre-speaking
Bet Asgede, they have a social structure that includes a ruling
caste and serfs.

The Agau
The Amhara - Tigre generally refer to the original inhabitants
of the plateau, who are believed to have preceded them, as
Agau, and Agau is the Cushitic language that has exerted the
greatest influence on Geez and Amharic. Probably no more than
75,000 Agau speakers exist. The various dialects bear the names
of the groups speaking them . For centuries the Agau dialects
have been losing ground to the languages of the dominant cul
tures surrounding the Agau-speaking areas . On the plateau the
Agau speakers are increasingly speaking Amharic, with Agau
being used only in the home; in Eritrea it is losing ground to
Arabic and Tigre.
Historically, these agricultural peoples on the Ethiopian Pla
teau and in Eritrea have blended with their Semitic conquerors,
adopting their religion , culture, and language, leaving only a
few groups that have remained somewhat distinct. The major
Agau groups are the Awiya, or Kumfel, located in southern
Gojam between the Blue Nile and the Dinder; The Kemant,
Quarra, and Falasha, located around Lake Tanaand Gondar in
Begemder Province; the Kamta and Kharmir, in the old prov
ince (now district) of Lasta; and the Bogo, or Bilen, located in
the northern part of the Eritrean plateau, which is drained by
the Anseba River.
The Bilen (Bogo peoples in Eritrea , numbering about 24,000)
are organized into a number of tribes, the two largest of which
are the Bet Tarke and the Bet Takwe. Their Bilen dialect ap
96
pears to be losing ground to Tigre, which they use for all con
tacts with their neighbors . Until the Egyptian invasion of the
Keren region in the latter half of the nineteenth century , Mono
physite Christianity was the religion of the majority of the Bilen
peoples. Thereafter the majority converted to Islam, though
pockets of Ethiopian Christians are still found. In addition ,
there is a sizable group of Catholics , as well as a few Protes
tants converted by the Swedish Evangelical Mission .
The Falasha

The Falasha are located, for the most part, in the northern
part of Begemder and Tigre provinces and number about 30,000.
Their origin is obscure. Most scholars agree that they probably
are Agau peoples converted by Jewish missionaries from Yemen
in the third or fourth century A.D. to a primitive form of
Judaism , which they still practice (see ch. 11 , Religion ). The
Falasha themselves claim a variety of origins: some trace them
selves to Jews who accompanied Menelik I back to Ethiopia
from his visit to his father, King Solomon; others, to migrations
from Egypt or Jerusalem ( see ch . 3, Historical Setting).
The Falasha are indistinguishable in physical appearance
from the general Ethiopian type; they do not know Hebrew but
speak the language of the dominant group among whom they
live; their culture , other than religion , is basically the same as
that of other Ethiopians; some Falasha speak Agau dialects,
and some of their festivals and fasts have Agau names; Agau
is still used in the liturgy. The Falasha, in addition to their
main area of habitation , are scattered among the general Ethi
opian population . They do not own land but rent it from other
Ethiopians for farming. They also work as craftsmen . Usually,
they occupy separate areas within the villages of the dominant
group, but in some instances they live among their non-Falasha
neighbors. There is a tendency for other Ethiopians to look
down on them because of their religion as well as for their
participation in ironworking and pottery making, which are
considered menial work by both Christians and Muslims.
NILO -SAHARAN GROUPS

A number of peoples speaking languages of various branches

of the Nilo-Saharan language family live along the Ethiopian
Sudanese border. The Amhara - Tigre refer to these people as
shankella (blacks), but they are otherwise quite varied physical
ly. In the nineteenth and into the twentieth century these people
were raided for slaves both by the Amhara and by the Arabs of
the Sudan. The estimates of their total number in Ethiopia
97
range from 500,000 to 1 million ; there is very little current in
formation on them .
Despite the single name given them by the Amhara - Tigre, the
shankella are made up of a number of small tribes speaking, in
many cases , remotely related languages. All are settled agri
culturalists; some practice hunting, fishing, and herding as well.
Their social and familial systems vary, but only one, the
Kunama of southwesternmost Eritrea , has a system of matri
lineal descent. None have formed large-scale political units.
INTERETHNIC RELATIONS
Interethnic relations occur on two distinct levels. One em
braces the interaction of the dominant Amhara -Tigre group with
the other peoples making up the Ethiopian national polity. The
second level is concerned with the relationships of neighbor
ing groups .
In the first case , relationships are essentially unidirectional:
the Amhara - Tigre, particularly the Amhara, as the dominant
group both politically and culturally, are the prime motivators.
They receive very little feedback from the other groups in the
system and thus, although the non -Amhara - Tigre peoples are to
a greater or lesser degree acculturated to Amhara -Tigre culture,
the Amhara -Tigre are relatively unaffected by the culture of
these peoples .
This dominance of the Amhara -Tigre (and the expectation
that it will continue into the indefinite future) is based on two
factors . The first is size, the second relative cohesion . Next to
the Galla, the Amhara -Tigre are the largest ethnic group in
Ethiopia , constituting about a third of the total population as
opposed to the Galla's approximately 40 percent. Unlike the
Galla , however, the Amhara- Tigre are a politically and cultural
ly coherent group . The Galla do have an ethnic identification ,
but this has never been strong enough to be of any political use.
There are smaller groups, such as the Somali , that have both an
ethnic and a political awareness, but they are too small in num
bers to have any great effect on the dominant system.
This has not always been the case, however. At the beginning
of the nineteenth century when the Amhara kingdom of Shoa
was just beginning the expansion that would lead to the political
and cultural dominance of its people, it was realized , to at least
a certain extent, that the only hope of preserving the unity and
even the very existence of the country lay in a truly working
partnership between the semitized Amhara and the Cushitic
Galla . To a significant degree this ideal was carried out in Shoa.
In 1970 , however, there does not seem to be the same under
standing among the Amhara ruling groups that existed a cen
98
tury ago among their forebears. Although the approximately 10
percent of the Galla who have lived in Amhara-dominated areas
and , to a large degree, become acculturated to Amhara ways are
represented in the upper ranks of the military, of the civilian ad
ministration , and even in the newly educated elite, the great
majority of the Galla, who have not had this close relationship
with the Amhara are virtually excluded from similar positions.
As a reaction , a handful of frustrated Galla intellectuals talk
more and more of the need to preserve Galla culture and lan
guage and to study Galla history , which has been completely
neglected in the schools . The government sees this manifesta
tion of Galla self -awareness as a possible prelude to a Galla
nationalist movement and is especially alarmed because the
Galla problem cannot be treated as simply another case of
separatism , such as that posed by the Somali , but rather as a
question of who will rule Ethiopia-the traditional semitized
elements, who are a numerical minority, or the Galla, who are
the largest single group in the country.
The country is already to a substantial degree divided be
tween Amhara Christian elements and various Muslim groups
undergoing, in varying degrees, nationalistic pressures from out
side Islamic elements. This leaves the Galla as the only signif
icant non -Amharic group that is still to a large extent un
committed to either side .
According to one authority, the Amhara peasant's broadest
sense of group identity is with the Amhara ethnic group. He
regards Amhara as superior to all non -Amhara as well as to all
non -Ethiopians. Both physical and cultural characteristics form
the basis for this sense of superiority . The Amhara regard them
selves as distinctly more handsome than either the white or the
Negro. Culturally , their sense of self-identity is reinforced main
ly by religion and language.
To the Amhara peasants, their ethnic group is synonymous
with true Christianity, although they are aware of a small mi
nority of Amhara Muslims . The Amhara equates Christianity
with the Ethiopian Orthodox Church: Catholics and Protes
tants are considered to be no better than Muslims or pagans ,
the terms for which are used in a pejorative sense equivalent
to the English word heathen . Similarly, the Amhara's knowl
edge of his language is another measure of his inherent supe
riority, and Ethiopians who do not speak Amharic or who
speak it with an accent are looked down upon .
As far as the Amhara is concerned , he is one of a superior
class of human beings. That outlook is just as prevalent within
his own specifically Amharic society as it is in his relationship
with non-Amhara . Thus it is not only members of outside reli
99
gious and ethnic groups who are discriminated against but also
various categories of Amhara on the basis of sex , age, occu
pation , and social position (see ch. 6 , Social Structure).
Another experienced observer has noted that the Amhara
have a fairly clear hierarchy of preference or esteem for mem
bers of other groups, although none are considered the equals
of Amhara. At the highest level are the Christian Tigrinya
speaking people; next are the Christianized Galla. Non -Chris
tian (Muslim or pagan ) and other agricultural Cushitic-speak
ing peoples who ruled themselves before the Amhara con
quered them follow . Least esteemed are those identified as
manual laborers (Gurage and Falasha, among others ), hunting
and pastoral nomadic peoples (Somali , Afar, pastoral Galla),
and negroid ex-slaves .
The only group that, to some extent, is capable of seeing the
future of the nation as a whole , consists of the Western - edu
cated intellectuals. According to one foreign observer who
taught at the Haile Selassie I University, Amhara , Tigre, Galla,
and Sidamo Christian and Muslim intellectuals worked together
with little, if any, trace of those ethnic prejudices found in the
country's population at large.
Interethnic relationships at the local level are more complex.
At various times one group has fought with and sometimes
dominated another, exacting tribute or taking slaves. Local
relations of this kind prevailed well into the twentieth century ,
for it was only after World War II , and gradually even then ,
that reasonably effective administrative control began to take
hold in many districts . Memories of these conflicts still affect
the way in which different groups consider each other. On the
other hand , in some areas there is some economic interdepen
dence in the sense that the products produced by one group
are regularly exchanged in peaceful market situations for goods
produced by another (see ch . 21 , Domestic Trade ).

100
 CHAPTER 6

SOCIAL STRUCTURE

As it has been for centuries, Ethiopian society was domi

nated in 1970 by the Amhara . Although politically and numer
ically less important, the Christian ( Southern ) Tigre shared
the cultural dominance of the Amhara . In some respects,
Amhara social structure, locally varied as it was , provided
the pattern for an emerging national structure. Portions of
other ethnic groups, such as the Shoan Galla and many of the
Agau peoples, are integrated into Amhara - Tigre society as
more or less full participants.
Most groups, including the Galla, who do not live on the
Central Plateau have been affected in varying degrees by
Amhara control, but their involvement in national structures
is limited. Some peoples, such as the Gurage and the Sidamo,
have been incorporated into the modern state as conquered
peoples; their status is low, but central government controls
over their daily existence are minimal, and they have been
able to maintain their own local social structure to a large
extent. Other groups, mainly nomadic, such as the Somali,
Afar (Danakil), and some of the Galla, maintain an even more
self-contained social organization.
The social structure of the Amhara -Tigre is marked by the
significance of highly personalized ties between persons of
importance (patrons) and their dependents (clients) . Such ties
continue to be based largely on the differential relationship
to land: the patron generally holds primary rights to land, and
>

the client holds one of several kinds of secondary rights. There

are, however, other bases for hierarchical relationships. In
some contexts membership in the clergy of the Ethiopian Or
thodox Church gives authority. Military exploits have always
given prestige; in recent history, active and putatively heroic
participation in the resistance to the Italian occupation has
been a source of rank and other rewards. The reputation for
military heroism is converted to real status and power, how
ever, only if it resulted in the conquest of land or, in the mid
twentieth century , in gifts of land, usually from the Emperor.
Titles, of which a variety are available and avidly sought,
are another characteristic of the hierarchical pattern of Ethio
101
pian society. The possession of a title entitles a holder to the
formal deference of those beneath him and to a range of priv
ileges that may be retained even if the holder loses his material
base .
Despite the importance of hierarchy in Amhara-Tigre society ,
a highly stratified set of social groups or classes has not de
veloped. The significance of personal ties between patron and
client and the relative autonomy of each rural area under its
lord have made for local systems of stratification rather than
a national one . Moreover, until the latter half of the twentieth
century there were no significant differences between the or
dinary peasant and a major holder of primary rights in land
(a lord) in lifestyle, values, or world view . Such differences
are gradually emerging, but they affect the younger educated
group rather than the traditional rural gentry. Nevertheless,
the growth of cultural differences, of cities, and of easier com
munications between one area and another may be conducive
to the development of a national structure.

HIERARCHY IN AMHARA-TIGRE SOCIETY

Inequality is manifest in all interpersonal relations and in

group organizations at all levels . Associated with this pattern
of social relations is the belief that hierarchy is essential to
order, that aggressiveness and untrustworthiness are the basic
human characteristics, and that order can be maintained only
by the authority of a strong personal leader (see ch. 12, Social
Values ).
The patron-client relationship is the strongest organizing
force on any level, local or national. The sense of belonging to
a community with shared duties and privileges is virtually non
existent. Amhara see social action as motivated primarly by
narrowly conceived self -interest. The Amhara - Tigre peasant
prefers a neighbor who “ does not push the boundaries,” be
lieving that “ home and the grave are by oneself” (see ch. 12,
Social Values).
The most important social group on the local level is the
household. The household is not based primarily on kinship ,
however, but on clientship . The Amharic word betiseb literally
means house people and recognizes a coresident group rather
than one based on kinship. Relations within a household are
basically defined as those between its head, getay (literally ,
my master), and the persons who are supported by him and
serve him. An outsider may find difficulty in distinguishing
the household head's children from other young dependent
relatives or even servants. This pattern is characteristic of any
102
household, whether it be that of a peasant or the great domain
of an important member of the gentry (see ch. 7, Family ).
Cooperative work arrangements are sometimes made on an
ad hoc basis to cope with specific problems, but these are ex
ceptions to the general patterns of household autonomy. When
there is a great deal of plowing or harvesting to be done, a
group of men take turns helping one another; if a man has a
specific job (such as putting up a new roof) that is too big for
him to do alone, yet cannot be repaid by reciprocal action, he
sends word to his neighbors. Those that help him are given
large quantities of talla (beer) and dabo (whole wheat bread ).
One other more or less spontaneous manifestation of coopera
tive effort occurs at times of extreme crisis, such as death,
serious illness, or fire. At these times friends and relatives will
bring food and drink and help in any way possible.
Land and Social Stratification
The land tenure system developed in association with , and
as the foundation for, the military, political, and religious insti
tutions of the country. Land was, and often continues to be,
given as a reward for, or in lieu of, pay for military, political,
or religious service. The type of reward is directly related to
the kind of service rendered and to the obligations assumed
by the recipient.
A person's place in local Amhara - Tigre social structure and,
to a significant degree, in the emerging national structure de
pends on the nature of the rights he holds in land. A lord is a
man who holds primary rights by virtue of conquest or through
a gift from the Emperor - or, in earlier days, from a regional
king (negus ) -or who has inherited such rights from an earlier
conqueror or recipient of a gift. From such a lord, a peasant
may hold a variety of secondary rights ranging from inalienable
and heritable tenure to various forms of tenancy .
The general term for land that cannot be taken from its hold
er is rist. A holder of such land can leave it to his children . In
most cases he has inherited it from one of his parents. In the
ory rights in any piece of rist land are held by a lineage but,
since men and women may inherit land from either parent,
the membership of the group that holds rist rights is difficult
to define, and in practice the individual who holds rist land is
considered its owner. The government recognizes rist as in
dividually owned land and taxes it on this basis .
In effect, there are two kinds of rist rights, primary and
secondary. Generally, a lord (patron) holds primary rights and
most peasants (his clients) hold secondary rights. The differ
ence lies largely in the fact that a peasant cannot usually sell
103
his land except to the lord or with the lord's approval. The
lord, however, cannot as a rule deprive the peasant of his rist
land or prevent its transfer to the peasant's kinsmen .
Through the fourth decade of the twentieth century , many
Amhara - Tigre peasants and most non -Amhara - Tigre on land
controlled by Amhara in southern and southwestern Ethiopia
held land under Amhara lords in some kind of tenancy or
sharecropping arrangement. After the Italian occupation the
number of peasant rist holders was greatly expanded. In 1970
approximately 90 percent of the peasants inhabiting the ances
tral Amhara - Tigre homelands were rist holders. The rist hold
ings of many households, however, were too small to support
them so that their members often farmed the land of others
as tenants .
If a peasant owns his own land, his position is fairly secure;
if he does not own land, he is found socially and sometimes
financially wanting. Even if a man is wealthy but owns no land
( for example, a merchant ), his voice carries almost no weight
among his neighbors, and his advice is rarely sought.
Other categories of landownership give further rights and
privileges, though few , if any , peasants own rights under these
conditions. Gult land is given to individuals who have shown
extraordinary heroism or loyalty to the Emperor. A holder of
gult land is exempt from certain tax and, in former days, trib
ute obligations . In addition , the owner of gult lands was re
ieved of the obligation of supplying corvée labor from among
his dependent population. But gult, unlike rist, is not an in
alienable inheritance, and the owner can be made to give it
up at the will of the Emperor.
Historically, the recipient of a very large grant of gult lands
was expected to equip his peasants and lead them into battle
as the need arose. Most peasants lived in a sharecropping
relationship with the holder of gult lands . The authority to
exercise certain local government functions, very often quite
lucrative, also was , and continues to be, given to the holders
of large gult lands .
Ristegult combines the assets of gult ownership and the
permanence of rist. Except for actions of gross disloyalty, land
held in this way is never taken away from the recipient. Like
gult , it is given , as far as is known , to already -important per
>

sonages by the Emperor for actions far and above the call of
duty.
Two additional forms of land tenure are concerned with ten
ant farming. A chisenya (tenant) farms the rist land held by
another man on a share basis, the shares varying from area to
area . A chisenya lives on the land he is farming. One who
104
farms land but does not live on it is a tegazhe, which can be
translated as sharecropper. A rist holder whose holding is in
adequate may be a tegazhe on another's land. Neither the
chisenya nor the tegazhe is listed on the tax roll. It is the rist
holder's responsibility to pay the taxes on the land, even if
the sharecropper defaults.
Thus, in some instances, the tenant or sharecropper may find
himself in a better economic position than the rist holder. He
is not tied to certain properties that, because of soil depletion,
may not produce as well as they had at one time. He may also
contract to farm more land, if he is capable, than a rist holder
may have inherited . In sum, the situation of the tenant in many
ways is more flexible than that of the rist holder, and he is
more easily able to take advantage of opportunities as they
arise. On the other hand, a man with no rist land lacks the
status of a rist holder .
Although it gives a certain sense of security to the peasant,
rist ownership ties him to his land. The peasant who wishes to
go elsewhere may either give or sell his rights to the land to a
brother, son , or daughter, or he may leave such a person as
chisenya and receive a part of the profits gained from the land.
In both these cases the lord cannot interfere because there has
been no change in the lineage of the people who work the land.
If, however, a peasant takes on as a tenant another who is not
a member of his lineage, the local lord may dispute this ar
rangement, and litigation is likely . The successful outcome of
this form of absentee ownership is probably dependent upon
the status of the farmer with his lord .
If a peasant tries to sell his rist to one who is not a kinsman ,
he must first ask the lord if he wishes to buy it, even if he has
someone else already in mind. If the lord decides to buy the
land, he sets a price that he considers appropriate, and gen
erally the peasant must settle for that. If the lord allows the
peasant to sell his land to another, he expects a gratuity. If the
peasant has found a prospective buyer and has been offered a
price for his rist rights, and the lord decides to make a lower
offer, the peasant must accept the lord's offer. This can be
taken to court, which may decide that the price be raised, but
the peasant still must sell his land to the lord .
A peasant may leave the land and retain his rights if he
keeps up his payments for government and church taxes. Very
few peasants are able to do so and, if they default, the gov
ernment will take their land away. Formerly, the land auto
matically reverted to the lord. In the 1960s the government
gave him the first option of taking it for the amount of tax
owed . If the lord exercises this option , he usually evicts the
105
peasant, who has no redress. If the lord does not exercise his
option, then members of the evicted peasant's lineage of the
same generation are given the opportunity to own the land.
Later generations have no claim.
The peasant rist holder has some freedom of action , but the
local lord usually has the upper hand. If the peasant transfers
his rist rights within the prescribed limits of lineal possession
as delineated in rist holding procedure, the lord cannot exer
cise his primary rist rights. If, however, the peasant sells his
rist to another, either to the lord or to someone of his choos
ing, it is often at an economic loss . The lord always has the
choice of either selling the rist to someone else or of reincor
porating it into his own domains. As holder of primary rist
over the same land, the lord is always secure in his investment.
The peasant has certain obligations to his local church . He
must do maintenance work on church property if called upon;
he should attend the services of his local church ; and the fam
ily priest (yenesaha abat) should be selected from among the
priests at this local church. Most important of all, all members
must be buried in the sanctified ground surrounding the local
church , one of the best sources of income to the parish clergy.
Until the early 1960s the rist-holding peasant also paid his
taxes through the local lord, who kept a portion of them. Since
then the peasant has paid taxes directly to the local admin
istrators representing the central government, a procedure that
seems to have resulted in a lesser burden on him.

Land and Amhara Control of Non-Amhara

The sharecropping peasants in the northern and southern
regions of the country have lived under two very different sets
of circumstances. In the northern, predominantly Amhara
Tigre, provinces, where the peasant was likely to be of the
same ethnic and religious affiliation as the lord, the weight of
taxes (or their equivalent) was relatively light in comparison
with the amount paid by the peasants sharecropping the south
ern provinces . The people indigenous to the south - Gurage and
various Cushitic-speaking groups - tended to be either Muslim
or followed their own tribal religions, were of different ethnic
origin from the Amhara - Tigre, and have always been consid
ered conquered peoples by them (see ch . 3, Historical Setting;
ch.5 , Ethnic Groups and Languages).
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Menelik
II assigned land to his soldiers . The inhabitants of the land
members of the conquered southern and western tribes - were-

gabaroch (those who pay tribute ). These gabaroch - Sidamo,

shankella (see Glossary), and some of the Galla groups - were
106
treated as virtual slaves . Tribute in the form of labor was re
quired as often as every third day and , since there were no
uniform regulations as to the share of the crop to which the
landholder was entitled , the gabaroch must at times have been
in a condition approaching starvation. In contrast, one day's
labor a week in addition to a usually small portion of the crop
was the Amhara tenant farmer's obligation . The only defense
of the non-Amhara against the lords was escape into another
province. In the days of intensive slave trading, however, which
did not end until well into the twentieth century, attempted
escape frequently led to their capture by other lords, who sold
them into slavery .
Certain legal changes have resulted in some alleviation of
the burden of the gabaroch. Slavery has been to all intents and
purposes abolished , although former slaves are kept as family
retainers in some cases . Legally since 1944 tenants of any type
-chisenya, tegazhe, or gabaroch - cannot be forced to provide
services to their landlords and , since the establishment of a
paid , centralized army, there has been no need for the tenant
to support local troops.
The promulgation , at least on paper, of a more uniform cen
tral taxation system also has alleviated the burden carried by
the small tenant farmer. There is some evidence, however,
that a local or subdistrict governor has from time to time ille
gally called the tenant farmer to work on roads or to perform
other public or personal services.
As low as the tenant farmer, Amhara or non -Amhara , is on
the social ladder, he still feels himself to be superior to the
man who has no land to work and makes his living in a skilled
occupation or as a hired laborer. The blacksmith, weaver,
trader, skin dresser, or potter, even when he is a member of
the same ethnic group , is felt to be inferior to the peasant
tenant.

Amhara - Tigre Nobility

There are two groups of nobility. One is the small group of
nobles related to the imperial family and who , like them, trace
their origin to Solomon and the Queen of Sheba . With the ex
ception of several provincial governors, most of these persons
reside in Addis Ababa , where they serve at the highest levels
of government; others fill important diplomatic posts . In gen
eral , their influence comes directly from the Emperor himself,
and without his support they have very little power.
The second group consists of those who live in the country
side - essentially a landed gentry rather than a noble caste
set off from the surrounding peasantry. When such persons
107
migrate to Addis Ababa, they tend to fill middle-level bureau
cratic jobs in the central administration . Their prestige and
power are based on their ownership of land and the concom
itant political and economic control they exercise over the
peasantry inhabiting that land .
In theory, all political power, wealth, and positions ultimately
derive from the Emperor. In fact, a man's power usually is
achieved by having control over large areas of land together
with the peasants that inhabit it. In the past the Emperor has
chiefly been differentiated from other nobility by the amount
of land and size of the population inhabiting it under his
control.
The increasing centralization of government power under
Haile Selassie has established a much greater distinction be
tween the position of the Emperor and the other nobility, but
the significance of large landholdings as a source of difference
between the Emperor and the nobility remains. The Emperor
and the royal family have personal estates, and the distinction
between various types of state land and the personal holdings
of the Emperor is loosely drawn and often does not exist.
The formal granting of titles of nobility by the Emperor was,
in principle, independent of control over land and its inhabi
tants. In fact, however, most titles were military titles, and
they were given in association with grants of gult or ristegult
land as rewards for military services, although other kinds of
services were also recognized. Historically, when the extent of
the Emperor's rule was circumscribed and he could muster
little personal military power, regional lords assumed titles,
including that of ras (prince or duke) or even negus (king ), of
the region over which they exercised dominion, and the Em
peror had no choice but to recognize the right to the title. Since
the 1950s the Emperor has had much greater control over the
allocation of titles. Among other things, in his effort to cen
tralize and unify the country, he has not granted the title of
negus to anyone thus far in his reign.
The Emperor grants all the titles of nobility , and none out
side those of the royal family is hereditary. Historically, how
ever, the descendants of a nobleman could aspire to and win
the title their fathers held more easily than anyone else, al
though they had to prove themselves loyal and give service.
Only mental or physical deficiencies, treason, and imperial
disfavor excluded the son of a nobleman from attaining the
same or nearly the same title that his father had. Not all the
children of a nobleman now obtain titles, but the child of a
nobleman has a much better chance, because of his father's
108
economic, social , and political position , to obtain an education
and eventual placement in the government.
Most noble titles are military titles although since the mid
twentieth century these military titles have often been given
to civil functionaries, and the modern Ethiopian military has
converted to ranks similar to those of other modern armies
(see ch . 25, The Armed Forces ). Other titles were more specif
ically related to the administrative role rather than the mil
itary. Historically, principle court functionaries received these.
The military titles, at least in the higher echelons , tended to
be given to nobles who had their own power bases in the
provinces and the more specifically court and administrative
titles, to the nobles who were entirely dependent upon the
Emperor for their authority (see table 4 ).
The word for nobility is makuannent (singular, makonnen)
and is used in referring to all secular leaders, from the pros
perous peasants up to the Emperor himself. In 1970 makuan
nent was also the term used to designate any commissioned
military officer.
All titles are theoretically conferred by the Emperor. His
torically, however, if a provincial lord were strong enough, he
could pronounce himself ras or even negus of a given region,
and the Emperor would have to accept him as such. Also, any
makonnen who held the rank of ras or dejazmatch (general
of the gate ) could appoint his own lesser officers. According
to the circumstances of a nobleman, the actual number of
troops commanded by him varied considerably. In addition ,
among the armies of the various lords , there was considerable
variation in status ; thus a fitawrari (leader of the advance
guard) from the army of the Emperor would have a higher
status than a fitawrari from the army of a dejazmatch from
one of the outlying provinces.
The actual duties of the holders of many offices often had
little to do with their titles no matter how specifically they
were worded . The essential criterion was that the holder of one
or more of these titles controlled the people who did the actual
job, at least on the lower levels . The holders of titles that were
actually job descriptive were not really the heads of function
ally specific hierarchies set up by the Emperor to aid him in
administering the country. Whenever a specific task arose, any
high official might be called upon to see that it was success
fully carried out. In time of war the true unspecialized nature
of these offices was readily apparent for all officeholders were
first and foremost warriors .
Traditionally, it was especially important for every lord to
109
 Table 4. Major Titles Used in Ethiopia
Title Translation or interpretation

Negusa Nagast King of Kings (Emperor)

negus King; none appointed under Emperor Haile
Selassie I
Traditional Military :
ras
Head (of any army); prince, duke. Title held
by crown prince and a few other leading
nobles .
dejazmatch General of the king's gate ; given to some pro
vincial governors and others .
fitawrari General of the vanguard; given to governors
of subprovinces, high provincial civil
servants and some others.
gannazmatch .
General of the right wing .*
gerazmatch General of the left wing. *
balambaras Commander of a fort.
shalaqa Chief of a thousand men .
basha Commander of aa rifle corps.
Court
bitwoded Literally, beloved . Given to ex -ministers and
special confidants of the Emperor.
blatengetta Chief administrator of the palace.
tsahafi tezaz Royal scribe; keeper of the seal (two) .
bajirond Guardian of royal property, treasurer (two).
liqa makuas King's double and keeper of the king's mule.
Administrative
afa negus Literally, mouth of the king; lord chief justice
azazh
liq (Gondar) Royal judges
Wambar (Shoa)
naggadras Head of merchants; customs collector and
chief official over merchants.
tsahafilam
nagash Various titles given to provincial governors .
shum
kantiba
makuannent Local gult-holding lords representing the Em
meslane } peror or provincial governors.
*Given to those who have rendered special service to the country.

Source: Adapted from Allan Hoben, “Social Stratification in Traditional Am

hara Society,” pp. 187-224 in Arthur Tuden and Leonard Plotnicov, So
cial Stratification in Africa , 1969; and Donald N. Levine, Wax and Gold ,
1965.

have a military title. After this was procured, a court title and
a gezat (governorship ), together with a grant of gult land, were
especially sought after. Once all this had been accomplished,
the lord could establish his own court with its own hierarchy
of officials, mirroring on a smaller scale the grand court of the
Emperor. Thus the ideal type of makuannent was at the same
time governor, soldier, and courtier.
110
 Theoretically, a lord's land, political strength , and titles were
dependent on the Emperor or, in the case of a lesser noble, on
his overlord . In practice, this varied with the relative strength
of the Emperor, any overlord , and the rest of the nobility. Even
a strong Emperor had to make many compromises with the
more powerful and distant lords ; however, during most of the
country's history the ideal was no more than that.
The nobility has never been a closed group cut off from the
peasantry. Nobles and free commoners were often kinsmen .
Although it was , and still is , difficult for a commoner to rise
to noble status, the chances for upward mobility were perhaps
greater than in societies in which the feudal nobility had be
come established as a separate estate. This was especially true
for individuals who excelled in military skills ; for example,
two Galla prisoners were appointed to the highest general rank
by Menelik II . One reason the emperors liked to appoint low
born or even slave subjects to extremely high positions was
that their lack of ties to powerful aristocratic familes made
them quite trustworthy.
The offspring of the nobility tended to enter into their ranks,
as they still do , but it has never been automatic. In each gen
eration every member of the nobility has had to be raised , not
only confirmed in his right, to noble status.
The ruler, whether the Emperor or one of the powerful pro
vincial lords, had two main considerations in the granting or
regranting of titles: the recipient should be capable of leading
a significant following, and he must be loyal. Depending upon
the circumstances, one of these criteria was usually placed
above the other by the ruler in his constant struggle to balance
the minimum amount of delegated power with the maximum
amount of loyalty in relation to himself.

Lord and Peasant

Although it is not readily apparent from the Ethiopian Civil

Code, the relationship between the government bureaucracy
and the ordinary peasant is rarely direct. In the great majority
of cases, and in all important ones, any dealings between the
bureaucracy and the peasant are routed through the local lord,
who in this role is called balabbat (a word meaning simply a
local notable) or one who comes from a distinguished family .
These balabbat are in direct control of the peasant population,
a position fully recognized by the central government, which
regards the local lords as being the appropriate intermediaries
in all important contacts between the peasantry and the bu
reaucratic hierarchy.
The continuing importance of the local lord in modern gov
ernment is an adaptation to an existing situation. The local
111
lords existed long before the central government, and for the
central government to be viable it had to take their interests
into account. There is nothing new in this; the history of the
country is one of a constant sharing of power, whether willingly
or unwillingly, by the central and the peripheral elites (see ch. 3,
Historical Setting ).
The lords were not members of a culturally distinct social
class in the traditional Amhara - Tigre areas. In portions of the
country annexed by force and inhabited mainly by other ethnic
groups, they tended to treat the population harshly and, in
return , were hated by their subjects. In the home territories,
however, the lord was considered as one of the people, albeit
with much more prestige and power. He was often a kinsman
to some of them and traced his descent from the same common
ancestor as many. The peasant might grumble about the obli
gations he owed his lord's surroundings — which added to his
own prestige - and any gifts or titles he might receive. On the
other hand, it was assumed that those who had power would
abuse it (see ch. 12, Social Values) .
In every social interaction among the Amhara - Tigre, ex
plicit and formal deference was shown to one's superior and
particularly to a lord or high titleholder. During feasts the lord
sat at the head of the table with guests seated both to his left
and right in order of their status . Sometimes the lord was even
seated at the table behind a curtain to further emphasize his
high rank.
When a lord left his living quarters, a crowd of people sought
to gain his attention , usually to ask him to judge a lawsuit of
some sort. The group always arranged itself in order of status,
the men of higher status immediately to his left and right and
those of lower status on the curving ends of a crescent, so that
all could see the lord and he could see all of them.
A lord traveled with as large a retinue of gunbearers as his
position permitted. If he was of very high status, mounted men
announced his approach by beating drums. Peasants were re
quired to dismount if they were riding and bow to the lord as
he came near them. If the lord traveled through his own lands,
peasants would leave their fields and follow the procession for
a considerable distance. In the rural areas much of this pattern
still prevails .
The peasant's deference to the lord's authority, however,
was, and is , often nothing more than a useful pose held only
until ways of getting around an order can be devised. The cul
ture allows for ways of getting around a strict order from a
superior or even some traditional obligations that the subor
dinate would be expected to carry out without thinking. Status
112
differences demand a good deal of stylized differential behav
ior, but there are ways of mitigating, modifying, or even ignor
ing these demands.
The local society formed by the lord and those peasants de
pendent upon him has many of the characteristics of a closed
system . Their main concerns fall entirely within their own local
system , and only an event such as the Muslim invasion of the
sixteenth century or the Italian invasion of this century would
impinge on their local concerns strongly enough to push ex
ternal considerations to the fore. To a substantial extent, the
local system remained autonomous .
The balabbat's main societal function is primarily distributive
and redistributive, especially in matters of inheritance. An
Amhara inherits property from both parents, and usually every
one in the family is left some part of the inheritance, although
the amount may vary . An individual peasant's landholdings
will therefore tend to be smaller with each succeeding genera
tion. In addition, the land may become exhausted from over
planting. In such cases the local lord may intervene and try to
work out some equitable arrangement whereby the land will
not have to be split up into so many small individual holdings,
or he may even sell another portion of his land. The lord also
intervenes when it appears that the subsistence needs of the
local church seem to be threatened .

Local Gentry and the Church

The lord's relationship with the local church is quite close. In
some instances he may be its local head. In any case it is his
duty to see that the taxes or service obligations due from the
peasants who work church lands (semon ) are fulfilled . In addi
tion , he sees that his people attend the services and feasts of
the church on all important holidays.
If the lord is also the head of a church , his main functions
will probably be concerned with administrative problems. It is
his duty to see that the proper number of priests, debtera (see
Glossary ), and deacons are on hand. The obligations of those
who cultivate church lands are paid directly to him, and from
this revenue he pays the clergy. The local balabbat is ulti
mately responsible for the safety of the tabot (sacred ark), the
books, and any other treasures that the church may own , al
though the head priest takes immediate responsibility for the
sacred items. Thus the lord has two main duties to the com
munity as a whole ; he plans for the best utilization of the avail
able land, and he makes sure that the secular peasantry sup
plies a monetary return to the church that will cover the
expenses incurred by the clergy in pursuit of their ritual duties.
113
 The lord also has a judicial function . It is in this role that he
most clearly becomes a representative of the central govern
ment , but his relationship with the government means only
that he receives government directives concerning the peasants
and that the government looks to him for help in transforming
such directives into action.
The lord sits in judgment over minor litigation among the
members of his domain dealing with cases of insult, assault,
petty damage to property, and petty theft. He also grants
divorces, guarantees contracts, and has charge of police re
sponsibilities. The lord, in his capacity as local magistrate, is
responsible for publishing official announcements from pro
vincial headquarters and bringing them to everyone's attention .
If the lord holds gult rights, he has the right and the responsi
bility of organizing and commanding the local militia .
The Nobility and National Power
Members of the nobility at the center of power have usually
been descendants of the major regional dynasties and the
great Shoan families that have been close to the throne since
the time of Menelik II (see ch . 3 , Historical Setting). Although
>

their families usually have a power base in the provinces, the

direct influence of the men in Addis Ababa has been based
as much on their political and military prowess as on their
hereditary landholdings even though the latter gives them the
opportunity for political and military exploits.
The influence and the numbers of the great nobility have
lessened over the years because of the Emperor's centralizing
policies, the expansion of the government, and the growing
importance of modern , rather than traditional, qualifications
for holding high office (see ch. 14 , Political Dynamics and
Values). A nobleman in 1970 had less prestige than his father.
If he had acquired a modern education, the distinction be
tween him and the other officials was reduced , but he gained
no status comparable to that of his father in the older system .
The nobleman's personal political and military power has
traditionally been the prime reason for his position at court.
This independent power base led any Emperor to prefer to
entrust the most influential positions to men whom he himself
raised to high office. This has had the effect of causing the
nobility to form what might be termed a loyal opposition
among the groups of courtiers surrounding the throne. They
have always been the chief opponents of the Emperor's chosen
men. Since it is they who have lost most through the central
izing policies of the Emperor, it is not surprising that all of the
revolts against the Emperor, including the one in 1960, have
been led by the nobility.
114
 There is a great deal of intermarriage among the great noble
families, and they have all become linked by a wide-ranging
network of family relationships. The cohesiveness of the group
has been maintained in large part by this network of overlap
ping relationships and has provided each member with large
numbers of cousins as well as relatives by marriage who may
be depended upon for political support.
A few families of the great nobility have married members
of the lesser nobility or of nonnoble families. This further in
creases the political power of the nobility by giving it family
ties with powerful nonnoble families. The high nobility also
maintains contact with other groups through the many non
noble retainers. The nobility may deem it useful to work with
other groups, but it seldom is willing to subordinate itself to
men of lower status . On occasions where a nobleman works
closely as a subordinate to one of the Emperor's highly placed
nonnoble officials, he gains nothing but disapproval from his
fellow noblemen .
The nobility has , for the most part, filled the more traditional
posts in the central government, such as defense, interior, and
justice. It is not, however, a solidly conservative group; some
of the younger educated nobility took a large part in the coup
attempt of 1960. Also , when the Emperor restructured the cen
tral administration in an effort to give it a more liberal look,
he largely accomplished this by giving ministry portfolios to
younger noblemen .
Thus the nobility's place in the central government is dimin
ishing slowly in importance. The main role played by this
group is as an intermediary between the central government
and the more traditional sectors .
The Western- Educated Elite

The Western-educated elite's urbanized existence is new,

and the group is clearly differentiated from the old nobility.
The persons making up this elite may be considered a kind of
nobility, however, because they perpetuate the traditional hier
archical relationship of a privileged status group vis-a-vis a
superior, in this case the Emperor. The most important mem
bers of this group are the men who make up the highest ranks
of government officialdom - ministers, vice ministers , and assist
ant ministers - all of whom function essentially as a personal
administrative staff for the Emperor .
To a large extent, this new elite is made up of persons from
the traditional nobility who have in a sense relinquished tradi
tional personal ambition for various reasons , including marital
connections, the promise of new benefits, and the influence
of the idea of nationalism , which has broadened their provin
115
cial particularism . Despite the influence of nationalism, how
ever , they are often spokesmen for regional interests.
Members of the new elite other than representatives of the
old nobility were recruited on the basis of two criteria; loyalty
to the Emperor and ability to deal with the requirements of
modern government and economy. Loyalty is often the more
important of the two. Just as former emperors raised those of
very humble origins to positions of high prestige and power
because their loyalty was more certain than that of a noble
man who was already a powerful provincial leader, so too does
Emperor Haile Selassie. The new offices, however, are civil
and administrative, whereas the former were usually military.
Many have been raised to positions of power on their ability
as well as their loyalty. Thus, according to Professor Donald N.
Levine of the University of Chicago, there are really three sub
groups making up the group known as the Western - educated
elite: adjusted aristocrats, ambitious parvenus, and intellectual
members of the bureaucracy. The differing attitudes held by
the various groups have caused tensions among them .
As an urban group, the new elite has a style of life very
different from the traditional nobility. Wealth is no longer
measured in terms of land and cattle but of money . The old
nobility lived on mountain estates or in army tents, but mem
bers of the new elite , even if sent out to a provincial post, try
to maintain homes in Addis Ababa . They show a mixture of
Western and traditional practices. They consume substantial
quantities of Western goods , such as automobiles (complete
with chauffeurs ), European clothes, modern houses, and Scotch
whiskey , but they still keep numerous retainers, who perform
the traditional range of personal services for their employers.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church and the Ethiopian state
have long been linked in a close relationship in which the state,
in the person of the Emperor, has been the dominant partner.
Although the Emperor has usually been the stronger political
ly , the church has always kept a quasi-independent status, in
part derived from its long association with the Egyptian Coptic
Church (Patriarchate of Alexandria ) and its universally recog
nized spiritual supremacy. For an Emperor to rule effectively,
he had to be consecrated in the church , and withdrawal of
church support has usually proved decisive in bringing about
the downfall of an Emperor . Thus the church , like the nobility,
has historically had a semi-independent status vis -à -vis the
throne and , like the nobility, has been reduced in influence by
the centralizing efforts of Haile Selassie (see ch . 3, Historical
Setting; ch . 11 , Religion ).
116
 The Emperor gained the power of appointment in the church
only with the Ethiopian church's separation from the Egyptian
church . The newly won autonomy of the Ethiopian church has
both satisfied Ethiopian nationalists and cut the church off
from outside sources that the Emperor could not control. A
further attempt at centralization of church affairs has been the
appointment of one bishop for each of the provinces, so that
the diocesan organization would duplicate the government
administrative one; however, as with the nobility, the church
is so firmly rooted in the Christian provinces that, in spite of
efforts by the government at complete centralization, it has
been able to keep a great deal of its autonomy in those areas
away from the center of governmental power.
The close relationship between religion and politics is also
shown by the regional composition of the government. The
Galla of Wollo and Wollega provinces were only allowed into
active participation in the political system after their leaders
had been converted to Ethiopian Christianity. Their ensuing
marriages into the Shoan royal dynasty would have been im
possible if the conversions had not taken place. In comparison ,
the southern provinces have had almost no representation in
the central government; they also happen to be the provinces
where there is a Muslim majority. In fact, there had been no
Muslim minister until an Eritrean Muslim was appointed min
ister of posts in 1966. Of the 138 senior central government
officials that have been appointed since 1945, only 6 have been
Muslim; 3 of these came from Eritrea , 2 were Somali , and 1
was from Harar. This paucity of Muslims taking part in the
government of a country where they form a considerable per
centage of the population does not reflect an active discrim
ination so much as it points to the fact that this is only one
sphere of many, including education , military, patronage, and
political groups , in which they have simply been left out be
cause of their not being considered members of the Christian
Amhara -Tigre cultural community.
The members of the clergy are not members of the nobility.
The abune (archbishop ), his deputy, and the chief monks of
some of the monasteries, however, are considered close to the
ranks of the high nobility. The abune officially is part of the
government, and he and other members of the upper clergy
participate in the councils of the Emperor. In the provinces
the various bishops are considered to be at least on the same
level socially, economically, and politically as the provincial
governors .
The lower orders of the clergy, including the ordinary priest,
the head of a church , and the various other officials connected
with the local chruch , derive status not only from their religious
117
office but also from the fact that the church owns land that
they are empowered to administer. The priest often is given
land by the church to work himself, or he may get others to
work the land for him. Until the promulgation of the Regula
tions for the Administration of the Church in 1942, a priest
could use the land and its receipts for himself. After that date ,
however, he was required to pay the equivalent government
taxes on the land to the central church treasury . There is no
indication as to what extent the law actually has been put into
effect, but it legally changes the social status of much of the
clergy. Similarly , the clergy often controlled tenants , who, in
return for the privilege of using church land , paid a share of
their produce as well as provided services to the church and its
officials. The rendering of service as a partial payment for the
use of land also was outlawed , but again the practice continues
in many parts of the country .
The local priest, debtera , and other officials still retain their
prestige and predominant economic and social position in most
of the rural areas of the country. They are losing ground, how
ever, in the cities and in those communities more in contact
with the government schools and the outside world. The priest
usually has had a limited education , and the youth who go to
the government-supported secular schools are generally not
impressed by his learning.
ETHNIC STRATIFICATION

The place of a particular ethnic group in the national social

structure is based upon a complex set of variables, including
physical appearance, occupation , status when conquered, meth
od of incorporation into the Empire , religion , and current
governmental policy.
From the viewpoint of the dominant Amhara - Tigre, the low
est rung of the social ladder is occupied by the Cushitic-speak
ing peoples of the south and southwest and the shankella
peoples of the west (see ch . 5 , Ethnic Groups and Languages).
The Amhara - Tigre consider them to be pagan , in the pejora
tive sense , since they generally practice neither Christianity
nor Islam. In addition , many were first brought into Ethiopian
society as slaves . The government has abolished slavery legally
and largely in fact. In addition , some of the shankella groups
have been converted to Christianity. But there are few schools
in the areas inhabited by shankella and Cushitic speakers, and
in 1970 they had no representatives in the central government.
The Agau groups that have not been assimilated into
Amhara - Tigre culture also have a very low status . Two groups
on which information exists are the Falasha and the Kemant.

118
They are physically indistinguishable from the Amhara-Tigre,
but they are separated from the Amhara - Tigre majority by
both religion and occupation . The Falasha practice a form of
primitive Judaism , and the Kemant follow their own tribal
cult, which seems to have aspects of many different religions.
In large measure , however, their status derives from the occu
pations they pursue as skin dressers , leatherworkers, smiths ,
and potters, all of which are looked down upon as ritually un
clean by the Amhara -Tigre. There has been an eminent Falasha
in the government, but generally they and the other Agau peo
ples find it difficult to gain entry into the schools and other
governmental institutions .
The Gurage also have low status because of the occupations
in which they engage . Physically, they closely resemble the
Amhara - Tigre. In past centuries they were raided by the
Amhara -Tigre for slaves. Since the promulgation of the Land
Act of 1929, the Gurage, along with everyone else, have been
pressed by the central government to pay their taxes in money
rather than in produce. As a result, many Gurage have been
traveling to Addis Ababa to sell their harvests . Many remain
in the capital for varying lengths of time and, in 1970, formed
a sizable portion of the population there.
The Gurage are renowned for their ability to do hard work,
their perseverance, and their business acumen . Over the last
several decades they have opened a number of small shops in
Addis Ababa and have largely taken over the vegetable gar
dens in the area. Until this Gurage initiative, virtually all com
mercial activity had been in the hands of foreigners; however,
since the Amhara - Tigre look down upon those who engage
in commercial activity, this has not been of any help in raising
them on the social scale. Among the young educated Ethio
pians who recognize the need for commerce and initiative in
the economy, some are beginning to look with increasing re
spect upon the Gurage, although there is no evidence that
many, if any, would consider mingling with them socially or
marrying into the group .
The Gurage , in turn , do not want to be assimilated into the
Amhara - Tigre culture . As Professor William Shack, the chief
authority on the Gurage, notes, “ A Gurage is still a Gurage,
notwithstanding the extent to which he may become Amha
raized. And not only that, a Gurage wants to be only a Gurage
and nothing more."
The Galla are so large and differentiated an ethnic group
that the relation of specific segments to the Amhara -dominated
emerging national structure varies considerably. Those Galla
who early adopted Ethiopian Christianity and other aspects
119
of Amhara - Tigre culture are highly placed in the government,
and there is no problem regarding intermarriage with the
dominant group .
Also, those Galla , of whatever rank or tribe, who joined with
the Amhara- Tigre to make common cause against their ene
mies , including other Galla tribes, were fully accepted and
received the rewards of land and noble titles accorded to
Amhara -Tigre warriors . The Galla form an important part of
both the Imperial Bodyguard and the army. The Galla who
obtain an education , own land, or distinguish themselves in
other ways and generally adopt Amhara -Tigre cultural values
find acceptance, including intermarriage, easier than any of
the other ethnic groups, although there are exceptions, such
as the Borana and Raya Galla .
The place in the social structure of the other numerically
significant groups is even less clear. To a large extent, the
Somali and the Afar operate completely outside the system.
As nomads and Muslims, they are looked down upon by the
Amhara -Tigre. But this really does not become a problem to
them , as they have little contact with the Amhara -Tigre except
through trade and raids . Because of the Somali border prob
lem and the growth of Somali nationalism inspired by the
emergence of an independent Somali republic, the Emperor
has taken care to recognize a number of Ethiopian Somali
leaders. Some have been given titles , elevated to regional
administrative posts, and chosen for the Senate as well as
elected to the Chamber of Deputies . But the great majority
of Somali , Afar, and Saho remain nomadic, out of the reach
of schools and any consistent influence from the central
government.
The central government has made use of foreigners, espe
cially Westerners, in aiding its efforts at modernization, but
the ordinary Ethiopian looks upon foreigners with suspicion.
A foreigner's social position probably depends as much upon
the actual role he plays within the Amhara - Tigre society as
upon his ethnic affiliation . Those of long-term residence who
are engaged in commercial activities, such as the Arabs, Ar
menians, and Greeks, are not considered to be on the same
level as foreigners who have come to teach in the schools or
help develop the country's technology. The Arabs, especially,
are rated fairly low by the Amhara - Tigre because, in addition
to engaging in trade, they are also Muslim. Traditionally, in
the cities and towns they have been assigned areas on the
edges of settlement .
In the Galla areas , however, especially in the major coffee
growing region of the southwest, they occupy places of eco
120
nomic and social importance. Indeed , the Galla of the south
west and the Galla living in the Harar area do not look down
upon trade as do the Amhara - Tigre. They respect the business
acumen of the Arabs and encourage their children to emulate
them .

SUBMERGED STATUS GROUPS

Several groups living among the Amhara - Tigre and the
Cushitic -speaking peoples are looked down upon by those
among whom they live. In some cases such groups are feared
because of their putative occult powers.
The group with lowest status is the one that seems to have
made its living primarily by hunting, at least originally. The
main reason for its pariah status seems to be its members'
disregard for the dietary rules followed by the Amhara - Tigre
and the Muslims with whom they usually are associated . De
pending upon their location , they may also be fishermen and
craftsmen (skilled workers) and thus despised for that as well.
These people are found throughout the country and are known
by various names . The group along the shores of Lake Tana
who live by hunting the hippopotamus (an unclean animal)
and fishing are known as Wayto by the Amhara -Tigre; a sim
ilar group found among the Somali are called Sab; among the
Galla their name is Watta ; and among the Gurage it is Fuga.
In addition , they also seem to do handiwork around the homes
of the dominant group in whose area they live.
Unlike other low-status groups, they have generally been
free from direct coercion by the dominant group because of
the latter's fear of their supernatural powers , especially the
ability to cast the evil eye. The Amhara -Tigre, as well as many
other groups, seem to believe that other skilled workers have
this power as well.
Thus this particular group , although it has the lowest status
of any in the country in the twentieth century, occupies a pe
culiarly ambiguous position . On the one hand, it is despised
and held in contempt because of occupation and dietary prac
tices; on the other hand , there is a respect and even a fear be
cause of its members's supposed supernatural powers.
The peoples of Ethiopia (and of neighboring Somalia ) use
this caste -like structure to organize the specialization of labor.
Almost every Cushitic- or Semitic-speaking group in the coun
try contains within it at least one group of hereditary occupa
tional specialists. The members of each group rarely marry
outside it. Among the services rendered by members of the
submerged groups are hunting, foraging, manufacturing, smith
ing, and conducting magical and other rituals.
121
 Members of submerged -status groups are not allowed to own
land and usually are not allowed to take part in the regular
political and judicial life of the larger societies. Their numbers
are usually few in any given region , since their presence is
probably determined by the demand for their work. Although
it has long been theorized that these people were remnants
of the earliest inhabitants of the country, it seems more prob
able that the practice of having occupational castes in the
country arose in response to the needs for a system of produc
tion and distribution of goods and services that demanded
special skills and training.
The Fuga seem more fully integrated into local Gurage
structure than either the Wayto or Watta are in theirs. Most
are craftsmen ; the Gurage, themselves used to skilled work,
do not have the same abhorrence of skilled workers as the
Amhara -Tigre or the Galla . Again , there is a dual admiration
fear complex among the Gurage toward the Fuga, but it is not
unusual for a Fuga to stop and chat with a Gurage.
The Fuga are especially important to Gurage religious orga
nization . Their chiefs are the ceremonial leaders of two of the
most important religious festivals in Gurageland, as well as
specialists in the knowledge of ritual traditions, sorcery, and
magic (see ch. 11 , Religion ).
The small ethnic groups of non -Somali origin and others
who have long been Somali speakers but specialized in such
occupations as smithing and weaving did not intermarry with
Som ali and were not considered by them to be equals. These
groups are known as Sab and hold similar positions and duties,
including the magico -religious ones, that the Wayto, Watta,
and Fuga have.
These ethnic and occupational groups maintained a system
of exchange of services with the Somali and sometimes stood
in protected relationships with specific Somali groups. There
are many indications that this traditional pattern began to
break down after World War II , but it is not clear how far it
has given way .

LOCAL ETHNIC STRUCTURES

The Galla

Ideally, at least, Galla society historically seems to have been

relatively open and egalitarian . Political positions were gen
erally based on ability and actual achievement rather than on
descent, and the structure permitted virtually everyone a de
gree of authority and responsibility at some stage in his life
time . On the local level, the same seems to hold true today.
122
 Formerly, leadership among the Galla was carried out
through the social institution known as the gada (age-grade)
system . There were regional variations, but the same basic
pattern characterized all of them. Males of the same age group
were considered part of a set, were all initiated into the system
at the same time, and remained members of the same set for
the rest of their lives, passing through a series of five age
grades, each having eight years' duration. Each higher grade
carried increasing responsibilities, going from youth to warrior
to ruler to elder. When the last grade was reached, the set was
said to rule the tribe. Basically, this meant that its members
led the tribal council meetings and arbitrated disputes as they
arose . Each set had a number of individuals who were elected
as leaders and spokesmen for the members of their particular
age group and, theoretically, these men were considered the
most prestigious in the tribe.
The chief speaker at the assemblies, who was also consid
ered to be the most important leader of the group, was known
as the abba boku ( father of the scepter). He had to belong to
the age group that had entered the ruling period. His term of
office was eight years , precisely the length of time that group
spent in the age-grade. The abba boku could not force deci
sions in the council, nor could he enforce a decision in a dis
pute. What authority he had came from his own moral force
and that of the council he presided over. When his term of
office was over, he simply retired to private life, perhaps occa
sionally giving advice when it was asked for.
There is evidence that there were other elected officials
besides the abba boku. Other offices were concerned with
financial, warmaking, and judicial functions.
In most Galla areas for which there is information , the var
ious Galla groups seem to have been organized in essentially
the same way. Political membership and leadership were based
largely on residence in the same area and actual achievement;
officials were elected rather than appointed or acceded to be
cause of descent; the terms of office were strictly limited .
There were the equivalent of town meetings where problems
were openly argued and solutions decided upon .
In spite of the ideal egalitarian nature of Galla social orga
nization , there is evidence that the social and political life
was not totally structured within the gada system. There were
many men who gained enough wealth and power, mainly
through military success and trade, to operate independently
of the gada system .
It seems that, although the abba boku was rather limited
in his power, the military leader (abba dula or moti) was not
123
so limited . Since war leadership was the major path to power
in Galla society, this had important effects on the social struc
ture as a whole. Whenever a segment of the Galla evolved
from the gada -structured council to a chieftainship or a king
ship, the name of the leader was always abba dula or moti,
not abba boku (essentially, a civil leader).
In addition to the social structure basedupon the gada sys
tem , there was a form of organization that was based on a
landed nobility of great wealth. As with the Amhara - Tigre, the
way to wealth and power was to gain control of large amounts
of land , usually through warfare . Unlike the Amhara - Tigre sys
tem , however, land could be freely bought and sold in ex
change for slaves, animals, cash , or any other medium of
exchange mutually agreed upon . There seems to have been
no concept of rist; anyone, even a stranger, could buy land.
There also seemed to be a much greater bond of affection
between the lord of the lands (abba biya , literally, possessor
of the country; or abba lafa , possessor of the land) and the
peasants inhabiting them than among the Amhara - Tigre. The
people working on the land often were relatives and friends
who entered into a client relationship with the abba biya as
their patron , to whom they paid rent for the right to use the
land. Growing out of the patron - client relationship was a social
institution of great vigor with a mutual recognition of each
side's rights and duties. Prosperity and bad times seem to have
been more equally shared between the patron and the clients
than was the norm in Amhara - Tigre culture. Other landless
people - artisans, immigrants, and conquered groups — also set
tled on the abba lafa's lands, thus increasing his wealth and
position even more .
The Somali

The Somali describe their traditional social structure in terms

of kinship, tracing their connections in an elaborate genealogy
to two brothers , Samaale and Sab, the ancestors of the divi
sions named for them . The Somali of both groups are divided
into a number of clan -families, six of which are dominant
four being Somal (descendants of Samaale) and two Sab. Each
clan - family is divided into a number of clans that are in turn
further segmented into lineages, which may again be divided .
All of these units are , in principle, based on patrilineal descent
from a common male ancestor. In many cases, particularly
among the Sab, individuals or groups may become attached to
a clan or lineage by adoption , and those adopted may achieve
complete assimilation after a time.
Kinship as the basis for group formation and loyalty is mod
124
ified, but not overridden , by the principle of contract. Mem
bership in the same clan or lineage does not automatically
confer certain rights and obligations. These must explicitly be
made the subject of treaties or contracts. Thus some, although
not all , of the clans in a clan - family may unite for political
and military purposes, and some lineages or lineage segments
within a clan may be associated for corporate financial respon
sibility, as in paying and receiving blood -fines. Some of these
alignments may have a kinship base in that those who join in
them may be descended from a particular wife of a common
ancestor, but units formed by contract or treaty may be broken
up and new ones , based on a different combination of ele
ments , formed .
The traditional social structure was one in which relations
between clans , lineages, or other segments tended to be po
tentially hostile. Common descent did not imply unity or the
absence of competition and conflict. Occasionally, under ex
traordinary leadership and in special circumstances, units
might combine against a common foe.
Most men retain their secular ties to clan , lineage, and con
tractual group and are considered in the traditional terminol
ogy to be warriors. Until after World War II a form of social
stratification based on a combination of ethnic difference and
occupation characterized the Somali social structure. True
Somali, whether warriors or sheikhs (teachers ), were equals,
and traditional Somali society has been characterized as
fiercely egalitarian.
More prosperous clans are often larger than others and
subdivide themselves to varying degrees. In some cases a clan
is described as divided into lineages; in others it is said to be
divided into subclans, which are in turn divided into primary
lineages , and these into secondary and perhaps tertiary lin
eages . In either case, the smallest unit within the lineage con
sists of a man and his children . The Somali themselves do not
have specific terms for these subdivisions, except when com
paring a larger group to a smaller. The term rer, preceding
the name of a person , means the descendants of that man; it
may be used as a title for a group of any size or level from ex
tended family to clan and may also be used for the people of
a particular locality . Rer Muhammad means the children of
Muhammad , and Rer Barawa means the people of Barawa. In
some cases there is thought to be both an ancestor and a place
giving rise to a group, but the form of the name is the same
in either case.
Lineages may break away from the main descent line for a
number of reasons, usually as a result of conflict within a fam
125
ily or between members of closely related families of the same
lineage. When lineages split, the resultant new lineages become
distinct separate groupings with their own headmen , but they
do not lose their identity or place in the total tribal structure.
They continue to recognize their common origin and their
membership in the larger single lineage of which they are not
sublineages.
When tribes split, the divisions may in time become distinct
tribes in their own right, but they continue to recognize their
common origin and may later recombine in the form of a tribal
confederacy. Fission and fusion of the tribal structure are a
continuous process. Remnants of broken tribes and lineages
may unite with strong tribes on a dependent basis.
Heads of lineages at each level are also chiefs in the political
system . The office of tribal chief frequently is vested in one
particular lineage of the tribe, usually the parent lineage from
which the tribe grew . Matters that cannot be settled by a chief
are decided by lineage councils (shir) in which all the heads
of sublineages are included or represented . All adult Somali
males are entitled to attend , but the lineage elders and heads
have priority in speaking, and their words carry the most
weight. In the event of tribal war, a special war chief (malak)
is frequently appointed for the duration of the conflict.
Traditionally, the tribal chief appears to have combined both
political and religious roles . In modern times, both roles are
combined in the chief in some tribes; in others, the political
role has been retained by the chief of one lineage, and the
priest role has become the province of another man . The role
of qadi (Muslim religious judge) in some tribes may be held by
yet another lineage.
In areas more suited to settled agriculture, Somali tribesmen
have settled in permanent villages. The villages are composed
of families that are either from distantly related lineages of
the same tribe or from different tribes. They do not, therefore,
share close blood ties and do not have the single hierarchy
of kinship groupings and political relations typical of the no
mads . Because the political structure of these villages cannot
operate through the genealogical structure of the tribe, sepa
rate political structures , based on common territoriality rather
than close genealogical ties, have developed . Tribal connec
tions are still recognized between tribesmen scattered and
mixed throughout these villages, but the mixed village rather
than the tribe is the most stable political unit.
The Gurage
The only inheritable rank in Gurage society was held by a
very small group of people playing a political or ritual role.
126
Clan chiefs, for example , were merely titled warriors and, al
though a leader's relatives shared in the prestige of his posi
tion , his title was not the property of the lineage and thus could
not be inherited . Village headmen and their close kin also had
considerable prestige and privilege but only within the area of
their jurisdiction .
The most important social distinctions have always been ,
and still are , based on tribal origin . To the Gurage, anyone
who is not a member of a Gurage lineage is an outsider and
is accorded a second -class status .
As with the Amhara - Tigre and the Galla , the Gurage have
traditionally based prestige and power on the size of a man's
landholdings. Also like the Amhara - Tigre and the Galla, these
landholdings were usually acquired as prizes in warfare. Other
ways of gaining prestige and respect were by becoming expert
in some particular aspect of tribal law; this proficiency might
gain someone the title of dana (judge), yankit dana ( judge of
adultery), or aheche dana ( judge of land) . Outstanding de
baters and medical practitioners were still important in tribal
life in the mid-1960s .
Despite the significance of landholdings and titles to pres
tige and power, the Gurage tend to insist on the essential
equality of all the members of their society . Even though a
poor Gurage may have little influence within his community,
it would be difficult to get him to admit that there was any
inherent difference between his status and that of a rich man .
Education has only a limited appeal as a way of increasing
one's status among the Gurage. The young who have been
educated in the Western style, as well as others with some
sort of specialized knowledge, are given recognition for their
knowledge only within the specific confines of their fields of
competence and do not possess any influence or authority of
a more general nature .
Thus the social structure operates almost entirely through
the traditional system of authority where the village headman
is the most important authority figure. The only educated men
who would be capable of playing an authoritative role would
be one who already held such a role in the traditional society .
society.

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS
The main structural element in Amhara -Tigre society is the
very personal patron-client relationship. In the traditional
society the few organizations concerned with gaining certain
benefits through concerted group action are formed on a highly
personal, spontaneous basis and do not last any longer than it
takes to fulfill the specific need for which they are formed .
127
Problems arising from the processes of modernization and
urbanization, however, have given rise, especially within the
1960-70 period, to institutional forms that are in marked con
trast to the patron -client relationship. They are essentially
groups of equals organized on a relatively permanent basis.
The oldest and most widespread of these groups is an orga
nization called eder (voluntary welfare association ). It may be
formed on an ethnic, territorial, or institutional basis. The
primary purpose of the eder is to help the members at the
time of a death in the family. In addition to helping with the
cost of funerals, belonging to an eder assures the member of
having a large number of mourners present and all other for
malities of the funeral taken care of. Members may also bring
food and generally take care of the bereaved family's everyday
necessities during the period immediately after death.
The eder may be called by different names, depending on
the language of the people who make it up; also, its function
may vary slightly in different areas. For example, in Harar it
is known as afoca (neighborhood) and is equally concerned
with weddings as well as funerals. In addition , the afoca seem
to be strictly segregated by sex, and there is no information
of such practice in the eder.
The significance of the eder lies in the potential widening
of its scope , and in a number of instances they have taken on
several additional functions. Some give financial aid to seri
ously ill members to help defray expenses arising because of
the member's inability to work. If a member has a financial
problem , in some eder he can apply for a loan . It seems that
these loans carry a very low interest rate or, in some instances,
none at all .
Some eder have taken on an even wider range of activities.
In addition to their usual activities, they act as channels for
community welfare. Security , sanitation , and development are
the three areas in which their influence has been most pro
nounced. Any member who goes against the community social
mores is summoned to a committee meeting, where he is asked
to give an accounting of his antisocial behavior. Usually, he is
merely reprimanded for his first offense. If it can be proved
that he has continued in his errant behavior, he is then fined .
If reprimands and fines prove ineffective, he is dropped from
the membership and information on his actions is given to the
police.
Nonmembers also fall under the influence of an eder insofar
as a large group speaking with one voice is bound to carry
more weight than a single individual. Thus a nonmember who
is guilty of an antisocial act will be informed by a representa
128
tive from the eder that its members disapprove of his doings
and will advise him to stop them. If he persists, he is reported
to the police. If there is danger from thieves in a certain area,
the eder is a means of collective defense against the outlaws.
Many eder are active in promoting community sanitation.
Members are supposed to keep the area around their houses
as clean as possible. If a complaint is made against the mem
ber for failure to conform to sanitary practices, he may be
fined. If the individual is not a member, his name may be
given to the sanitation department if the community is large
enough to have such an organization or, if not, concerted
group pressure from all the membership of the eder may be
implemented in some way .
Some eder have been used as communications links between
the government and the members of the community by passing
on notices, information , and orders from the government to the
citizenry. From time to time they have provided a forum for
parliamentary candidates to explain their positions to the
public during election campaigns.
Formerly, such things as schools , roads, and clinics were
built solely on government initiative with virtually no local
participation . In 1970, however, many communities were at
least partially shouldering the responsibility for implementing
these projects. The eder are the organizations through which
the planning and execution of such projects are carried out.
Nonmembers are included in these projects, both for their
services and monetary contributions.
Another form of associational grouping is the equb. This is
basically a savings association to which the member pays
either weekly or monthly fixed sums of money. They are not
long-lived institutions; they only last for the length of time it
takes for each of the members to have had a turn at removing
the amount of money that was agreed upon for each individual
at the formation of the association. Like the eder, the equb can
be formed by ethnic, territorial, or similar groupings.
Addis Ababa has seen the growth of associations known as
mahebar. Its name is taken from the traditional Ethiopian Or
thodox fraternal religious association (Mahebar ), but it is not
related to it (see ch. 11 , Religion ). Groups from outside the
Addis Ababa area, such as the Gurage who originated this
type of association, and former residents of Tigre, Harar, east
ern Shoa, Gondar, and other regions have all formed mahebar
whose basic concern is social betterment for the provinces of
the members' origin through projects voluntarily financed and
organized by them . The various projects have included road
construction , building schools and hospitals , supplying books
129
for schools , and assisting newly arrived people from the
provinces.
There are several other associational groupings, but these
are of foreign origin rather than indigenous to the country.
Student associations seem to have been the first directly West
ern -influenced associations formed in the country. The first,
the Orthodox Students Association, was founded in 1958, rep
resenting student religious opinion among those students who
were attending secondary or higher schools . Its main overall
concern is adapting the Ethiopian church to the changing soci
ety . It criticizes excessive ritualism and the use of Geez, a dead
language , in the services; stresses the need for Sunday schools;
and calls for the church to become more active in missionary
activities among the non -Christians in the country. The group
also sponsors weekly religious services with hymns in Amharic
rather than Geez; sponsors talks in Amharic on various ques
tions of moral and religious nature; publishes a monthly jour
nal ; and holds an annual convention that draws students from
all parts of the country.
Other student associations that have formed in recent years
are the Education Students Association and the Economics
Students Association . In addition , graduates of various second
ary schools and colleges have formed a small number of alumni
associations.
Until 1962 the government was opposed to the establishment
of labor unions in the country. A number of factories are union
ized, and household servants have formed associations in an
effort to get minimum working conditions for the members (see
ch. 20, Labor ).
There are now several professional associations in the coun
try. Before 1960 the Ethiopian Teachers Association was the
only professional group , and it was not very active. Since 1961 ,
however, a number of groups have formed, and they seem to
carry on at least a moderate amount of activities. The medical
association publishes a journal; there are associations for writ
ers, engineers, and college teachers.
Another group of associations are local representatives of
national organizations and include non -Ethiopian nationals as
well as Ethiopians in their membership . Their main function is
carrying out welfare services of varying types. The Ethiopian
Red Cross, the Ethiopian Women's Welfare Association, the
Young Men's Christian Association ( YMCA ), and the Rotary
Club of Addis Ababa have all been active since the mid- 1950s.
In addition, there are the International Christian Fellowship,
whose principal aim is translating Christian principles into
social action , and the Social Service Society, which has a pro
gram of relocating and rehabilitating indigents in Addis Ababa.
130
 CHAPTER 7
FAMILY
Aspects of family relationships and structure and of marital
patterns vary within and among ethnic groups, and in many
respects local custom continues to govern these matters. There
is, however, some similarity , and in its Civil Code of 1960 the
government sought to provide a uniform set of rules governing
marriage, inheritance, and other family matters throughout the
country.
Especially among the Amhara - Tigre, and to a great extent
among the Galla, the basic functional unit of familial organiza
tion is the nuclear family - parents and unmarried children .
Among minority groups such as the Somali, the nuclear family
is submerged to a greater or lesser extent in the extended
family, a unit consisting of several related nuclear families with
married adults of two or more generations. Elements of the
extended family pattern may sometimes be perceived among
the Amhara -Tigre and Galla as well. Whether or not an ex
tended family is established as a functioning unit, the place of
residence of a couple after marriage is usually near that of
the husband's parents .
Among the Amhara -Tigre descent is reckoned through both
parents , in contrast to the pattern in most other groups, in
which descent is traced patrilineally. Only the Kunama, a
small, little-known group, are reported to be matrilineal.
Information on extended kinship links and on kin - based
groups is fragmentary. Among the Amhara -Tigre it seems that
such links are traced chiefly to determine whether prospective
spouses are too closely related to marry. Evidence on the Galla
is even more sparse and often conflicting, but they too stress
the importance of excluding close kin as marriage partners.
By contrast, the Afar and some others prefer marriage with
certain kinds of close kin but not with others.
Kinship has been important among the traditional Amhara
Tigre aristocracy and remains so to some extent (see ch. 6,
Social Structure ). The social position of one's ancestors or
living kin may help one to achieve or to maintain political
status and economic opportunity .
In some groups, including the Somali and the Afar, patri
lineal descent is the basis for the formation of groups - patri
131
lineal lineages and clans — that have a variety of political and
economic functions. These in turn are the chief elements in
units organized on a contractual basis (see ch. 6 , Social
Structure ).

THE LEGAL SITUATION

The marriage section of the Civil Code of 1960 aims at the
reconciliation of the country's varied marriage customs with
those of the politically and culturally dominant Amhara - Tigre.
The Civil Code replaces previous rules, whether written or
customary, unless the retention of such rules is expressly pro
vided for. In effect, however, there are recognized ways in
which the customs of each ethnic group may continue to have
effect (see ch . 13, The Governmental System).
Thus the code recognizes only monogamous unions, but poly
gamous unions are quite acceptable to the large number of
Muslim Ethiopians. Since this and many other situations are
not mentioned specifically , there is a vacuum that may be
filled , in this instance by continuing recognition by state courts
of the jurisdiction of Kadis' councils in the application of Mus
lim personal law. Authorities on Ethiopian law have noted ,
however, that additional clarifying legislation is needed.
The Civil Code recognizes three types of marriage-- civil
marriage, religious marriage, and customary marriage. All
three are regarded as equal under the law in regard to the re
lationship between the spouses and all questions of property .
The code provides the rules for formal civil marriage, but the
consequences of any kind of marriage are governed by the
provisions of the code and not by the customary law or reli
gious law under which the marriage was solemnized.
There is another form of marriage, damoz, which is more
limited than the three recognized in the Civil Code. Damoz is
a matrimonial arrangement by which a woman agrees to co
habit for a specific period of time ; it is renewable at the end
of the time or terminable at the wish of either the man or the
woman. Basically , it is a matter of convenience for the man
who is away from home. Children born from a union of this
type, however, are looked upon as legitimate and as having
the same rights of inheritance as those born under the other
three forms of wedlock . Under the code this form of marriage
is no longer recognized by name, but under the rubric "an
irregular union ” it is still given a limited juridical acknow
ledgment.
Under the Civil Code the legal age for marriage is eighteen
for males and fifteen for females. Dispensations that can lower
the legal age by as much as two years are sometimes given . In
132
addition, this regulation is operative only in the performance
of civil marriages, leaving the question of age in religious or
customary marriages up to the appropriate authorities involved .
It is only after these marriages have taken place that the code
goes into effect governing the relationship itself.
Most major ethnic groups prohibit marriage between close
blood kin , some of them demanding that prospective spouses
have a common ancestor no closer than seven generations dis
tant. Thus the code, by stating the illegality of marriage be
tween fairly remote blood kin , is doing no more than fixing
in national law aa practice that has been evidenced not only by
the Amhara - Tigre but by most other important groups in the
country.
According to the code, bigamy is illegal. Again, however,
there is no indication that a Muslim practicing polygyny has
entered into a bigamous relationship; the code only comes into
effect after the marriage has taken place.
The question of consent as a prime requisite for a legally
recognized marriage as covered in the code is complex. The
code states that consent must be given by both parties who
must represent themselves, proxies not being allowed . There
are, however, numerous compromises and exceptions made to
this basic provision . Duress is defined as threat of " grave or
imminent evil," and most forms of parental pressure are not
so considered .
This latitude reflects the many differing and sometimes con
flicting views held by the various groups in the country of what
rights a person of marriageable age should have in the selec
tion of a marriage partner. The customs vary from abduction
by the man to allowing the woman to go by night to the home
of the man of her choice and pass the next day outside his
door, despite threats and insults from within , at the end of
which time he is required to marry her. Arranged marriages
are quite widespread as well.
The provisions of the Civil Code on divorce come into effect
only after the divorce has been announced and constitute for
mal recognition that a divorce has taken place. Thus applica
tion for a divorce is made not to a court but to certain of the
witnesses to the marriage, who in their new role become
known as family arbitrators. The courts enter a divorce case
only when the arbitrators have failed to give their decision ; a
decision made by the arbitrators is not subject to appeal except
by special impeachment.
Adoption procedures and policies as embodied in the Civil
Code are basically Western in form . A child born out of wed
lock is legally of his mother's family unless the man wishes to
133
be legally recognized as the father. This recognition of pater
nity by the man , however, only comes into effect if the woman
in turn recognizes him as the father. No significant studies of
either adoption or problems of illegitimacy have been made,
and there was no information on customary law or usage on
these matters as of mid- 1970.

AMHARA-TIGRE
Marriage and Divorce
Among the Amhara- Tigre there are three basic types of
marriage: kurban (church or religious marriage ); samaniya
(civil contract marriage ), the Amhara - Tigre form of customary
marriage that has been used as the basis for civil contract
marriage in the Civil Code; and damoz. Kurban, the ideal form
of marriage, is the only one that takes place in church and is
the type required by priests. Both the bride and bridegroom
take communion in church and are entitled to wear special
crowns on church holidays . In principle this type of marriage
is indissoluble , even by the death of one of the partners.
Divorce is granted in exceptional cases only by special dis
pensation .
Because it establishes a practically indissoluble relationship
and also possibly because it involves additional expense , kur
ban marriage is not common . Young persons , with the excep
tion of the small educated group in a city like Addis Ababa,
are generally discouraged from establishing such a permanent
bond because it is felt that they are not mature enough . In
fact, it is assumed that sooner or later a first marriage will
end in divorce . One observer notes that it is only after divorce
and subsequent remarriage that one is considered a complete
adult (mulu set or mulu saw) .
Rather than have the couple violate the sacred nature of the
kurban marriage, they are encouraged to undertake the more
easily broken and more common samaniya form of marriage.
The position of kurban marriage in ordinary life is best shown
by the fact that it is usually celebrated by long-married couples
with children .
Samaniya marriage is marriage by civil contract, now most
often written , which is publicized before the village magistrate
and other witnesses and blessed by a priest. The couple in this
type of marriage, since it was not performed sacramentally
within the church , are not allowed to enter the church for any
religious ceremonies but must stand outside (see ch . 11 ,
Religion) .
The duration of a damoz marriage and the payments made
134
by the man to the woman in it are usually specified in an oral
or written contract. Traditionally, the marriage was explained
on the grounds that a man did not want to subject his wife (of
a samaniya or kurban marriage) to the rigors of travel, particu
larly if she was with child or already had children to take care
of. The man establishes a damoz relationship with a woman to
take along as his companion or finds such a woman to cook
for him in the place where he has business to transact.
Among the Amhara -Tigre preparation for marriage begins
early and continues throughout childhood. Most persons are
ready for marriage at a fairly early age and enter into it as a
matter of course. During most of childhood and all through
adolescence, strong role identifications are formed with the
parent of the same sex. This identification is further strength
ened by games the children play among themselves.
There seems to be a considerable amount of premarital
sexual experimentation among the men but virtually none
among the women . Public norms require that young men be
virgin at marriage, and it is said that in former times this was
true more often than not . In recent times, however, premarital
sexual activities are regarded as perfectly natural for men , who
seek access to married or divorced women . In fact, if a young
man is still a virgin at the end of his teens, he may be called
silb (castrated one) by his peers .
The unwed woman must remain a virgin , not only because
of the prevailing social and religious sentiments but also be
cause the male insists on “ conquering” his woman . A girl who
is found not to be a virgin on her wedding night may be beaten
by her husband and may even be returned to her parents.
The marriage arrangements for the kurban and samaniya
types are similar, although details may vary somewhat among
different groups and different areas of the country . Generally,
the first marriage is arranged by the parents. The prospective
partners have almost no share in making the decision and may
not even know each other. The boy may be about eighteen
or nineteen ; the girl, thirteen or fourteen . Reports vary on the
optimal age for marriage, ranging from thirteen to twenty for
girls and about eighteen to twenty -five for boys. The two-year
dispensation for minimal age given in the Civil Code is, how
ever, at least in the case of girls , apparently used quite fre
quently . In some areas betrothal is made in childhood.
If a young man dares to choose a wife on his own , he runs
the risk of being disinherited . Marriage is looked upon as a
bond between families, not individuals , and the families of
prospective brides are carefully inspected before the father
agrees to a contract of betrothal . Ideally , the family of the
135
bride should be on a level equal to or even slightly higher than
that of the bridegroom . In addition , the bride's family should
not have any members who are afflicted with leprosy or who
practice manual crafts that are looked down upon, some of
which are associated with the power of the evil eye as well.
If there is any known blood relation between the two fami
lies , a father makes sure that his son and the girl have no
common ancestor fewer than seven generations distant. Some
times, if there is friction or rivalry between his family and
another, a father may try to ease it by arranging a marriage
between his son and a daughter of the other family.
Once a suitable marriage partner has been decided upon ,
the father sends one or more intermediaries, usually village
elders, to speak to the father of the girl. The proceedings that
follow conform to a highly stylized pattern , with much circum
locution by both sides . Many times no agreement is made at
this first meeting, and the representatives of the father of the
young man must wait and try again .
If the bride's family is not interested, they state that they
have already received a token payment from someone else. If,
however, the family of the prospective bride favors the union ,
a date for a formal betrothal is set, at which time the boy and
his father, together with a group of elders and other relatives,
visit the home of the girl's father. The boy gives presents to
the parents of the girl, and the two fathers discuss the eco
nomic aspects of the marriage: contributions of land, cattle,
and other goods to the new household .
Gifts exchanged between the two families must be care
fully balanced . If, in the course of the negotiations, one family
wishes to withdraw, it may volunteer to contribute more cows
than the other could possibly muster. The other family is then
likely to withdraw because it would not want to lose status
through criticism that its daughter or son was marrying for
wealth . On the other hand , no one could criticise the first
family for being too generous to the prospective son
son or
daughter - in -law .
Once these arrangements are made, the marriage contract
is drawn up and sworn to before witnesses, and a date for the
wedding is agreed upon , sufficiently far from the day of be
trothal to give both families time to vie with one another in
preparing huge feasts for the event. If the girl is quite young,
several years might pass before the marriage takes place.
Because the bride comes to live in her husband's community,
away from her family and others who might look out for her
welfare , the husband must choose two guarantors to serve as
her protectors. These are usually cousins of the bridegroom on
136
his father's side. Close relatives are picked to obviate the devel
opment of any sexual interest in the bride whom they are
charged with protecting.
The wedding celebration starts at the home of the bride's
father. Ideally, the groom is not supposed to have seen his
bride before the ceremony, although he probably has, either
at the marketplace or on public holidays. In any event, he is
first shown a number of similarly dressed girls, one of whom
is his bride. The girls are then concealed behind a curtain in
another room , and one of the guarantors (who also act as best
men) identifies the bride. He then takes her on his back and
carries her out to the groom . There are variations of the imme
diate prewedding ceremony .
The samaniya service is quite simple . First comes the oath
in the name of the Emperor or of some deity that " she is my
wife " and " he is my husband ," immediately after which the
couple and the groom's party go to the home of his parents,
where another celebration is already in progress .
Later in the evening the bride and bridegroom retire either
to a curtained -off portion of the house or, in many cases, to
a separate hut built especially for the occasion . Although the
bride will have received no formal sexual instruction other than
that of giving strong resistance to the groom , the groom will
have been instructed by his elders and especially by his peers
that the nuptial night should be looked upon as a battle in
which the bride must be forcibly overcome. Afterwards a
bloodstained cloth is shown to the wedding party as proof of
the girl's virginity. Many Amhara -Tigre insist that the bride
would not respect either herself or the groom if she did not
fight until physically forced to yield (see ch. 12, Social Values).
Variant types of marriage, survivals from former times, exist.
If for various reasons, such as poverty, a boy's family cannot
properly arrange a desired marriage, the boy may get a few
friends together and kidnap a bride, after which arrangements
to legitimize the union are made . This may also occur when
the girl's father does not grant the marriage request from the
representatives of the boy's father. In other cases , however,
the kidnapping or seduction may take place with the consent
of the girl's family , if she has been betrothed at a very young
age to another and the family has changed its mind but does
not wish openly to break the contract.
Child betrothal leads to another variation . If the girl is be
trothed when quite young, she may go to live with the bride
groom's family, where she is trained to assume her role upon
puberty. When she is of age, the regular marriage is held. The
same conditions hold for boys as well. If the boy goes to live
137
with the girl's family while they are both very young, the boy
undergoes his work apprenticeship under the girl's father. After
several years , when the girl has reached puberty, a second
wedding ceremony is given - this time at the home of the boy's
parents, where the union is consumated . This arrangement
usually occurs when the boy's family cannot afford the expense
involved in the usual marriage contract and so offer his labor
instead .
Other variations occur in the city, where the educated youth
tend to follow European marriage customs. The modern young
city dweller expects to marry at an age that is at least eight to
ten years older than his traditional counterpart. Girls in the
larger cities usually marry in their early twenties, and boys
tend to put off marriage until their late twenties or even early
thirties.
This shift is largely the result of the desire to get as much
education as possible and the rather insecure economic posi
tion of the modern youth as opposed to his rural counterpart.
Where the traditional youth has his family to rely upon , the
urbanized youth often has nothing beyond his diploma and
must wait a certain number of years before financial stability
may be achieved .
In addition, the educated youth's conception of marriage has
undergone drastic change. He insists upon making his own
choice of marriage partner and he rejects the traditional mar
riage, where romantic love is nonexistent and divorce is com
monplace . The criteria as to what will make a good spouse
have changed as well. The traditional youth (or more properly,
his parents) looks for good upbringing, family background, and
wealth. Among the newly educated young, however, the ideals
tend to such requirements as education , sharing of opinions or
beliefs, and companionship. Even the deep -seated aversion to
marrying outside the ethnic or religious community has grown
weaker as these new criteria and the ideal of marriage founded
on romantic love gain wider acceptance.
Divorce is common throughout the country and among most
ethnic groups, although there are few records and estimates
vary . The highest rate is said to occur among the Amhara
Tigre, among whom the first marriage usually ends in divorce.
According to the Civil Code, divorce may be granted for such
faults of a spouse as adultery or desertion or because of cir
cumstances beyond the control of either spouse-such as con
finement in a mental institution for at least two years.
Property division is equitable . The wife takes what she has
brought into the marriage, and the husband withdraws what
he brought. Any property that has accrued since the marriage
is divided equally .
138
 The placing of the children varies somewhat with local cus
tom and with the judge hearing the case , if it is brought to
court. In most cases , if the children are below the age of seven,
they remain with the mother. The father, however, is expected
to provide them with food and clothing. In some court cases,
the mother has been given custody only of those children under
the age of four.
After the age of seven or four, as the case may be, the chil
dren may be asked to choose between the mother and the
father. If they choose the mother, she and her family may have
to bear the whole burden of support. In some court cases, how
ever, the father has been held responsible for the support of a
child until the girl marries or the boy reaches his majority.
The principal causes of the high divorce rate seem to be the
youth of the couple and the arrangement of the marriage in
most cases by the parents rather than by the couple. Reputedly,
fewer divorces occur among the Galla and other ethnic groups
than among the Amhara - Tigre. One reason may be that they
allow somewhat greater freedom to the wife and do not ex
ercise as strict parental control over the choice of a mate.
If the husband is completely at fault, a divorced woman suf
fers little shame , but her situation is difficult, no matter what
the cause of divorce. She is no longer a virgin and therefore
not so highly prized as a mate . Furthermore, she may be bur
dened with children . Particularly if her family does not offer
much support, she may have to fend for herself by migrating
to a nearby town, where she tries to support herself by selling
tedj, an alcoholic beverage, talla (beer ), or food and where
she may enter into damoz marriages or resort to prostitution.
An observer of one town, Bonga , in Kefa Province noted
that 22 percent of the total population was made up of di
vorced women , and in several other surveys of small roadside
towns carried out by public health workers as many as 35 to
40 percent of the population were single women ; since Am
hara - Tigre culture tightly restricts the movements of unmarried
girls, almost all of these women, who listed themselves as
sellers of talla, were probably divorced . In official surveys of
some larger towns, the women of marriageable age outnumber
the men in the same age brackets , a fact which suggests that
a divorced woman tends to migrate to the towns either to seek
another husband or to make a living (see ch. 4 , Population).
The second marriage does not usually involve any of the
elaborate negotiations that attend the first marriage. The wo
man and the man can make a choice with little or no parental
control and do not expect their families to contribute any
gifts. In the hope of again establishing a permanent relation
ship, the divorced woman may go through a number of damoz
139
marriages. Although hard evidence is lacking, it seems that
many of the talla sellers in the roadside towns probably follow
just such a pattern .

Intrafamilial Division of Labor

Plowing is a central facet of the male Amhara- Tigre's exis
tence. The peasant's word for his work is irsha , which literally
means plowing. When he is not plowing, which he must do
several times a year, he is engaged in other aspects of agri
cultural work (see ch . 18 , Agriculture ).
The women of the house carry out a variety of chores
baking, preparing talla, spinning cotton , sweeping, carrying
water, weaving straw baskets and mats, and collecting dung
for fuel. The mother carries her smallest child on her back,
stopping whatever she is doing to put the child to her breast
whenever it cries.
This rugged schedule is not carried out every day, however.
Nearly half of the days of the year are considered holy days,
and heavy labor is not permitted then. The men may not plow
or harvest in the fields, and the women may not grind grain
or spin their cotton (see ch. 11 , Religion ). Even on these days,
however, the women must still prepare meals and are thus,
except for very special public holy days , still more or less con
fined to the house . The shepherds must still go out with the
herds, though they tend to play a bit more and generally relax
somewhat. The adult males are really the only group to benefit
noticeably and, although some do odd jobs around the home,
most can be found gathered with others at some convenient
location telling stories, arranging marriages, settling land dis
putes, and discussing other matters of interest to them .
The Amhara child has a long and indulged infancy. The
usual period for breast feeding is two or three years, and in
many instances it continues well into the fourth and even the
fifth year. For this entire period the child is suckled whenever
he wishes and is fairly lavished with attention and affection .
As soon as he is weaned, however, his existence changes ab
ruptly , and many times by the time the child is three he is
given small chores , such as keeping chickens out of drying
grain or collecting bits of firewood . Overt signs of affection
have disappeared , and the child is often treated brusquely (see
ch. 12, Social Values ). A slightly older child goes out to the
fields to keep birds and other animals , both wild and domes
tic, away from the planted fields. By the time he reaches the
age of six, he is already helping older boys tend the herds
of cattle, sheep, or horses.
A young boy has as his main responsibility until at least the
140
age of twelve the care of the herds, but as early as eight or
nine years of age he begins to take on more adult responsi
bility. At this time he contributes to getting the harvest in,
cutting the barley, wheat, teff (see Glossary ), or beans, and
helping to get them to the threshing area . He also learns how
to winnow the grain from the chaff and to direct the cattle that
supply the motive power for the grinding stones. When he
reaches the age of ten or eleven, he begins to try his hand at
the plow and, by the age of fourteen or so, he is doing an
adult's share of the plowing.
By the time the Amhara -Tigre youth reaches his mid -teens,
his horizons have enlarged considerably. He will have been
given a small portion of his father's land for his own use . The
planting, harvesting, and selling of the crop is completely up
to him. These crops and the money he earns from them are
known as gulamma (private possession ), and the money is put
away to be used later to help him get started on his own . He
is now able to perform most of the work that will later be re
quired of him as an adult.
The same pattern of gradually expanding workloads holds
true for girls. In early childhood care of the herds and other
work considered suitable for children is shared by both sexes.
At about the age of six, the young girl begins to take up some
of the tasks that are associated solely with her own sex. She
first learns to card the seeds from raw cotton and to spin the
fibers by hand. Somewhat later the chores become more tax
ing, as the girl starts to fetch water for the household and
grind grain. A vivid illustration of the increasing workload is
given by the slowly increasing size of the clay water jugs that
she uses as she gets older, the largest being over five gallons.
At the age of ten a girl no longer tends livestock but spends
her time in the house, especially in learning how to run a
kitchen . Once she has reached the age of twelve or thirteen ,
she is fully capable of managing a complete household herself
and is considered ready for marriage. Her training may be
continued for a time, however, by her mother-in - law when she
and her husband live for a period, usually of one year but
sometimes of three , at the home of his family.

Intrafamilial Relationships
Intrafamilial relationships among the Amhara are, in part,
structured by the work relationship of the various members.
The husband is expected to work the fields and defend the
boundaries of his fields against possible interlopers; the wife
must see that the household is run in an efficient manner; and
the children must tend the herds , do other chores, and in gen
141
eral obey without question the slightest command from any of
their elders . If any member of the family fails to carry out his
or her responsibilities , reprisal is quick and strong - divorce of
the husband , beatings of the wife and children .
Obligations of the younger generation to the older per
sist even after the young persons have left to start their own
households . Young married men are expected to return and
help their fathers work their fields once or twice a week and
to support them in any litigation that might arise - litigation is
one of the most prominent forms of social interaction in the
country ( see ch. 6, Social Structure; ch . 12, Social Values) .
Other lasting obligations are the care of the parents when they
have become too old to care for themselves and the arrange
ment of the appropriate memorial feasts after a parent has died .
As for adolescent children still living at home, they must
accept their father's choice of a spouse and usually will tend to
follow in his footsteps in choosing their adult work. Disinheri
tance is a powerful threat in assuring that parental directives
are adhered to. The parents, on the other hand, have their
obligations as well. To the best of their ability, they must stay
away from situations that would force them to sell any of the
land that they own . There is a strong tradition of not selling
land to outsiders. The land and other material possessions
must be left to the children , for the most part equally divided ,
except that in some instances a slightly larger portion may go
to the oldest son .
The lack of formal extended kin relations is shown in the
vagueness of the terms used by the Amhara in designating kin.
The term for brother, for instance, is wandam , but this same
word also is applicable to any male relative of the same gen
eration and even to close friends. The terms for aunt and uncle
(agot and akeste) are similarly vague and can be used for neph
ew, niece, and cousin as well. Often none of these terms are
used; they are replaced by the abstract generic word for kin
zamad which, like wandam, also is used to denote a close
friend. Thus, as the words seem to imply, whatever obligations
do exist between kin outside an adult's nuclear family and his
parents are not much , if any, more demanding than obligations
between good friends; they are more a function of affection
than of an objectively defined rule.
GALLA
Marriage and Divorce
Galla marriage patterns vary somewhat more than those
among the Amhara -Tigre. The reasons for this are the very
wide dispersal of Galla throughout Ethiopia and their apparent
142
willingness to accept many of the social practices of peoples
already inhabiting areas that they occupy (see ch . 5, Ethnic
Groups and Languages). Thus, in areas where the Galla have
settled in close association with the Amhara -Tigre, many have
adopted Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity and taken up the
marriage customs of the Amhara - Tigre. Most, however, either
remain Muslim or still practice their traditional beliefs.
Evidence on Galla social customs was scanty and, in many
instances, old and of questionable value in 1970. There are two
major differences between Galla practices and those of the
Amhara -Tigre. Instead of an exchange of presents by the par
ents of the bride and bridegroom , the bridegroom's father
makes payments to the father of the bride. These may take
several different forms - jewelry, clothes , coffee beans, money
and, most important , cattle—and may be made in installments.
>

If the suitor is not able to meet the amount agreed upon , he

may , among some Galla , work for the bride's family for a
specified period of time.
The other major difference from Amhara -Tigre customs is
the practice of polygyny by both the Muslim and the traditional
Galla. Traditionally, a man could take as many wives as he
could afford. Taking two or more (up to a total of four in Mus
lim custom ) is possible only for wealthier men , because a man
must pay bridewealth for each wife, and the payments may be
set very high for older men . Moreover, a prospective polygynist
must have enough land and cattle to allow each wife to main
tain a separate household . The first wife is considered the chief
wife. Fragmentary information suggests that her first son is the
senior son even if a son of another wife is chronologically
older. Polygyny, even for the wealthy, seems to be dying out
in the latter half of the twentieth century, in part because there
are other uses for wealth .
Some reports indicate that the ideal state of matrimony
among the Galla is a monogamous union. Because the pressure
to have many children is great and the more children and
grandchildren a man has , the greater is his prestige among his
peers , he may have recourse to a second or third wife.
Polygyny occurs most regularly not from choice but rather
as a result of the death of a married brother. Almost all of the
Galla tribes practice the levirate ; that is, when a man dies , his
nearest relative , usually a brother, takes his wife even if he is
already married. This gives security to the wife and children.
Moreover, since the wife has been paid for, she belongs to the
representative of the husband, in this case the brother.
Marriage among the Galla resembles in many respects that
among the Amhara - Tigre. First marriages are usually arranged
143
by the parents of the couple, with action initiated by the family
of the bridegroom . There is, however, a significant difference
in the ages of the prospective spouses. The bride and especially
the bridegroom are older than their Amhara - Tigre counter
parts. Males generally marry in their middle twenties, con
siderably later than the Amhara - Tigre. This late marriage age
evidently derives from the gada, or age- grade system , wherein
males are prohibited from marrying until they have passed
through the warrior grade - the third of five eight-year grades
at about the age of twenty -four ( see ch. 6, Social Structure ).
Girls usually marry at about sixteen .
The events of the marriage day itself are almost identical
with those of the Amhara -Tigre. Among the Muslim Galla, the
marriage is solemnized with the reading of the Koran , and the
blessing itself may be given by a local holy man or Muslim
judge. The bride has two protectors analogous to those of the
Amhara -Tigre. The variants found in Galla culture are the
same as those found in that of the Amhara -Tigre. There is
marriage by abduction , sometimes with and sometimes with
out the previous knowledge of the bride's parents.
There is one way of instituting a marriage that is almost
uniquely associated with Galla culture , although it has occurred
among the Somali in a somewhat different form . With or with
out the knowledge of either set of parents, a girl may go to the
house of her intended and declare herself. Many times the
young man does not want to marry the girl and will insult her
vehemently to get her to leave. If the man refuses to marry
the girl after she has spent an entire day outside his house,
the village elders are brought in to settle the case; if they can
not, the outcome may be bitter fighting between the two fami
lies. If marriage does occur, there is no bride-price.
Among the Galla divorce is comparatively uncommon and
does not approach the rate of the Amhara -Tigre; when it does
occur, both parties lose a degree of prestige and respect. The
Muslim Galla are governed in these matters by Islamic law,
which generally permits easy divorce, particularly when ini
tiated by the man .
In the past, marriage could not take place with partners who
had a common ancestor within seven generations, on either
the father's or the mother's side . As among the Amhara -Tigre,
however, the seven-generation ban seems to be declining, and
in some cases marriage with a relative only four generations
removed has been noted.

Intrafamilial Division of Labor

Although the Galla were formerly a seminomadic warrior
people, they are now largely settled agriculturalists, and the
144
division of labor within the family follows roughly that among
the Amhara -Tigre. The men sow, plow, and harvest the crops,
the boys take care of the herds, and the women - both young
and old - perform the household duties.
The young men do seem to have a more regulated and
group -oriented life than the Amhara- Tigre youth, a pattern re
lated to the significance of the gada, or age-grade system .
Girls do not pass through a similar system .

Extended Kinship Ties and Intrafamilial Relationships

The material on extended kinship and kin-based groups is
contradictory and for the most part quite old. Kin groups seem
to have been important in the past and continue to exist to a
certain extent. A recent study of the Jimma Galla, largely Mus
lim , shows that the ideal family group is made up of three
generations: the grandfather, who is considered the head of
the family, his wife (or wives ), and some or all of his sons
with their wives and children .
So long as the grandfather survives, his sons live either in
or near his home , and he has the final word on all matters.
At his death his sons divide the family property and in turn
start their own extended families. There is evidence that
among non-Muslim Galla living in other sections of the coun
try the eldest son inherited a larger portion of the family prop
erty and took the father's place as head of the joint family,
with the younger brothers and their families continuing in
residence.
However the extended family is constituted, it is an inde
pendent unit, for the most part, under the direction of the
eldest male. There is no recognized blood -related authority
higher than he . Moreover, the residence of the extended fam
ily is not dictated by ties to larger kin groups; the families
making up a hamlet are not necessarily related .
One kind of extended kin group , the senyi, is recognized by
the Jimma Galla. It consists of persons who trace descent
through males from a common male ancestor, sometimes fairly
close , sometimes remote . Within the senyi close kin are ac
knowledged, but no effort is made to trace in detail the rela
tionships among all members of the group, which is, in any
case , dispersed. Any member will make an effort to trace his
particular line of descent from the common ancestor, but these
genealogies tend to become inaccurate after four to six genera
tions. A senyi may incorporate non-Galla, even freed slaves.
The senyi is not a localized residence group; it does not own
land or other property in common ; it has no religious or gen
eral functions. Its sole major activity is helping a family that
has had one of its members murdered to get revenge on the
145
murderer. Ideally the murderer's family is required to pay com
pensation in the form of cattle to the family of the victim , al
though the death of the murderer could be insisted upon .
The senyi can function as a mutual aid group , but matters
that would be of concern in this context are usually looked
after by the local community without regard to kinship . The
local community looks after the daily problems of its members.
The senyi becomes most actively involved only in the gravest
situations that occur in the community.
In general , the Galla family and its members seem to be
much more integrated than the Amhara -Tigre into communal
and tribal institutions. This probably varies from region to
region , and the Christianized Galla living among the Amhara
Tigre on the plateau may be much more individualistic, with
an outlook similar to that of their Amhara -Tigre neighbors; as
of mid-1970, however, information on these Galla was not
available.
In the richer agricultural areas of the southwest, such as
Jimma, it is common to see large compounds containing a
number of separate houses for married sons and their families.
The Galla see the family as a cooperative unit, much more so
than do the Amhara - Tigre, and each family unit is seen in
terms of close relations with other families of the village (see
ch. 12, Social Values) .
The raising of children shows the closeness of Galla family
structure, as compared to the aloof and seemingly unloving
>

Amhara - Tigre family group. Since older family members and

their siblings often live in the same area, the child is brought
up in a large family unit that is an integrated part of the gen
eral community and thus soon feels himself to be part of the
entire settlement. He is openly and freely given affection and
continues to be given it even after he reaches the age of re
sponsibility. Corporal punishment, common among the Am
hara - Tigre, seems rarely to be used.
Although there was in 1970 no current information on differ
ing practices among the Christian, Muslim, or traditional Galla,
it seems probable that in this basic pattern - a family based on
cooperation rather than coercion—they would all be fairly simi
lar. The only possible exception may occur among those Galla
who have become acculturated to Amhara - Tigre ways.

GURAGE
Marriage and Divorce
Marriage is the most significant event in the lives of the
Gurage . Gurage standards demand that men and women marry
146
and, indeed, imply that something is wrong with people who do
not. A further impetus to marriage is that a father rarely in
cludes a son in his inheritance if the son has not married.
As with all other groups in the country, social, economic,
religious , and ethnic factors are taken into account when a
father selects a wife for his son . Though social, economic, and
religious differences may be considered obstacles to a potential
union , they may sometimes be overlooked. One criterion that
is never compromised is ethnic affiliation . Parents go to great
lengths to show that there is no non-Gurage blood in their
family history.
Until the second half of the twentieth century, marriages
were arranged by parents; children had no voice. Since then
many young men choose their own brides but allow their par
ents and the elders of the village to have the satisfaction of
going through the customary prenuptial ceremonies. Although
most marriages are still arranged by the parents, the number
of freely chosen brides and freely accepted grooms seems to
be significantly higher than in most other ethnic groups.
Traditional and Muslim Gurage are polygynous, and even
Christian Gurage sometimes take more than one wife. Widow
inheritance (levirate) occurs, as does concubinage. A common
variation on the traditional first marriage is the union of two
brothers and two sisters .
A number of factors, including the heavy emphasis on the
importance of the patrilineal kin group , seem to make the mar
ital relationship a discordant one , and marriages are said to be
quite unstable. A man may strike his wife at the least provoca
tion ; he may ignore her and devote his entire attention to a
second wife; he can send her home to her parents and still de
mand that she be faithful sexually. She cannot sue for divorce.
The wife's main opportunity for at least a degree of stability
in her marriage is to have eight children as soon as possible,
after which the marriage is made ritually binding. At this time
a feast is held in which the entire village takes part. It is then
made public that her marriage is legally tied as well as ritually
sanctioned. She can still be sent back to her family , but this
rarely happens. A man may sue for divorce for almost any
reason , but a woman has no recourse , even though her hus
band may commit adultery , beat her, ignore her, or send
her home .

Intrafamilial Division of Labor

Day-to-day care of the children and cleaning the home are
among the duties of the wife, who is often aided by unmarried
daughters and sometimes by daughters -in -law . The wife is ex
147
pected always to have large quantities of beer and coffee for
her husband and his guests. Although the husband is in charge
of the actual production of the family's food , the wife regulates
very carefully its consumption as it is taken from storage. Earn
ing money, especially in wage labor, is the prerogative of men,
but the marketing of cash crops, involving the consequent
handling of money, can be carried out by either men or women .
In raising children the Gurage follow the same procedures
and division of labor as the Amhara - Tigre. A father leaves the
training of his small sons to the mother. Between mother and
son at this time there is a strong bond of affection . Mothers
carry their youngest with them while carrying out their house
hold duties, giving them the breast whenever they are hungry
or crying. The practice lasts usually for a period of four years.
This period of idyllic existence for the child ends abruptly
upon weaning. The boy is placed under the tutelage of his
father. He learns cattle herding, ensete ( see Glossary) cultiva
tion, and other male tasks. By taking part in communal activ
ities such as herding, he learns the value of mutual assistance
within the lineage. The amount of work is gradually increased
with age so that there is no unsettling transition from adoles
cent to adult stages.
The father has little to do with training his daughters. The
mother, and perhaps other female relations, teach the young
girls their household duties as well as how to help in the ensete
fields.

Intrafamilial Relationships
The father's dominance is the overriding factor in intra
familial relationships among the Gurage. The children belong
solely to him, in a technical sense at least, and the mother
has little control over them after they reach puberty. The father
takes total jurisdiction over all of his children , and their mem
bership in his lineage is fully recognized.
Ideally and in fact the relationship between husband and
wife is marked by the husband's domination and by strong
separation of the sexes . Variations are found so rarely that
neither male nor female would think of a relationship of any
other kind. Little affection is shown by the male, at least in
public, and the wife respects the decisions of the husband. To
a non -Gurage, this relationship seems rather cold, formal, and
even antagonistic, but for a Gurage man to act differently
would jeopardize his standing in the community.
There is often a period of strained relations between a father
and his sons, and among the sons themselves, when they grow
to young manhood. The most important source of the strain is
148
the question of land inheritance. The father uses this to try
and control his sons more closely; the uncertainty leads the
sons to resent the father's actions , especially after they have
married .
These conflicts seldom involve the mother. If the young man
is married, the mother often helps his wife with the children
and most of the time tries to be sympathetic with his problems.
Basically the young man's relationship with his mother remains
close and informal.
Other relatives seem to enter into family relationships in
different ways , depending on which lineage, the husband's or
the wife's, they belong to . For example, although the brother
of the wife is not part of the household itself, he visits often
and is treated by the children with the same affection with
wh they treat their mother. The father's brother, however,
is stern to his nieces and nephews, much as is their father.
Often he has either full or part responsibility for the raising
of his brother's children if, for example , the father has gone
to the city for a job or has died .
It is a Gurage ideal, often realized, for offspring of the same
sex to develop close relationships. At first younger brothers or
sisters have a position decidedly junior to their older brothers
and sisters but, as they mature, this evolves into a relationship
of equals . Among brothers, however, the warm relationship of
earlier years tends to break down , especially because of ques
tions of land inheritance . Women cannot inherit land so they do
not have this factor coming between them and usually main
tain the close relationships of childhood throughout their later
years .

Extended Kin Relationships and Kin- Based Groups

Almost all social interaction among the Gurage, from that
of the domestic group through the village, district, and clan.
levels, is structured by a highly developed patrilineal kinship
system . At the village level all male inhabitants ideally should
be members of the same small patrilineal lineage. Even in
some of the newly founded villages , where many people are
not actually related, their descendants will all claim common
descent after a time . Even before this evolution has taken
place , two unrelated local families will not allow their off
spring to intermarry. They are bound by the same rules of
village exogamy (marriage outside the village) as those fami
lies who are actually related .
Although the individual families own their land, the village
has its own lands and may even share certain portions, such
as grazing areas or streams, with other villages. No Gurage
149
 1

may sell his land to an outsider without the approval of the

lineage heads residing in his village. Full membership in a vil
lage corporate group is acknowledged only when a man has
been given permission to own land, and the fact of this owner
ship carries with it the same lineal affiliations with all its social
ramifications as pertain to someone who has lived in the vil
lage all his life.
The Gurage word for lineage is teb. The male residents of
each village form part of a teb; it is not certain if a village
corresponds exactly with a teb, which seems to be slightly 1

more comprehensive in its membership, but certainly there is

a close correlation . In any event , groups of villages and of
related teb are related in a larger teb structure, which in
cludes the clan territory . Thus there is a direct relationship be
tween the geographical distribution of villages in the clan areas
and their structural relationship in terms of kinship that is
manifested in the teb or clan (see ch . 6 , Social Structure ).

SOMALI

Marriage and Divorce

Marriage among the Somali is a secular contract with both
economic and political importance. The man and woman to be
married are regarded as representatives of their lineages, and
the marriage is conceived of as a political bond between two
dia-paying groups (see Glossary) or two lineages (see ch. 6,
Social Structure).
The Somali form of marriage follows the standard Islamic
pattern in that it consists of agreeing to and fulfilling a contract
entered into by the legal representatives of the parties con
cerned , whereby a woman is given as wife to a man by her fam
ily, bringing with her specific property, in consideration where
of the man undertakes to pay a specific sum . Islamic tradition
specifies that the ideal partner is the son or daughter of one's
father's brother, and here the traditions separate , for the Ara
bian social system in which the Islamic marriage rules were de
veloped promotes the solidarity of the lineage by marriage with
in it , whereas the Somali tradition assumes that the lineage is
solid and promotes interlineage links through marriage between
members of different descent groups. Although the marriage is
secular, religious rites accompany the marriage, as they do any
solemn and important undertaking .
The actual marriage ceremony may take several forms, vary
ing partly according to circumstance and choice and partly ac
cording to locality . One or two of these forms are traditionally
Islamic and others are traditionally Somali, but most have ele
150
ments found in many of the cultures of the other ethnic groups
of the country, such as make-believe elopement or abduction .
The bond formed between two lineages by marriage is not of
the same order as that created by a contract and does not carry
the same obligations as does membership in the same descent
group. It is one of a number of possible bonds that may be es
tablished between groups to stabilize friendship and coopera
tion . In the case of the individual, it gives him kinship ties out
side his official group, and the children have recognized kinship
ties to their mother's lineage .
In some cases a couple of the same lineage may marry if they
are separated by the number of generations usually found in a
lineage: six or, better yet , ten . Marriage within this range is not
unlawful so much as disapproved for practical purposes; a mar
riage is not good if no new relationship is created .
Like the Gurage, the Somali are strongly patrilineal. A
woman is considered to be in a legal status of perpetual tute
lage; she is under the authority first of her father or whatever
male kinsman is head of the family, then of her husband, and
lastly of her son . Although authority over her is passed by her
father to her husband, she never legally becomes a member of
her husband's lineage . In the traditional view of most Somali
groups, a woman is legally inferior; she has no rights of in
heritance, and her guardians transact her business for her, in
cluding the arrangement of her marriage. Her consent, how
ever, must be given , or the marriage is not legal. Many times
she is consulted during the courting period and, unlike the cus
tom in most of the other groups in the country, may actually
take part in the premarriage discussions.
As for the young man, his parents and lineage elders have a
great deal of control over his choice of a bride. An older man
of established financial status has greater leeway, although
often even a young man's personal choice is acceptable to
his kinsmen .
Because of the rather extensive occurrence of polygyny and
divorce, most of the male Somali , at least , go through more
than one marriage. At the time of the first marriage, however,
the age of a man is usually between eighteen and twenty and
that of a girl between fifteen and twenty. A girl may take the
initiative, as among the Galla, if she has passed the normal age
for first marriage with no prospects; she may apply to a neigh
boring hamlet where she knows there are eligible men and, if
the elders do not arrange a marriage for her, they must pay in
sult damages to her lineage . This occurs rarely, but cases are
recorded as recently as the 1950s .
Islamic law makes it very easy for the man to be divorced . All
151
he has to do is state in the presence of at least two male or four
female witnesses " I divorce thee" three times. Only the man
may take the initiative in divorce, unless he suffers from im
potence or some severe chronic disease , in which case the wife
may bring suit. If, however, she finds her marriage intolerable,
a wife may request a divorce and force it by making matters un
pleasant in the home or enlisting her family's support in bring
ing pressure to bear.

Intrafamilial Division of Labor

Men and women cooperate in heavy labor. In general , how

ever, the women tend to the flocks of goats and sheep and the
men and boys to the camel and cattle herds. If a man has more
than one wife, the first wife directs the activities of the women
and children when the whole family camps and moves together,
and she takes precedence over the other wives . The others, if
there are more than one , have no order of precedence. Each
wife and her children keep their stock separately, however, and
may move independently. In nomadic areas, where there are
also towns and settled agriculture, one wife may move with the
flocks, another may move with the cattle , a third may super
vise a small agricultural operation , and possibly a fourth will
maintain a home in the town where the husband may go for
work in the dry season .
All children have tasks as soon as they are old enough to do
them , from herding and dairying to making rope of bark fiber.
Setting up a nomadic hut is women's work , although it is not
forbidden for the men to help when necessary; well digging is
men's work. In cultivation areas houses are often erected by
specialists. Men and women both have special tasks in the
fields, the men handling the heavier work. Children watch the
crops ripening and drive off birds with slings .

Intrafamilial Relationships
The man is expected to dominate and to provide leadership in
the family unit. If he has more than one wife, he is required by
Islamic law to spend an equal amount of time with each wife,
and the Somali tend to follow this rule. The wife probably inter
acts more directly with the children than the husband does, and
her relationship with him is one of subservience, though un
doubtedly the degree of this position of tutelage depends on the
way and the style in which the wife carries out her duties as
well as on her attitudes to her husband.
152
 OTHER CUSHITIC-SPEAKING GROUPS

There is a difference in marriage patterns between the south

ern groups of Afar and the northern groups (see ch. 5 , Ethnic
Groups and Languages) . Among the southern groups , with rare
exceptions, a man should choose his spouse from another lin
eage , preferably that of his father's sister's husband. The most
desirable marriage is that with a father's sister's daughter; she
is , in effect, reserved for her mother's brother's son . Any lin
eage thus sets up a series of links by marriage to several other
nearby groups .
Among the northern Afar and among some of the chiefly lin
eages of the southern Afar, marriage with the father's brother's
daughter is preferred , a practice like that of the Arabs and prob
ably influenced by them . The pattern tends to conserve property
within the lineage .
The Afar are grouped into patrilineal lineages, and these in
turn are part of larger entities-claiming descent from a com
mon male ancestor. In this difficult environment, a lineage is
sometimes represented by only a single family. More commonly,
however, a lineage comprises the descendants of a common an
cestor three or four generations from the youngest adult males.
In one such lineage there were eight adult (married ) sons, three
grandsons, and five great- grandsons of the founder still living.
For purposes of control over property , armed conflict between
lineages, inheritance, and revenge for homicide or other injury,
a man's patrilineal lineage or clan is of primary significance.
An Afar is, however, also linked to members of his mother's
patrilineal lineage, particularly to the close kinsmen of his
mother . They play aa role in his initiation and in other aspects of
his childhood and youth, and their prayers are sought when a
woman is slow in producing her first child.
The basic unit of the domestic group consists of a man and
his wife. If he has several , each has her own tent. After mar
riage and until the first child is born , the couple lives with her
family. Thereafter, they return to the family of the husband and
form a semiautonomous part of the group .
Livestock are inherited by sons and daughters alike, but those
of the daughter remain with her family to sustain her if she
should be divorced or widowed . The Afar practice the levirate ,
but if a widow is not taken by a brother or other lineage mate
of her deceased husband, she may return to her parents ' group
and make her own choice of husband .
Information on the Cushitic-speaking peoples of southwestern
Ethiopia groups is old and sparse. Available data point to
153
slightly varying traditions among the various groups. Almost all
groups practice the giving of bride wealth. If the families are
not wealthy, elopement or abduction are considered to be rea
sonable alternatives . In general , the marriage ceremonies of
some of these people have aspects of Galla and Gurage tradi
tions, a consequence of their geographical position and contact
with Galla and Gurage groups (see ch . 5, Ethnic groups and
Languages ).
The father appears to be the arranger of the marriage, but it
is not certain if this is true of all tribes. At least some were
polygynous , and those that are Muslim most certainly practice
polygyny if they can afford it. The levirate was practiced by at
least two groups, the Konta and the Haruro .
Reasons for divorce varied traditionally from tribe to tribe.
The Maji (of the Gimira -Maji group), when a woman was
caught in the act of adultery, threw her off a cliff, but the
Sangama and Male of the Ometo group did not regard adultery
as a very serious matter. A Sidamo man of the Sidamo-Derasa
Kambata group has the right to beat his wife or divorce her.
Nothing is mentioned about punishing the male. The wife's
adultery seems to be the main cause for divorce, although it is
probable that other situations occurring among the Amhara
Tigre, Galla, and Gurage occur among some of these south
western peoples as well .
Basically, women do the traditional household activities of
cooking, cleaning, and caring for the young children. They may
also work with the men or cultivate small garden plots. The
men work in the fields. Although there was in 1970 no definite
information on the role of children, it seems probable that they
receive training similar to that of the surrounding ethnic groups.
The Sidamo proper are said to have a strong patrilineal clan
system , but detailed information was lacking in 1970. Relations
within the family may resemble those of the Gurage.

154
 CHAPTER 8

LIVING CONDITIONS

More than 90 percent of the people are rooted in the land,

raise most of their own food , make their own clothing, and con
struct their own modest houses . Their expressed needs are lim
ited mainly to the basic essentials of life, and contacts with the
more modern sector of the country are infrequent. In general,
the elite of government, business , and the professions reside in
the few cities and larger towns, where they pursue a way of life
more nearly resembling that of many cosmopolitan urban cen
ters in other countries. For many urban dwellers , however, life
is a mixture of traditional ways and the aspects of Western liv
ing habits often associated with early change in developing
nations.
Few inhabitants in the rural areas are dissatisfied with their
way of life, which has prevailed since antiquity . They accept
without question the often marked contrasts between the rural
and urban sectors in matters of housing, sanitation, clothing,
food, literacy, social welfare, disease, and health services. This
acceptance has created obstacles for the government and the
educated reformers who seek to change the traditions of
centuries .
Despite the serious efforts of the government and several in
ternational and foreign agencies to provide improved conditions
of health , disease remains prevalent. Life expectancy is low, in
fant and child mortality is high, and efforts to improve health
conditions had not yet reversed these trends in mid-1970. Most
rural people, generally isolated from the modern sector by a
limited system of communications , do not understand the con
cepts of public health and have little access to its facilities.
A host of deeply rooted beliefs and social practices contrib
utes to popular resistance to the limited available services of
modern medicine. The larger cities and towns have a number of
well-equipped hospitals and clinics, but about 80 percent of the
population does not have access to modern medical services.
Most rural inhabitants rely instead on the ministrations of
traditional curers .
Lack of proper sanitation and sanitary facilities aggravates
the country's health problems. There are many positive aspects
155
in nutrition and diet, but the nutritional value of much of the
population's food consumption is less than is required for good
health. Religious and local customs pertaining to food contrib
ute to some nutritional inadequacies .
The welfare of the rural individual remains a kinship respon
sibility. In cities , where traditional family welfare activities are
less effective, new social problems have arisen . The moderate
but continuous drift to urban centers has resulted in crowded
living conditions, sanitation problems, unemployment, crime,
destitution , and overtaxed public facilities.
The government, which has expressed the desire to provide
basic social services, was moving forward in mid - 1970 with
plans and programs to improve the living conditions of the pop
ulation as quickly as possible . It has undertaken such programs
as low-cost housing, the provision of clean water, expansion and
decentralization of medical facilities, and a basic program of
public health education aimed at producing modern attitudes
toward sanitation and disease.
Given the limited resources of the government and the tradi
tional attitudes of the people, government leaders, with the as.
sistance and encouragement of foreign technicians, have been
actively encouraging the people to help themselves to a better
life through cooperative self-help . Under a new program of
community development, which has begun to expand into many
provincial areas, government leaders thus hope to raise the
country's living standards and to eliminate many of the grow
ing population's current social problems.
PATTERNS OF LIVING

Because the population is ethnically varied , a wide range of

customs affects living patterns. In a general sense, however, the
most marked contrasts occur between the bulk of the people
who follow a traditional way of life in a rural setting and those
who live in larger urban centers , such as Addis Ababa , Asmara ,
Gondar , and Harar. The standard distinction between urban
and rural communities is difficult to apply in Ethiopia, where
towns and villages are essentially groupings of rural people who
follow the living patterns of their ancestors. For them, little
perceptible change is made or welcomed by each succeeding
generation . Only the small percentage of the population that is
urban educated appears obviously dissatisfied with the coun
try's general standard of living and views the traditional way of
life as primitive.
In the larger cities a small number of top government officials,
members of the traditional nobility, and most foreigners live in
modern houses and possess many Western amenities. The in
156
fluence of Western living patterns is stronger among those who
have been educated abroad. Marked contrasts exist even in
cities such as Addis Ababa, where the less affluent adopt the
Western way of life during their working day in the modern
sector but return in the evening to their modest homes on the
outskirts of the city and their traditional way of life.
Approximately 92 percent of the people live in rural surround
ings and depend on farming or stockraising to provide the
necessities of life. Land is valued as the source of all sustenance
and as an inheritance from one's ancestors. Even among those
who have their own land , however, ownership may not go back
for more than a few generations . Many rent the land on which
they live from one generation to the next (see ch. 18,
Agriculture ).
The usual settlement pattern in the plateau regions is one of
agricultural villages of ten to twenty traditional houses sur
rounded by cropland. These rural hamlets are generally occu
pied by people of a single ethnic group; all may be related to
each other, but this is not a necessary criterion for the forma
tion of a village. Scattered along the major transportation
routes are larger towns, where traders operate open -air markets,
where government officials live and work, and where organized
social elements such as schools and police provide services for
the residents . Isolated farms are scarce in the highland regions,
but they exist with greater frequency in the southern provinces.
In the lowland areas , the people generally live in a few widely
separated villages , and single farmsteads are rarely found.
Highland settlements are usually located on hilltops or on
well-drained slopes . They are rarely found along streams or
other low-lying areas because of the threat of floods and ma
laria . As a result, housewives must transport water for house
hold purposes over great distances, using large earthern water
jugs . This pattern of avoiding watercourses for the location of
villages usually applies even in the lowlands where the land and
climate are arid and the sources of water are limited. A number
of villages exist on the flat-surfaced ambas ( see Glossary ).
Many of the Amhara , Tigre, and Galla villages are similar in
design. The circular houses generally range in size from four
teen to twenty -two feet in diameter, and each family's cluster
of dwellings and outbuildings is surrounded by the fields on
which its crops are grown . The typical farm within these vil
lages is limited to a size that one family can cultivate with its
own labor and traditional tools . It is large enough to produce
food for the family and often big enough to provide a small sur
plus for barter or sale to meet rental or tax obligations.
Although no detailed data are available on the exact size of
157
the country's rural holdings, surveys in four of the highland
provinces indicate that an average village homesite varies from
about three to five acres . Gurage villages have the greatest pop
ulation density per acre and are the smallest in individual land
holding. Amhara village acreage is the least densely populated ,
and as a rule these families have more land then the other eth
nic groups. The Galla fall somewhere in the middle range, both
in size of holdings and family membership .
Gurage villages are somewhat more symmetrical in design
than those of other ethnic groups. Cropland lies behind the
houses , which form a continuous line. The most conspicuous
feature of a Gurage village is the thirty- to fifty -foot-wide main
street that bisects the circular settlement. Behind the houses,
large trees are cut down to prevent their falling and damaging
the homesites, to provide space for cultivation, and to remove
possible shelter for wild animals .
Traditional markets operate regularly once a week in a few of
the villages, but most of these centers of trade are located in
the larger towns, to which villagers often travel great distances
on foot or on donkeys and mules. Small clusters of permanent
shops and stalls offering food and cloth are open daily to
supplement the periodic gathering of traders whose combined
offerings make up the open-air markets ( see ch. 21 , Domestic
Trade).
Because of its relative isolation and general self-sufficiency,
the average rural household is little affected by external eco
nomic factors. Its standard of living is endangered mainly by
such disasters as locust invasions , disease epidemics, droughts,
and floods. In rural areas there is relatively little difference in
conditions of housing and other amenities between the poor and
the wealthy. Wealth is not reflected in elaborate dwellings and
equipment but rather in the amount of land occupied, the num
ber of livestock owned, and the frequency and quality of
feasts hosted .
The national annual per capita income in the late 1960s was
approximately the equivalent of US $66 , and subsistence farmers
saw relatively little cash . Money they earn through the sale of
honey , hides , or other agricultural products is usually spent to
pay taxes and to buy, in the local markets, spices, salt, kerosine,
razor blades , soap, combs, and other basic items. Many neces
sities are still obtained by barter rather than by cash .
Living conditions are often difficult for those former rural
residents who have come to the city in search of wages and who
find themselves unemployed for long periods of time because
they possess no employable skills or because of fluctuations of
the labor market (see ch . 20, Labor ). For many of these people
158
the wages they can earn are generally inadequate to meet the
higher cost of urban living.
Persons living largely on wages were affected by a moderate
rise in the cost of living that persisted from 1950 through the
late 1960s . Price increases occurred mainly in readymade cloth
ing and household items . Increases in the prices of a few im
ported manufactured goods, such as automotive parts, tires,
and paper, have affected only the relatively small group of
higher income consumers. The prices of most basic food items ,
cloth, transportation, and medical care have remained fairly
steady, although some seasonal fluctuations occur in the case
of food .
The total amount of earned wages is often spent on basic
necessities. Statistics indicate that a family with an annual in
come of Eth$420 ( 1 Ethiopian dollar equals US$0.40) spends
more than 60 percent on food , about 12 percent on clothing,
and the rest on rent, taxes, fuel, and equipment. Only those in
higher income brackets have a reserve of money to spend on
miscellaneous luxuries, including recreation . A large number of
workers receive wages of less than Eth$420 annually ( see ch .
20, Labor).

Dietary Practices
Possession of an abundance of food is highly valued, and
every family is expected to invite relatives and friends to
periodic feasts from which the group derives social prestige.
The frequency of these affairs, the number of people fed, and
the quality and quantity of food consumed serve as traditional
yardsticks in measuring social standing ( see ch . 6 , Social Struc
ture ). Even the humblest household insists on offering food and
drink to every visitor.
Although adverse weather conditions and locust plagues re
sult in occasional crop failures and famines, the country usually
is self-sufficient in the basic foods consumed by most of its pop
ulation (see ch . 18 , Agriculture ). Great variations exist, however,
among the different ethnic groups and geographic regions in
the substance , quality, and quantity of the diet. In general, only
part of the available edible resources are included in the aver
age diet .
Traditional ethnic food prejudices and the dietary and fasting
rules of both the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and Islam exert
considerable influence on eating habits (see ch . 11 , Religion ).
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church designates all or part of 239
days in the Ethiopian calendar as fast days during which no
animal products may be eaten . Although few people observe all
feast days, most Ethiopian Orthodox Christians fast during the
159
56 -day period of Lent before Easter and during a shorter period
in August before the Feast of the Assumption on August 22
honoring the Virgin Mary. Many others also fast on Wednes
days and Fridays as well . Muslims fast from sunrise to sunset
during the traditional month of Ramadan observance. Fasting
and ethnic food attitudes are believed to be major factors con
tributing to the average weight of about 117 pounds for Ethio
pian males and a generally less than satisfactory level of
nutrition .
Among the inhabitants of the plateau highlands the strongest
food prejudices are attached to certain animal products. The
Amhara and Tigre refuse to eat the meat of much of the wild
game in the area , and some aversion to eating fish still exists
among the Galla. Raw mature beef is relished by most inhabi
tants , but the Tigre and other smaller groups avoid eating veal.
The milk of mares , donkeys, and camels is also rejected by most
groups; the Somali and some of the northern nomads, however,
rely on camels ' milk as a substitute for water in the arid regions
where they live.
Typical of the Amharic diet is the almost universal preference
for teff, the choice cereal grain used for making bread. Barley,
sorghum , maize ( corn ), and wheat are also of major impor
tance . Teff, however, is consumed in three times the quantity
of any other single cereal. Roasted whole kernels of cereals are
frequently eaten between meals .
Next in importance after cereals are pulses; with the cereals
they represent the major source of protein in the diet. Beans,
lentils, and peas are the preferred pulses; peas are eaten daily
by most people. Onions , garlic, white potatoes, and pumpkins
are the only vegetables consumed regularly in cooked form .
Cabbage, tomatoes, and fresh corn are eaten seasonally in some
areas. Red pepper is used only in dried form as a spice and as
such is deprived of most of its vitamin C content. Many wild
fruits - such as lemons-and commercially grown oranges and
grapefruit are also available, but they are rarely eaten by the
Amhara, who view the gathering of fruit for food as a sign of
poverty and low social status .
Berries, certain root vegetables, and other wild foods are
usually not eaten by adults except in times of famine or when
other generally accepted foods are in scarce supply. An abun
dance of insects exist throughout the country , but most are ig
nored as food except for locusts , which are eaten by the Afar
( Danakil ) and the Tigre Muslims . Consumption of locusts by
Ethiopian Orthodox Christians is prohibited by the church.
The white potato is the only root crop commonly used for
food . Sweet potatoes , cocoyams , and other root crops are well
160
adapted to the regions these people occupy, but they generally
are not eaten . Leafy vegetables are often grown for sale to for
eign inhabitants and to urban Ethiopians who have acquired
some of the western eating habits . The Amhara and the Galla,
however, do not consider these foods worth cultivating for their
own use .
There is a large market for dairy products in Addis Ababa,
where the demand has led to a steady improvement in both the
quality and quantity of milk. Most of the fresh milk comes from
Shola Farm , which was established and continues to operate
with assistance from the United Nations Relief and Rehabili
tation Administration (UNRRA ) and the United States Agency
for International Development (USAID ). Shola Farm does not
meet the growing demand for fresh milk, but another dairy fi
nanced by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) is ex
pected to increase the available production . Much of the milk
comes from rural cattle owners , who are supplied each day with
hygienic containers for transporting small amounts to the
dairies' collecting points . After it is pasteurized, the milk is sold
at kiosks in Addis Ababa . In rural areas , where cow's milk is
not abundant, the milk of goats or sheep is often used. Gener
ally, however, it is consumed by children , by shepherds, or
as medicine.
Despite the general availability of cattle , meat in the diet of
many rural people is limited to holidays or when animals are
slaughtered because they no longer produce milk . Religious
rules on fasting and the view that cattle are a symbol of wealth
rather than a source of food have accentuated the tendency to
ward low meat consumption . When available , beef, mutton, and
goat are usually the preferred meats . Chicken is frequently
eaten and represents a favorite source of animal protein among
the Amhara and Tigre; the Galla, Afar, and Somali, however,
do not eat chickens or eggs . Butter, often rancid, is widely used
as a food, cosmetic, and medicine. On fast days , vegetable oils
are substituted for butter .
Sugar is rarely eaten in pure form except in the urban centers.
Raw sugarcane stalks are chewed in the sugar-growing areas.
Honey is widely consumed in its pure form and is the basis for
a fermented honey beverage called taj. The most widely used
spice is the dried, crushed red pepper known as berbere.
The staple item in the diet of the Amhara and Tigre is injera,
a round, limp, slightly sour bread of spongelike texture. It is
made chiefly of teff, but flour derived from maize or barley is
also used. The dough is baked in large pancake-like shapes
about half an inch think.
Wat, a highly spiced sauce or stew , is eaten with or spread
161
over the injera shell . Wat is usually made of beef or chicken
and numerous hot spices ; it can be made entirely without meat,
and sometimes it contains hard -boiled eggs. Other common in
gredients are lentils or peas, large amounts of ground red pep
per , garlic, onions , butter or oil, and potatoes. Injera and wat
are eaten at the main noon meal and the evening meal. In rural
or traditional surroundings, a single large portion is served to
the assembled group and eaten communally. In restaurants of
larger cities, this national dish can be ordered in individual
servings and usually with less spice than is traditionally
included .
The universal drink is talla, a beer fermented from barley and
the leaves of the gesho plant. It is consumed at an early period
in the fermentation process when its flavor is sweet and its al
coholic content is relatively low . Taj, which is more alcholic
than talla, is more costly and , therefore, is consumed regularly
only by the wealthier inhabitants. The only locally distilled
liquor of northwest Ethiopia is known as araki, a strong, clear
liquid that looks and tastes like anise . Coffee is popular with
both the nomadic and sedentary ethnic groups, but tea, pre
pared with aromatic roots, is more often used by the seden
tary Somali .
The Galla consume a relatively varied diet, which includes
meat, cereals , and a few vegetables . The standard beverages
are milk and a mixture of whey and water. Coffee, a honey .
based fermented beverage called dadi, and beer made of millet
are the chief stimulants. Among the Gurage and many other
peoples of southwest Ethiopia, the ensete ( false banana - see
Glossary ) is the most important source of food . Bread similar to
injera is prepared from a flour made from the plant's stem .
Taro , a potato -like starchy vegetable, represents a dietary
staple, particularly in times of food shortage. A porridge cooked
in milk and butter is prepared from the solidified sap of the
ensete .

In regions occupied by the Afar and among nomadic tribes

in general, the milk of goats , camels , or cows represents the
chief ingredient of the diet . Some Afar live exclusively on milk
and meat. The diet is varied by occasional small amounts of
durra, a drought-resistant variety of sorghum . One of the typ
ical dishes is a mixture of ghee (clarified butter) and red pepper
combined with curdled milk. Some wild fruits are also eaten .
Food habits of city dwellers are often influenced by ethnic
dietary preferences, but a large variety of Western foods is also
available in markets and restaurants . Many restaurants cater to
tastes for food acquired by Ethiopians who have been educated
abroad and to those who can afford these generally more ex
162
pensive foods. Soft drinks are sold in larger urban centers, and
bars and cocktail lounges in the larger hotels offer a standard
list of foreign alcoholic beverages.
Among the sedentary ethnic groups, most people usually eat
three meals a day. Breakfast generally is a small meal , consist
ing, as does the evening meal, of bread and stew with milk or
beer. Adults eat first; after they have finished , the children and
any servants employed by the household eat what is left. Guests
are treated with great deference. Reticence or refusal to partake
of the host's offer of food is viewed as an insult and adversely
reflects on the family's social standing and hospitality.
Housing
With the exception of a few of the more modern Western
style dwellings found in some sections of the larger cities, most
traditional houses conform to a common architectural style.
Variations in construction depend largely on whether the in
habitants pursue a settled type of life or are nomadic. The
wealthier among the settled peoples may construct larger ver
sions of the typical rural house , or they may have better baskets
and storage vessels than their poorer neighbors. They may have
rugs on the interior walls or enjoy the advantage of outbuild
ings for grain storage; they may even have a two- storied dwell
ing for the separation of livestock from the family quarters.
The most common type of house , which predominates in
villages, in rural sections of the highlands and, to some degree,
in the outskirts of such cities as Addis Ababa, is the circular
shaped , conical-roofed tukul. The walls of the tukul are made
of strong, upright poles set close together and stuck into the
ground. Other poles, split into strips, are bound horizontally to
the vertical members at approximately two- foot intervals, form
ing a latticed frame. In grain -growing areas durra stalks tied to
the poles often complete the walls. In most cases, however,
walls are covered both inside and outside with plaster made of
mixed clay and straw. In bamboo -growing areas, the walls of
the tukul are often made completely of bamboo strips woven
into attractive patterns.
The conical roof of the tukul is constructed of sloping wooden
rafters bound together at the apex of the cone. Most roofs are
covered with thatched grass, but many wealthier inhabitants
can afford roofs made of corrugated iron sheeting. Circular
houses and conical roofs withstand more successfully the effects
of heavy rains and windstorms .
The average tukul has earthen floors or, sometimes, floors of
packed cow dung, a single entrance, no chimney, but it seldom
has a window . Smoke from cooking fires escapes through a
163
narrow opening at the top of the wall, where the frame may
not be covered by plaster, or seeps slowly from beneath the
thatched roof as best it can . The fireplace made from three to
five stones or an oil drum is usually placed in the center of
the hut .
The house may be used for living quarters, kitchen , stable, or
storage, but often it is used for all four purposes. In this case,
the tukul has inner partitions with openings closed by curtains
or doors. If livestock is kept inside the family home , the floor
of the stable is usually lower than the rest of the house. A plat
form for chickens is often found over the entrance door.
Generally, one part of the house is set aside as a storage area,
and the rest serves as living quarters. Cooking utensils , baskets,
pottery containers of grain and other foodstuffs, and mortars
and grindstones for crushing food are kept in the storage com
partment. In the living section , slightly elevated clay platforms
against the walls serve as the family beds . Straw and animal
skins are used for bedding. Logs fastened together often serve
as benches in the daytime and beds at night .
One or two wooden stools, planks, boxes, or barrels to sit on
and the kitchen equipment usually make up the furnishings in
the typical tukul. Wealthier families may own a table and a
kerosine lamp. The walls of the house usually are well supplied
with hooks on which tools and clothing are hung to eliminate
floor clutter. Manufactured furniture is found only in the homes
of the affluent and well-established families.
The shelter of nomadic or seminomadic peoples can easily be
disassembled and loaded on pack animals to be moved along
with the herd. The hut of the Afar is the ari, built of acacia
branches covered with woven grass mats . The branches of the
hut's framework are bent to form a dome-shaped structure, five
to six feet high , over which the mats are placed in a shingle
like pattern . The bed is virtually the only type of furniture used
by the Afar. Its frame is made of four forked -top sticks, which
are sunk into the ground, with poles resting horizontally in the
forks. Intertwined thongs of rawhide are strung across the
frame of the bed. Common sleeping arrangements are thus pro
vided for the husband , wife, and small children . Older children
sleep on skins thrown on the ground.
The Afar build their cooking fires outside their huts in small,
hollow beehive-shaped mounds of stones. Small brush - covered
enclosures are generally used to protect the young animals;
stone corrals occasionally are constructed for this purpose. The
saltworkers in the Danakil Depression often build their houses
of salt blocks. The finished product resembles an arctic igloo.
The nomadic Somali live in collapsible, portable huts similar
164
to the ari of the Afar. The hut is usually partitioned into two
sections by a hide curtain or a divider of branches that meets
the walls near the door. The man of the family occupies the
portion of the hut nearest the door, and the dark, more secluded
part is left to the wife. A thorn -scrub enclosure delimits the
settlement, within which the extended family lives .
In urban areas there are huts built in clusters and attached
rows of one-room dwellings built of plaster over wooden frames.
Tukul of the wealthier urban residents often have walls of stone,
and some are two stories high. A number of rectangular houses
with traditional wattle walls are also found. The roofs of many
urban houses are of thatched materials, although the use of
corrugated iron sheeting is more prevalent than in rural settle
ments . Recognizing the need for more urban housing, the gov
ernment expects to invest Eth$524.6 million by 1973 for the
construction of chicka houses (conventional dwellings with
corrugated iron roofs ).
Complete data on modern amenities did not exist for all
towns and cities in mid -1970 , but government surveys of nine
towns conducted in the late 1960s permit tentative generaliza
tions . From 50 to 79 percent of urban inhabitants lived in one
room houses, the majority of which were classified as of tradi
tional construction . The size of families occupying these single
room structures averaged about four members. Over half of
the families owned their own homes ; more than a third rented;
and the rest lived rent free or in institutions such as military
camps , hospitals , and other government establishments.
Because of the government's efforts to provide safe drinking
water to urban residents, about 55 percent had access to clean
piped water for drinking and other basic household purposes.
Generally, piped water was available at public spigots, and
householders often paid for water at the rate of Eth$0.10 per
four-gallon can . The others relied on streams or man-dug wells
for their water supplies ; many of these facilities were consider
ed impure and a hazard to health.
Approximately 60 percent of urban residents had no access
to sanitary facilities, relying instead on open areas behind
houses or nearby fields. Slightly more than 1 percent of the
residents had flush toilets; the rest depended on the use of
open-pit latrines. Only a small percentage of all houses were
equipped for electricity, and these were located in towns near
the source of the country's few hydroelectric power projects.
Clothing
Western -style clothing is being increasingly adopted by the
educated class, but the great majority of people dress in the
165
traditional manner. Combinations of traditional garments with
Western clothing, notably shoes and khaki shirts, are worn in
>

creasingly in the cities. In rural areas cloth has been woven,

mainly by women , from cotton yarn , and much of the clothing
worn by these people is made at home. Readymade clothing
is becoming more available in the local markets, but most peo
ple cannot afford to buy it.
The distinctive national dress of the Amhara and Tigre is the
shamma, a toga-like garment about five by ten feet in size,
which is draped around the shoulders , arms and, occasionally,
the head. Worn by both sexes, it is made of either white home
spun or commercially manufactured cotton. The manner in
which the shamma is draped by women differs from that of
men. A variation of the garment is the jano, which has a wide
red strip near the hem; it is folded differently than the regular
shamma and is worn only on feast days . A double shamma, or
kutta, is worn for warmth , especially during the rainy season .
To protect themselves against the cold , men and women also
wear the barnos, a cloak shaped like a conical tent with a cir
cular opening for the head. Government or religious officials
usually wear, often over Western clothes, a hoodless cape of
dark wool with a stiff, embroidered collar.
White jodhpurs are worn by many men . Formerly they were
distinctive marks of the nobility, but most Amhara men own a
pair for special occasions . Imported British -style khaki shorts
have become increasingly popular among rural males for every
day wear, but a large number still retain the traditional wide
trousers that narrow just below the knee. In the cities many
men wear a long-sleeved bush jacket under a light shamma.
Some who have made the change from jodhpurs to the wider
cuffed Western trousers wear the shamma in place of a jacket.
Increasing numbers of business and professional men , however,
have adopted the Western -style suit, although some revert to
traditional garments on occasions of national holidays or relig .
ious observances .
Amhara and Tigre women wear the kamis, a full-length ,
wide-sleeved cotton gown, sometimes embroidered on the front
and back, and tied around the waist with a thin string. It is
made of white cotton , rayon , or other synthetic materials. A
light shamma is worn over the kamis. Men of distinction also
wear elaborately embroidered kamis on special occasions.
Men of the rural Galla wear a skin or cloth around their loins,
leaving the upper part of the body bare . Most of the lowland
peoples wear a minimum of clothing, mainly skins or a simple
loincloth . The Galla of Arussi wear a short leather garment
fastened over the shoulders and reaching halfway down the
166
thigh. In rural areas young boys usually wear only shirts until
they reach teen age, when they acquire their first short pants.
Traditional dress has persisted among women much more
than among men , and many husbands expect their wives to
continue to wear the shamma and kamis . In Addis Ababa, how
ever, the small group of professional women has changed to
Western clothing. In most of the larger cities, modern Western
clothing styles have been adopted by growing numbers of
young persons. At times this has led to censure by government
officials and religious leaders, particularly in Asmara and
Addis Ababa .
Shoes and sandals , once worn only by the nobility, are be
coming the mark of education and affluence. Although few
cover their heads except with the hood of the barnos, an in
creasing number of men have begun to wear Western -style
hats. Both men and women wear ornaments purchased from
traders - beads, crosses, charms, bracelets, anklets, and neck
laces. The sun umbrella , formerly an accessory reserved for the
nobility and religious leaders, is becoming increasingly popular.
Most men in rural areas carry a long stick for protection against
wild animals .
Tatooing is common only among the smaller ethnic groups.
Afar men are often tattooed on the forehead, women on the ab
domen . The negroid tribes of outlying areas use a variety of
types of tatooing related to social and religious beliefs.

HEALTH

Life expectancy for the average Ethiopian was estimated

in 1970 at thirty -five years . The USAID calculated the infant
mortality rate for those under one year of age at 162 per 1,000
live births, or more than 16 percent, but Ethiopian govern
ment estimates showed that it might range as high as 30 per
cent. A number of diseases debilitated large segments of the
population .
Curative medicine is more advanced than preventive med
icine, but the government's Third Five Year Plan (1968-73)
stresses a need for greater emphasis on prevention. In its ef
forts to improve public health, the government has been aided
by a number of foreign nations, as well as by the United Na
tions World Health Organization (WHO ) and UNICEF. Limited
medical skills and facilities are available to carry out planned
health programs, which can be successfully applied only within
the context of the people's attitudes and reactions ( see ch. 12 ,
Social Values).
167
 Nutrition

There are indications, in the typically distended stomachs

of young children and in the small average stature and gen
erally low resistance to disease of the older population, that
the standard diet does not provide all the nutritional elements
necessary for people who are accustomed to a rigorous way of
life. WHO health surveys estimate that the bulk of the popu
lation has an average daily intake of about 2,130 calories. For
those who do not raise their own food and for those whose
earned incomes are minimal, the daily average is lower. The
nutritional surveys revealed a daily caloric deficit of as much
as 400 calories per person . Insufficient protein and the lack
of vitamins A and C in the diet are particularly evident in
many areas .
Malnutrition and caloric undernutrition are most conspic
uous among children from six months to five years of age.
Rickets caused by a vitamin D deficiency , kwashiorkor re
sulting from an insufficiency of animal proteins, and general
growth retardation are evident in this age group. Among the
adult population , shortages of vitamins A and C are manifested
in the frequent occurrence of skin lesions and oral gum deteri
oration . Endemic goiter, indicating a low intake of iodine, also
persists in many areas .
The supplies of thiamine , riboflavin , and calcium in the diet
are adequate. The intake of iron is unusually high, especially
where there is a large consumption of teff, its main source;
anemia rates are low despite a high incidence of intestinal and
other parasites. Other favorable health conditions are a low
occurrence of dental caries, a low average blood pressure, low
levels of blood cholesterol, and rare cases of hypertension .
Education in diet and nutrition has reached a small segment
of the population , and the government plans to increase its
information program on this subject through the work of the
new provincial health centers . Research on substitutes is ex
pected to lead to the establishment of a commercial enterprise
for producing and marketing a low-cost, high -protein food that
will provide this needed nutrient. The product is expected to
be acceptable to consumers and to accommodate the country's
religious customs .

Sanitation

Many of the prevalent diseases are caused by the limited

availability of sanitary facilities and a general lack of under
standing of modern sanitation practices . Cesspools , and septic
tanks are used in the more affluent residential sections of the
larger cities , but central waterborne sewage disposal is planned
168
for Addis Ababa. Public health legislation enacted in 1950 pro
hibits the practice of polluting the soil. The law is not observed
with any regularity, but efforts by local eder (neighborhood
self-help associations - see Glossary ) have had some effect on
its observance . In many areas cow and ox dung is used as fuel,
and garbage is generally deposited at a convenient place. In
Addis Ababa a refuse removal service is available for a fee,
but it operates on an irregular basis.
Water supplies are available from lakes, springs, rivers, and
shallow wells, but many of them are polluted by human and
animal wastes. The water supply is adequate in the higher
plateau regions, in the Rift Valley, and on the crest of the
Somali Plateau. On the lower slopes of the eastern and west
ern escarpments, in the Danakil lowlands, and in the Ogaden
country near the Somali Democratic Republic (Somalia ), sea
sonal water shortages occur frequently. The government's
Third Five Year Plan recognizes that sanitary water facilities
and sewage disposal are of critical importance in the control
of communicable disease and includes some emphasis on the
improvement of these aspects of environmental health.
The municipal water system in Addis Ababa supplies about
half of the city's population . It is treated by chlorination and
filtration , but the supply at times becomes polluted. Piped
water supplies serve a limited number of dwellings in Dire
Dawa, Dessie, Jimma, Gondar, and Harar and are generally
available at public spigots. The municipal water system in
Asmara, supplied by artificial lakes, wells, and underground
galleries, is more nearly adequate. Water is distributed to a
number of community outlets serving cisterns and tanks in the
more affluent residential sections. In Massawa the water sup
ply services town wells and many of the buildings in the sec
tion occupied by foreigners.
Legislation for the sanitary inspection of foods in the cities
exists and is enforced largely by the local eder. A shortage of
qualified personnel prevents the regular supervision of open
air markets, slaughterhouses, and some smaller dairies. The
sanitary inspection of foodstuffs is somewhat more effective
in the urban areas of Eritrea Province . The distribution of
milk and the manufacture of dairy products are also subject
to controls. Pasteurization facilities in Cheren and Asmara
process a considerable portion of the milk offered for sale.

Prevalent Diseases
No reliable data are available regarding the precise incidence
of diseases because official figures are limited to those patients
who seek assistance from the country's medical centers and
169
licensed physicians . Malaria , tuberculosis, venereal diseases,
intestinal parasites, and numerous other infections, however,
are known to sap the vitality of much of the population and
contribute to decreased levels of production in many areas of
the country .
About 8 million to 10 million of the population live in ma
laria -infested areas. The disease is endemic at elevations rang
ing from sea level to 5,000 feet, notably in the Ogaden area
and in the lowlands bordering Sudan. Seasonal outbreaks occur
in many areas of the highland plateau in regions between 5,000
and 7,000 feet. Malaria has hampered the agricultural develop
ment of large areas, since people are often forced to leave the
fertile plains and move to higher altitudes to escape exposure.
Both USAID and WHO, in cooperation with the government,
have sponsored projects that aim at the elimination of malaria
in the country by 1980. These programs include the systematic
spraying of selected areas with insecticides to kill the mosquito
larvae that transmit the disease. WHO sponsors a training cen
ter at Nazret for the instruction of local public health personnel
so that they can take over the eradication and control program .
Malaria epidemics still occur, but the pilot projects have notice
ably reduced the unusually high mortality rates of earlier years.
Venereal diseases , particularly syphilis, are estimated to af
flict from one-third to one-half of the adult population. Social
conditions in the cities , including widespread prostitution, have
contributed to the high incidence of such diseases. These dis
eases are also prevalent in the villages along the main roads
and, occasionally, in remote areas . Gonorrhea also occurs
frequently.
A venereal disease control clinic and demonstration center
established in 1952 in Addis Ababa by WHO operates under
the supervision of the Ministry of Public Health. One of the
center's main activities is the training of local personnel to
carry out mass blood tests and to administer penicillin
treatment.
Leprosy is common in Hararge and Gojam provinces and in
areas bordering Sudan and Kenya . Some missionary societies
in scattered areas emphasize segregation and social and eco
nomic rehabilitation in their services to these victims. With
the assistance of UNICEF, the Ministry of Public Health op
erates a central leprosy control agency that offers outpatient
treatment. UNICEF also provides drugs for the treatments
given in ten leprosy control centers attached to various hos
pitals and in several outpatient stations supervised by the
organization .
Tuberculosis is estimated to afflict 30 to 40 percent of the
170
population . The Tuberculosis Control Demonstration Center
was established in 1959 in Addis Ababa under WHO auspices
to train professional personnel for a national vaccination cam
paign and to administer serum in the Addis Ababa area. Addi
tional centers exist in Asmara, Harar, and Gondar. Since the
opening of these centers, however, a small percentage of the
population has received immunization against tuberculosis.
Typhus occurs on the high plateau, and amoebic and bacil
lary dysenteries are widespread in its towns. The national
incidence of diarrhea and gastrointestinal disturbances reflects
the level of sanitation , particularly in the preparation of food .
Infection by tapeworm is common because of the popular
practice of eating raw or partially cooked meat. Bilharziasis,
a disease caused by a parasite transmitted in water from snails
to humans, occurs mainly in the northern part of the highlands,
in the western borderlands, in Hararge Province, and in Eritrea
Province .
The incidence of smallpox has decreased somewhat as limited
vaccination campaigns are periodically carried out by the
authorities in the larger population centers. Diseases of the eye,
such as trachoma and conjunctivitis, occur in many parts of
the country, particularly among the Somali of Hararge Prov
ince. Control measures in the public schools of Addis Ababa,
Gondar, and Harar have been established under WHO auspices
by the Ministry of Public Health . Ministry of Public Health
statistics showed that during the decade of the 1960s more
than 11.5 million persons received immunizations in varying
combinations for typhus, smallpox, typhoid, whooping cough,
yellow fever, rabies, cholera, and other diseases.

Modern Medical Services

Modern medicine first came to the country during the last
quarter of the nineteenth century with the arrival of mission
ary doctors, nurses, and midwives. Limited expansion of med
ical services based on scientific principles continued at a slow
pace until the establishment of the Ministry of Public Health
in 1948. Since then the pace of expansion in the field of pub
lic health has been more rapid, sparked by the technical as
sistance of WHO and USAID and the increased concern of
the Imperial Ethiopian Government. Topographic obstacles
and limited surface transportation , however, have served to
keep the large, scattered rural population isolated from the
available medical facilities, which are located chiefly in the
larger towns and cities .
In 1969 it was estimated that about 20 percent of the total
171
population received modern , organized health services. The
needs of the country's approximately 25 million people were
served by 84 hospitals with 9,317 beds, 531 outpatient clinics,
and 64 health centers. Trained medical personnel included
365 doctors, 15 dentists, 72 pharmacists, 600 nurses , 91 health
officers, 126 sanitarians, and approximately 3,000 doctors'
assistants called dressers .
Twenty percent of the hospitals, which had 32 percent of
the total beds, 44 percent of the foreign doctors, and 90 per
cent of the Ethiopian physicians, were concentrated in Addis
Ababa with a population of roughly 644,000 in 1969. The re
maining 97 percent of the population was served by 68 per
cent of the available hospital beds and slightly more than half
of the total number of physicians in the country. The nation
wide ratio of doctors to patients was 1 to 63,000 . In Asmara
the ratio was 1 to 2,500 , and it was more favorable in Addis
Ababa . In the provinces, however, this ratio varied from 1 to
100,000 to 1 to 400,000.
Of the 365 physicians, 50 were Ethiopians; the rest were
from foreign , mostly European , countries. Thirty -eight doc
tors, all foreigners, were engaged directly in public health
activities, working either in specialized services - such as ma
laria eradication , tuberculosis treatment, venereal disease
wards, leprosariums, and the national research laboratory
or in the public health department's central offices. Of the
50 Ethiopian doctors, all but 6 were trained abroad .
In 1965 a medical school was opened at Haile Selassie I
University in Addis Ababa . Financed largely by the United
Kingdom , the school is supervised by a former Cambridge
University professor. By 1973 the training facilities of the
school are expected to reach a capacity of about thirty stu
dents annually. Practical training of interns will be conducted
at the capital's new Duke of Harar Memorial Hospital.
Nurses are trained in five nursing schools, all attached to
major hospitals. The curricula consist of four-year courses in
general nursing and public health. A special course in mid
wifery is available for community nurses who will serve in
provincial health centers .
The principal dispensers of medical services are the approx
imately 3,000 paramedical dressers . They are trained at vari
ous hospitals , and their experience ranges from basic nursing
qualifications to more complex curative skills. Those attain
ing a more advanced stage of training are given a license by
the Ministry of Public Health to operate dresser stations or
to work as school dressers. They administer injections, dis
pense medications, and perform some diagnostic and minor
surgical services.

172
 The largest medical training institution in the country is the
Haile Selassie I Public Health College and Training Center
in Gondar. Established in 1953 as a joint undertaking of the
Ethiopian government, WHO, and an agency of the United
States government, the college offers a program specially de
signed to qualify teams of health officers, community nurses,
and sanitarians for public health work. Formal training is fol
lowed by one year of supervised internship at the hospital
training center attached to the college.
Various foreign church missions operate a number of small
clinics and hospitals in the provinces. Other foreign medical
facilities include a seventy -one-bed hospital operated by a
Soviet government mission , a USAID -sponsored leprosarium ,
and a prefabricated hospital in the Ogaden region , funded by
the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany ). Special
ized institutions in Addis Ababa include the large, new All
African Leprosy Institute, the Emmanuel Mental Hospital,
the Ethio -Swedish Pediatric Unit attached to the Princess
Tsehai Hospital, and the Imperial Central Laboratory and Re
search Institute. The laboratory , formerly under the direction
of a French staff from the Institut Pasteur in Paris, became
the responsibility of the Ethiopian Ministry of Public Health
in 1965. The laboratory develops vaccines for smallpox , rabies,
typhus, cholera, and typhoid and conducts antiepidemic
immunization .
Government health services are supported in part by a
countrywide health tax . In cities and towns the tax is collected
at a rate of 30 percent of the municipal tax on owned land;
in the provinces the rate is 30 percent of the total amount of
land tax plus the tax paid in lieu of tithes (see ch . 23 , Fiscal
and Monetary Systems) . In most hospitals patients are ex
pected to pay for services, but most of the major institutions
have wings for the indigent where payment is not expected.
In the case of hospitalized wage earners, the employer usually
assumes the hospitalization costs. The large Menelik II Hos
pital in Addis Ababa accepts civil servants at half the usual
cost. In early 1970 the fee for paying patients at the Haile
Selassie I Hospital ranged from Eth$7 to Eth$15 per day; this
included a private room, bathroom , and medical treatment.
The Ministry of Public Health, with the assistance of WHO,
UNICEF, USAID , and other international and foreign agen
cies, is creating a generalized national public health service.
To meet the needs of rural areas, the ministry is establishing
small health centers throughout the Empire. Provincial health
departments supervise and administer provincial referral hos
pitals, a number of which have already been built.
Staffs of the health centers are being trained to work as
173
teams. They consist of a health officer (who is in charge of
the center), a community nurse, a sanitarian , and a number
of dressers. Each center can serve about 20,000 to 30,000 per
sons in its area, depending on road conditions and population
density. The center's major functions are to provide basic
medical care , maternal and child health services, control of
communicable diseases, environmental sanitation guidance,
health education of the public, and collection of basic health
statistics. Where staffs are adequate, these centers have de
veloped sound health programs, carrying out both curative
and preventive services .

Traditional Medical Practices

A wide variety of traditional beliefs and customs relating

to disease militates against the general acceptance of scien
tific concepts of public health. Such beliefs and practices
vary from one ethnic group to another. Many educated
Ethiopians also continue to rely on a number of traditional
remedies for various illnesses.
The most popular medical practitioner among the rural
Amhara is the wogesha (surgeon -herbalist), who depends
on empirical knowledge rather than on magic. His skills,
which usually are passed down from father to son, include
setting fractures, pulling teeth , and dispensing purgatives
and brews made from herbs. Many of the cures prescribed
by the wogesha are drastic and often have deadly effects.
Induced bleeding is still practiced routinely for many ail
ments including headaches . The wogesha also relies heavily
on cauterization , which he often performs to treat persons
suffering from tuberculosis.
The standard use of purgatives is a treatment prescribed
for a number of illnesses. The most widely used purgative
is a brew prepared from the dried flowers, bark , and twigs
of the cusso tree . It is useful in the therapeutic and prophy
lactic treatment of tapeworm. Dysentery is also treated with
cusso , but the treatment is preceded by eating hot berbere
mixed with raw beef. Butter plays an important role in folk
medicine, and the older the butter the greater its therapeutic
value is believed to be. Generous amounts of it are given to
newborn infants and, boiled with herbs or honey , it is admin
istered as a laxative or as a remedy for fever.
Some of the major diseases are treated by a mixture of
folk medicine and magic, which involves the services of both
the wogesha and the debtera (an unordained church func
tionary ); although he has no position in the church hierarchy,
his religious ties are believed to bestow upon him magical
174
curative qualities. The debtera often is called upon to per
form exorcising magic in case of illness (see ch. 11 , Religion ).
Although the wogesha's practices are unscientific and in
many cases dangerous, official recognition of his activities
is reflected in legislation concerning medical practitioners,
which expressly permits him to practice in the area of his
residence. In addition to the wogesha, whose activities are
restricted to the Amhara and, perhaps, the Southern Tigre
areas, a number of sorcerers and other curers practice among
the other ethnic groups . Using a combination of magic, as
trology, and folk medicine, they continue to play an impor
tant role even though their activities were outlawed in the
late 1940s.
Most rural inhabitants, who have little trust in modern
medicine, prefer to rely on the traditional practitioner. The
effectiveness of injectable medicine, however, has made some
lasting impressions. In many areas, magic properties have
been imputed to injections because of belief in their all-cura
tive qualities. Penicillin is particularly popular because of the
results it produces in the treatment of syphilis. It has become
available in many local markets without a prescription and is
relatively inexpensive. It can be purchased and taken to the
nearest town to a dresser, who administers the injection . In
the case of acute illnes or injury, however, the traditional
curer is consulted first, and only if his treatments fail is the
patient taken to a trained dresser or to a modern medical
facility .

SOCIAL WELFARE

The welfare of the individual has been the traditional re

sponsibility of the household, which includes the family or
larger kinship groups and servants and their families (see ch .
7, Family ). For most groups in the country, welfare remains
generally a family or, at most, a local community matter. As
a government responsibility, public welfare is a relatively re
cent concept, extending largely to public employees and ur
ban areas . Faced with limited resources and recognizing that
many welfare problems arise in the rural environment in
which most Ethiopians live, government officials hope to im
prove the standards of living and thus reduce the scope of
welfare needs .

Traditional Welfare

An individual in distress continues to rely generally on his

family or larger kinship group for assistance . In rural areas
175
the cost of helping the needy or the infirm within the kinship
group is met, even by the relatively poor, from the resources
supplied by the family farm . If the need cannot be met, non
relatives in the vicinity help the family in distress. In cities the
family is less effective in aiding its members.
Among Christians and Muslims, people on all social levels
give alms to the poor. Beggars are found around mosques and
Ethiopian Orthodox Christian churches, and all are assured of
some assistance from those attending services. The Ethiopian
Orthodox Christian churches also make a regular practice of
providing a meal for the indigent after services on Sunday
morning; usually a special building is set aside for this pur
pose . Among Muslims the institution of the waqf may play a
role in welfare activities (see ch. 11 , Religion ). The waqf is
usually a bequest of land made to a mosque to support reli
gious, educational, or welfare activities.
Another institution , which probably developed early in the
twentieth century and now is fairly widespread, is that of the
eder. Members of a community may belong to an eder by con
tributing money to support the traditional functions of the
organization . The eder flourishes in the market towns and
cities where the family is a smaller unit, less able to handle
welfare functions.
Although the original purpose of the eder was to help mem
bers defray burial expenses connected with deaths in the fam
ily, increasing community needs have broadened their scope.
In addition to providing assistance during bereavement, some
eder aid their members when they become ill or unemployed
by providing interest-free loans. If a member is unable to pay
his dues because of financial distress, he may be allowed to
continue his membership with full benefits.
Since 1960 the functions of the eder have been expanded to
include many aspects of community welfare. The newer ones
have incorporated such functions in their written bylaws. The
newer functions include community security, sanitation , and
development of necessary public facilities.
Most eder maintain surveillance of members of their juris
diction and attempt to discourage practices that are harmful
to the community. Members who pose a threat to peace and
harmony are summoned to account for their actions and may
be reprimanded or fined . If their undesirable actions persist,
they may be dropped from the membership and reported to
the police.
Eder may require that each member keep the area around
his home clean and that he refrain from practices that pose a
threat to the health of the community. Complaints against
176
members who fail to carry out this responsibility can result in
fines by the eder and reports to the municipal sanitation de
partment. Eder also serve as pressure groups , demanding of
the municipal government piped water and garbage collection.
Through the cooperation of these organizations, municipal
authorities often conduct competitions and award prizes to the
cleanest and most sanitary sectors of the cities.
As self-help programs gain more popularity throughout the
country, eder are increasing their participation in these proj
ects . Until the 1960s almost all roads, schools, and health
clinics were built under central government supervision . Since
then , however, many communities have begun to assume re
sponsibility for such projects. In mid -1970 community partic
ipation was a central government policy. Although projects
are initiated , planned , and executed by eder with government
assistance, community members who are not members of eder
contribute money and services.

Government and Public Welfare

In the 1960s laws were passed for the protection of the
young, the destitute, and the deserted. Social security legis
lation did not exist, but the government did provide nominal
benefits for public employees. Welfare activities were cen
tered largely on attempts to make health and educational fa
cilities more widely available . On a broader scale, with en
couragement and assistance from United Nations bodies and
USAID and with foreign technical aid, the government began
to deal with matters of social welfare as part of a gradual
modernization of the country. A social welfare department
was formed in the Ministry of National Community Develop
ment and Social Affairs, and initial action included planning
and coordination of both government and private welfare
activities and the organization of a school for social workers.
In mid-1970 the government's concept of social welfare was
one of local community development based on self-help with
central government assistance. The program was designed
generally to improve the individual and collective skills of the
large rural population . All projects undertaken were founded
on the premise that the people must be encouraged to want
improvements, to want to raise their standards of living, and
to think beyond the family group that traditionally determined
the way of life of its members.
In its approach to rural transformation , the central govern
ment relies largely on plans formulated by the governmental
bodies of individual rural communities. At the national level,
the National Board of Community Development establishes
177
policies and supervises the execution of local projects, often
with technical assistance from other ministries. At the district
level a series of thirty -three community development centers
provides technical assistance , equipment, and training. At the
lowest organized level, village development councils coordi
nate improvements desired by the people and present them to
the district development committees.
To meet the growing social needs that have accompanied
urbanization , the social welfare department operates a num
ber of urban community centers for women where cooking,
budgeting, dressmaking, and child care are taught. A few re
habilitation centers for the retraining of crippled persons and
the unemployed have been started in Addis Ababa, Asmara,
and Harar.
Although juvenile delinquency, according to government re
ports , is not considered a serious problem , the social welfare
department has begun a preventive program by forming a
number of youth clubs throughout the capital city. The depart
ment has also provided the Addis Ababa juvenile court with
a qualified children's magistrate, trained under the auspices
of the British Council . The department has also taken over the
home for delinquent boys and was instrumental in the adop
tion of a new child welfare act.
Important social welfare services are carried out by the
Haile Selassie I Foundation , a government-sponsored charity
fund administered by a board of trustees appointed by the
Emperor. National budgets allocate funds to the foundation
each year. The municipal government of Addis Ababa also
provides some funds, although the amounts are not known .
Additional resources are derived from business establishments
owned by the Emperor, the profits of which he has donated
to the foundation .
The Haile Selassie I Foundation also operates an umbrella
factory for the employment of the disabled . From the factory's
profits the foundation helps to support authors and theological
students, is responsible for the upkeep of Addis Ababa's large
Trinity Church , and works on other projects in collaboration
with international welfare agencies.

Private Welfare Organizations

A number of private welfare organizations have been estab
lished since the 1950s in Addis Ababa, and several plan to
form branches in the larger towns of the provinces. A consid
erable portion of their financial support comes from resident
foreigners.
178
 The Ethiopian Women's Welfare Association is a national
voluntary agency, which was given an imperial charter in
1953. Its purpose is to “ aid the poor, the weak, and the sick;
to relieve the distress of the destitute ... and to contribute to
the advancement of women as homemakers...." The associ
ation operates an orphanage and a women's vocational school
for students aged fifteen to twenty. In addition , the organiza
tion operates four day schools for destitute children in differ
ent parts of the city; in the evening the schools offer classes
for adult women . The association's plans include similar
centers in other districts of Addis Abba; it has provincial
branches in Harar, Dessie , and Gondar.
The Social Service Society, a voluntary association of cit
izens of Addis Ababa , was established in 1959. Its main ob
jective is the rehabilitation of beggars and the establishment
and maintenance of playgrounds. The society assists the mu
nicipality of the capital in the maintenance of the Kolfe and
Tekla Haimonot rehabilitation centers, which provide food,
shelter, clothing, and training in various crafts to destitute
men, women , and children , some of whom are disabled. The
young residents of the centers receive primary education in
addition to training in crafts. The society has begun to estab
lish branches for voluntary service in the provinces.
The Ethiopian Children's Center, organized by a group of
foreign women , is a kindergarten -type of day center for the
children of low-income persons . The Cheshire Foundation op
erates two homes for mentally retarded children , one in Addis
Ababa and the other in Kolobo west of Harar. Most of the
donations for the Cheshire homes come from the United
Kingdom .
Other private welfare organizations include the Ethiopian
Red Cross, the Young Men's Christian Association, the Young
Women's Christian Association , and World Neighbors . World
Neighbors is an American private philanthropic organization ,
which sponsors a community improvement project in the Mulu
area in western Hararge Province. Its purpose is to increase
the productivity of the area, develop cash crops, build roads,
and provide health centers, a child welfare clinic, and a recre
ation hall. The labor involved is to be a cooperative effort of
the area's inhabitants . Its mission is similar in nature to the
programs undertaken in other parts of the country by the gov
ernment's community development projects.
TIME CYCLES

Except for those people who have entered into the competi
tion of the modernized sector of Ethiopian life, time is not
179
measured by usual secular standards . Even in aspects of na
tional life where change and the gradual adoption of Western
living patterns have taken place, time is an essentially cyclical
measure that remains largely connected with religious convic
tion and historical tradition .
The country has never officially adopted the Gregorian cal
endar (see Preface) used throughout much of the world. In
stead, Ethiopians follow a religious calendar that divides the
year into twelve months of thirty days each followed by a
thirteenth month of five days , or six days in leap years. The
year begins on September 11 , seven years behind the Gregorian
calendar. As a concession to modernization, the Gregorian cal
endar is often used for business purposes, and statistical reports
published by the government express dates in terms of both
calendars.
The day is reckoned as beginning at sunrise rather than
midnight. Most rural people calculate the hour by the shadows
on mountains or by other traditional means. For these people,
short units of time are of little concern . “ Tomorrow ” can mean
a few days later .
Time for the Ethiopian Orthodox Christian is not a morally
and qualitatively indifferent measure. With regard to the reli
gious calendar to which most adhere, even rural people are
acutely conscious of dates . At masses in the Ethiopian Ortho
dox Church at the beginning of each new year, a religious
official stands before the congregation and calculates the
dates of the important religious holidays and feasts for the
coming year. Each group of four years is named for the gos
pels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John , with the latter repre
senting leap year. Each day of the month is named for, and
dedicated to , some holy figure. The Orthodox Christian , there
fore, uses these religious names rather than numbers when
referring to specific days of the month . For the traditionally
devout, the measures of the years continue to be repeated;
even death represents a point at which time is recycled.
Ethiopians observe a large number of national holidays (see
table 5). Some are connected with religious observances, but
the rest commemorate secular historical events . In addition to
national holidays , the Ethiopian Orthodox Church celebrates
many saints ' days . One of the most popular is Kiddus Giorgius
(Saint George) , patron of the army. Saturdays and Sundays
are both observed as the Sabbath , and heavy labor is not per
mitted on these days .
In the business sector and for most wage earners, working
hours generally conform to a 54/2-day week in Addis Ababa
and a 5-day week in Asmara and other cities. The usual work
180
 Table 5. National Holidays in Ethiopia
Date Event commemorated

September 11 New Year's Day ; Eritrean Reunion Day; Feast of Saint

John the Baptist
September 27 Feast of the Finding of the True Cross ( Maskal)
November 2 Coronation Day of His Imperial Majesty the Emporor
January 7 Christmas Day
January 19 Feast of the Epiphany ( Timkat)
January 20 Feast of Saint Michael the Archangel
February 19 Martyrs ' Day
March 2 Commemoration of the Battle of Adowa
March or April Good Friday
March or April Easter Sunday
Easter Monday
May 5 Liberation Day
July 23 Emperor's Birthday
August 22 Feast of the Assumption
* Dates are given in accordance with Ethiopian calendar - see Preface.

Source: Adapted from Ethiopian Tourist Corporation , 13 Months of Sunshine

in Ethiopia , 1969.

ing day begins at 9:00 A.M. and ends at 5:00 or 6:00 P.M.,
with a two -hour interval for food and rest from 1:00 to 3:00
P.M. Many shops in the capital remain open for business 6
days a week from 9:00 A.M. until 8:00 P.M.

LEISURE

Because daily life for most of the rural population consists

largely of providing for basic family needs , the use of any
available leisure time is often serious and restrained except
on the occasions of traditional holidays and feasts . The open
air markets to which most people travel periodically provide
occasions for visiting with distant relatives and friends and
acquiring the latest news of the area . These marketing trips,
however, are less of a social outing than a serious business
of locating needed items, haggling with merchants over prices,
and completing the day's business in sufficient time to reach
home before dark.
A principal diversion for many adult rural males, partic
ularly the Amhara, is litigation conducted in the local magis
trates' courts (see ch. 12, Social Values) . On religious holidays,
when manual labor is forbidden , these lower courts are filled
with litigants pressing their claims over real and imagined
injustices concerning land , domestic animals, taxes, and per
sonal wrongs. It is estimated that some rural inhabitants
spend as much as 25 percent of their waking hours in litiga
181
tion . When government or religious officials and wealthy men
are known to be traveling in the area, litigants often attempt
to engage these persons in roadside conferences at which the
retelling of grievances and pleas for advice may consume
many hours.
The brightest and most enjoyable leisure activities for both
rural and urban inhabitants are connected with the many
feasts and holidays observed throughout the country. Large
festivals are held everywhere to mark weddings, christenings,
circumcisions, and memorial holidays . Except for the rainy
and dry seasons and the recognized times for planting and
harvesting crops , the cycle of feasts and holidays generally
defines the pattern of the year for many of the people. All are
occasions for extensive eating and drinking, and feasts are as
lavish as the hosts can afford .
The most important and universally elaborate celebration
of the Ethiopian year is Maskal, which occurs on September
27 to commemorate the belief that the true cross was discov
ered in the fourteenth century by Empress-regent Helena. The
colorful Maskal celebrations usually coincide with spring- like
weather, and elaborate decorations feature wide use of yellow
daisies , the national flower. Daytime activities include a variety
of symbolic religious rites , but evening observances become
more secular. The celebration concludes with the communal
lighting of a large bonfire, dancing, eating, and drinking. In
Addis Ababa the Emperor lights the Maskal fire, and a color
ful parade of floats passes in review.
The annual Feast of the Epiphany, in commemoration of
the baptism of Jesus , begins on January 18 and lasts for
three days. Known as Timkat to Ethiopians , the program of
celebration is largely related to religious rites, although eating,
drinking, and dancing occur late into the night of the first day.
Total abstience is practiced during the last forty -eight hours
of the festival, and many are baptized or bathe in the waters
sanctified by religious leaders .
Sports as a leisure activity for the young have been encour
aged in all schools and by organizations active in youth work.
Soccer, locally known as football , is approaching acceptance
as the national sport, and there is great interest in the game
at the spectator level. It is organized professionally under
the national Football Federation . A series of competitive
games is held every other year among the country's school
teams . During these tryouts , scouts from the federation visit
the games to select the most promising players for professional
soccer teams .
Athletic activity is popular at all school levels and among
182
the elements of the armed forces. Major sports competition
exists in volleyball, tennis, track and field, boxing, and swim
ming. Ethiopian athletes, competing in the 1960, 1964 , and
1968 Olympic games, won gold medals in the marathon com
petition and made notable showings in other track and field
events .
Lakes Langano and Shala in the Rift Valley are popular re
sort areas for urban Ethiopians and foreigners. Both have
campsites and safe swimming areas . Lake Bishofu , a crater
lake east of Addis Ababa , is popular for swimming. Several
hot mineral springs near the capital offer swimming, restau
rant, and hotel facilities for those who can afford this type of
leisure activity. Addis Ababa has the usual variety of recre
ational opportunities found in many large Western cities.

183
 CHAPTER 9

EDUCATION

Ethiopia's educational tradition , essentially religious in char

acter, dates back at least to about the 1300s and perhaps earlier.
This tradition was fostered into the twentieth century by formal
schooling carried on by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Mod
ern education based on an essentially secular curriculum and
utilitarian values was officially introduced in the first decade of
the 1900s . It had made relatively slight progress by 1936 when
the Italian occupation began .
Real development and expansion of a modern educational
system started in earnest only from about 1942. In the succeed
ing almost thirty years to 1970 , great progress was achieved.
From a school population of almost nil in 1941 the number of
students rose to over a half million in 1968 of which more than
a quarter were girls. Enrollment was continuing to increase at
the end of the 1960s and by 1973, when the Third Five Year
Plan (1968-73) ends, enrollment was expected to reach almost
1 million .
More rapid expansion was limited by problems of financing
and the scarcity of teachers. Toward the end of the 1960s the
government was expending about one-sixth of the national
budget on education . Substantial aid for education was received
from European and North American countries and from inter
national organizations . The number of teachers needed, how
ever, was not being met domestically, despite expanded train
ing programs and facilities.
One result of the domestic teacher shortage was the employ
ment of a considerable number of foreign teachers, amounting
to about one-fifth of all teachers in the 1967/68 school year.
English was used as the language of instruction at the second
ary and higher education levels. Amharic-speaking Ethiopian
teachers were being added to the educational system each year,
and this will probably result in the eventual use of Amharic in
higher grades although English is likely to be a major second
language . In mid- 1970, however, the transition appeared still
relatively remote .
The government has encouraged foreign missionary groups
and private organizations to establish and staff schools as part
185
of the plan to expand educational facilities. It has also urged
Ethiopian Orthodox Church schools to adopt modern curricula
conforming with standards set by the Ministry of Education and
Fine Arts. As of 1967/68 the various accredited nongovern
mental schools accounted for over 40 percent of all schools and
more than 23 percent of students.
At the beginning of the 1970s the educational system had a
basic pattern consisting of six years of primary studies , two
years of junior and four years of senior secondary school, and
five years of study at the higher education level . The generally
nontypical five -year higher education course resulted from the
inclusion of one year of required field service. In addition to the
schools in the regular program , there were also vocational,
technical, and teacher-training schools offering courses of vary
ing lengths on the secondary level.
Significant strides have been made in increasing literacy in
the country. By early 1970 perhaps one-tenth of the population
was literate compared with only about one -twentieth at the
start of the 1960s . The general increase of literacy was affected
to some extent by the high dropout rate in the lower primary
school grades . In the 1960s less than half the students entering
primary grade one completed grade four, the minimum con
sidered necessary for the attainment of functional literacy.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The existence of a literature in the Geez language, largely
religious in nature, dating from the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries, indicates that some kind of organized instruction was
probably already being carried on at that time by the Ethiopian
Orthodox Church (see ch . 10 , Artistic and Intellectual Expres
sion ; ch . 11 , Religion ). When contact with the outside world was
renewed in the 1800s , Western missionaries arriving in the
country found a system of church schools that provided elemen
tary, intermediate , and higher education . Schooling furnished
by them , however, was limited largely to a small part of the
Amhara and the highland Southern Tigre. At the same time
Koranic schools also provided a certain amount of formal ed
ucation for part of the Muslim population (see ch . 3, Histor
ical Setting ).
The church schools were designed primarily to train individ
uals for the clergy and other duties and positions connected
with religious activities, although they also furnished education
for children of the nobility and , to an extent, even for the child
ren of some tenant farmers and servants . There was little if
anything of a secular nature in the instruction . In the latter part
of the nineteenth century Emperor Menelik gave permission for
the establishment of Western missionary schools. These schools
186
taught , along with religious subjects, a certain amount of sci
ence and some modern European languages .
The value of nontraditional learning became apparent to the
Emperor. In 1906 he secured a number of Coptic teachers from
Egypt and Syria, and the following year he established in
Addis Ababa the first modern government-sponsored school. In
1908 a primary school was also established in Harar. The Coptic
staff taught foreign languages and some mathematics and sci
ence; the language of instruction was French . Ethiopian teach
ers were also engaged to teach Geez , Amharic, and religious
subjects. The main purpose of the schooling was to train in
dividuals for government service and , in particular, to give
them the capability through language acquisition to deal direct
ly with representatives of foreign powers. The course of study
was based on a Western model ; however, the actual study plan
resembled the traditional curriculum of the church schools.
Missionaries continued to establish schools in different parts
of the country during the 1910s and 1920s. The next important
step in state -sponsored education occurred in 1925 with the
opening of the Tafari Makonnen School in Addis Ababa
founded by the Regent (see ch . 3 , Historical Setting). Teaching
was in French and was French oriented, and the curriculum in
cluded a broad range of modern subjects. Five years later, after
his accession to the throne, Emperor Haile Selassie launched a
drive to expand educational facilities. At the start of the Italo
Ethiopian war in 1935, there were more than twenty govern
ment schools, which had an estimated 5,000 students. The es
tablishment of modern mission schools was also encouraged
during this period, and by 1935 perhaps another 2,000 to 3,000
pupils were studying in them. At the same time numbers of
students were sent abroad to study, aided by government
scholarships and grants.
The Italian occupation between 1936 and 1941 completely
disrupted the modern educational system . The government
schools were closed, as were most Protestant mission schools
and some Catholic mission schools . Moreover, in 1937 an Italian
decree also prohibited the operation of schools by non-Italian
missionaries . An Italian fascist propaganda report of about 1939
or 1940 enumerated a total of forty schools throughout the
country , excluding those in Eritrea , that were said to be used
for Ethiopians. Instruction in these schools , however, was of an
elementary nature , and the curriculim was confined to the man
ual arts. Most Italian educational efforts during the occupation
appear to have been concentrated on the training of agricultural
workers. The traditional education system was also seriously af
fected by the occupation .
The modern schools began reopening in 1942 after the re
187
sumption of control of the country by the Imperial Ethiopian
Government (see ch . 3, Historical Setting). The school system
was faced with a shortage of teachers, as well as textbooks and
school facilities. Recruitment of foreign teachers was found
necessary , and during the remainder of the 1940s many ele
mentary school posts and almost all secondary school posts
were held by foreigners. A major change was effected at this
time through the substitution of English for French as the sec
ond language of instruction .
The immediate national need in 1942 was for public servants,
and the school system directed itself mainly to educate individ
uals to be clerical workers. No set curriculum existed through
out the system , however, and a number of programs of varied
length and content could be found. In 1947 the Board of Educa
tion was appointed to determine general educational develop
ment policies . Provincial boards were also set up to administer
policies in local areas . Another major step toward controlled
development of education was taken in 1953, when the Long
Term Planning Committee for Ethiopian Education was ap
pointed. This committee, consisting principally of foreign educa
tional experts, prepared a ten-year development plan, the ele
ments of which were subsequently incorporated in the country's
first and second five -year plans.
The ten years from 1942 to 1952 were a period of rapid ex
pansion of government educational facilities. By 1952 there
were about 400 primary schools in operation . Secondary schools
increased from 1 , opened in 1943, to 11 in 1952, and 3 institu
tions of higher education had also been opened by 1952. Total
enrollment in these schools was close to 60,000 students . The
expansion continued throughout the 1950s and into the 1960s.
Enrollment rose to almost 198,000 in 1960/61 , and the number
of schools increased to 710. Nongovernment schools also in
creased during this time, accounting in 1960/61 for more than
310 schools and more than 52,000 students.

SCHOOL ADMINISTRATION
At the beginning of the 1970s the country's modern educa
tional system was composed of four principal types of schools:
government, mission, private, and church. Most government
schools were operated by the Ministry of Education and Fine
Arts . The ministry, additionally, had general responsibility for
all types and levels of education in the country, with the excep
tion of traditional schools conducted by the Ethiopian Orthodox
Church . A number of specialized government schools were op
erated by other ministries and government agencies; however,
the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts maintained responsi
188
bility for academic courses in these institutions . Supervision of
most givernment schools was carried out by provincial and local
education officers and in Addis Ababa by a director general.
Supervision of mission , private, and other nongovernment
schools was handled by a special department in the ministry.
Mission schools were directly operated by foreign missionary
societies. Private schools included those institutions operated by
private persons and institutions or, in some cases , by religious
organizations . Some schools in these categories have received
assistance from the government in the form of land grants and
buildings or the provision of staff. Church schools are operated
by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church . They fall into two groups:
schools that follow the curriculum of the Ministry of Education
and Fine Arts and schools that generally maintain the church's
traditional teaching methods and curriculum . Church schools
are controlled by the Education Office of the church ; however,
those offering the modern curriculum of the ministry are super
vised by the ministry with respect to academic matters.
Haile Selassie I University, the country's major university,
operates independently under an imperial charter. It is run by a
board of governors consisting of the university president and
eight members nominated by the chancellor, who in mid - 1970
was the Emperor. The Ministry of Education and Fine Arts
participated in policy determination, however, under a charter
stipulation that one member of the board must be a represent
ative of the ministry.
PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS

In 1967/68 there were 1,025 government primary schools and

46 senior secondary schools . Together they accounted for
about 60 percent of 1,796 schools in these two categories. Mis
sion schools—238 primary schools and 19 senior secondary
schools - constituted 14 percent. Private schools accounted for
another 348 , 19 percent of the total, divided into 332 primary
schools and 16 senior secondary schools . There were 120 church
schools , consisting of 117 primary schools and 3 senior second
ary schools, which made up about 7 percent of all primary
schools and senior secondary schools. In 1967/68 all junior
secondary schools were attached either to primary schools or to
senior secondary schools.

Primary Education

During the 1967/68 school year there were 452,457 students

enrolled in primary grades in 1,712 government and nongovern
ment schools . This represented an increase in enrollment of
189
more than 10 percent over 1966/67 and of 102 percent in the
1960-1968 period. About 75 percent (338,737) of primary stu
dents in 1967/68 were in government schools and 25 percent
(113,720) were in nongovernment schools. Roughly 30 percent
of all pupils were girls. The proportion of girls in nongovern
ment schools ( about 33 percent) was higher than in government
schools (less than 29 percent).
There has been continued growth in primary school enroll
ment; the number enrolled in 1967/68 represented between 10
and 11 percent of all children in the primary school age group
compared with under 5 percent in 1960/61 . Further improve
ment was expected during the Third Five Year Plan period. The
projected total in school in 1972/73, the final year of the plan,
was estimated at 18 percent of the primary school age pop
ulation . A high proportion of dropouts is registered between the
first and second grades. In the latter 1960s the rate was averag
ing roughly 41 to 42 percent. The total number dropping out
during the six-year school period was also heavy, more than 68
percent for the period from 1962/63 to 1967/68.
Until the mid -1960s the regular primary school consisted of
eight grades. Many schools, however, did not have all eight
grades , and some had no more than one or two. A survey of
government primary schools in 1962/63, for example, showed
568 of 870 schools (65 percent) to be incomplete. Beginning
with the 1964/65 school year the regular primary school was
reduced to six grades. The change was not intended to decrease
the total years of schooling but in part to improve the level of
primary education and also to encourage the completion of at
least six grades. It was also felt that there would be a better
chance of introducing, in incomplete schools, the additional
classes needed to provide full primary education . The propor
tion of incomplete government primary schools did, in fact, de
cline to roughly 47 percent in 1967/68.
Associated with the changed primary school pattern was the
introduction of Amharic as the medium of instruction through
out the primary school course . Before that time Amharic was
used in the first four grades. English was taught as a subject in
grade three and became the language of instruction in grade
five. At the beginning of the 1970s English was taught as a
second language in grades three through six and became the
language of instruction in the first year of secondary school.
General Secondary Education
The mid- 1960 revision of the primary -secondary school sys
tem resulted in the introduction of a two -year junior secondary
course (grades seven and eight) preceding the regular four-year
190
secondary school ( grades nine through twelve) , which was then
redesignated the senior secondary school. Junior secondary
schools conduct for all students a general academic program ,
which meets the background requirement for individuals who
wish to continue their formal education . There is also an em
phasis on vocational subjects that will prepare others to enter
technical and vocational schools . During the two years of study,
practical experience is given in the use of tools, and some effort
is made to assist the student in adapting to modern socioeco
nomic conditions.
There were 44,777 students in 316 junior secondary schools in
1967/68. Of these schools, 242 were attached to elementary
schools and 74 to senior secondary schools. Of the total stu
dents, 38,394 (roughly 86 percent) were in 220 government
schools, and 6,383 (about 14 percent) were in 96 nongovern
ment schools. Slightly less than 27 percent of all junior secon
dary school students were girls. The 1967/68 enrollment
represented an increase of roughly 183 percent over the number
enrolled in 1960/61 on the seventh and eighth grade levels. The
Third Five Year Plan projected a further increase in overall
junior secondary school enrollment to 68,000 by 1972/73.
General senior secondary schools at the beginning of 1970 fell
into two categories: those providing only academic programs
and those classified as comprehensive schools. The latter not
only offered programs in the academic field but also provided
instruction in up to four other program areas, including agri
culture, commerce, domestic science, and industrial arts. The
comprehensive secondary school program was started in 1962
with United States assistance. During the 1969/70 school year
there were twenty -seven such schools , offering one or more
nonacademic courses in addition to the regular academic course.
Another sixteen were expected to add nonacademic programs
during the 1970/71 school year. By the end of the Third Five
Year Plan about two -thirds of senior secondary school students
were expected to be taking nonacademic programs.
Entrance to a general secondary school required successful
passing of the eighth grade national examination established by
the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts - taken at the comple
tion of junior secondary school-and assignment to the school
by the applicant's provincial or district education officer. The
Third Five Year Plan estimated that about 60 percent of stu
dents completing junior secondary school would go on to senior
secondary school during the plan period.
A significant feature of the general secondary school system
was the drawing off of students by specialized schools that oc
curs usually in the tenth and eleventh grades. Students from
191
rural areas and the smaller towns often are financially unable
to continue after completing one or two senior secondary grades.
Various specialized schools offer subsidized studies that attract
many of these students. In the 1965/66 school year, for example,
about 15 percent of students in the ninth, tenth , and eleventh
grades left to enter courses of study at specialized schools.
The diversion of students from academic programs, especially
into teacher training, was expected to be heavy during the
Third Five Year Plan period. It was anticipated that about 40
percent of those students completing tenth grade would go into
primary teacher training courses and about 8 percent of those
finishing eleventh grade would enter secondary teacher training
courses. Many of the students diverted from academic pro
grams, if financially able, would presumably complete second
ary school and enter university studies. Entry into a specialized
school was not necessarily for career purposes but to get an
education, suggesting that changes in occupation might occur
in considerable numbers later on .
There was a marked increase in senior secondary school
students (grades nine to twelve) during the 1960s. The total
number reached 26,690 in 1967/68 compared with 6,782 in
1960/61, representing an increase of more than 293 percent dur
ing the seven-year period. In this same time, the proportion of
senior secondary school students rose from 2.75 to 5.09 percent
of total primary and secondary school enrollment. The number
of senior secondary school students was expected to increase
further to about 35,000 by the end of the Third Five Year Plan .
Of the 26,690 students in senior secondary schools in 1967/68,
23,374 (over 87 percent) were in government schools, and the
remaining 3,316 (less than 13 percent) were in nongovernment
institutions. In 1967/68 there was a total of eighty -four senior
secondary schools in operation : forty -six government and thirty
eight nongovernment. Only ten of these schools were separate
schools composed of grades nine through twelve; the other
seventy -four were attached to junior secondary schools. The
proportion of female students continuing from junior to senior
secondary school increased during the 1960s. As of 1967/68,
however, they constituted only slightly more than 18 percent of
the total senior secondary school enrollment.

HIGHER EDUCATION

Higher education is provided within the country through the

various colleges, schools , and facilities of Haile Selassie I Uni
versity and the private University of Asmara. Specialized train
ing at the higher education level is given at the Haile Selassie I
192
Military Academy, Haile Selassie I Air Force Academy, and the
Imperial Naval College. The military academy, which is located
at Harar, confers a diploma equivalent to two years of college.
The air force academy, situated at Debre Zeyt, conducts a de
gree program recognized by Haile Selassie I University. The
naval academy, located at Massawa, also awards diplomas to
graduates. In early 1970 it expected to be recognized by Haile
Selassie i University, which would authorize it to confer a de
gree in naval science. In addition , academic courses taken at
the Abba Dina Police College in Addis Ababa meet higher ed
ucation standards and are recognized by Haile Selassie I Uni
versity (see ch. 24, Public Order and Internal Security; ch 25,
The Armed Forces ).

Haile Selassie I University

Haile Selassie i University was formed by imperial charter in
1961 from a number of existing institutions of higher education
that had developed separately during the 1950s. Included
among them was the University College of Addis Ababa, the
first modern institution of higher education in the country,
which began operation in December 1950 and was granted a
civil charter in 1954. It provided the base for the university
faculties of arts, science , and education , for business admin
istration , and for the University Extension Department. Other
component units brought into the new university were the Col
lege of Engineering , founded in 1953 by the Ministry of Educa
tion and Fine Arts; the Imperial Ethiopian College of Agricul
tural and Mechanical Arts , established in 1954 as a joint under
taking of the Ethiopian and United States governments; the
Ethio-Swedish Institute of Building Technology, founded in
1954 under a bilateral agreement between the Ethiopian and
Swedish governments ; the Haile Selassie I Public Health Col
lege and Training Center, established by the Ministry of Public
Health in 1954; and the Theological College of the Holy Trinity,
founded in 1960 .
During the 1960s these separate institutions developed into an
integrated system of higher education , which in 1969/70 was
composed of five faculties (arts, education, law, medicine, and
science) , five colleges ( agriculture, business administration,
public health, technology, and theology ), the School of Social
Work, and the University Extension Department. Most of the
university's facilities are located in Addis Ababa; however, the
College of Agriculture is in Alemaya, between Dire Dawa and
Harar in Hararge Province, and the Public Health College is in
Gondar, capital of Begemder Province . Headquarters of the
University Extension Department are in Addis Ababa. This
193
department also has branch centers at Asmara , Debre Zeyt,
and Harar .
Admission to most of the programs at the university, partic
ularly those leading to a degree, generally required the success
ful passing of the Ethiopian school leaving certificate examina
tion, which is taken usually at the end of the senior secondary
school course . Admission to some diploma and certificate pro
grams may also be secured on the bases of experience or by
meeting other requirements established for certain faculties.
A new degree requirement, which went into effect in the
1969/70 school year, was the Freshman Program . Under this
program all new degree students are initially considered fresh
men within the university as a whole, rather than as candidates
for any particular degree. Courses in the program are conduct
ed by the arts, education , and science faculties and are offered
both at Addis Ababa and at Alemaya .
Students are admitted to degree studies only after passing
the Freshman Program . The new approach was designed in part
to reduce the high rate of attrition in the first year and to assist
students in the selection of their careers . Upon entering their
first year, however, students must choose from among three ed
cuational programs - arts, life science , and physical science
which qualify them to enter particular degree courses. Report
edly, the university planned to direct 60 percent of those suc
cessfully completing the freshman year into agriculture, science,
engineering, medicine, and certain science-related education
courses and the remaining 40 percent into the arts, business,
law, social work, theology, and the nonscience areas of ed
ucation .
A unique feature of most of the university degree and diplo
ma programs at the beginning of the 1970s was the requirement
of one year of field service as a prerequisite for receiving the
degree or diploma . This requirement, known as the Ethiopian
University Service program , was initiated in 1964, and it is
usually fulfilled in the penultimate year of the course of study.
The service program was designed to give both training ex
perience in the student's area of study and a firsthand knowl
edge of the development problems and changes taking place
within the country, particularly in the rural areas.
There was an initial tendency to view the program as a year
of donated public service , disassociated from the academic pro
grams of the colleges and faculties. Reforms were introduced in
1969 that placed greater direct administrative responsibility on
the faculties for planning jobs , the actual placement of students,
and efforts to make use of the program for research purposes.
Many of the students in the early stage of the program were
194
assigned to teaching; however, later assignments were more
diversified, and at the end of the 1960s about one-third of those
in the program were working in areas other than education,
such as construction and community development projects, local
government, public corporations , and bank branch offices. The
number of students doing Ethiopian University Service program
fieldwork reached 349 in 1967/68, representing more than a
threefold increase over the 113 in the first year of the program.
The total of 349 constituted roughly 11 percent of all regular
students enrolled in 1967/68.
The university awarded 863 degrees and diplomas, and certif
icates in 1967/68, almost four times the number granted in
1962/63, according to the Office of Educational Planning and
Statistics of the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. The
1967/68 total included 284 degrees, of which 151 were in arts,
business , education , and nonscience fields and 112 were in sci
ence- related programs. The remaining 21 were obtained
through the University Extension Department. There were 551
diplomas awarded , mostly in the arts and nonscience fields;
two- fifths of these were in education . Twenty -eight certificates
also were granted in public health and in science. The number
of degrees, diplomas, and certificates awarded has grown
annually, except for 1964/65 when most of the regular fourth
year students joined the new Ethiopian University Service
program .
In 1961/62, the first year of operations, the university had 978
students in regular work and 980 others taking part-time studies
in the program of the University Extension Department. In
1967/68, the latest year for which figures were available, regu
lar student enrollment was 3,169 , including students engaged
in fieldwork under the Ethiopian University Service program.
There were also 42 special students in the various faculties.
The total represented more than a threefold increase during the
seven-year period. Enrollment has continued to rise, and the
number of regular students was expected to reach about 4,500
in 1970/71 . The number of students taking part-time studies has
also risen rapidly. The total was expected to approach 4,000 by
1970/71 , about four times as many as the number enrolled
in 1961/62.
In 1967/68 over 29 percent of the regular students were tak
ing programs in education ; some 14 percent were in business
administration; and close to 13 percent were studying under the
Faculty of Arts . Students in science courses accounted for over
10 percent, as did those taking work in engineering and build
ing studies . Other faculties constituted less than 10 percent
each of the student body, with the lowest enrollment being
195
about 1 percent in theology. The university had 464 members
on its teaching staff in 1967/68, of whom 271 (more than 58
percent) were foreigners. A policy of Ethiopianization of the
staff has been underway since the founding of the university.
Some progress is indicated : in 1962/63 foreigners accounted for
between 70 and 75 percent of the teaching and academic staff.

Nongovernment Higher Education

The chief nongovernment institution of higher education at
the beginning of 1970 was the University of Asmara, operated
by a Roman Catholic religious order that had headquarters in
Italy. This institution , which was granted university status in
1967, comprised the faculties of arts, law and commerce, and
>

science . A source published in 1970 reported enrollment at

1,404 students, with 93 teachers . In the late 1960s junior college
programs were also being offered at two mission secondary
schools. Enrollment figures for the 1967/68 school year showed
23 students taking these programs. The Lycée Gebre Mariam
in Addis Ababa also has a junior college program . The junior
college students are considered members of the student body
of Haile Selassie I University. Students in the program num
bered 98 during the 1967/68 school year.

Ethiopians Studying in Foreign Countries

Ethiopians were first sent abroad to study by Emperor
Menelik toward the end of the nineteenth century. This practice
continued in the first decades of the twentieth century, and at
the time of the Italian invasion in 1935 about 200 students were
studying in foreign countries , mostly in Europe and North
America . Substantial numbers have been sent abroad since 1941
as part of the general education plan to meet government and
industry needs for trained personnel (see ch . 20, Labor). In 1961
there were 979 students abroad, and the total continued to
grow in the 1960s, reaching 1,852 in 1967/68 . Almost 1,100 were
studying in Europe , including 391 in Eastern European coun
tries . Over 500 others were in the United States; another 120
were in African countries, principally in the United Arab Re
public (Egypt); and about 100 were in Asia, chiefly the Middle
East. It was anticipated that about 1,500 additional students
would go abroad for advanced studies during the Third Five
Year Plan period. At the beginning of 1968 there were reported
to be 1,580 returnees from foreign studies in the country.
Another 1,150 of those abroad were expected to return home
during the third plan period.
196
 VOCATIONAL AND TECHNICAL EDUCATION

Specialized technical and vocational education was being

furnished at the end of the 1960s in government schools oper
ated by several ministries, including education and fine arts,
agriculture, public health, and national community development
and social affairs. In addition , inservice training was conducted
in schools operated by various government agencies, such as
the Imperial Highway Authority, Ethiopian Electric Light and
Power Authority, Civil Aviation Administration, and Imperial
Board of Telecommunications of Ethiopia. An estimated sixty to
seventy private and mission schools also were conducting vo
cational-technical training programs.
During the 1969/70 school year the ministry of Education and
Fine Arts was operating four vocational schools: the Commer
cial School in Addis Ababa , Asmara Vocational School, Poly
technic Institute in Bahir Dar , and Technical School of Addis
Ababa . The combined enrollment at these schools in the
1969/70 school year was about 2,150 students. The Commercial
School offered a four -year program in either accounting or
secretarial studies . The Asmara Vocational School and the
Technical School of Addis Ababa conducted three- and four
year programs, respectively , in various trades. Admission to all
three schools required passing the eighth grade national ex
amination . The Polytechnic Institute offered a two -year course
in agromechanics, industrial chemistry, and electrical, metal,
textile, and wood technology. Completion of the twelfth grade
in secondary school and passage of an examination or two years
of work in the area of study were prerequisites for admission
to the institute .

The Ministry of Agriculture operates two agricultural schools:

one at Ambo in Shoa Province and one at Jimma in Kefa Prov
ince. The Ambo Institute of Agriculture had about 55 students
in 1969/70, and the Jimma Institute of Agriculture had about
120. Both schools offered two-year programs. Graduates have
little difficulty in securing jobs ; all graduates in 1968, for in
stance, were reportedly engaged by commercial farms. Schools
under the Ministry of Public Health include a number of dresser
schools (schools training paramedical personnel) and nursing
schools in various parts of the country (see ch. 8 , Living Con
ditions) . Individuals completing these courses are required to
work for the government for stipulated periods of time. The
Ministry of National Community Development and Social Af
fairs maintains the Awasa Community Development Training
and Demonstration Center, located at Lake Awasa in Sidamo
Province . In 1969/70 there were about 80 students taking the
197
two-year course . Graduates work for the government for four
years in community development or as village workers.
Private and mission vocational- technical schools also offered
a variety of programs that trained students in commercial sub
jects, as dressers and nurses, and in the manual trades. More
than 2,300 students were attending these schools in 1967/68 . In
the latter 1960s varying numbers of persons were also trained
each year through inservice programs conducted both by
government agencies and by private companies. Some programs
operated almost continuously, whereas others functioned only
when personnel requirements demanded it.
Government inservice programs conducted on a regular basis
included training at the Telecommunications Institute of the
Imperial Board of Telecommunications for regular and radio
telephone operators, junior linesmen, technicians , and other
specialized personnel. The Imperial Highway Authority also
conducted a regular school at Alemgana near Addis Ababa for
mechanics and operators concerned with roadbuilding and
heavy equipment use. On the other hand, the Civil Aviation
Technical School and the Malaria Eradication Training Center
initiated programs only when additional personnel was needed .
Regular inservice programs were carried on by public enter
prises, such as Ethiopian Airlines, which maintains the Aircraft
Mechanics School at Addis Ababa Airport. New classes for
twenty to thirty students were started at the school every eight
months. Private firms, such as HVA-Ethiopia, part of the Dutch
firm , Handels Vereniging Amsterdam , also operated training
programs as personnel needs arose . All students completing in
service courses were usually obligated to work for a period of
time for the training agency .

TEACHERS AND TEACHER TRAINING

In 1967/68 there were 13,699 teachers in the school system ,
compared with 6,943 in 1960/61, an increase of over 97 percent
in the eight-year period. Foreign teachers constituted almost
20 percent of all teachers in 1967/68 . There was a marked rise
in foreign teachers in government schools during the 1960/61
to 1967/68 period, the number increasing threefold from 570 in
1960/61 to 1,752 in 1967/68 . The proportion of foreigners to
Ethiopians among all government teachers also rose from
slightly more than 11 percent in 1960/61 to 18 percent in
1967/68. Part of this increase presumably included the several
hundred United States Peace Corps Volunteers assigned to
Ethiopia beginning in 1963.
Primary school teachers in 1967/68 numbered 9,525 and ac
counted for about 70 percent of all teachers, whereas junior
198
and senior secondary school teachers totaled 3,062 and con
stituted somewhat over 22 percent . Another 648 teachers were
in vocational and technical schools, including 115 in teacher
training institutes. They represented less than 5 percent of all
teachers . The remaining 464 teachers were connected with
Haile Selassie I University .
As of early 1970 teacher training was provided principally by
government teacher training institutes located in Addis Ababa,
Asmara, Debre Berhan , Harar, and Jimma, by the College of
Teacher Education in Addis Ababa, and by the Faculty of Edu
cation of Haile Selassie I University. In addition, there were
several mission -operated teacher training schools and a private
school. The government institutes prepared teachers for the
elementary school system . The course of instruction was gen
erally for two years ; however, the Jimma institute provided
only a one-year program . The Addis Ababa school offered both
one and two-year courses. For admission to the two-year
course, applicants had to have higher entrance qualifications.
All graduates were required to work for the Ministry of Educa
tion and Fine Arts, usually at the rate of two years for each
year of education received . The number of students at the five
schools was reported to be about 2,250 in 1969, with women
constituting roughly 10 percent of the total enrollment.
The College of Teacher Education in Addis Ababa was
opened in October 1969. This school was built and equipped
as a joint undertaking of the government and the United Na
tions Development Program , with the participation of the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organiza
tion (UNESCO). It offers a two-year diploma course that trains
teachers for secondary school work with emphasis on grades
seven and eight ( junior secondary school) . Admission require
ments include a passing grade in three subjects in the school
leaving certificate examination . Graduates are required to
teach in secondary schools for four years, with placement being
made by the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. One hundred
and six students were reported to be enrolled at the beginning
of the 1969/70 school year.
Primary responsibility for the training and preparation of
secondary school teachers has been assigned by the govern
ment to the Faculty of Education of Haile Selassie I University.
The university offers both degree and diploma programs in
education . Included were degree programs in elementary and
secondary education and diploma programs for technical teach
er education . Work was also offered in educational administra
tion , guidance, and counseling. A one-year diploma course was
available to individuals who had completed successfully two
199
years of teaching; the course was for training as primary
school directors and supervisors . The faculty likewise offered a
one-year diploma course in library science . Admission to de
gree programs required successful completion of the Freshman
Program . About 1,200 students were reportedly enrolled in the
faculty in 1969/70 . Haile Selassie I University also conducts a
summer session training program for teachers. Diplomas can
be obtained in three summers for teachers or four summers for
headmasters . More than 1,000 persons took the course in the
1969 summer session .
Mission teacher training facilities were found in different
parts of the country. Enrollment was, in general, limited and
in 1967/68 totaled only ninety - four students of whom thirteen
were women . A teacher training school, the Ecole Normale
Supérieure de Français , opened in Addis Ababa in 1968. En
trance requirements to this school included successful passing
of five subjects in the school leaving certificate examination
and a knowledge of French . In 1969/70 the school had between
seventy and eighty students who were being trained as French
teachers. The course is for five years , and graduates are ob
ligated to work for the government for ten years.
The country's teacher training facilities graduated a total of
1,132 new teachers in 1967/68. The teacher training institutes
graduated 874 elementary school teachers, and another 258
persons completed courses at Haile Selassie I University. Con
struction of additional teacher training institutes was scheduled
during the Third Five Year Plan to meet expanding demands
for teachers in the elementary system. Under the plan it was
anticipated that more than 2,000 elementary teachers would
be graduated annually by 1972/73.
Teachers' qualifications have improved substantially since
the 1950s when major expansion of the school system got
underway. In 1953/54 about 90 percent of elementary school
teachers had only between one and six years of education .
The remaining 10 percent had between seven and nine years.
By comparison , in 1967/68 more than 84 percent of primary
school teachers had completed the second level of education ,
and almost 54 percent of this group had gone through teacher
training institutes. Only 12 percent possessed merely an ele
mentary education .

TRADITIONAL EDUCATION
The traditional education taught in Ethiopian Orthodox
Church schools was still provided in different parts of the coun
try in the latter 1960s although the number of schools and stu
dents had declined with the expansion of the modern educa
tional system. The first stage of traditional education includes
200
learning the syllabary (see Glossary ), and memorizing in Geez
the first epistle of Saint John. Writing is also taught, and there
may be some study of mathematics. The Acts of the Apostles,
the Psalms of David, and certain prayers are also committed to
memory . Singing is an important part of the curriculum . This
stage is usually completed in about two to three years and for
most rural children ends their attendance at the school.
Some students continue to the Zema Bet, or School of Music.
They learn church music, various church service songs, reli
gious dancing, and hymns. The use of Geez in the schools
presents difficulties and causes resort to memorization . Up to
seven or more years are spent in these studies. Studies may
also be continued in the Kine Bet , or School of Poetry, which
may require three to four years to attain proficiency in the
composition of poems and seven years to complete (see ch . 10,
Artistic and Intellectual Expression ). Advanced studies in the
Bible, theology, church history, astronomy, philosophy and,
perhaps, medicine are also given at certain schools.
The main purpose of traditional education is to train individ
uals for the clergy or for other church service, such as deacons,
scribes, and choristers. An outstanding feature of the schools
is the great emphasis on obedience and subservience to author
ity . In about 1950, for financial reasons, a few government
schools were turned over to church administration . Priests
were also recruited as teachers and given some instruction in
modern methods. This move lessened resistance to change and
introduced some understanding of the utilitarian value of mod
ern subjects. Presumably, some traditional schools in 1970 in
cluded a certain amount of new materials in their teaching.
In 1967/68 traditional church schools reported 27,061 stu
dents, of whom about 35 percent were girls attending 649
schools . There were 758 teachers. The totals did not include
Begemder, Eritrea , and Gojam provinces, for which no report
was received . There were 19,934 students taking reading and
writing in the first-stage schools ; 4,436 were in the Zema Bet;
1,558 were in the Kine Bet ; and 1,133 were in studies con
cerned with the interpretation of the Old and New Testaments.
Traditional schools also were operated by the Muslim popu
lation . These schools were located chiefly in Hararge and
Eritrea provinces. Their course of instruction was for two to
four years, with the curriculum devoted principally to reciting
religious texts and learning prayers. No data were available on
the number of these schools and students .

FINANCING OF EDUCATION
The chief sources of financing for the educational system are
the national government budget, voluntary local contributions,
201
and foreign aid in the form of grants and loans , all or part of
which may be included in the national budget. To finance pri
mary education in the provinces , a special education tax was
levied on agricultural land throughout the country beginning
in 1949. Expenditure of the receipts derived from this tax is
supervised by provincial boards of education and is made in
the particular province in which the tax is collected. Revenues
from the education tax were found insufficient to meet the
government's announced goal of free primary education for all
children. Moreover, the proceeds from the tax have remained
relatively constant, whereas the primary school system has ex
panded steadily . In fiscal year 1966/67 ( Ethiopian calendar
year 1959-see Preface ), for instance , the tax met only about
one-third of the expenditure on primary education . As a result,
in 1970 most funds for this purpose came from the general
budget .
An additional source of funds, mainly for construction of
elementary schools and classrooms , consists of voluntary local
contributions. During the early 1960s contributions constituted
about 20 percent of the funds needed in such cases, the re
mainder being supplied by the government. The government
hoped eventually to reverse the ratio, with the local com
munity assuming the financing of construction. The ministry
would then furnish the teachers and instructional and other
materials needed to make the school an effective part of the
regular primary school system. During the Second Five Year
Plan ( 1962-67) , locally contributed funds totaled Eth$3.5 mil
lion ( 1 Ethiopian dollar equals US$0.40) , and the amount was
expected to rise to Eth$8.0 million during the third plan .
A significant factor in education financing has been foreign
aid furnished chiefly through bilateral agreements but also by
international agencies . During the Second Five Year Plan this
assistance was received from the United States through a large
contingent of Peace Corps volunteers sent to serve as second
ary school teachers . United States funds were also supplied
to develop the comprehensive secondary education scheme and
to develop higher education . The Swedish International Devel
opment Agency also provided important help during this period
in the constructing and equipping of elementary schools . Total
foreign grants and loans to education in 1966/67 , the final year
of the second plan , amounted to about Eth $ 24.3 million . Dur
ing 1967/68 they reached Eth $32.9 million and were furnished
by France , Sweden , the United Kingdom , the United States,
West Germany , a number of other countries, and the United
Nations Development Program .
Government current expenditure on education , including ex
penditure on Haile Selassie I University, increased about four
202
times during the ten year period of 1957/58 to 1966/67, from
Eth$ 17.0 million to Eth$67.6 million . During the same period
total government expenditure increased roughly three times.
Expenditure on education during the first four years of this
period averaged between 10 and 11 percent of total govern
ment expenditure, but it dropped below that in 1961/62 and
1962/63. Since 1963/64 , however, it has been 12 percent or
more; in 1967/68 , 13.6 percent of the total budget was al
located to education . Other government ministries also spent
some of their funds on training, which raised actual govern
ment expenditure on education in 1967/68 to between 16 and
17 percent of the overall budgetary expenditure. Expenditure
by nongovernment schools was not known .
Government current expenditure on education was projected
to grow at an average annual rate of 13.5 percent during the
Third Five Year Plan , with the expenditure for 1972/73, the
last year of the plan , reaching Eth$ 133 million . The total cur
rent expenditure during the plan period was set at Eth$530
million. This was about double the Eth $ 261.2 million expended
during the Second Five Year Plan . Capital investment on edu
cation, including Haile Selassie I University, was programed
at Eth$ 108.6 million during the third plan, compared with ex
penditures of Eth$22.6 million during the second plan , roughly
a fivefold increase. The government also expressed the hope
that nongovernment schools would invest about Eth$11 million
during the third plan for expansion and improvement of their
facilities on both the primary and secondary levels.
The Third Five Year Plan assumed the continuation of sub
stantial external assistance to meet both current expenditures
and capital investment projects in education . It was antici
pated that funds provided for current expenditure , including
Haile Selassie I University, would remain at about the level of
1967/68 , or close to Eth$20 million . Most of the large increase
in current expenditure during the plan period will, therefore,
have to come from tax revenue and increased local community
contributions. On the other hand , external aid for capital in
vestment was expected to rise considerably, from Eth$4.0 mil
lion in the second plan-about 25 percent of the Eth$ 15.6
million invested during that plan-to Eth $45.9 million, con
stituting more than 42 percent of the Eth $ 108.6 million pro
jected for the third plan period.
About Eth$25 million of the foreign capital investment dur
ing the third plan was being contributed by the Swedish In
ternational Development Agency under an agreement signed
in 1968. These funds were to be used for constructing and
equipping additional primary schools . Another Eth $7.7 million
is being made available from credits granted by the Inter
203
national Development Association (IDA ) of the United Nations.
These funds are being used for construction of new second
ary schools and teacher training institutes and for additions
to existing second level schools. The IDA - financed projects are
expected to be completed about 1970. About Eth $ 7.5 million
of capital costs for Haile Selassie I University will come mostly
from United States assistance. The remaining Eth $5.7 million
was expected to be furnished by a number of foreign donors,
including the Soviet Union .

ADULT EDUCATION AND LITERACY

At the beginning of 1970 the literacy rate for persons ten
years of age and older was estimated at from 9 to 10 percent,
a considerable advance over the estimate of 5 to 7 percent in
the mid - 1960s. Available statistical data , although limited , in
dicated a substantial disparity between literacy rates in rural
and urban areas and between males and females. Surveys con
ducted by the Central Statistical Office (CSO) in the mid
1960s in the rural parts of seven provinces ( Arussi, Gemu Gofa ,
Gojam , Shoa , Tigre, Wollega , and Wollo) resulted in estimated
literacy rates ranging between a low of 2.5 percent in Gemu
Gofa and a high of 6.4 percent in Tigre. In contrast, other
CSO surveys covering nine towns in different parts of the
country indicated literacy rates above 27 percent in seven
towns ; one town had a rate above 23 percent; and one town
had a rate of not quite 15 percent. In three of the towns more
than one-third of the population ten years of age and older was
literate .
In both the rural and town surveys a great difference in
literacy was found between males and females. Estimated male
literacy in the seven provinces varied between 4.3 and 12.1 per
cent. In none of the provinces, however, did literacy among
females exceed 0.6 percent . Literacy among both men and
women was substantially higher in the nine surveyed towns,
although a marked discrepancy also existed in the towns be
tween male and female literacy rates. Literacy for males in
general was above 40 percent, with one exception , and in a
majority of towns ranged between 50 to more than 60 percent.
The maximum literacy rate for females was about 17 percent.
In more than half the towns female literacy ranged between
slightly less than 12 to about 17 percent.
In addition to those who were reported to meet minimum
literacy requirements of an ability to read and write, there
were varying numbers of other individuals, both male and fe
male , who possessed only the ability to read . These persons
204
were products of one part of the traditional education system
that imparts only reading ability. In rural areas of the sur
veyed provinces, between 1 and 2 percent of males were in this
category, with the exception of Tigre, where the total was over
5 percent. A small number of rural females, generally less than
1 percent of those ten years of age or older, also were reported
to have a reading ability only. In the surveved towns, from 1
to 4 percent of males and from about 0.5 to 1.5 percent of
females had aa reading ability only.
One aspect of the higher literacy rate among females in
urban areas was the concentration in the younger age groups.
A large majority of literate females in the surveyed towns were
under twenty years of age, presumably reflecting increasing
school attendance in urban areas. Less than 10 percent of liter
ate females were thirty years of age or over. In contrast,
literate males were found in numbers throughout all age
groups.
More than 908,500 persons , including some 160,500 women,
were reported to have completed literacy courses throughout
the country between 1964 and 1969. The Department of Adult
Education and Literacy was established in the Ministry of Edu
cation and Fine Arts in early 1967 to develop and coordinate
programs for teaching illiterate adults reading, writing, and
mathematics and to prepare textbooks for the programs. A
monthly newspaper, Maed , is published for distribution to par
ticipants in the program . Trained individuals have also been
appointed as provincial literacy officers, both to coordinate the
work of, and give training to, volunteer literacy teachers.
In the 1967/68 school year there were 360 literacy and adult
education centers, sponsored by the government's National
Literacy Campaign , throughout the country . A total of 38,409
persons, including 8,457 ( 22 percent) females, were given liter
acy training. In addition , literacy programs were carried out
in different areas by the Ethiopian Evangelical Church , a mis
sionary body, and by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (see ch .
11 , Religion) . During 1967/68 the Ethiopian Evangelical Church
operated 457 literacy schools , which furnished training to
34,807 individuals, 71 percent of whom were children . Roughly
one- fifth of the adults and one-sixth of the children were fe
males . The number trained by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
was not known . The government reported that a total of over
108,000 persons attended literacy classes in 1967/68.
A special literacy project based on a work -oriented concept
was underway in early 1970. The project, which will extend
over a five-year period, will cost about Eth $ 3.5 million . It was
being financed through an allocation of about Eth $ 1.5 million
205
by the United Nations Development Program and by about
Eth $ 2.0 million provided by the government. A principal pur
pose of the project is to teach illiterate adults reading , writing,
and arithmetic with materials that are geared for practical use
in agriculture and industry .
Some 120,000 persons were expected to become literate
through the scheme, which has been divided into four sub
projects: three in agriculture and one in industry. The first
subproject is located in Wolamo subprovince in Sidamo Prov
ince. Other subprojects will be carried out at Assela in Arussi
Province, which is a mixed agricultural area; in the Jimma and
Agaro coffee- growing regions; and in the industrial zone run
ning from Akaki, located just south of Addis Ababa, to Meta
hara in eastern Shoa Province.

206
 CHAPTER 10

ARTISTIC AND INTELLECTUAL

EXPRESSION

In mid- 1970 tradition retained a strong hold on artistic ex

pression, although Western concepts of literary, pictorial, and
musical form and style were influencing these areas of artistic
activity in varying degrees. Interest in modern literature was
centered in the larger cities. Painting continued chiefly in the
traditional pattern , with the exception of a few noted artists.
Western musical styles were also having some impact, but in
mid-1970 the general effect was still limited and noticeable
mainly in Addis Ababa, Asmara, and other places where more
sophisticated individuals were found.
The beginnings of Ethiopian literature go back to the early
part of the Christian Era when the introduction of Christianity
into the Axumite Kingdom, the precursor of modern -day Ethi
opia , stimulated the production of religious works in Geez
(Ethiopic), the language then spoken by the people of Axum.
Geez gradually ceased to be used as a spoken language, but
it continued to be used for literary expression at least to the
nineteenth century. The large body of writings now extant in
Geez, almost entirely in manuscript form , constitutes the
country's traditional literature.
Much of this traditional literature, largely of a religious and
semireligious nature , consists of translations . These, however,
were not necessarily verbatim renderings. A distinctively Ethi
opian interpretation and character were given to the contents
of many works. In some cases the material was actually so
changed that the translation bore little resemblance to the
original work.
The country's modern literature is very largely in Amharic,
the official language. In addition , a much less extensive mod
ern literature exists in Tigrinya, the language used by the
Southern Tigre (Christian ); however, a good deal of this had
consisted of translations. Modern Amharic literature began in
the nineteenth century , mainly in the form of translations of
religious materials by Western missionary organizations. Cre
ative writing employing such genres as the novel , drama, and
biography started in the twentieth century. There was rela
207
tively rapid development after liberation in 1941 , but the over
all output of works of accepted literary merit has not been
extensive.
Most of the country's pictorial art is characterized as tradi
tional. Its beginnings were probably also associated with the
introduction of Christianity into Axum , and its subjects re
mained almost completely of a religious and biblical nature
until the twentieth century . It was strongly influenced by ear
ly Byzantine art concepts, to which it has adhered strictly
throughout its history, as well as by Syrian and Coptic styles.
In the case of painting, as in traditional writing, the artist also
imbued his work with a distinctively Ethiopian character that
set it off from the original model. Modern painting following
Western styles and techniques developed in the middle dec
ades of the twentieth century. Several artists of note were
doing work in this field in the 1960s. Most painting being
done in the country as of early 1970 , however, continued to be
in the traditional style .
Sculpture in any medium is absent as a traditional art form ,
except for traditional crosses . Among modern artists, too,
sculpture has been generally relegated to a secondary posi
tion . The capacity of the Ethiopian artists in this field is indi
cated , however, by the monolithic churches found at Lalibela ,
which in technique are more sculpture than architecture.
Music and dance constitute an important element in church
services and religious festivals. The dances - performed by
debtera (see Glossary) accompanied by sistrums and drums
and the beating of time with prayer sticks—have remained
essentially unchanged for centuries. In secular life folk music,
dancing, and singing are a traditional part of everyday life.
Extemporizing is a favorite pastime, and everyone takes part
in the song and dance. Modern music, consisting of folk mel
odies and songs adapted or newly composed for playing with
Western musical instruments, was bringing some change in
the urban scene in 1970. In rural areas, however, traditional
folk music continued to be firmly entrenched .

LITERATURE IN GEEZ
Geez literature has a history extending over some 1,500
years. Known literary works can be divided roughly into those
produced during the height of the Axumite Kingdom, from
about the fourth to the seventh century , and writings that be
gan after the establishment of the Solomonic dynasty in the
late thirteenth century (see ch. 3, Historical Setting). Despite
the fact that by this date Geez apparently had not been used
in daily life for several hundred years , Geez literature was in
208
its classical period between the thirteenth and seventeenth
centuries. Writings in Geez declined rapidly thereafter, and the
production of major works in the language generally ceased. It
continued , however, to maintain its literary supremacy until
the mid -nineteenth century , when works in Amharic began
appearing.
The Axumite Period
The syllabary (see Glossary ) of the Geez language was prob
ably established during the fourth century, about the time
Christianity was introduced into the Axumite Kingdom (see ch .
3, Historical Setting ). Existing manuscripts in Geez cannot be
dated earlier than about the thirteenth century, but literary
achievements of the Axumite period were preserved through
reproduction in later writings. Among the most significant was
a translation of the scriptures begun by Syrian monks near the
end of the fifth century and probably finished about the seven
th century .
The Greek version appears to have been used for most or
all of the translation of the Old Testament. For the New Testa
ment, the Lucianic revision then current in the Patriarchate of
Antioch in Syria was employed . The Ethiopian Bible contains
not only the canonical books of the Old and New Testaments
and the Apocrypha but also other books that include the As
cension of Isaiah, Enoch , Jubilees, and the Fifth Book of
Baruch. These works are considered particularly important
since they either represent the only known complete version or
are considered authoritative.
Other writings attributed to the Axumite period are the Rules
of Pachomius, concerned with monastic life, and the Kerillos,
a collection of theological tracts attributed to several fathers
of the church . Another work is the Physiologus, a collection of
information on animals and plants . This was also translated
from the Greek . The material contained in it was largely leg.
endary, liberally interspersed with moralizing lectures. No
literary works from the latter part of the Axumite Kingdom or
the period of the Zagwe dynasty (1137–1270) have survived in
any form (see ch.3, Historical Setting ).

Geez Literary Renaissance

The restoration of the Solomonic line in 1270 marked the be
ginning of a highly productive period of Geez literature that
has been called the Golden Age of Geez, although the use of
the language was already confined to the church and literary
expression . The Golden Age ended with the invasion of the
Muslims under Ahmed Grañ in the first half of the sixteenth
209
century. Most of the works produced during this time were
religious or semiliturgical in nature; they included both trans
lations and some original writings. Translations were almost
entirely from Christian Arabic works, in contrast to the earlier
Axumite period when works in Greek were generally the pre
dominant source .
Some of the most important literary works were produced
during the thirty -year reign of Amba Sion ( 1314-44), which was
a period of relative stability and prosperity. Outstanding was
the Kebra Negast (Glory of Kings ), probably the most signifi
cant work ever produced in Geez literature. The central theme
is the legend of Solomon and Sheba (Makeda ) and their son,
Menelik I , the founder of the Ethiopian dynasty. Combining
history, symbolism, and allegory it was probably written to
justify and support the claims of the restored royal line. Au
thorship has been attributed to an Ethiopian ecclesiastic of
Axum . The general details of the story are found in Arabic and
other Middle Eastern works, and the Geez version probably
represents mainly an amalgamation and interpretation of long
known materials.
Other notable religious works of the Amba Sion period were
the Book of Hours, originally based on Arabic versions ; it has
since been revised, with Ethiopian materials added. Another
was the Sword of the Trinity, a book of daily devotions. Two
other books containing canons and religious statutes, the
Senodos and Didascalia , were translated from Arabic versions
of original Greek works . Although neither is considered of
literary importance, both are valued in Ethiopia, the Senodos
being considered a canonical book of the New Testament.
During the latter half of the fourteenth century, there were
textual revisions of the Bible and translations from the Arabic
of a number of works held in high regard in Ethiopia. These
included the Weddase Maryam (Praises of Mary ), a collection
of hymns for each day of the week used in the liturgy that has
almost a canonical status . About the end of the century trans
lation of the lives of the saints from the Arabic Synaxarium
(Senkessar, in Geez) was carried out. A monumental work, it
contains a vast compilation of the lives of saints summarizing
their virtues . Most extant manuscripts also include the lives of
various holy persons in Ethiopia , some from the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries indicating later additions.
Translations of the Apocalypse of Peter and the Testament
of Our Lord Jesus Christ, made early in the fifteenth century ,
inspired two original works in Geez . One , the Fekkare Iyesus
(Explication of Jesus) , a work of messianic nature, foretold the
coming of a ruler named Theodore who would restore happi
210
ness to mankind. The other, Book of the Mysteries of Heaven
and Earth, described the fight between good and evil. Its force
ful account of the struggle between Michael and Satan has
been called Miltonic in character .
The culmination of the development of Geez literary activi
ties occurred during the reign of Zara Yakob ( 1434-68) , judged
one of the country's greatest rulers (see ch. 3, Historical Set
ting ). Noted for his administrative and church reforms, Zara
Yakob encouraged translation of Arabic works that supported
his own efforts . He is credited also with writing Book of Light,
which expounded on his ecclesiastical reforms and attacked
magical and other un -Christian practices in the church (see
ch . 11, Religion ).
A large number of homilies were composed during the Zara
Yakob period for the celebration of saints' days newly decreed
by the monarch . Numerous homilies were also translated from
the Arabic for the saints and patriarchs of the Coptic Church
of Egypt. Representative of this literary form is The Ortho
dox, a collection that has been attributed to Saint John Chrys
tostom . Biographical works were also produced, some on the
earlier Zagwe kings, of which the Life of Lalibela is of spe
cial interest.
A number of secular poems and songs extant from the Zara
Yakob period exhibit a considerable degree of freshness and
immediacy, in contrast to the artificiality characterizing the
large volume of hymns produced during his reign. Several
large hymnals and antiphonaries now in use - including the
Deggwa, manuscripts of which can be found in European col
lections probably date from the fifteenth century. The malke,
or likeness-a form of religious poetry consisting of about
fifty five-line rhyming stanzas , each stanza reciting an attrib
ute of the particular saint addressed-may have been first
composed during this century.
Secular literature during the fourteenth and fifteenth cen
turies was largely limited to history. One of the most impor
tant works was the Chronicles of the Wars of Amba Sion , a
vivid, apparently contemporary account of the king's cam
paigns against the Muslims. Similar chronicles were produced
during the reigns of Zara Yakob and under subsequent rulers.
Secular literature also included a translation from the Arabic
of Jossipon , an abridged version of Antiquities of the Jews,
originally written in the first century by Flavius Josephus.
The Period of Decline
Literary production of any importance came to a halt with
the invasion of Ahmed Grañ in 1528 and appears to have
211
started again only in the 1540s following the defeat of the
Muslim forces. Despite substantial destruction of literary
works in this period, continuity of Geez literature was assured
because copies of many writings were located in different
parts of the country. The first new works were aimed at the
return to the church of apostates to the Islamic faith . One
such work was Gate of Faith , written by a Muslim merchant
who was converted to Christianity; he later became head of
the monastery of Debre Libanos . Works of similar design in
cluded Book of Impurity and Book of Penitence.
The advent of Jesuit missionaries from Portugal in the 1550s
and their attack on the Monophysite doctrine of the Ethiopian
Orthodox Church inspired new literary efforts (see ch . 3, His
torical Setting; ch . 11 , Religion ). King Galawdewos ( 1540-59)
himself wrote a brief but spirited defense in his Confessions.
An original work, Refuge of the Soul, also appeared in the
same vein , and two works , Faith of the Fathers and Elucida
tion of the Godhead, were translated from Arabic in further
defense of Monophysitism .
Although Geez literary activity was already beginning to
decline in the sixteenth century, significant works continued
to appear during the seventeenth century. They included
translations from Arabic of Hawi, a very large theological en
cyclopedia ; History, recounting the Arab conquest of Egypt;
and the Book of the Wise Philosophers, a compilation of aph
orisms from such varied sources as David, Solomon, Plato,
and Aristotle. The Fetha Nagast (Legislation of the Kings)
was also produced in the seventeenth century. A compilation
of canon and civil law, originally written in Arabic in the thir
teenth century in Egypt for the use of Coptic Christians there,
it is one of the most fundamental works in the country's liter
ature. It has been the source of much of the country's cus
tomary law and has influenced civil and criminal legislation
into the twentieth century (see ch . 13, The Governmental Sys
tem ; ch . 24, Public Order and Internal Security ).
Hymns and liturgical literature had a strong rebirth during
the seventeenth century. A collection , Praises of God, for use
on the different days of the week appeared, modeled after
the fourteenth -century Praises of Mary. The Psalter of Christ
and the Psalter of the Virgin , written during this time, are
usually appended to the canonical Psalter and in the 1960s
continued to have great popularity.
Geez is now relegated entirely to liturgical purposes. In the
1960s, however, the form of ecclesiastical poetry known as
kine continued to be produced in quantity in the monasteries
by debtera and those studying for this profession , although
212
most of it goes unrecorded (see ch . 11 , Religion) . Kine poems
are of several different types and are composed to fit a mel
ody taken from existing church chants . Two styles of this
poetry have special standing. One , associated with Gondar
where kine poetry flourished in the eighteenth century , is
said to be characterized by beauty of melody, rhythm, phrase ,
and allusion and by clarity of expression . The other, or Wa
dela style, is known for its subtlety of meaning and allusion,
construction , and strict following of grammatical rules.

Falasha Literature
Although Geez literature is usually associated with the
Christian Amhara and Tigre, Geez is also the literary lan
guage of the Falasha people who reside mainly in Begemder
Province (see ch . 5, Ethnic Groups and Languages) . Their
literature includes the Old Testament and a number of orig
inal works, among which are the Commandments of the Sab
bath and the Book of Abba Elijah . Some sections of the Old
Testament also either have been given an original treatment
or have been elaborated upon . Little was known in the 1960s
about their early literary connections . It has been surmised,
however, that some Falasha works in Geez may have come
through translations from the Arabic, perhaps about the four
teenth century .

AMHARIC LITERATURE

Amharic, long styled the language of the king (lesana negus)

and used in the royal court , was already employed in a minor
way for literary purposes as early as the sixteenth century. An
important development during the latter sixteenth and the
early seventeenth centuries was the use of Amharic by Jesuit
missionaries for scholarly works, which demonstrated the pos
sibilities of its employment as a literary language. Most of the
Amharic materials produced from the sixteenth to the nine
teenth century , however, were theological tracts and commen
taries on Geez texts .
In the early nineteenth century a translation of the Bible
into Amharic was made at Cairo, and a medical encyclopedia
in Amharic was also written about this time. Various Western
missionary groups in the first part of the 1800s began to pub
lish religious texts in Amharic, although the quality of the
language in many appears to have been poor. During the mid
dle and latter part of the century , new Amharic editions of the
scriptures and psalters and various religious tracts also ap
peared. Some encouragement for the employment of Amharic
213
as secular literary language was probably given by the writ
ing of the royal chronicles entirely in Amharic during the
reign of Theodore II ( 1855-68) .
A significant event for the development of an Amharic sec
ular literature was the translation in 1892 of Pilgrim's Pro
gress. This work offered a model for the writing of allegorical
fiction with a religious message that was well fitted to Ethio
pian tradition . The country's first novel was published in 1908 .
Entitled Imaginative Story and written by Afewerk Gebre
Iyesus, it was an edifying story that attempted to depict the
best in the country's Christian tradition. In it the moralizing
purpose of traditional writing was carried over into modern
creative writing. The novel's style and language were complex
but in a way highly understood and appreciated by the read
ing public , and the book achieved popular success. Afewerk
later wrote The Life of Menelik II.
A prolific writer and the leading literary figure of the early
part of the twentieth century, Heruy Welde Sellasse was noted
especially for his allegorical works but wrote biographical
works and political commentaries as well. Two novels — The
Marriage of Berhane and Seyon Mogasa ( 1930-31 ) and A New
World ( 1932-33 )-established his position in the history of
Amharic creative writing.
Literary output stopped with the Italian invasion in 1936
and did not resume until after liberation in 1941. Postwar
writers of considerable note included Ras Bitwodded Makon
nen , known for his allegorical novels and plays ; Dejazmatch
Germachew Tekle Hawaryat, a novelist and playwright; and
Tekle Sadeq Mekuriya , a historian . Outstanding writers in the
1960s were Kebbede Mikael, whose works include verse dra
mas, biography, and history; Tsegaye Gebre Mehdin, play
wright; Mengistu Lemma, poet and short story writer; and
Haddis Alemayehu, whose novel Love Until the Grave ( 1967)
was considered the best in its class since the 1940s. All four
of these noted writers were recipients during the 1960s of the
Amharic Literature Award given by the Haile Selassie I Prize
Trust . Another writer, Abiye Gubegna , in 1969 published a
historical novel , One for His Mother, about Emperor Theodore
II . This book received highly favorable reviews in the country .
An Ethiopian novella , Shinega's Village, by Sahle Sellassie
was published in English in the United States in 1964. The
original work was in Chaha, a dialect of Gurage, which is one
of the Semitic languages spoken in Ethiopia (see ch. 5, Ethnic
Groups and Languages) . Because Chaha has no written form ,
the original manuscript was put into a modified Amharic script.
214
 FOLK LITERATURE

An extensive folk literature has been produced by different

ethnic groups in the population. It remains mainly oral; how
ever , several collections of folk stories, especially those of
Amharic origin , have been published. Amharic folk literature
mainly accents peasant wit and extols artful and clever deal
ing with human affairs and problems. Much of the humor in
Amharic folk literature derives from the double meanings and
puns to which the language lends itself.
Galla folk literature is an important source of information
concerning the history of the various Galla kingdoms, as well
as traditional social organization and social practice. It in
cludes instructive and humorous prose, proverbs and riddles,
prophetic tales, and description of magic. Very little Galla
folk literature has been set down in written form .

PAINTING AND SCULPTURE

Traditional Painting

Traditional painting, exemplified in illuminated manuscripts

and church murals , was intended originally to be largely edu
cational; it had the basic aim of directing the viewer's thoughts
toward spiritual things and to how he should conduct his life.
The great majority of these paintings throughout the history
of the art, therefore, depicted biblical and other religious
themes. Secular themes were relatively infrequent until the
nineteenth century, and the use of scenes from daily life and
historical events has flourished only in the twentieth century.
Traditional painting probably began as early as the fourth
century, but little pictorial art done before the fourteenth
century was extant in the twentieth . Existing paintings, dating
from about the fourteenth and later centuries, include illumi
nated manuscripts found in churches and monasteries as well
as in various collections in foreign countries. Others consist
of church murals painted either directly on walls or on cloth,
which is often attached to walls.
Traditional work is generally classified into two major peri
ods that are separated by the destructive invasion of Ahmed
Grañ between 1528 and 1543 (see ch. 3 , Historical Setting).
The first, usually designated the medieval period , is dated
from approximately the restoration of the Solomonic line in
the latter thirteenth century but probably goes back centuries
earlier. It reached its peak during the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries and ended with the Muslim invasion .
215
 The second great period of pictorial art started with the
establishment of the country's capital at Gondar in the first
half of the seventeenth century. The Gondar period was char
acterized by two partly contemporaneous styles of painting .
The first, which lasted until the early part of the eighteenth
century, possessed a warmth of color, careful finish , and rich
>

ness of design. This style was superseded in the eighteenth

century by one in which design was simplified, and the colors
were duller. Nineteenth- and early twentieth - century judg
ments by foreign travelers of traditional painting were largely
influenced by works done in the second style.
The pictorial art of both the medieval and Gondarine peri
ods followed the artistic precepts of the early Byzantine world ,
as interpreted by the Ethiopian artist. The great majority of
paintings were a conventionalized portrayal of religious be
liefs. The main figure in the scene occupied the central posi
tion . The story depicted was reduced to a minimum of figures
and objects, with incidental matters , such as landscape and
architectural background, largely omitted. Figures were drawn
in outline and then filled in with colors, which during the
medieval period were generally limited to red, yellow, green ,
and blue .
In medieval painting no effort was made to show perspec
tive ; neither light nor shade was used , and the background
in known works was always of one color. There appears to
have been little concern with human proportions, and distor
tion was employed to emphasize the meaning intended by the
artist, while objects were often reduced to geometrical figures
and lines. Human and godly personages were portrayed regu
larly in frontal position , the wicked always being shown in
profile. All figures displayed a rigidity and lifelessness that
contrasted with the action in which they were involved. In
1970 , however , these paintings with their almost abstract ex
pression of feelings and their concentration on decorative
values might well be considered quite modern .
Painting in the Gondarine period continued to follow the
basic tenets of medieval art, although in some cases a slight
turning of the head from the earlier full-face position occurred .
Representation remained conventional rather than realistic. A
major change took place , however, in the models . Those used
in the medieval period, although not specifically identified,
were drawn from the Byzantine world . Many of the models
of the Gondarine period, in contrast, were adopted from the
Western world, particularly from Renaissance and Baroque
paintings , prints of which were brought to Ethiopia in large
numbers during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
216
 The realism of these new models motivated the Ethiopian
copyist of the Gondarine period to attempt representation of
the real world. Paintings became more elaborate, and more
animals and plants were introduced, although they remained
in abstract form . At the same time a tendency developed to
illustrate the secular aspects of the religious story. Secular
features were often portrayed , however, as seen in the con
temporary setting. In essence, an Ethiopianization of the scene
occurred with objects and paraphernalia shown as they were
in Ethiopia at the time the picture was painted, quite unre
lated to the historical correctness of the detail. An attempt
was also made to obtain perspective. In some cases shading
was used with some success but without respect to the real
world. The pictures generally remained flat, a feature still
characteristic of most traditional painting done in the twen
tieth century. An effort was also made to give life to the pic
ture. This is apparent in eye direction , bending of the torso,
and movement of the hands.
Although most traditional paintings dealt with religious sub
jects, some manuscripts dating from as early as 1700 contain
secular depictions of several rulers. Extant in the 1960s also
were various murals from the nineteenth and twentieth cen
turies devoted to secular subjects, including battles of rulers
and their supporters against both domestic and foreign ene
mies, portraits of rulers and their families and other well
known persons , hunting scenes , and historical events. One of
the most commonly occurring secular themes was, and still is ,
the story of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.
Traditional pictorial art remains very much alive. The cus
tom continues of decorating churches with murals, and tra
ditional paintings are produced for commercial purposes, in
cluding sale to tourists and other foreigners. One of the known
traditional artists at the beginning of 1970 was Yohannes
Tessema, whose works have been exhibited internationally
as well as in Ethiopia .
Modern Painting

Modern painting following Western styles has developed

since the liberation. At the beginning of 1970 this field was
dominated by three artists — Skunder Boghossian, Gebre Kris
tos Desta , and Afewerk Tekle. Their work has received both
national and international recognition , and each has been
awarded the fine arts prize of the Haile Selassie I Prize Trust:
Tekle in 1964, Gebre Kristos in 1965 , and Skunder in 1967.
Afewerk Tekle, who studied in England, is an admirer of
the country's past, and he has endeavored to depict this in his
217
paintings. His major works include large murals in the Parlia
ment building and Saint George's Cathedral in Addis Ababa.
In early 1970 he was working on a mural for the new Saint
Paul's Hospital in that city and also one for the Adigrat Cathe
dral. Tekle has exhibited in several foreign countries, and new
exhibitions were scheduled in Bulgaria and Spain in late 1970 .
Gebre Kristos' paintings, although Western in style, show
definite traditional influences. The masklike appearance of
some of his faces is a characteristic of traditional art. His tend
ency to reduce reality to geometrical forms parallels another
feature of Ethiopian traditional art. Skunder likewise has been
strongly influenced by his cultural heritage and uses forms
and images found both in traditional religious and secular
paintings. He has spent considerable time in Europe; how
ever, despite his long, direct contact with Western painting,
particularly in Paris, his works do not copy Western models
but possess a distinct style of their own. Skunder has also ex
hibited in foreign countries.
Rock Paintings
Rock paintings have been found in caves and rock shelters
in several parts of the country. Important sites are located in
Akele Guzay subprovince in Eritrea Province, lying to the
south and southeast of Asmara. Other sites occur at Karora,
on the northern Eritrea -Sudan border, and in an area near
Harar in Hararge Province. Many of the paintings depict bo
vine animals and stylized human figures that appear to be
long to a pastoral culture. The age of the older paintings is
not certain , but at many sites only humpless cattle are de
picted, which would indicate that the paintings were probably
done before the arrival of Semitic -speaking peoples and the
introduction of zebu-type cattle that occurred presumably
during the first millennium before the Christian Era.
Sculpture
Sculpture has played a very minor role in the history of the
country's art. This same situation is found also in areas in
which other Eastern churches are dominant. The lack of sculp
tured figures apparently stems not so much from an inability
to work with wood, stone , or metal as from the general pro
hibition against the making of three-dimensional images ,
which might be conducive to the development of idolatry. The
Ethiopian actually excels in the carving of linear and geome
trical decorations , excellent examples of which are seen in
many Coptic crosses . Some stone sculpture does exist in the
218
form of low bas-reliefs on some of the rock churches at Lali
bela . The figures are carved fullfaced and also generally ex
hibit the same stylized lifelessness and stiffness found in tra
ditional painting.

MUSIC , DANCE , AND SONG

Music, dancing, and singing form an important part of the
life of the Ethiopian people. The farmer sings as he harvests
his crops, and his wife and daughters sing at their household
tasks. In the fields shepherds and boys watching cattle play
the washint, a simple flute. Others sing, accompanying them
selves on the krar, a type of lyre. Dancing and singing are
integral parts of religious services, festivals, processions, wed
dings , celebrations at the birth of a child, and funerals. Sing
ing and dancing are , moreover, participatory events for all.
The audience takes an active part, joining in with spontaneous
verses , singing in the chorus, or clapping hands. Only sophis
ticated audiences now found in such places as Addis Ababa
would remain passive during a song or singing and dance
performance.

Musical Instruments

Traditional musical instruments in common use include:

the kabero and the atamo, two types of drums; the washint;
the masinko, a one- stringed instrument played with a bow;
the krar; and the begana, a lyre. In addition , the tsinatsil, or
sistrum , a percussion instrument, is used regularly in church
music. Three other instruments — the negarit, a form of kettle
-

drum ; malakat , a long trumpet without fingerholes; and em

bilta, a large primitive one-note flute -- are used usually only
on ceremonial occasions , although the embilta is now also
found in traditional musical ensembles .
The kabero, a type of kettledrum usually played with the
hands , is generally reserved for religious ceremonies but may
be found also in some villages used as an accompaniment for
folksongs. The atamo, a small drum frequently having a body
of pottery and a face covered with skin or parchment, is
played with the fingers or palm of the hand. Used only in sec
ular music to emphasize the beat of folksongs and dances,
it is widely played in the country-at weddings , festivals, and
family celebrations.
The tsinatsil resembles greatly the sistrum, used by the an
cient Egyptians in ceremonies connected with the worship of
the goddess Isis . When shaken , the instrument produces a
jingling sound . It is ordinarily used only in church services.
219
 The washint, usually fabricated from a piece of bamboo
cane, is completely secular in use, and it was the most pop
1
ular wind instrument in 1970. It may be used either alone or
together with the masinko to accompany singers. In ensem 1

bles the stringed instruments are tuned to it. The masinko ,

is ordinarily used for secular music, but a group of masinko
players may sometimes be found playing in unison at the head
of a religious procession at a major religious festival. Masinko 1
players are found throughout the country, in almost every
village , as accompanyists to singing.
The krar, a stringed instrument plucked either with the fin
gers or a plectrum , has certain affinities with the classical
Greek lyre. It is reportedly one of the most popular traditional
stringed instruments, both in the country and in the cities. It
is used solely to play or accompany secular music. The typical
krar has six strings stretched vertically from a sound box to 1
an upper bar. The bar in turn is supported by, and joins to
gether, two arms extending upward from the sound box, the
three pieces forming in essence a triangle. The strings, which
are held above the surface of the sound box by a bridge, are
usually of gut, but in the larger cities nylon and steel strings
may be used .
The begana, a large eight- to twelve-stringed lyre, is con
sidered by Ethiopians as the most important and dignified
stringed instrument; it was the only instrument in this cate
gory that noblemen deigned to learn. It is generally similar in
construction to the krar but is much larger and in playing is
rested on the floor. Although the instrument is not employed
in the church, music played on it is generally solemn. It is
used at home to accompany songs of an essentially religious
nature during Lent and at other festivals . Because of its con
nection with this type of music it is rarely found in a secular
orchestra; the begana is said to resemble the harp of David.
Secular music was traditionally not written down, whereas
in 1970 church music had a notation system in use that went
back apparently to at least the mid -sixteenth century. Accord
ing to Ethiopian accounts the original notation system was
developed by Saint Yared in the time of King Gabre Maskal
(A.D. 550-564 ). The system used in 1970 in church manu
scripts consisted of a combination of Geez syllabic characters
and various lines , curved signs, dots , and dashes. These are
written above each line of text of the liturgy, hymns, and
psalms . The characters , which are usually used singly but
sometimes in pairs or threes, actually are abbreviations stand
ing for a particular melodic phrase to which the text has been
set . Thus , the chanter or singer must memorize a large num
220
ber of separate phrases, estimated from 300 to perhaps 600 ,
in order to read any music manuscript at sight. The signs are
much fewer in number, perhaps eight or ten different ones,
which can be combined. They tell the chanter how the melody
is to be interpreted. The Ethiopian system encompasses all
church music rather than only the chanting of lessons charac
teristic of the other Eastern religions.

Traditional Secular Song and Dance

Folksongs are characterized by their spontaneity; the ex
temporizing of verses occurs whenever almost any song is
sung. This form of free composition is found in all parts of
the country among all ethnic groups. Rhyme is important to
the songs , which are set to comparatively simple melodies,
and is distinguished by its long and short, accented or unac
cented, and atonic endings. Several musical scales are used,
including the pentatonic. The scale called anchi-hoye in Am
haric appears to be strictly Ethiopian and sounds strange to
the ear attuned to Western music. Singing is high pitched ,
but the sound is of minor significance to the Ethiopian listener
for whom the words and rhyme have greater importance.
Several types of folksongs are found, including the zaffan,
which is invariably accompanied by a dance; the fukara, sung
especially by warriors; musho , sung at funerals and at memo
rial services held at fixed dates after death ; and leqso, which
expresses both sorrow and complaint. The zaffan is usually
performed by men and women together, with the whole group
vigorously clapping hands . In some cases an atamo drum
might also be used. The song is usually a solo with a fre
quently repeated refrain that is sung by the entire assem
blage, punctuated by shrill cries by the women. One of the
most common of these derives from a form of the Semitic in
terjection hallelujah.
Zaffan are unpretentious and close to the daily lives of the
people. Many are work songs; others touch on daily chores,
love , and joys and sorrows of life, and a variety of other sub
jects. Spontaneous improvisation is a main feature of these
songs. Their rhythm is necessarily relatively uncomplicated ,
and variations on the melody do not occur. Tunes that become
overused eventually are dropped, and new ones are employed.
>

The fukara are traditional songs expressing a warrior's

proud boast (the word fukara itself means boast) in fiery
verses that are usually sung at full voice. The singer is accom
panied by a masinko or sometimes by the krar and occasion
ally a thunderous drumming on the atamo. He struts up and
down singing his own praises in improvised words while hold
221
ing a stick ( formerly a spear) or rifle above his head and ges
ticulating at his imaginary opponent, which might be a com
pany of enemy soldiers, a lion , or some other large wild beast.
>

Musho (a term for choir in Amharic) are songs composed

and sung by women to honor the virtues of the deceased. The
singing, accompanied by gentle handclapping is led by one
person , while a choir repeats the refrain after each verse. The
leqsо is in similar vein. Intellectual skill is involved in their
composition, and the words may be sung without musical ac
companiment. The verse is usually short, addressed to some
one living, and contains a double meaning. On the surface it
appears to praise the person's virtues, but through slight
modifications within words it actually constitutes a caustic
criticism .
One of the striking features of secular folk song and dance
are the azmari, or wandering musicians, whose origin is lost
in Ethiopian history. They still function today much as did
the minstrels in early England and the minnesingers of Ger
many and, until very recently, some of them were retained
by the royal court and nobles in much the same capacity as
that of their early European counterparts. In the 1960s, how
ever, they made a living largely by traveling from village to
village singing at weddings, feasts, and other social functions.
The azmari are noted for their improvisation , singing skill,
and use of double meanings and puns . Their style is dramatic
and arouses the enthusiasm of the listeners. They accompany
themselves, usually on the masinko or sometimes on the krar,
or one or two azmari will play while another sings. The pro
fession comprises both men and women. In some respects the
azmari have served the same purposes as the debtera in the
perpetuation of the country's musical heritage. They have
been transmitters of epics of the past, and some of their songs
have been handed down over several centuries, although im
provisation may have diluted the theme. Many azmari were re
portedly killed by the Italian occupation forces between 1936
and 1941 because they used their songs to arouse the patriotic
feelings of the people.
Another unusual group of singers are the lalibeloch , a name
derived from King Lalibela , who reputedly organized them
into a guild in the twelfth century. Orginally the lalibeloch
were lepers or descendants of lepers, and some of them re
portedly are still afflicted with this disease. They customarily
sing in the hour before dawn , their faces covered by the sham
ma (see Glossary ), before the house of some important person
in the village. As dawn is about to break they slip away, not
wishing to be recognized , taking with them the alms recieved
from the master of the house .
222
 The voices of the singers , melodious and often melancholy,
carry a simple form of harmony. Both men's and women's
voices are heard singing a duet or sometimes a trio. No one
else sings their songs. They are unrecorded , and none is ever
included in folk music programs.
Secular folk dances are ordinarily performed only in con
nection with singing. The dances, particularly those forming
part of a zaffan, often are improvised. Certain established
limits exist for dances . For instance , intricate footwork and
movement of the body are not general in folk dancing, al
though vigorous jumping, stomping of the feet, and swaying
from side to side are typical. Movement of the body from the
waist to the knees , especially by women , is looked upon with
disfavor; the principal movements in a dance involve use
of the head and shoulders, accompanied by different facial
expressions.
Each of the country's many ethnic groups has its own dances
and songs . These reflect generally the place in which they
originated . Dances of the peoples in the kolla (hot zone) are
said to be boisterous and lively , whereas those from the cooler
highlands are considered more restrained in gestures. One of
the most graceful dances is the eskista, or shoulder dance,
which is performed particularly by women to the accompani
ment of music and handclapping by the audience. The danc
er's movements of the shoulders are accompanied by a sharp
drawing in of the breath through the teeth resulting in a sound
resembling the name of the dance.

Church Music

The entire liturgy of the church, with the exception of the

Scriptures, is chanted. The origin of the chants is attributed
to Saint Yared in the sixth century. There are definite indica
tions , however, that although Saint Yared presumably com
posed new chants and reordered existing ones, Ethiopian Or
thodox Church chanting has a relationship to the music of the
ancient Armenian and Egyptian churches. Certain chants also
appear to have a Judaic origin , and the shaking of the tsinatsil
to mark the end of a line bears a resemblance to a similar
practice found in the Jewish temple.
Church music uses percussion instruments exclusively to
mark the beat for the chants and associated dances. These
instruments are the kabero and the tsinatsil. The chants are
performed in three modes or styles. The first, ezel, is slow and
dignified , usually in the lower voice register. It is used partic
ularly for chants associated with Lent, fasts, vigils, and funer
223
als . The second mode , geez, is relatively plain and unadorned
and represents perhaps the oldest style. The third, araray, is
relatively light and gay and characterized by melodic embel
lishments . It is used on feast days and other days of joy.
The system of musical notation used in the church required
the oral transmission of chants. Over the centuries, preserva
tion of the church's musical culture has been effected through
the debtera, who are charged with providing the necessary
songs and dances for the church services. Their training is
rigorous and involves a substantial amount of memorization .
Three stages of training are offered in schools of music, dance
and poetry. In the Zema Bet (School of Music) , the debtera
learns the great collections of hymns used at different seasons
of the church year. This is followed by study in the Aquaquam
(School of Dance) , in which he learns rhythmical accompani
ment using the tsinatsil, kabero drum , and prayer stick and
how to perform church dances . The debtera may then proceed
to the Kine Bet ( School of Poetry) , where he studies composi
tion of poems for use in the church's services (see ch. 9 , Edu
cation ; ch . 11 , Religion ) .

Modern Secular Music

At the beginning of 1970 Haile Selassie I Theater in Addis
Ababa had two modern orchestras , which played some West
ern music and also a synthesis of the country's folk music and
Western musical forms. Music, locally called jazz , including
popular compositions in Amharic, was played in hotels , res
taurants , nightclubs, and discotheques in cities like Addis
Ababa and Asmara . Surveys made in 1966 and 1967 of radio
listeners showed that a substantial number of resp dents in
the urban atmosphere of Addis Ababa and Shoa Province had
a preference for modern Amharic music; however, only a very
small percentage of these persons preferred Western popular
music .
In the late 1960s there was a marked tendency for Ethio
pian composers of popular music to duplicate that of other
countries. This music was described in early 1970 by Tsegaye
Debalke , music director of Radio Ethiopia , as generally noisy
and characterized by clanging and high- pitched sounds of
numerous instruments , although he expected improvement in
quality to develop in time . There was also little originality of
composition . Because there was no national copyright law,
any new song immediately became public property upon its
first performance, discouraging the efforts required for a good
composition .
224
 THE THEATER

The tradition of Ethiopian oral communication emphasizes

the dramatic dialogue, gestures, and expressions used in prov
ing a point during a conversation or in a debate (see ch. 12,
Social Values). Development of the formal theater, however,
has occurred only in the twentieth century. The first profes
sional drama, a Western comedy adapted to Amharic, was
staged in the early 1900s. In 1947, after the end of World War
II, the municipality of Addis Ababa set up a theatrical group
to present plays in Amharic, but lack of funds prevented for
mation of a real performing body. The group was transferred
to the Haile Selassie I Theater when it was inaugurated in
1955 as a national theater .
Haile Selassie I Theater at the end of the 1960s comprised
three principal divisions: drama, folklore, and music. It had a
permanent staff of about eighty -five musicians, dancers, and
actors ; a folklore orchestra that played traditional instruments;
and two Western modern orchestras. The drama division's ac
tivities have been limited somewhat by the available number
of both original plays in Amharic and adaptations of Western
drama to Amharic. Moreover, according to Awlatchew Dejene,
one of the theater's main character actors and choreographer
of the folkloric group, there has been a general lack of appre
ciation of the dramatic arts .
The theater's folklore division presents traditional folk songs
and dances adapted to the modern stage. Its repertory in 1969
included more than 300 songs and 100 dances collected from
different tribes in the country. The folk song and dance en
semble also tours the provinces, putting on performances for
the dual purpose of entertainment and of reviving interest in
the nation's traditional music and dance. In addition , the en
semble has given performances abroad in several African
countries, the Soviet Union , Communist China, Canada, and
Mexico .

ARCHITECTURE

Modern buildings, such as those found in Addis Ababa,

have generally Western architectural styles. Amhara's build
ings have a distinctly Italian Mediterranean appearance, re
flecting its earlier position as capital of the former Italian
colony of Eritrea . In various cities, particularly in Eritrea
Province, Islamic architectural styles are also found, the out
standing buildings in this category being mosques.
Traditional architectural structures now extant are almost
entirely ecclesiastic. There are in addition some ancient steles
225
and votive thrones at Axum. A number of notable secular
buildings are also found at Gondar. Throughout most of its
post-Axum history, Ethiopia has had no permanent capital
except during the Gondar period and the present one at Addis
Ababa. Royal palaces were not built, therefore, other than at
Gondar and Addis Ababa , and those in the latter city are es
sentially European in style .
The principal structures still in existence at Axum in the
1960s included a number of great granite steles that originally
served as gravemarkers or memorials. The tallest one still
standing had an overall height of about 80 feet; the largest
one, now fallen , formerly stood about 110 feet high. Several
steles are elaborately carved to resemble the outer part of a
storied building, presumably in the architectural style then
prevalent.
Church architecture includes two main styles, the first com
prising structures that are essentially rectangular in shape and
the second consisting of round or octagonal churches. The
rectangular type is older and dates back to the Axumite King
dom . Such churches were orginally constructed of alternate 1

layers of stone and horizontal wood beams similar to the build

ing construction depicted on the Axum steles. An example of 1

this style is the monastic church of Debre Damo in Tigre Prov

ince . The rectangular style of church construction still survives
in the northern highlands , and these churches continue to ex
hibit certain features characteristic of the early period.
The round or octagonal style of church construction , with
the interior divided into three concentric rings, is typical
throughout most of the country (see ch. 11 , Religion ). The
origin of this style is not definitely known . One supposition
is that with the spread of Christianity southward from Axum
the round structure of the tukul (a circular- shaped , conical
roofed house) , common in these new areas , was simple
adopted for the construction of the village or hamlet church .
There is a possibility, however, that the round church with
its central sanctuary evolved through modification of the ear
lier basilica type and that it may have also existed early in
the northern part of the country, where a number of appar
ently transitional types are known .
A striking feature of church architecture in Ethiopia is found
in the churches that have been hewed from solid rock, of
which a hundred or so are known to exist. The most famous
comprise a group of eleven churches located at Lalibela in
Wollo Province, named after King Lalibela, who is credited
with their construction. These display a variety of forms, in
cluding one that has the shape of a Greek cross . All are of
226
basilican type , however, and possess features that generally
relate them in design to the Axumite style.
The most impressive secular buildings of the premodern era
are the palaces at Gondar, many of which in the late 1960s
were in a state of ruin. The most prominent of these was the
palace of King Basilides , who established Gondar as the coun
try's first permanent capital. The palaces are generally square
or rectangular in shape and constructed of stone and mortar.
Some have medieval European-type towers at the corners
topped by cupolas . Other features are crenellated battlements
and lofty windows that resemble those of the Renaissance
period in Europe. The design appears to have been influenced
by Portuguese colonial architecture but also exhibits features
found in earlier Ethiopian architectural styles.

SCHOLARSHIP AND INTELLECTUAL

DEVELOPMENT
Erudition and scholarship have long been held in high re
gard by the Amhara and Tigre peoples; however, scholarship
until very recently was concerned almost entirely with the
sacred doctrines of the church, and the country's scholars
were members of the ecclesiastical establishment. Scholarship
in secular fields has developed only since the spread of mod
ern education beginning in the 1940s. Higher education within
the country commenced only in the 1950s, and the first univer
sity-level institution was inaugurated in 1961. At the start of
1970 the total number of degree holders, including returnees
from study in foreign countries , probably was under 3,000 ( see
ch . 9, Education ).
Research is mainly associated with Haile Selassie I Univer
sity, which has developed a number of research units, includ
ing the Agricultural Station at Debre Zeyt, geophysical and
pathobiological institutes , the Institute of Ethiopian Studies,
and the University Testing Service. Special projects also were
in operation in 1970 within various faculties of the university
designed to foster research . Among them were the Center for
African Legal Development and the Educational Research
Center. Actual research activities appeared to be restricted
for many scholars by heavy teaching loads and limited re
search funds and a lack of such basic information as economic
statistics and census data . Research was also carried on by the
Government Mapping and Geography Institute and the private
Institut Ethiopien d'Archélogie .
There were fewer than ten recognized learned and profes
sional organizations reported in existence in 1969. Several
227
journals and professional publications were being published,
a number of which were sponsored by Haile Selassie I Univer
sity. The possibilities for publication for many persons in the
intellectual community were usually quite limited. In many
cases , if the author wanted his material read, he had to take
the manuscript to the publisher himself and pay for publica
tion or try to obtain the support of a wealthy backer. Most
scholars in the 1960s appeared generally isolated from the
intellectual world outside the country .

228
 CHAPTER 11
RELIGION

Christianity, Islam, and a variety of tribal religions are repre

sented in the country. Each shows influences derived from one
or more of the other religions. Judaism of a sort is practiced by
the Falasha , an Agau (Cushitic-speaking) group ( see ch. 5, Eth
nic Groups and Languages). Judaism's greatest influence on
Ethiopian culture, however, has been manifested through the
Ethiopian Orthodox Church which , alone among Christian de
nominations, retains many Judaic practices.
Article 126 of the Constitution states that “ The Ethiopian
Orthodox Church, founded in the fourth century, on the doc
trines of Saint Mark, is the established Church of the Empire
and is , as such , supported by the State.” Adopted as the official
religion of the Axumite kingdom in the fourth century A.D. ,
the church has become identified almost completely with the
politically and culturally dominant Amhara -Tigre and, over the
centuries has helped to maintain their ethnic unity and identity,
particularly at times when the imperial authority was weak.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church was in 1970 the major base
for ethnic identity and cultural affiliation among the Amhara
Tigre, and it permeated every aspect of the daily life and
thought of its adherents.
Islam, by contrast , does not supply the same kind of political
and ethnic unity to its adherents in Ethiopia. The eastern and
southern areas have in the past contained Muslim states of
Galla, Arab , or Sidamo origin , with a mixture of Somali,
Afar, (Danakil), and Saho; however, the ethnic diversity among
these groups was much greater than among the Amhara -Tigre,
so that Islam has not acted as a firm bond among those groups
that adhere to it. Islam came to these groups at widely differing
times, covering a span of about 1,000 years, and not in one
particular form . Thus it has been a more flexible religion than
Christianity as practiced in Ethiopia and has given rise to more
diversity of practice .
Tribal religious systems are strongest in the lowland regions
of the west and south of the country, but elements of this kind
characterize much of the popular religion of the Christians and
Muslims as well . These beliefs and rituals vary widely, and
229
 48
36 40
Ethiopian Orthodox
Christian
16 Muslim 16

Tribal religions
C.Roman Catholic
P- Protestant
F - Falasha ( Judaic)

12 12

36 40 44
48

Source: Adapted from Spencer J. Trimingham , Islam in Ethiopia, 1952;

and World Christian Handbook, 1968.
1
Figure 11. Geographic Distribution of Religions in Ethiopia

certain manifestations such as fear of the evil eye are wide

spread among adherents of both tribal and nontribal religions.
The three main religious groupings — the Ethiopian Orthodox
Church, Islam, and the various tribal religions - are found in
well-defined areas of the country (see fig. 11 ). Christianity is
the religion practiced by most of the people of the Central
Plateau region . Most of them are of Amhara -Tigre stock, al
though about 10 percent of the Galla, who live in this area, and
many Agau groups are Ethiopian Orthodox as well. Figures
available showing the number of adherents of the various faiths
in the country vary considerably, especially those enumerating
Ethiopian Christians. Estimates for this group vary from about
11 million to 14 million .
The adherents of Islam are found mainly in the eastern por
tion of the country. Other sizable pockets are found in Jima
and Begemder provinces and in northern Eritrea . Estimates of
230
the total number of Muslims in the country have ranged from
5 million to 10 million .
The groups still practicing their own tribal religions are found
mainly in the south and west with significant numbers along
the border with Sudan . Their numbers are probably between 4
and 5 million.
Roman Catholics total about 130,000, the largest numbers
being found in Asmara and in Addis Ababa. As with various
Protestant groups, Catholics are scattered mainly throughout
the non -Ethiopian Christian areas of the country. Protestant
groups total about 227,000.
The Falasha , an Agau group whose members practice a prim
itive form of Judaism, have been variously estimated at from
20,000 to 60,000 in number, but the first figure seems the more
reasonable. They are found mainly in Semien , a subprovince of
Begemder, although individual families are found widely
scattered throughout the central plateau region .
THE ETHIOPIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH
Sometime during the third or fourth decade of the fourth
century , A.D., according to most sources, Christianity was
adopted by King Ezana as the official religion of the ancient
kingdom of Axum . Two young Syrian Christians who had sur
vived a shipwreck were brought before Ezana's father. The
elder of the two youths, Frumentious, became a valuable aide
to the king and , after his death, to the queen regent, Sofya,
who ruled until Ezana came of age. Both Syrians left the coun
try when Ezana began his rule, and Frumentious reported his
success at the court of the Axumite rulers to Athanasius, patri
arch of the Alexandrine ( Egyptian Coptic) church. The patri
arch consecrated him as bishop of the newly converted kingdom
and sent him back to Axum with a number of priests; thus the
precedent was established of an Alexandrian -appointed non
Ethiopian to head the Ethiopian Orthodox Church , a practice
that was to continue until the mid-twentieth century .
About a century later, in 451 , at the Council of Chalcedon a
split developed between the eastern branches of Christianity
the Syrian , Armenian , Egyptian , and Ethiopian -- and the Greek
and Latin branches. The dispute was concerned with the nature
of Christ; the Greek and Latin churches argued that there were
two natures-divine and human-united within Christ, whereas
the easterners , reacting to the then current Nestorian heresy,
stated the Monophysite belief that these two natures were ab
solutely fused , rather than merely united , into one . The Ethio
pian church took very little part in this dispute, simply follow
ing its parent Egyptian church into an isolation that virtually
231
cut it off from any Western Christian influence until the six
teenth century (see ch. 3, Historical Setting) .
A strong tradition of monasticism began around A.D. 500
with the arrival of nine Syrian monks, later known as the Nine
Saints , who are said to have founded monasteries and trans
lated the Scriptures into the native tongue , Geez . Most probably,
it was they who began the spread of Monophysite doctrine.
The Roman and Greek churches were universalist; their ad
ministrative structures transcended the interests and concerns
of local political units. On the other hand, the Egyptian, Syrian ,
and Armenian churches were particularist, closely identifying
themselves with their country of origin . Thus from the begin
ning the basis was laid for the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
eventually to become a national church.
The impetus to become a purely national church was given its
main force in A.D. 642 when Egypt was conquered by Arabs
spreading the new Islamic faith . Although for the most part the
Arabs did not persecute the Christians, most of Egypt's pop
ulation rapidly became Muslim . Contact between the Egypt
ian Coptic Church and the Ethiopian Orthodox Church was re
duced to that of having the patriarch of the Egyptian church
consecrate a bishop to head the Ethiopian church . Thus the
Ethiopian church became almost totally isolated from even its
sister oriental Christian churches .
According to Coptic church law, twelve bishops are required
to elect a patriarch, but the Egyptian church was unwilling to
permit Ethiopia to have more than seven-and in fact there was
usually only the one Alexandrine-appointed bishop, known in
Ethiopia as the abune-because it feared that the Ethiopian
church would make itself independent, elevating its leading
bishop to the rank of patriarch .
The appointment of the abune by the patriarch of Alexandria
meant that, for 1,500 years , the bishop was a foreigner who
usually knew little or nothing of the language or customs of the
country to which he was sent. In addition , owing to the diffi
culty of communication with the Alexandrian church , there
were long periods after the death of an abune when the Ethio
pian church did not have a leader consecrated by Alexandria .
During these periods the church generally was ruled by the
ichege, the chief indigenous cleric, traditionally an Ethiopian
appointed by the king and , from the thirteenth century onward,
from among the monks of the monastery at Debra Libanos.
Even when the abune was in office, the ichege served as the
chief administrator of the church and also was specifically
charged with the supervision of the monasteries.
The Ethiopian church from the seventh to the fifteenth cen
232
tury existed in almost total isolation. Surrounded by Islamic
neighbors, the church was constantly under pressure and, from
time to time, lost large numbers of adherents to the new faith .
Partial compensation was made by the continuing process of
Christianization of the indigenous Agau peoples of the plateau,
and it seems that this group was the most significant factor in
a new religious resurgence in the twelfth century when they
became strong enough to usurp the throne from the traditional
Amhara -Tigre rulers (see ch. 3 , Historical Setting). It was under
this Zagwe dynasty of the Agau, which lasted about 135 years ,
that the great rock -hewn churches at Lalibela were built (see
ch. 10, Artistic and Intellectual Expression).
The first emperor of the Zagwe dynasty sent a number of re
quests for the appointment of more bishops but was turned
down. Throughout the centuries of Muslim rule in Egypt, the
Ethiopian emperors were to make such requests, not only to the
patriarch in Alexandria but to the Muslim ruler as well. They
would also intervene to obtain favorable traeatment of the
Egyptian Christians and would pay extravagant sums to the
Muslim court each time the consecration of a new abune was
sought. Some evidence also exists, dating from the period of
the Zagwe dynasty, of a tentative Ethiopian approach to the
Roman Catholic Church , a tendency that was to recur some
three centuries later.
The end of the Zagwe dynasty was marked by a reconfir
mation of the relationship with Alexandria and the establish
ment of the landed wealth of the church . There are various
accounts of the role played by the church in the reestablish
ment of the Solomonic line, but the generally accepted version
is that a more or less peaceful accession of the Solomonic line
was brought about through the good offices of the monk Tekla
Haimanot (see ch. 3, Historical Setting).
Tekla Haimanot is believed to have drawn up a threefold
agreement with the outgoing Zagwe monarch whereby, in re
turn for abdicating in favor of a claimant descended from the
Solomonic line , the Zagwe emperor and his descendants were
to retain the rule of their home territory , then known as Lasta,
in perpetuity. More important for the church, the agreement
gave to it one-third of all property in the country because of
the clergy's support for the Solomonic dynasty .
The third part of the agreement is understandable only in the
light of the conservatism of the Ethiopian church, for this was
concerned with the confirmation of a canon, recorded in the
Fetha Nagast (Laws of Kings ), restating that the abune could
never be a native Ethiopian and that he could not consecrate
other bishops . The reaffirmation by the newly restored dynasty
233
and the Ethiopian church of such an unequal relationship with
the Egyptian church suggests an overwhelming triumph of tra
ditional forms, from which the Zagwe had departed to some
extent.

By 1946 , with the growth of modern nationalism, the Ethio

pian government and the church were claiming that this canon ,
which purportedly dates from the Council of Nicaea in A.D.
325 , was actually a forgery asserted by the Alexandrine church
to maintain its suzerainty over the Ethiopian church . Ethiopia's
greatest saint, Tekla Haimanot, was probably the main force
behind its promulgation , however. It seems likely that, in addi
tion to Haimanot's undoubted traditionalism , this canon gave
the church , and more specifically the monastery at Debra
Libanos, which he had founded, even more influence than if the
Ethiopian church had been able to choose its own native abune
because the ichege, the man who actually carried out the ad
ministration of the church , was always appointed from among
the monks of Debre Libanos .
The restoration of the Solomonic line stimulated in the mon
asteries the greatest period of Ethiopian literature (see ch . 10,
Artistic and Intellectual Expression) . It was during this renais
sance , particularly under Emperor Zara Yakob ( 1434-68), that
the subordination of the church to the Emperor, even in matters
of dogma and ritual, became most evident . Zara Yakob wrote
many religious books and imposed, by his own authority ,
changes in church practice. He made religious instruction a part
of the divine worship, placed special emphasis on the reading
from the Law and the Prophets of the Old Testament and re
asserted the rule that Saturday as well as Sunday should be
observed . This seeming affinity for strictly Jewish practices did
not arise out of a desire to turn to Judaism or to gain favor with
Jewish elements within the kingdom. Rather, these reforms re
flected the deeply rooted Judaic practices and beliefs that had
been fused into the highly syncretic Ethiopian Orthodox
religion .
The growing Muslim challenge caused the Ethiopians to seek
closer contact with the Christian nations of the West. In 1520
the Portuguese sent a small party including Father João Ber
mudez and Father Francisco Alvarez, who later recorded his
experiences and gave to the West its first full account of Ethio
pian life and customs . The Portuguese left in 1526, and within
three years the Somali and Afar forces of Ahmed Ibrahim El
Ghaz (Ahmed Grañ) ( 1506-41 ) had begun their war against the
Ethiopians that was to continue until Grañ's death in 1541 ,
leaving the entire countryside nearly prostrate from the con
stant fighting (see ch. 3, Historical Setting; ch. 5, Ethnic
234
Groups and Languages ) . Especially hard hit were the monas
teries and churches that had been singled out as special targets
for plunder, burning, and forced conversion to Islam.
With the return of the Portuguese, however, by the mid-six
teenth century the Muslims no longer constituted a serious dan
ger to Ethiopia . Two new threats immediately arose, however.
One was the Galla invasion , which was basically a continuing
battle for territory without ideological consequences (see ch . 3,
Historical Setting ). The other was a direct threat to the Ethio
pian Orthodox Church from the Roman Catholic Church whose
Jesuit priests had entered the country with the first Portuguese
contacts and almost immediately began trying to convert Ethio
pian Christians to Roman Catholicism.
When Father Bermudez returned with the Portuguese forces,
he found a new Emperor, Galawdewos (Claudius) ( 1540-59), on
the throne who strongly adhered to the Alexandrian tradition .
Bermudez asserted that before his departure the former abune
had been persuaded by the previous Emperor, Lebna Dengel
( 1508-40 ), to consecrate him as his successor and that he had
obtained the pope's ratification of his consecration . Despite his
gratitude for Portuguese assistance, Galawdewos did not ac
cept Bermudez's claims and wrote to the king of Portugal, who
replied that he knew of no basis for Bermudez's assertion .
In a further effort to claim the allegiance of Ethiopian Chris
tians, the Jesuits sent Bishop Andrew de Oviedo , together with
a small mission , to Ethiopia. Bishop Oviedo had no success
with Galawdewos and eventually published a sentence of ex
communication against the whole Ethiopian church.
Another Jesuit, the Spaniard Peter Paez, was much more suc
cessful. He arrived in the country in 1603, taught in Geez and
Amharic, and finally converted Emperor Za Dengel ( 1603-04).
As news of the Emperor's conversion spread , however, the
nobles successfully prevailed upon the abune to release them
and the army from their oath of allegiance to him. They then
fought and defeated the Emperor's forces, killing him in the
process .
Paez was not to be denied. He then converted the next
Emperor, Susenyos ( 1607-32), who, even before being con
verted , had relaxed prohibitions against the Roman church, per
mitted proselytizing, and discouraged the observance of the
Sabbath . Upon the Emperor's conversion , Paez was replaced by
Alphonse Mendez, who was much less diplomatic than Paez
and totally lacked understanding of the strength of the Ethio
pian church and the depth of its acceptance by the Ethiopian
people. Mendez insisted that the conversion of the Emperor be
followed by the abolition of specifically Ethiopian church
235
rituals concerned with such matters as baptism , circumcision ,
fasts, feasts, and the ordination of priests and deacons.
Opposition to Susenyos became almost total. It included not
only members of the clergy but also his own family and, per
haps most important, the Amhara - Tigre peasants, who had
little knowledge or even interest in doctrinal matters but whose
whole lives were deeply immersed in the national ethos as
expounded by their church.
When Mendez ruled that the entire Ethiopian church was
heretical and that all priests would have to be reordained and
the churches reconsecrated , revolt followed upon revolt until,
in 1631 , Susenyos proclaimed the return of the old faith to the
people. He then abdicated in favor of his son Fasiladas, who
reestablished the former union of church , state , and monarchy;
expelled the Jesuits; and started the country on another period
of isolation from the outside world , coupled with a strong sus
picion of foreigners, especially Europeans .
Missionaries were not allowed into the country again until the
middle of the nineteenth century , but then only with the proviso
that they would center their efforts at conversion of non -Chris
tian Ethiopians. Thus the Ethiopian church has not had a chal
lenger to its supremacy since the seventeenth century, and only
in the mid -twentieth century does it seem to be becoming aware
of the need for renewal and change in the newly emerging mod
ern society that is slowly being forged in the country.
Organization and the Clergy
The administration of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church is cen
trally organized with its headquarters in Addis Ababa. The
church is divided into dioceses , whose boundaries correspond
with each of the provinces, each having its own bishop; a
patriarch abune heads the whole church . The ultimate authority
in matters of faith is the Episcopal Synod. In addition, there is
the Church Council, which includes both clergy and nonclergy.
Basically a consultative body, it usually meets once every two
weeks, reviewing and drafting policy concerned with general
church administration .
The most important person in the church is the priest. One
contemporary observer has estimated that the clergy consti
tutes as much as 20 percent of the male Christian population.
This estimate does not appear to be an overstatement when it
is considered that churches are said to number between 17,000
and 18,000 and that the celebration of the Eucharist calls for at
least 2 priests and 3 deacons, with 3 priests and 4 deacons
being the usual number and large churches having as many as
100 clergy and in one instance_500 .
236
 The priest is ordained by the abune. He is then assigned to a
church where he is given his monthly schedule for celebrating
the Mass. Although this is his main duty, as time passes he will
be given members of the congregation to whom he must give
advice and assign penances .
Other than these purely priestly duties, the life of a priest dif
fers little from that of his nonclerical neighbors: he too plows
his fields and harvests his crops; he may have business to be
transacted in the market ; and he may even make a little extra
money by weaving. After his priestly and secular duties have
been disposed of, however, he tends to spend much of his free
time in the "gate of peace,” a small building near his church
where he and the other clergy get together to drink talla (beer)
and talk.
The insignia of the priest is not ornate; it consists of a white
turban wrapped around the head and a cross carried in the
hand, to be kissed by any who pass by. When a priest becomes
older, he may also carry a fly -whisk made of horsehair and a
wicker sun umbrella .
Priests are drawn largely from the Amhara - Tigre peasantry.
Most have little formal education, and many misread the Geez
texts because they do not understand the language. Their pres
tige, however , is high , except among a segment of the modern
secularly educated youth of the country. Their role is highly re
garded among the strongly traditional peasants since without
them Mass cannot be celebrated in the local churches. As long
as a priest has been duly ordained and has not broken his mar
riage vows , he retains his status ( see ch . 6 , Social Structure) .
A deacon is usually a boy in training to become a priest. His
duties are to prepare the sacramental bread, collect the holy
water, and assist at the Mass. At about the time of puberty, he
must give up the deaconship; as soon as he has married he may
continue studies for the priesthood and eventually be ordained.
Monks are either persons who have never wed or priests who
are widowers. The only hard and fast requirement is that the
monk be willing to renounce all earthly things, and those who
become monks carry a great deal of influence in the community
by virtue of their ascetic piety.
The debtera is quite different. He is respected for his erudi
tion rather than his piety . He is at the same time chorister, poet,
dancer, herbologist, scribe, and wizard, but he has no formal
position in the church hierarchy. The position of debtera pro
vides an opportunity for those with a certain specialized knowl
edge to follow a religious vocation without accepting the strict
ordinances of the priesthood. There are no rites of ordination ,
237
and there is no particular point at which one can say that a
man has either become, or ceased to be, a debtera .
The debtera studies far longer than priests. A full course of
traditional studies includes the great body of religious chants;
aquaquam (religious dance) ; Geez grammar and qene (verse
with a hidden meaning -see Glossary ); and the study of many
religious writings. Complete mastery of the material takes be
tween twenty and thirty years and is rarely accomplished . At
the same time, knowledge of writing, the use of various herbs
for medicinal purposes, and the preparation of magic formulas
is gained from various private tutors .
Other lay officials in the local churches include the gazbar
(sacristan ), who collects tithes, records gifts to the church , and
manages the accounts . The post was hereditary in some areas,
but it is now generally rotated among the more prominent fam
ilies in the congregation . If the church is a large one, there are
also other officials, such as a chamberlain , a head of deacons,
and so forth .
Each church has a number of nuns attached to it; older wom
en , generally widows , they help to prepare the bread for the
poor, sweep out the churches, and perform other tasks.
The bahtawi (hermits ) are scattered throughout the country
and are not directly part of the church hierarchy. Some practice
self -mortification . Others do menial tasks at monasteries, then
spend the rest of their time in prayer. These men usually live
apart from society , only occasionally wandering among people,
who accept them as messengers of God.

Faith and Practice

The Amhara - Tigre believe that they-as a people and as a
nation - are the chosen of God and the only true Christians in
the world . The Amhara specifically consider the name of their
group to be synonymous with Christian .
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church emphasizes the teachings of
the Old Testament, especially the Pentateuch and the Law ; its
stress on the divinity of Christ to the exclusion of his humanity
is reflected in Monophysite doctrine. God is a remote entity,
and a direct relationship with Him is impossible. Instead the
hierarchy of angelic messengers and saints are used as inter
mediaries.
Besides the angels and others that carry out the divine will,
there are evil spirits fighting against the heavenly hierarchy
and its universal order. It is only through this hierarchy that
order is maintained , and without it chaos would result. Thus
the order in the universe is not complete. Whatever order is to
238
be found is created by God through His control of the heavenly
hierarchy. This concept is mirrored in the hierarchical structure
of traditional Amhara - Tigre society (see ch. 6, Social Structure ).
It is difficult to determine which of the Judaic elements in
the Ethiopian church were present before Christianity was in
troduced to the Amhara - Tigre. Some are the result of Orthodox
stress on the Old Testament. The presence of such elements is
used to support the legend, stated as fact in the Constitution,
that Menelik I was the offspring of Solomon and the Queen of
Saba (Sheba) (see ch. 3, Historical Setting) .
According to the legend, the Queen of Saba converted her
country to Judaism, which was the religion of Ethiopia until its
conversion to Christianity. For the Ethiopians the story explains
the presence of Judaic traits, the origin of the Falasha, and the
Ethiopians ' place as a chosen people, for Menelik is believed to
have brought back to the country the sacred ark (tabot)
from Jerusalem .
Judaic elements in the Ethiopian church include the distinc
tion made between clean and unclean food; the method employ
ed for slaughtering animals; the circumcision of males after the
eighth day (which is technically not a church requirement); and
the observance of the Sabbath .
In addition, many of the feasts have a distinctly Judaic char
acter. Amat (New Year) and Maskal (Feast of the Cross), two of
the most important celebrations in Ethiopia , fall on September
11 and 27, respectively, thus closely corresponding to the period
of the Jewish High Holy Days , which includes the celebration of
the New Year as well. Fasts are kept on Wednesdays and Fri
days; these correspond closely to the fasts kept by some Ortho
dox Jews on Mondays and Thursdays.
Even in church architecture ancient Jewish influence is ap
parent. Although there are a few churches built in the tradi
tional Alexandrian cruciform as well as several square-shaped
ones, such as those at Lalibela, the overwhelming majority are
circular or octagonal, with the internal structure consisting of
three concentric rings, similar to the plan of Solomon's Temple
in Jerusalem .
In the outside ambulatory (kene mahlet) the debtera stand
and sing the traditional hymns. The next chamber is the ked
dest, where the people take communion. The innermost is the
makdas , where the tabot rests and which is open only to the
priests and the Emperor. In fact, like the early synagogues , it is
the tabot , not the church in which it is placed, that is
consecrated .
Within the keddest the women are segregated from the men.
Only those who feel pure, have fasted regularly , and have con
239
ducted themselves properly take communion ; this usually in
cludes only the very young and the very old.
The rest of the congregation stand in the kene mahlet, where
the women are again segregated from the men. The debtera
and the priests pass around this outer circle during the service,
chanting, sometimes dancing. The priests pass among the con
gregation swinging a metal or clay censer from which rise
clouds of incense . Those who feel particularly ritually unclean
stand in the yard of the church, and often there are as many
people, if not more , standing in the yard as in the church .
Attendance at church is a small part of religious observance,
especially since few understand the service in Geez. The Emper
or has attempted to introduce the practice of presenting ser
mons, but members of the clergy have resisted this. They do,
however, pass along news , publicize government decrees, and
give general advice outside the church every Sunday morning
as well as on church holidays.
The Ethiopian calendar is a church calendar, and the ordi
nary peasant marks his agricultural round and personal events
by the saint's days and holidays. A number of days every
month are dedicated to a particular saint or angel. The major
days are: Ledata ( Birth of Mary) , on the first of each month ;
Abbo, on the fifth ; Selassie , the seventh ; Mika'el (Michael ), the
twelfth ; Covenant of Mercy for Mary, the sixteenth ; Gabriel,
the nineteenth ; Maryam (Mary ), the twenty -first; Festival of
the Son , the twenty -ninth . Mary is by far the most popular
figure; in all , there are thirty -three days annually in honor of
the Virgin . Similarly, each year is named for one of the four
Gospels—Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John-in a constantly re
peating four- year cycle .
St. John's Day in September is New Year's Day. The peasant
strews freshly cut grass across the floor of his home. Children
go from house to house in small groups hoping to receive a bit
of dabo, a kind of bread made from whole wheat. An animal is
slaughtered in most homes, and there is much eating and drink
ing, pastimes that form the basic activity of any holiday.
Just over two weeks later the very important festival called
Maskal is observed. This is the celebration of the discovery of
the true cross by the Empress Helena in the fourteenth century.
Yellow wildflowers are cut and fastened to poles that each fam
ily brings to a central clearing. The poles are placed together in
a tepee- like arrangement; then in late afternoon , first the local
lord , then the clergy, the lesser nobility, the peasant men , wom
en , and finally the children, all circle the poles three times in
honor of the Trinity. In the evening the activities become more
.

secular in tone, and a bonfire beneath the poles is lit amid

much frivolity and dancing.
240
 There are many other holidays during this season; many of
the saint's days are especially honored at this time, but the most
important is Epiphany, which is celebrated about two weeks
after Christmas. It is held in commemoration of the baptism of
Jesus, and the name of the holiday, Timkat means baptism .
New clothes are given to the children , and the adults wash their
shamma, a light cotton toga.
The celebrations for Timkat are lengthy and involved . On the
eve of the holiday at sunset, the tabot is removed from the
church and taken by the church members to a nearby stream or
pool. After supper the people return to the site of the tabot and
sing and dance until late at night . At about two o'clock in the
morning Mass is celebrated , and then the people consume
quantities of dabo and talla . Near dawn the water is blessed by
the priests and is sprinkled on the assemblage. This is also the
time for baptizing children of syphilitic mothers as well as those
who wish to be rebaptized. By noon the tabot is taken back to
the church with the people in procession. All then go home for
feasting.
On Good Friday services are held throughout the day. At
about 9:00 A.M. on Saturday, the tabot is opened, the clergy
form a procession around it, and the Resurrection is announced .
Each member of the congregation carries a lighted candle sym
bolizing the new light and takes part in a procession that winds
around the church ambulatories. The prayers and chants con
tinue throughout the day, ending with the celebration of the
Eucharist at midnight.
Timkat also serves as the sign for the period of weddings to
begin . This light and happy period ends rather suddenly with
the beginning of the great fast before Easter. As in the other
oriental churches, Easter is the most important festival of the
church calendar. The Lenten fast lasts for fifty -six days, during
which only one meal a day is taken and there is a total absten
tion from meat, fat, eggs, and dairy products. For the very
pious, complete abstinence is practiced for the final forty-eight
hour period from Maundy Thursday to Easter Sunday morning
after the service.
The influence of the church enters all facets of the Ethiopian
Christian's daily life. A father gives a short prayer in the morn
ing and pronounces the blessing before and after every meal.
When passing a church, a child is supposed to bow three times;
a pious adult may dismount from his horse. When meeting a
priest, it is the custom to kiss the cross that he carries and re
ceive his blessing .
On his saint's day a man holds a small feast (zikert) attended
by his men friends and his confessor. Similar feasts may be
241
held to honor other saints, usually at the suggestion of the con
fessor. If a man is not among the poorest in the village, he
also participates in a communion association (mahebar). It is
the only voluntary association in traditional Amhara society,
and its main purpose is to eat and drink in honor of a partic
ular saint on his day each month (see ch. 6, Social Structure ).
The mahebar does not have a kinship base, and membership
is usually limited to about a dozen persons, often including both
husbands and wives. Once a month, in turn , the members hold
in the home a feast that is more elaborate than the zikert. Gifts
of food, drink, and money are made to the officiating priests.
The more expensive the feasts held by members of a particular
mahebar, the more prestige it and its members gain in the
community .
When anyone dies, ritual mourning and wailing are carried
>

out for a full day; in a wealthy family such ritual is performed

by paid professional mourners. The final interment, as among
Muslims, is entirely a male affair. Elaborate commemoration
feasts are held on the third, seventh , twelfth , fortieth, and eight
ieth day and at the end of six months, one year, and seven
years. The greatest and most expensive feast is held on the
fortieth day, but few can afford to hold them after that. A
whole family may go into debt for several years to hold this
feast, known as a tazkar. In addition to the cost of food and
drink for the tazkar, expensive gifts must also be made to all of
the local church officials.
The Emperor has inveighed against the burden of the tazkar
and the payments demanded by the clergy at such a time. When
one of his daughters died in 1933, he forbade the holding of a
tazkar for her. Before the formal abolition of serfdom , a local
lord required his serfs, and at times now requires his tenants , to
contribute heavily to a tazkar for a deceased member of the
landlord's family .
A substantial amount of traditional Cushitic and Semitic re
ligious elements have survived in Ethiopian Christianity. One
widespread practice is the wearing of the lelafa sedeq . This is
a parchment scroll tied to the body of the deceased and buried
with him in order to guide his way to heaven . Many Christians
still believe in zar (spirits) and in buda (human beings having
the power of the evil eye, who by night are transformed into
mischievous hyenas) . Members of submerged classes who are
craftsmen , such as leatherworkers or blacksmiths, are believed
to be buda (see ch . 5. Ethnic Groups and Languages ).
Change in the Church
The greatest change in organization of the Ethiopian Ortho
dox Church was the severance of its ties with Alexandria . Re
242
lations between the Ethiopian church and Alexandria had been
seriously strained in 1926 when the patriarch of Alexandria re
fused a petition to give the new abune, who had been appointed
in that year, the power to appoint additional Ethiopian bishops.
The patriarch himself consecrated four Ethiopian monks as
bishops, adding a fifth bishop in 1930 ; however, the Ethiopian
church still fell far short of the twelve bishops required to elect
its own patriarch .
The greatest blow to the traditional relationship between the
Ethiopian church and Alexandria was struck by the Italians .
The first phase of the Italian program of occupation was di
rected against the Ethiopian church as a symbol of Ethiopian
nationalism and as a center of resistance. Two of the bishops
and many priests and monks were killed. The greatest massacre
of clergy was carried out at the monastery of Debra Libanos as
an act of retribution in response to an attempt upon the life of
Marshal Graziani, the leader of the Italian occupation forces
(see ch . 3, Historical Setting).
When the Italians realized that repression was not fulfilling
their objectives, they attempted to bring the church under their
control so as to make use of its influence. Thus the abune, who
was always an Egyptian, was allowed to continue in his office,
and the Italians made it clear that there would be no more at
tempts at attacking the church as a whole.
They did want to make the church break away from the con
trol of Alexandria. They thus offered a sop to Ethiopian nation
alism since the Ethiopians themselves had already made sev
eral desultory moves over the centuries at gaining complete
church independence from Alexandria . Moreover, if this inde
pendence were to be achieved, it would cut the church's com
munications with Egypt and Jerusalem, both places where
British influence was strong and where Ethiopian refugees had
collected in large numbers.
Although the abune had called for submission to Italian rule,
he could not accept the idea of separation from Alexandria and
was forced to return to Egypt. The two remaining bishops were
compelled to support the Italians in their plans, and one of
them , Bishop Abraham , who was old and nearly blind was
made abune. He excommunicated all those resisting the new
policy, thus, theoretically at least , refusing a Christian burial to
the partisans killed in the continuing resistance against the
Italians. He then consecrated twelve bishops, one of whom
succeeded him after his death in 1939 .
The response of the patriarch in Alexandria was to excom
municate the Ethiopian abune and all the bishops and priests
appointed by him or accepting his authority . Upon the return of
243
the Egyptian abune in 1942, however, this excommunication
was lifted.
Difficult negotiations between Alexandrian and Ethiopian of
ficials regarding the status of the Ethiopian church were con
ducted between 1942 and 1948. Unlike the weak and usually
short-lived attempts at autonomy previously made by the Ethio
pians, this effort, with the background of the failure of the
church in Alexandria to defend the Ethiopian church in any
significant way against the Italian efforts to undermine it, to
gether with the development among Ethiopian leaders of a
modern concept of nationalism that rejected an inferior rela
tionship to a foreign church, finally succeeded .
An agreement signed on July 13, 1948, provided for the im
mediate consecration of five additional Ethiopian bishops, with
others to follow . The Egyptian who had been abune during the
war years continued to be recognized , but it was agreed that
after his death an abune would be elected from among the
Ethiopian bishops, and this Ethiopian abune would have the
power to consecrate additional bishops . The old abune died in
1949, and the Ethiopian bishop, Basleyos (Basilios), was elected
by an assembly composed of representatives of both the church
and the state . He was ordained in Cairo on January 19, 1951 .
Complete severance from Alexandria was signified eight years
later when his status as head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
was raised to that of patriarch .
Until 1942 the Ethiopian church generally followed the decen
tralized administrative practices of the Alexandrine church .
Monasteries and churches maintained independent treasuries,
controlled their own lands, and chose their own chief officials.
The first of a number of changes directed at centralization and
reform took place in that year on the Emperor's return after
the defeat of the Italians, when, under the decree named Regu
lations for the Administration of the Church , he took the first
steps in centralizing it under government supervision.
This measure , together with a more explicit one - Article 127
of the 1955 Constitution , gave the Emperor the power to ap
prove the selection and appointment of the abune and other
bishops the “right to promulgate the decrees , edicts, and public
regulations of the church, except those concerning monastic life
and other spiritual administrations."
The individual churches, monasteries, and even clergy and
lay officials own or control considerable tracts of land, but it is
not clear that the church controls the one-third of the country
guaranteed it in the thirteenth -century agreement between
Tekla Haimanot and the restored Solomonic emperor. In the
late 1960s and in 1970 estimates of church -owned land ranged
244
from one-eighth to one-third of all land . In any case, much of
this belongs to self-supporting monasteries (see ch . 18,
Agriculture ).
In former times the church received one-quarter of all reve
nue from land taxes and was exempt from taxation itself. To
day, however, it has lost those privileges, and its income is
mainly from rents on its various holdings.
Traditionally, the church also exercised judicial control over
local communities in many respects; for example, it prosecuted
people for adultery or refusal to contribute to the church. The
church still seems to have retained some of its judicial powers ,
but information on this aspect of church activities in 1970 was
not available.
Although the relatively small number of urbanized , Western
educated people have attitudes other than the traditional ones
toward the church , even this group has a general commitment
to religion that is basically traditional in form . In the late 1950s
a professor from the University of Chicago surveyed attitudes
among 700 secondary school and college students in Ethiopia.
He asked what one specific lesson would the student try hardest
to teach his child . In response, religious themes were mentioned
more frequently than any other object, except the question of
success in school, as the area in which they are most in agree
ment with their parents.
On the other hand, when these students look for spiritual in
spiration from the church or for social teachings relevant to the
needs of the day, they are usually told by the clergy to fast and
observe the other age- old traditions. This attitude on the part of
the overwhelming majority of the clergy and the continued use
of an archaic liturgy have turned a number of these students
away from religion altogether. The increasing secularization of
their life also adds to defections.
Three avenues of change have been open to the young people
experiencing dissatisfaction with the traditional religious forms.
One of these has been to make the student's faith an entirely
personal matter, no longer dependent on church institutions. A
second has been to adopt one of the Western forms of Chris
tianity through contact with a missionary group . The biblical
fundamentalism and evangelical enthusiasm of Protestant mis
sionaries have proved more attractive that Roman Catholicism ,
in part because Protestantism seems to the students to require
the total commitment and reorientation they seek, and in part
because Catholic missionaries tend to be identified with the
Jesuit order with which Ethiopian Christians' relations over the
centuries have been difficult.
Beginning in the late 1950s , a third alternative has come
245
more and more to the fore. Some students are trying to re
form the Ethiopian Orthodox Church from within . Most of the
work along this line has been done within the framework of the
Orthodox Students Association . This association was founded
by a convention of which most schools of higher education were
represented in 1958. It was the first nationwide voluntary asso
ciation in the country (see ch . 6, Social Structure).
The students' criticisms usually focus on the continued use of
the Geez language, the excessive ritualism , and the absence of
teaching and explanation. Their proposals include the institu
ting of schools for religious education and greater efforts to
convert non -Christian peoples in the country . The association
also sponsors weekly religious services in which the hymns are
sung in Amharic rather than Geez and discussions concerned
with religious and moral questions are conducted in Amharic;
it also publishes a monthly journal and holds an annual con
vention attended by students from all over the country .
One other sign of change has been the establishment of a
theological college as a part of the Haile Selassie I University
in Addis Ababa. The school gives the young deacons a chance
for a college education, but emphasis is upon rote learning,
thus differentiating the school from other schools in the univer
sity, which are Western -oriented in their teaching methods.
There are some priests within the established church who are
concerned with the questions raised by the dissidents . The head
of Trinity Church in Addis Ababa, Likke Siltanat Hapta Mar
iam , in 1969 had a radio program on Radio Addis Ababa and
generally tried to fight ignorance among his fellow clergymen .
There has been a gradual change , at least among the ruling
group , regarding the particularism of the Ethiopian church . In
the past the church has been identified with the Amhara -Tigre,
and it has been hesitant to convert other Ethiopian peoples. Al
though traditionalists among the higher clergy and most of the
ordinary priests retain their particularist view of the Orthodox
church , some of the higher clergy wish to spread Orthodoxy,
principally to maintain the faith but also because they see it as
a Christian outpost in largely Islamic northeastern Africa.
Another indication of this universalist trend is the establish
ment of churches outside the country. As of 1969 there were a
number of churches abroad - twenty -three in Guyana, sixteen
in Trinidad, and three in New York City.
In Ethiopia itself the spread of the Ethiopian church is seen
as a way of uniting the diverse groups, just as the church has
served as a unifying force among the Amhara -Tigre. The non
Amhara -Tigre peoples, for the most part, continue to view the
church as an arm of the government and as the carrier of
Amhara -Tigre culture and tradition .
246
 ISLAM

Despite the long history of conflict between Christians and

Muslims in Ethiopia, the two groups live more or less peaceably
today. Islam in the country is not centralized as is Christianity.
Its adherents do not identify themselves closely with one an
other, and groups still stress their ethnic affiliations.
Muslim peoples are found throughout Eritrea and include
the Beni Amer (Beja) , the Barea , and most of the nomadic and
seminomadic Tigre -speaking groups. In eastern Tigre and Wollo
provinces are found the Saho and Afar, who still retain many
non-Muslim traditional beliefs . The Somali constitute the
largest Muslim group in the country and are the overwhelming
majority in Hararge, the largest Ethiopian province in land
area . The town of Harar, located in Hararge, has historically
been the focal point of organized Islamic life in Ethiopia .
The center of Islam in southwestern Ethiopia is the province
of Jimma and the city located there of the same name. Here the
Muslims are predominantly Galla peoples. Muslim Galla are
also found in southwestern and northeastern Shoa and south
eastern Wollega. The Yaju and Raya Galla in Wollo are almost
entirely Muslim . Some of the shankella (blacks), Negro peoples
known as Beni Sciangul and living along the Sudan border in
northwestern Wollega , are also Muslim (see ch . 5, Ethnic
Groups and Languages) .
Historical Background

Islam is the religion preached by the Prophet Muhammad,

who was born in Mecca , Arabia, in A.D. 570. According to
tradition , Muhammad received a call from God at about the age
of forty. His preaching in Mecca against prevailing practices
and beliefs earned him the hostility of influential groups in the
city, and he fled to Medina with his closest followers. This flight
(hegira ) in A.D. 622 marks the first year of the Muslim calen
dar. During his lifetime Muhammad was able to bring the en
tire Arabian peninsula under Muslim control. Mecca became
the holy city , and its principal shrine, the Kaaba, which was a
former shrine of the earlier traditional religion , became the
ultimate objective of the pilgrimage to that city.
At the end of the seventh century A.D. Beja tribes swarming
over the Eritrean plateau and along the seacoast came into con
tact with an increasing number of Muslim Arab merchants
and immigrants from the Arabian peninsula and were con
verted to Islam. By the tenth century the Amhara - Tigre had
lost effective control of the Red Sea coast to Islamic peoples.
Despite periodic clashes resulting in temporary withdrawals
of the intruding Muslims , Ethiopia became increasingly more
247
isolated between the tenth and fifteenth centuries. The coast
was now totally lost to the country. Independent Muslim states
were formed near the Christian heartland of the Central Pla
teau. The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries saw the continua.
tion of the warfare between the central Christian highlands and
the Muslim sultanates, spread all along the eastern and south
ern fringes of the Central Plateau . The most serious Muslim
threat in that period involved the rise to power of Ahmed Grañ
in 1529 (see ch.3, Historical Setting ).
Soon after the death of Grañ the Galla invaded the plateau.
Like many of the other non -Christian peoples in the country,
they were converted in large numbers to Islam, perhaps as
much an indication of their opposition to, and independence
from , the Amhara - Tigre as their religious beliefs.
About 10 to 15 percent of the Galla population, living in
close proximity to the Amhara - Tigre, became Ethiopian Chris
tians, but the overwhelming majority were Muslim. Aside from
sporadic bloody forays mounted by both Christians and Mus
lims against each other, Islam ceased to be an internal military
threat. Externally, there were still the Egyptians and the der
vish followers of the mahdi (messiah ), Mohammed Ahmed ibn
Sayyid Abdullah, to be repulsed at different periods throughout
the nineteenth century .
Islam became a threat to the established church once in the
twentieth century . When Menelik II was dying, he nominated
his grandson , Lij Yassu, as his successor. When it appeared that
he was converted to Islam and that he wanted to change Ethio
pia from a Christian to a Muslim state , the abune-as his prede
cessors had done in the case of emperors trying to convert the
country to Catholicism-in 1916 released the army and the
nobles from their vows of loyalty to him, and he was quickly de
feated and deposed (see ch. 3, Historical Setting ).

Christian-Muslim Relations
Under Emperor Haile Selassie , Islam has fared better than
under previous rulers. He consolidated the gains of Menelik II
and thereby brought many of the Muslim peoples, particularly
the Muslim Galla, more completely under the control of the
central government. He did so as part of a general policy of
centralization , rather than as a policy directed specifically
against Muslims.
The effects of the attempt to unify the country by impressing
upon it the stamp of Amhara - Tigre culture, particularly the use
of the Amharic language, have been the gradual taking over of
Muslim schools and the decline in the teaching of Arabic. This
attempt has caused some resentment, particularly in Harar. On
248
the other hand, the government has been careful to retain the
Muslim courts, which deal with family and personal law accord
ing to Islamic law (see ch . 13, The Governmental System ). Any
discrimination suffered by the Muslims may be based less on
their religious than on their ethnic difference from the Amhara .
The ruling group has come to recognize that Ethiopia can
never be wholly Christian and that there is a need for some sort
of accommodation with Islam. In this view , the achievement of
real national unity ultimately depends upon some degree of
Muslim participation in the administration of the state.
Article 40 of the 1955 Constitution recognized the right of all
religions to exist in Ethiopia: " There shall be no interference
with the exercise, in accordance with the law, of the rites of any
religion or creed by residents of the Empire, provided that such
rites be not utilised for political purposes or be not prejudicial
to public order or morality .”
The Emperor has spoken on numerous occasions of the neces
sity for religious toleration . He regularly receives Muslim no
tables at the end of Ramadan, the chief Muslim holiday, and
confers titles on Muslim leaders in Harar and Eritrea . In 1966 a
Muslim, Salah Henit, was appointed to the Council of Ministers.
During his tour of Eritrea in 1967, the Emperor was very con
spicuous in giving gifts for Muslim education and similar pur
poses, and he has made an increasing number of visits to Mus
lim countries, including one to the United Arab Republic in
June 1970. The traditionalists within the Ethiopian church have
protested such activities, but available evidence points to their
complete rebuff.

The Local Character of Islamic Belief and Practice

The belief and practice of Ethiopian Muslims are embodied in
a variable and more or less integrated amalgam of three broad
ly defined elements: the traditional Islam of the Koran and the
religious law, the worship of saints and the rituals and organiza
tion of religious orders, and the still important residue of pre
Islamic patterns. Islam in the traditional sense is clearly domi
nant only on the Eritrean coast among Arab and Arab-influ
enced populations, in Harar, and in some other towns.
The first and fundamental Pillar of Faith of Islam is the testi
mony (shahada): “There is no god but God (Allah ), and Mo
hammed is his Prophet.” The absolute belief in the concept em
bodied in this phrase is all that is required for one to be a Mus
lim . The other four pillars are prayer, fasting, alms giving, and
making the pilgrimage to Mecca . These may be modified by the
situation in which the believer finds himself. Thus if he is ill,
249
prayer may be given without the act of prostration , and in some
instances three sets of prayers may be said instead of five dur
ing the day. Fasting requires going without food and drink
during the daylight hours but eating after dark ; however, the
way in which the day is spent and the amount of eating that is
done later depend on the devotion of the believer. Also, if a
journey is to be made , the fast may be omitted, though it should
be made up for later. Almsgiving and making a pilgrimage de
pend upon the individual's ability to afford the expense .
Islam teaches that God has given to mankind a succession of
revelations of divine truth through His prophets and that each
time the human race falls into error, He sends new prophets to
lead it back into the ways of truth . There have been many
prophets since the creation of man ; the great ones are con
sidered to be Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and, the
last and greatest, Muhammad whose basic teachings are em
bodied in the Koran .
After Muhammad's death , his followers sought to regulate
their lives scrupulously by his divinely inspired works ; when
they could not find a dictum in the Koran to cover a specific
situation, they turned to the body of tradition accepted by the
community (sunnah) or to the details of tradition concerning the
Prophet himself (hadith ). The religious law ( sharia ), which
covers much behavior considered subject to secular law else
where developed from sunnah, hadith, and Koranic sources.
The sharia covers a number of categories of behavior: oblig
atory actions , desirable or recommended actions, indifferent
actions, not forbidden actions , and prohibited actions . The Five
Pillars of the Faith would be in the first category, nightlong
prayer in the second, many ordinary secular activities in the
third , divorce in the objectionable but permitted category , and
adultery and other sins in the prohibited category .
Every Muslim is required to pray, preferably five times a day.
Men should make their prayers in a mosque, although they are
free to pray by themselves ; women usually pray in the seclusion
of the home. Ablutions are required before prayer, and all
prayer is offered facing the holy city of Mecca. On Fridays all
males are expected to attend the mosque at noon to take part
in communal prayer and to hear the sermon . The Koran enjoins
the faithful to return to their daily activities after hearing the
sermon , but in major centers of Muslim habitation Friday is
now widely accepted as a holiday.
Not all can attend observances in mosques , which are gener
ally found only in the larger cities and towns , such as Harar,
Jimma, Jijiga , Addis Ababa , and Massawa . The extent to which
daily prayers are observed outside of the urban centers is not
250
known. Small villages may have a special tree under which men
sit for congregational prayer, usually at midday. On Friday
nights many will pass the entire night under the tree. This Fri.
day vigil usually is accompanied by the chewing of chat, a
shrub whose leaves , when chewed, act as a mild stimulant. In
Ethiopia chat is used almost exclusively by Muslims, who chew
it at funerals, weddings, circumcisions, and before they begin
cooperative work activities in the fields. It also is offered to a
guest as a mark of hospitality.
The severest test of a Muslim's ability to carry out the dic
tates of his faith is met during Ramadan, the ninth month of
the Muslim calendar, when all are required to fast from day
break to dusk. The fast involves abstention from all food, drink,
tobacco, as well as from all indulgence in any sensual plea
sures; exceptions are made in the case of the sick, the weak,
soldiers on duty, and travelers. Since the Muslim year consists
of twelve lunar months and is shorter by eleven or twelve days
than the astronomical year , Ramadan periodically falls during
the mid-summer heat, and its observance becomes a test of the
utmost severity. Children begin to observe the Ramadan fast
around the age of eight. For the next few years they are ob
liged to fast until midday only; the achievement of the first
complete Ramadan fast is an important milestone in a child's
life. As in the case of other observances, Ramadan is kept
largely in the cities and is least observed by the nomadic
groups .
The pilgrimage (hadj) to Mecca is regarded as the ideal cul
mination of every Muslim's religious experience. Records of
pilgrimages by Ethiopian Muslims are scarce. Those who do go
are usually teachers, who gain prestige thereby and are believ
ed by some to gain or enhance their magical powers.
For those who cannot make the long pilgrimage to Mecca,
shorter trips are taken to the shrines or tombs dedicated to
Muslim saints. Each area has a number of shrines dedicated to
men who usually are reputed to have brought Islam to the
people of the area. Many of them are believed to have perform
ed miracles of healing and rainmaking during their lives, and
they are entreated to exercise their powers for their latter
day followers .
In the twelfth century small groups led by holy men became
organized and self-perpetuating. The common pattern of these
religious orders (turuq - literally, path) is the personal relation
ship between a teacher (sheikh ) and his followers. The develop
ment of the turuq outside Ethiopia was connected with the de
velopment of Sufism , a mystical approach to Allah . Islamic rit
ual is limited to prayer, but Sufi doctrine is a combination of
251
mysticism and asceticism . The turuq in Ethiopia, as elsewhere,
popularized the original Sufi doctrine but tended to emphasize
emotional revivalism over interior devotion, which had been the
original aim of the movement. Although perhaps not quite in
the way it was supposed, Sufism , through the medium of the
turuq, succeeded in teaching Islam to great numbers of people.
In addition , the orders of turuq provided valuable social ser
vices besides doing much to color all facets of Islam.
The religious orders in Ethiopia include: the Qadiriyya, with
followers in Eritrea, Harar, among the Raya Galla, and the
Galla of Jimma, and Wollo; the Salihiyya (Rashidiyya ), found
principally in Somalia and among some of the Somali in the
Ogaden ; the Mirghaniyya (Khatmiyya), also found chiefly in
Eritrea among the Beni Amer and some of the settled Tigre
speaking peoples; the Tijaniyya in the Jimma area; and the
Sammaniya in Jumma and southwestern Ethiopia.
The relationship of the various peoples to Islam largely de
pends on their contact with the local or sometimes wandering
teachers of the faith . Only in the larger centers, connected with
mosques, are there to be found formal schools that teach Arabic 1

and the Koran (see ch. 9 , Education). In most areas the func
tions of the Muslim teacher became closely identified with those
of the traditional religious teacher. Islam has been more tol
erant and flexible than Christianity in regard to indigenous
religious practices; the teacher or religious leader often is a
major participant in ceremonies revolving around the older,
traditional religious practices. But, in addition to his traditional
role he teaches by rote some of the most important passages
from the Koran and , in the process, introduces his students
to some basic Arabic. Like the debtera among the Christians,
he also dispenses charms and amulets.

TRIBAL RELIGION

Most tribal religious beliefs and practices are probably

Cushitic in origin ; however, Semitic traditional forms were
brought to Ethiopia by the earliest Semitic immigrants from
southern Arabia. Whether these people were Jewish , Chris
tian, or practitioners of some local cult, they all had a large
storehouse of premonotheistic religious tradition . Most of the
appeals made in these traditional religious ceremonies are for
an increase of the fertility of people, crops, and animals.
Among Christians in Ethiopia the effect of "name" is given
extraordinary importance. This practice is found in many Semit
ic cultures, but in Ethiopia the idea has been merged with the
teachings of Christianity . To know the name of a person or
252
even of a spirit is to have a certain amount of power over
that person or spirit.
Muslims share with Christians many religious beliefs and
practices that remain from local religious systems. Where the
traditional influences are particularly strong, it is sometimes
difficult to tell a Christian or a Muslim apart from a believer
in a traditional system who has been strongly influenced by
either Christianity or Islam. Although one - fourth of the people
in the country are considered to be adherents of traditional
religious systems, at least one-half, and probably more, di
rectly participate in at least some rites and beliefs that can
be labeled non -Christian or non -Islamic.
In 1970 the areas in which the traditional religious systems
were dominant were mainly the lowland regions of the west
and south . These traditions were found in forms ranging from
belief in a multiplicity of spirits toward or located in features
of the landscape , to the faith of the Kunama who live in the
western portion of Eritrea and who believe in a supreme deity,
although not the Christian or Muslim version . According to the
Kunama , their god Anna completed the heavens and the earth ,
just as the Jewish -Christian -Muslim God did. Except for an
occasional beneficent intervention on the part of his adherents,
however, he has nothing more to do other than rest from
his labors .
Many of the Galla still believe in a supreme sky god known
as Wak, whose eye is the sun ; in addition there is a pantheon
of minor deities accompanying him . Wak is still worshiped by
the Galla in most of the provinces, including many who profess
to be either Christian or Muslim. In communities where Chris
tians and Muslims live close to each other, the Muslims usually
hold the ceremonies, which basically consist of the sacrifice
of a cow, ox, or sheep to the deity in some sacred place, usually
a mountain , but they are well attended by the Christians also.
The Somali have accepted the Arabic idea of jinns, mortal
spirits who are believed to be descended from Iblis, a spirit
fallen from heaven, but they lay greater practical and cere
monial stress on spirits of their own pre-Islamic tradition .
Sometimes , however, they identify indigenous spirits with jinns.
In 1970 an adequate study of a tribal religious system had
been made only for the Gurage. The Gurage have a number
of traditional cults that, although separate , seem to be some
how related as well . The two main cults are the Cest and the
Damwamwit; the Cest is for the men and Damwamwit for the
women . The Cest is basically the yearly ceremonial in honor
of Wak. For the Gurage, the physical manifestation of Wak is
253
not shown in the sun, as it is for the Galla, but as a shooting
star instead.
Damwamwit is the female deity; she has never been seen ,
but an intermediary, Yaway Damam, is considered to be the
link between the Gurage women and Damwamwit. Yaway
Damam is the title of a man who, by virtue of clan affiliation
and physical beauty, is given the office. In conjunction with the
Fuga chief, whose title is Mweyat, he looks after the ritual
duties and obligations of the Gurage women to Damwamwit.
A third widespread cult among the Gurage is that of Boza,
the god of thunder. The chief ritual functionary is called
Gwetakweya , and his assistants are known as Maga. Lightning
striking a house is considered to be a reprisal from Boza. The
ritual fire that results can only be put out by the Maga
with honey .

FOREIGN MISSIONS

After civil wars provoked by abortive Roman Catholic at

tempts to convert Amhara Christians, neither Catholic nor
Protestant missionaries operated with any regularity until the
latter part of the nineteenth century. By 1935 it was estimated
that there were approximately 180 foreign missionaries in the
country. Figures from the mid- 1960s give a figure approaching
900, although probably over three-fourths of these are laymen .
Almost all the work of these missionaries was, and is today,
confined to peoples who are not members of the 'Ethiopian
Orthodox Church.
During the Italian occupation almost all the mission groups,
including the French Roman Catholic missionaries, were forced
to leave the country . After the restoration almost all returned,
but they were greeted with suspicion by people both on the
upper levels of the government and in the countryside. The
position of these groups was not clarified until the issuance of
a decree on August 27, 1944, which still regulates mission
ary activities.
The decree was made by Haile Selassie without reference to
constitutional, ecclesiastical, or other governmental authority.
The preamble states that “ it is the desire of the Government
that Missions should not direct their activities towards convert
ing Ethiopian nationals from their own form of Christianity ...
but rather they should concentrate on non -Christian elements
of the population .” The missions also were instructed to avoid
overlapping with other missions in the same area, but Addis
Ababa was declared an open area.
A committee on missions was formed; it is presided over
254
by the minister of education and fine arts and aided by the
ministers of foreign affairs and interior. Missions generally are
favored by the government if they bring in and support schools,
hospitals, and clinics in areas where they are needed. A mission
may establish a clinic or hospital in an area normally closed to
it, so long as it does not proselytize.
Amharic must be the language of instruction, and all mission
aries are expected to learn that language. Under the law, the
local language may be used only in the early states of mission
ary work and in the course of ordinary day-to-day existence,
because the missionaries, in line with general policy, are not
allowed to do anything that might promote the use of local
languages and thus possibly encourage the development of a
local literature of nationalist sentiment.
Although the government policy guarantees the missions
cooperation and freedom to operate under the conditions set
down , local authorities, in conjunction with the priests in their
area , occasionally may be hostile to missionary activity. These
manifestations are not expressions of national policy but, rather
represent conservative local feeling.
The largest non-Ethiopian Christian denomination is Roman
Catholicism , which had about 130,000 adherents in the late
1960s . They are divided into those who practice the Latin rite
and those who follow the Ethiopian rite. The latter group makes
up the majority, numbering between 80,000 and 90,000.
The largest Protestant groups are the Fellowship of Evan
gelical Believers, which is the Ethiopian branch of the Sudan
>

Interior Mission and numbered about 125,000 in the mid- 1960s,

and the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Jesus, whose
activity is coordinated by a number of Scandinavian , German ,
and American Lutheran groups and whose adherents in the
mid-1960s totaled about 60,000. Other groups with more than
5,000 members in the mid- 1860s were: the Bethel Evangelical
Church, which is the representative of the American United
Presbyterian Church, with over 15,000 members ; the Evan
gelical Church of Eritrea , which is coordinated by the Swedish
Evangeliska Fosterlands Stiftelson and numbers just over
5,000; the Philadelphia Church Mission , whose parent group is
the Swedish Fria Mission , with about 6,000 members; and the
Seventh Day Adventist Church, with about 10,000 members. In
all, Protestant groups number over 227,000.

255
1
 CHAPTER 12

SOCIAL VALUES

The peoples of Ethiopia may be said to share a set of values

only insofar as the values of the socially and politically dom
inant Amhara have come to characterize the non - Amhara. It
is likely that the Christian (southern ) Tigre who have the same
general patterns of life and historical traditions as the Amhara
also share the same value system in significant respects, but
there have been no recent direct studies of the Christian Tigre.
Portions of some ethnic groups, such as the Christian Shoan
Galla and some of the Agau peoples, are integrated into Am
hara society and have probably been substantially affected by
the outlook of the Amhara . Other groups, for example, most
of the Galla , have been influenced by the Amhara to a lesser
extent; and some, such as the Gurage and Somali, with a co
hesive local structure and a strong sense of group identity,
largely retain their own value systems.
Amhara individualism is linked to their sense that the world
and the people in it are basically hostile. In the Amhara view
only individual effort pursued relentlessly and thoroughly,
even at the expense of others, can ensure a person's own well
being. That individual effort is directly manifest in various
kinds of aggressive activity , just as the Amhara conception of
a hostile world is realized in the expectation that others will
also be aggressive. These views and values, together with the
discipline and formal etiquette considered necessary to control
their concrete expressions, give both form and substance to
interpersonal relations.

AMHARA - TIGRE

Aggression, Domination , and Control

Aggression and its consequences are central to the Amhara's
view of life. He sees himself as being susceptible to aggressive
tendencies at all times. He is alternately concerned and pleased
with the image and, therefore, alternately occupied with con
trolling and maximizing his capacity for aggression .
The Amhara attempt to control aggressive tendencies in
several different ways . One is discipline - the strict upbring
257
ing of children and the strict and formal relations between
any superior and his inferior. The Amhara also believe that
the frequent and strenuous round of fasts prescribed by the
Ethiopian Orthodox Church help to restrain aggressive tend
encies . Another way of controlling aggression is the use of
an elaborate code of deferential etiquette that permeates all
interpersonal relations.
The most important control, however, is the implicit under
standing that, with the exception of the Emperor, there is a
higher personal authority figure over each individual, no mat
ter what his social rank, who through constant surveillance
and strict discipline can control, to some extent at least, the
aggressive tendencies of the person of lower social rank who
is personally dependent upon him .
Revenge is also considered a legitimate expression of ag.
gression . All affronts to one's rights and individuality must be
revenged, and the carrying out of revenge is a highly valued
act. Killing of the offender for the theft of land or cattle, the
murder of a relative, adultery , or wife -stealing has long been
an accepted and honored act. Before the Italian invasion the
execution of a murderer found guilty by a court often was
carried out by someone from the victim's family . Increasingly ,
however, court action is being substituted for direct revenge.
The Amhara , in spite of his aggressive tendencies , admires
the man of peace and high moral rectitude. The honored
places in society given the clergy, the monastic communities,
and the itinerant monks found throughout the country are
signs that , within the society as a whole , there is a recognition
that all relations between men do not have to be on a highly
aggressive and competitive basis. Indeed, men of peace are
idealized for their ability to put moral pressure upon individ
uals to reconcile their quarrels and to carry out the various
religious observances and fasts .
In the final analysis , however, the Amhara - Tigre is more
concerned with ways of improving his aggressive capabilities,
both through the peaceful technique of litigation as well as
through violent methods . The Amhara -Tigre child is brought
up to believe that the world is generally hostile and that, al
though he can always look to his family or the Emperor to
care about his welfare, in the great mass of society there will
be few persons , if any , that he can depend on . Thus he is
taught to stand on his own, to vigorously assert his rights, and
generally to exhibit an aggressive individualism in all of his
activities .
The expression of aggression has several quite legitimate
forms. Traditionally, the most important of these was warfare.
The ordinary Amhara may be primarily an agriculturist, but
258
he sees himself as a warrior capable of engaging in heroic
combat , a self-image still of considerable importance. Warfare,
although frequent before the twentieth century and directly
experienced by many in the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935-36
and its aftermath, was no longer a common experience.
The opportunity for verbal argument on a variety of matters
is, however, regularly available . Interpersonal communication
among the Amhara - Tigre tends to be very strongly argumen
tative, thus releasing tensions that might otherwise grow into
physical disputes . Ordinary disagreements and even situation
in which neither side has a definite opinion on the subject
under discussion tend to lead to chiqechiq , or drawn-out dis
putations. Throughout the countryside, at the marketplaces,
or at the home of a lord, people can be found busily engaged
in heated disputes.
Chiqechiq becomes litigation when the disputants bring their
arguments before a judge. It is the method most used in the
distribution of landrights (rist-see Glossary) and is the best
way of reducing the possibility that physical violence may oc
cur. A number of observers agree, however, that, far beyond
its purely rational use, litigation is practiced simply for the
pleasure the participants experience. One of them has noted
that litigation could be called the national sport. Often lit
igants will pursue a matter through the courts for years, losing
many times the value of whatever caused the proceedings to
be initiated in the first place. During actual court sessions , it
is not unusual to see several spectators involve themselves in
the proceedings. An observer has noted that, by the time
everyone had had his say , the original dispute may be totally
forgotten .
Verbal aggression may take other forms. The art of giving
insult has been developed to a high degree. Indeed , the social
consequences of insult are such that there is a section devoted
to it in the 1957 Penal Code . Unless the situation is extremely
laden with emotion, however, the insult is rarely open but
subtle and easily missed if the listener is dull witted or just
not listening carefully. The practice of giving insult is so high
ly developed that one of the first things a parent teaches his
child is how to recognize that he has been insulted and then
how to return the insult in an equally subtle manner.
In relations between superiors and subordinates , the supe
riors are expected to give a certain amount of clever verbal
abuse to their subordinates; this should not be done in a de
meaning manner but rather with a sense of humor. The sub
ordinate, if he is clever, can get away with returning some of
the abuse to his superior.
Other avenues for the venting of aggressive tendencies are
259
games. There are not many games in the Western sense , espe
cially athletic sporting events, to be found in Amhara -Tigre
culture. Possibly the only such game a Westerner would rec
ognize is ganna, a primitive form of hockey played out of
doors with a wooden puck that is batted around with long
sticks. It is played only at Christmas and is so popular that
the common word for Christmas is ganna . During this game,
all of the usual norms of deference and subtle ploys within
the framework of deference are forgotten . All is rough and
straightforward. Most of the males in the area take part, divid
ing themselves into two teams immediately before the actual
playing begins; there is no set number that can play. The game
usually starts in the afternoon on Christmas Day and finishes
at sunset. It is so rough and played so aggressively that many
times legs and arms are broken , faces are cut, and various
other injuries occur. At the end of the game, the winners
shout derogatory epithets and verses at the losers.
Given the Amhara's conception of a hostile social environ
ment, strangers are not to be trusted. This lack of trust within
Amhara - Tigre society manifests itself most markedly in cus
toms associated with the serving of food and drink. Before
serving drinks to a guest, the host or his servant pours some
on his hand and takes it to his mouth to show that it is not
poisoned. This procedure is followed in the poorest houses in
the countryside. In addition, the rural Amhara -Tigre still takes
with him on his travels his own horn drinking cup, to ensure
that there will be no poison already in the cup served to him.
Closely associated with both the expression and control of
aggression is the Amhara emphasis on domination , which char
acterizes most social relationships in Amhara - Tigre society .
One observer of the Amhara has suggested that they are at
their happiest when they have others to order about.
Amhara social structure consists, in effect, of a number of
specific relationships between superiors and subordinates: lords
and peasants, nobles of varied ranks and peasants, officers and
soldiers, masters and servants, parents and children, husbands
and wives (see ch. 6, Social Structure). Orders are given by the
superior, and at least formal deference is offered by the sub
ordinate. The orders, however, are not seen simply as neces
sary to accomplish a task or to control incorrect behavior;
giving orders is, in itself, a valued activity. An Amhara child
when asked why he would like to have children often gives as
his main reason that it would give him somebody to order
about .
The force that makes these hierarchical relationships work
has two separate aspects, one negative and the other positive.
260
The negative component is fear of punishment, especially phys
ical punishment, which is found within all relationships be
tween superior and subordinate .
The more positive support for hierarchy is the genuine re
spect for figures of higher status. Age; wealth; and political,
military, or religious rank call for gestures of respect and def
erence, the degree depending upon the social levels of the two
parties involved . Though many of these gestures may be me
chanical or even used as a cover to hide feelings of animosity,
in the main they seem to be signs of true respect. The parties
involved show a mutual involvement and appreciation for the
other's role in society.
The basis for the component of respect in the culture seems
to lie in the strong Amhara - Tigre family structure, with its
emphasis on filial devotion and obedience. Although on the
surface Amhara - Tigre culture, with its low level of communal
orientation, seems as if it might undergo a disintegrating
process as a result of its lack of stable horizontal relationships,
this infinite network of father- son - type relationships seems
capable of holding together at least the traditional society.
Conflict of Values
The values emerging from and governing most relations
among Amhara may be juxtaposed to those called for in the
tenets of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church , which is, in its or
ganizational and ritual aspects, so throughly a part of Amhara
society (see ch . 11 , Religion ). These tenets emphasize peaceful
relations and the nonhostile acceptance of others. Thus reli
gious precept supports and sanctions hospitality , for every
stranger is considered to be the guest of God; the Savior or a
saint may perhaps wander the earth in disguise and expect to
receive hospitality. In practice, however, the stranger is wel
comed only when he is thoroughly identified and when his
status assures him of a suitable reception . Thus polite manners
apply only with people who are known personally or whose
position in the social hierarchy can be accurately judged . The
man who appears to be a social inferior is treated as a total
stranger, to whom the rules do not apply.
The value system espoused by the Ethiopian Orthodox
Church calls for stable marriages, no adultery, forgiveness in
the face of injury - in sum, a Christian world view of love and
charity . A man is expected to adhere to such values whether
he is observed or not and whether or not he receives punish
ment, reward, approbation , or ridicule. In fact, however, few
of the ethical precepts of Christianity are part of the dominant
value system . Adultery is common , and divorce constitutes a
261
major problem . Wrongs must be revenged, not forgiven , and
violence and distrust remain the principal theme of the culture.
All men are not considered brothers, and the individual pre
serves his rights and expresses himself at the expense of
others.

Form and Substance

A strict formalism in interpersonal relations both within and
without the nuclear family structure partially overcomes at
least the more extreme consequences of a system of relation
ships based mainly on mutual mistrust. The most visible aspect
of this formalism is the universally accepted system of deferen
tial behavior. In any situation-at home, at church, in the mar
ketplace - the most elaborate forms of speaking, gestures, and
even dress are used to acknowledge the varying degrees of
status differentiation .
This system of formalized deference is based on the concept
that man is aggressive and must constantly be kept in check ;
thus there is a need for social order. This order can only be
brought about and maintained through a hierarchical structure
that is universally recognized as the legitimate controlling force
and whose legitimacy is ultimately sanctioned by God.
Social equals are always elaborately polite to each other. In
the countryside a man always calls a greeting when he passes
the house of an acquaintance. A host conducts his visitor into
the house from the gate. Upon entering, if there are other
equals present, everyone rises and bows to the visitor and re
seats himself only at the invitation of the host. The distance
from the house at which an approaching or departing guest is
escorted is in direct proportion to his status . In former times,
the governor of a district would personally escort an important
visitor a considerable distance from his house , and his armed
guards would then continue with the guest and his party to the
very frontier of the district.
When a man of lower social rank meets a man of high social
ranking on foot, the inferior makes a deep bow; if both are
mounted , the inferior first dismounts. An inferior speaks to a
superior only after he is first spoken to. When someone of
lower social rank wishes to enter a superior's house or has a
request to make, he loiters near the door (a custom called
dej tanat) , sometimes for days , until he is invited in and asked
his business . He leaves his shoes outside the door, twists his
shamma (see Glossary) around his waist so as to bare his chest
like a slave in former times, and then enters. Upon confronting
the superior, he crosses both arms at his chest and bows almost
262
to the ground. After bowing he retires, standing, to a wall until
he is told to sit or to approach and state his business. The use
of the shamma in this and other ways is part of the total means
of communicating and expressing social relationships.
The forms of respect are particularly emphasized toward
elders in the home. When the mother or the father returns
home after an absence of a day or more, the child is expected
to kiss his parent's feet; as he grows older, he is permitted to
kiss the knee and then finally the cheek . Personal affection,
favor, or esteem of the superior to the inferior or of the elder
to the younger is shown by guarsha - the placing of food in the
inferior's mouth or hand. The relationship between the parents
and their children over the age of three tends to be rather
strict and demanding (see ch. 7 , Family) . The Amhara - Tigre
believe that children are inferior because they are controlled
by ignorance and passion and that without a great deal of
punishment they would grow up to be offensive and ill man
nered toward others .
The stress on form is apparent in the practice of the subtle
and indirect insult and carries over to many other different oc
casions . Indirectness in speech and behavior guards the in
dividual from committing himself and thereby suffering the
consequences if he is proved wrong. A capricious superior
would have a harder time getting an inferior to take the blame
for the failure of a project if the inferior has been careful to
leave himself room for maneuvering. Although the lower status
individual may not publicly refuse to obey the command of his
superior, he can subject the order to painstaking interpretation
so that it can be obeyed in minimal or nominal fashion . The
end result is the appearance of compliance , with little atten
tion to the full spirit or content of the order. Moreover, de
viousness in speech or writing inspires respect as a sign of
cleverness. Directness in speech is considered to show a lack
of finesse; it prevents the listener or reader from interpreting
the situation in his own way.

Authority
Power is understood to be personal and indivisible . To dele
gate authority is to divide or give up a part of one's power.
According to popular belief, if a high status person treats a
lower status person as an equal, he is to be ruled by him ; if
power is shared , then the one it is shared with becomes the
equal of the man who originally offered to share it. Thus many
people in high positions handle small details that could be
carried out by subordinates.
Authority is accepted only when it is backed by adequate
263
force, and the man who fails at some point to exhibit his power
successfully loses his following. In Amhara -Tigre society the
followers give their primary allegiance to their leader person
ally, not to his office. In the past, when it appeared that a par
ticular claimant to the throne was losing to another, it was not
considered traitorous by either side for his followers to aban
don him and go over to the side of the apparent victor, even
in the middle of a battle. The ability to occupy a high position
and exercise power is seen as deriving from the man himself
and suggests that the man , not the office, is favored in the eyes
of God. Thus success breeds success, particularly in military
operations.
Because of the inability and unwillingness of those in power
to delegate authority , Ethiopian officials often lack initiative.
If a subordinate takes the initiative, his reward may be silence
or, sometimes, a transfer. Younger Western -educated persons
have expressed their frustration at this pattern . A young person
who returns from his studies full of ideas for reform is upset
over the inefficiency, the lack of good work habits, and the de
lay characteristic of the bureaucracy.
When the educated young find themselves in jobs that have
little, if anything, to do with the education they received and
discover that their ideas have little effect upon the running of
the office, they tend to withdraw , although their outward ap
pearance is that of self-assured members of the bureaucracy.
In the end, many adapt to the system . Slight changes in the
bureaucracy may occur over a period of many years, but it has
not become an instrument or channel of change. Concern with
form rather than substance remains the predominant feature
of Amhara - Tigre bureaucratic life.
There is, however, a place for the rugged individualist at all
levels of Amhara - Tigre society. Although those in higher posi
tions tend to disparage initiative among their subordinates, if
a man shows a great deal of ability, courage, or cleverness,
even in opposition to the superior's authority, it is more than
likely that, if he is punished at all, the punishment will take a
mild form and that he will quickly be restored to favor. Folk
lore abounds with stories of the man who constantly thwarts
the Emperor's will or does mischief to the great leader in the
province but who, because of his cleverness, is not only par
doned but is also given an important government post.
Thus, despite the ultimate acceptance of the existing bureau
cratic system by the majority of the Western -educated Ethio
pians, some have been able to oppose it by using the same
sort of tactical cleverness. Many young men talk openly against
the Emperor and, as a result, are often relieved of their jobs
264
and sent to the provinces or abroad. If they have courage and
talent, however, they finally are recalled and again given posts
near the throne. A person of greater importance may be
brought closer to the palace and given a job that will keep him
under surveillance.

Conservatism and Change

Amhara - Tigre culture and society are relatively stable, and
the people tend to resist change. Perhaps one of the most im
portant sources of this conservatism is a strong element of
fatalism . It is believed that everything that happens is God's
will and that the ordinary man can do little to affect the course
of events. The omnipotence of God weighs very heavily on the
Amhara- Tigre mind, and every passing event is a manifestation
of His active involvement in the physical universe.
Natural phenomena are merely manifestations of God's
moods; for example, lightning is His anger. The arbitrariness
of His actions does not seem to cause much, if any, speculation
among the average peasant; he merely accepts God's will. The
past, the present, and the future have all been laid out by God.
Events tend to be seen as cyclical, much as in the religious
calendar of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church ( see ch. 11 , Reli
gion ). The same cycle of saints ' days is repeated every month ,
and the same holidays are repeated every year; the year of a
certain apostle occurs every four years. What man does and has
done before, he will do again through endless time.
The past is venerated as having been created by God and
handed down through one's ancestors . Such beliefs provide
much of the basis for the great value attached to landowner
ship, for ownership of land not only gives social status but also
has a religious significance because it has been handed from
God to preceding generations.
Nature was also created by God and handed down through
the generations. Coming from the past, it is to be accepted as
it is and not changed . The peasant's attitude toward nature is
basically one of taking what is provided without making any
large-scale changes in the natural order of things .
An example of conservatism is provided by an observer who
noted that a stream between a peasant's home and his church
had become considerably larger in the rainy season, making it
difficult and hazardous to ford. Asked why he did not put up a
bridge of some sort or even just stretch a rope across the water
so that people would have something to hold on to while
crossing the stream , the peasant agreed that it was a good idea
but went on to say that that sort of thing was just not done.
Perhaps the central concept influencing this fundamental
265
conservatism is that of eddil. Eddil is used by the Amhara
Tigre as a sort of covering statement to explain all that hap
pens to them. It is the earthly manifestation of God's will and
is believed to be much more important than any human at
tempts at attaining life's goals. According to this concept, then ,
a man may become wealthy or he may remain poor, whether
he works hard or not; what happens to him is not so much up
to his own efforts as it is to fate (God's will ). Thus efforts to
cause change are easily discouraged because of the feeling
that, whatever the individual does, it is really only God's will
that counts for anything .
Another aspect of Amhara - Tigre conservatism that discour
ages change is the disdain for doing anything with one's hands
but farming or fighting. Hunting, fishing, handicrafts, selling,
and similar activities are all looked down upon because they
are carried out by people considered socially inferior by the
Amhara - Tigre (see ch. 5, Ethnic Groups and Languages; ch. 6,
Social Structure).
There is also a definite anti- intellectual bent to Amhara
Tigre culture. The concept of questioning just for the sake of
intellectual satisfaction is totally alien to the culture. Ideas in
this milieu are solely concerned with the eternal mysteries of
religion or with human experience, which, although it may
seem to go through change, is merely a cycle that is infinitely
repetitive. Thus ideas are used solely as a guide to what is al
ready known and accepted rather than as a source for new
ways of doing things .
Change that does occur in Amhara -Tigre society must be
instituted from above. The strict hierarchical setup of Amhara
Tigre society ensures that the lower classes will wait for in
structions from their superiors. Even here, however, the change
must not depart too abruptly from what has gone on before,
and those trying to institute change must first of all be ac
cepted by the peasants as legitimate leaders (see ch . 14, Polit
ical Dynamics and Values) .
OTHER ETHNIC GROUPS
The Galla
The Galla are a much less homogeneous group than the
Amhara - Tigre; among them are Muslims, Christians, tribal cul
tists, nomads , semisedentary cattle raisers, and settled culti
vators . Values , therefore, vary more among them than among
the Amhara - Tigre. Nevertheless, a basic value common to most
Galla is that of oneness ( tokumma), identification of the in
dividual with the group. It is concerned with being part of,
participating in , and obeying the wishes of the group . This is
266
in almost direct contrast with the Amhara -Tigre tendency to
extreme individualism , often at the expense of any wider
grouping.
The Galla sense of the significance of the collectivity is, 9

however, limited to the local community. Even in the mon

archies that developed in the southwest, the communities
could rarely unite for concerted action and most often united
only to fight other Galla groups. Thus, although cooperation
and communal organization on the local level was of a much
greater intensity than among the Amhara - Tigre, the sense of
Galla nationhood was virtually nonexistent. This lack of a co
herent national self-identification has left the Galla much more
open to outside influences, and the wide range of religious and
social structures evidenced by them in mid - 1970 are a result
of that lack (see ch. 6, Social Structure; ch. 11, Religion ).
The Somali
Somali social values have their origins in both Islamic and
pre-Islamic practices in Ethiopia. The pre-Islamic milieu is that
of the kinship organization and its day-to -day functioning and
the body of clan law administered by the elders of the clans
and lineages . Where Somali culture is based on community
rather than kinship, the community pattern uses kinship termi
nology for its units , and the community units follow the same
functions as the kin groups (see ch. 6, Social Structure).
The Islamic milieu is international rather than specifically
Somali, but it arose under conditions of life similar to those
existing in the area inhabited by the Somali . There are, how
ever , some values and standards that do not always agree
with the earlier Somali tradition . For example, although the
Somali have a tradition of egalitarianism among all related
clansmen , people outside the immediate clan are looked down
upon . Islam, however, teaches that all adherents of the faith
are equals; thus, if the Somali is to be a good Muslim, ideally
he should have to broaden his conception of equality. From
available information , however, it appears that all but a tiny
educated elite follow the traditional idea of equality rather
than the Islamic ideal .
In the course of centuries, the material equipment and hab
its necessary for a group like the Somali to survive under diffi
cult environmental conditions became surrounded with a mys
tique whereby they became important for themselves. The
Somali divide wealth into two forms - animate (livestock) and
inanimate ( fields, houses , and money) . The nomads have a
greater amount of animate wealth and consider it more im
portant; the settled agriculturists put greater stress on land and
267
other real property . Thus wealth is desired for its direct survi
val value, for the most part, although some forms of it have ac
quired overtones of prestige in specific contexts .
Also important in shaping Somali social values is the concep
tion of what a good man's character should be. The two most
common roles are those of a warrior and of a religious devotee.
The warrior is expected to be physically fit and a great fighter
and to have qualities of leadership. Aggressiveness, vanity in
personal appearance, and a capacity for intense partisanship
are not merely acceptable but desirable in his character.
The religious devotee is expected to conform to other stand
ards. As a member of a universal religion who should set its
tenets above the interests of his clan , he should be outside of
clan politics and avoid partisanship . Although he is within the
clan lineage, he is not of it and does not usually take part in
its deliberations; however, he is called in to act as a judge in
disputes, either within a lineage, between members of different
ones, or between entire lineages themselves if he is of suffi
cient experience and dignity.
The Somali view of the world is basically practical. They
observe their surroundings closely and know them for working
purposes, as they must in order to survive. If they use an herb,
they do so because it has been tried and there is reason to be
lieve that it works. At the same time , they believe in an invis
ible world of spirits, conditioned by both the Islamic cosmology
and that of the pre -Islamic Somali tradition . This invisible
world is potentially controllable, though mainly hostile. Spirits
and also hostile animals may be controlled by covenants and by
spiritual power (baraka), just as men may be controlled by
covenants and physical power. A few superior men , such as
high -ranking religious figures (wadads) and chiefs, may control
men also by spiritual power.

The Gurage
The Gurage share many of the same basic values evidenced
by other groups in the country. Like other sedentary groups,
the Gurage have traditionally based prestige and power on the
size of a man's landholdings . Although the Gurage have a war
rior tradition , it has not been salient in the twentieth century;
in 1970 they were sedentary cultivators. Lineage is an impor
tant concept in structuring their social relationships , but reli
gious cult membership overrides any other form of grouping.
There are three tribal cults - the male cult, Cest; the female
cult, Damwamwit; and the cult of the thunder god, Boza (see
ch . 11 , Religion ).
The most noticeable difference in their system of values,
268
especially as opposed to the Amhara - Tigre, is their willingness
to enter into commercial enterprise and to perform manual
labor, though they too look down upon craftsmen and artisans.
Within the Gurage society, except for craftsmen and artisans
and despite differences in prestige, a Gurage stresses the es
sential equality of all members of his society . Even a very poor
man would probably never admit to a difference in status be
tween himself and a very rich man (see ch . 6, Social Structure).
This stress on the equality of all Gurage may be linked to the
very strong group identification of these people. There is no
noticeable desire for assimilation within the larger Amhara
Tigre society.

269
I

1
 SECTION II . POLITICAL
CHAPTER 13

THE GOVERNMENTAL SYSTEM

The years of Emperor Haile Selassie's rule have seen the
greatest changes in the country's political system in its long
history. The changes include the adoption of the forms of gov.
ernmental institutions characteristic of twentieth - century
states: a parliament, including a popularly elected chamber
of deputies; a council of ministers ; a civil service; and a hier
archy of courts. Beginning in the late 1950s, the country's laws
have been systematically codified and modernized . The modern
institutions have been fitted into the country's strongly en
trenched social and cultural patterns, however, and they have
been fundamentally altered as a result.
Since 1955 the basic document of government has been the
revised Constitution, which provides for a parliament but
allows all real powers of the central government to remain con
centrated in the hands of the Emperor. In the late 1960s the
Emperor initiated legislation to give the positions of the prime
minister and the ministers more prestige and to lay the ground
work for future fundamental changes. In the late 1960s and
early 1970 the Emperor's exercise of power was limited only
by the strength of political forces that operated outside, or
parallel to , the formal structures of government (see ch. 14,
Political Dynamics and Values).
The establishment of formal democratic institutions seemed
to observers in early 1970 to embody goals to be gradually im
plemented as the very conservative population becomes ready
to adopt structures and processes alien to their very strong
traditions. No major element in the society challenges the
establishment of the forms; political conflict occurs on the issue
of the meaningful implementation of these forms and the rate
of implementation (see ch. 14, Political Dynamics and Values).
DEVELOPMENT OF THE MODERN SYSTEM
Steps to modernize the governmental and administrative
structures of the Empire began under Emperor John IV (Yo
hannes) but owe their major impetus to his successor, Menelik
271
II , who ruled in the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen
turies (see ch . 3, Historical Setting ). In the interregnum that
began with Menelik's incapacitation in 1909 and continued
after his death many of his efforts were lost. By 1916, how
ever, the modernizing forces, which strove first for centraliza
tion of the state and then for the adoption of modern forms of
administration, had found a new champion in Ras Tafari
Makonnen, the future Emperor Haile Selassie, who became the
imperial regent in that year.
But power was not vested in his hands alone; he was op
posed in his efforts at modernization by the conservative ele
ments within the ruling coalition . The country was ruled for
more than ten years by the coalition composed of the Empress
Zauditu, Ras Tafari (who was also the heir to the throne), and
the most powerful of the court figures, particularly Negus
Wolde Giorgis, Minister of War Fitawrari Habta Giorgis, and
the senior Ethiopian bishop, the ichege. The conservative ele
ments within this group strongly opposed Ras Tafari's reform
ist efforts. It was only after Habta Giorgis' death that Ras
Tafari was able to gain control of the government in 1928 and
to begin to implement major changes.
Upon his accession to the throne in 1930 the central govern
ment continued to function largely as it had done for centuries.
Although the title of cabinet minister had been given to the
Emperor's traditional aides and advisers some years earlier,
the existing system of direct imperial control remained in
effect, with all formal power vested in his hands and all but
the most trivial decisions required of the central government
sent directly to him.
Among the newly crowned Emperor's earliest acts was the
promulgation , on his own initiative, of the Constitution of 1931 ,
the country's first written constitution . Modeled on the Im
perial Japanese Constitution of 1889 but with major differ
ences, it created a nominated advisory parliament, which sat
for the first time late in 1931. The Emperor's aim in presenting
the document was twofold : he sought to maintain his image
as an enlightened reformer while providing a legal basis for
the increasingly complex administrative machinery that devel
oped as the power of the central government increased .
The leaders of the nobility, dominant in the provinces, were
consulted and gave their approval before the document was
promulgated , even though it further ensured the dominance of
imperial over provincial powers. Although the constitution re
tained control of all three branches of government in the Em
peror's own hands and provided only a very limited bill of
rights, in the context of the traditional system the changes
272
were important and pointed the way to more fundamental
ones in the future.
The Emperor closely aligned himself with those favoring
modern ideas , but he was hampered in his efforts by the capac
ity of the traditional system below the imperial level to accept
formal changes without making use of them and by the lack
of personnel to implement changes. Only five of the fifty -two
senior governmental officials had received a modern educa
tion abroad; nearly all the rest remained traditionalists. What
ever additional changes the Emperor may have intended to put
into effect were interrupted by the Italo -Ethiopian War, prep
arations for which began to consume all the government's ef
forts in early 1935 .
After the Ethiopians regained control of their country in
1941 and 1942, administrative development was made easier
by the assistance of advisers from the British Military Admin
istration, who remained in the country until after the end of
World War II, and by the strengthened national unity that re
sulted from the country's opposition to the Italian invasion (see
ch . 3, Historical Setting ).
A government gazette was begun in 1942 to provide for the
orderly publication of promulgated legislation . The position of
the cabinet and the areas of ministerial responsibility were de
fined for the first time in 1943 by the Ministers (Definition of
Powers) Order. This was followed by financial reforms and
the creation of a basic standardized accounting and tax -collect
ing system. These reforms, particularly tax collecting, however,
had still not been entirely implemented by 1970 ( see ch. 23,
Fiscal and Monetary Systems).
Despite the creation of a ministerial system, the real center
of institutional power remained the minister of the pen , an of
ficial who was the direct successor to the tsahafe tezaz (speak
er for the Emperor ), a title he continued to bear. The office
served in effect as the Emperor's own ministry, above the cabi
net, but at the same time it was allowed to develop as an ap
parently distinct entity with powers of its own . The incumbent,
Ato Walda-Giorgis Walda-Yohannes, became the country's
most powerful political figure, controlling access to the center
of power. Most government decisions emanated from him;
however, since he was a commoner and owed his post entirely
to the Emperor, real decisionmaking continued to be the pre
rogative of the Emperor himself. All pronouncements were
made at imperial direction but were publicly presented by the
minister of the pen, who thus absorbed the resentment gener
ated by any unpopular decree.
The other ministerial positions with significant power were
273
those of war and interior, which were often filled by men
from among the traditional nobility having personal political
strength, and of finance and commerce, to which the leaders
having modern education gravitated. The structure of political
power remained largely unchanged from 1943 to 1955, many
posts — particularly the Ministry of the Pen - remaining in the
same hands for most of this time.
The country's formal constitutional structure, as well as its
administrative and geographic form , was altered by the addi
tion of Eritrea to the Empire in 1952, after a United Nations
decision to federate the former Italian colony with Ethiopia
(see ch. 3, Historical Setting). For a period of just over ten
years the newly annexed territory was ruled as a separate state
of a federated empire under the formal control of the Imperial
Federal Council , but less and less power was left to the locally
elected parliamentary government, which worked under an
Ethiopian governor general. In late 1962 the federal status was
revoked by an imperial edict, and the Eritrean state was ab
sorbed as the fourteenth province of the centralized Empire.
This move was not entirely without opposition within Eritrea
(see ch. 14, Political Dynamics and Values).
The federal period had an impact on the country as a whole.
Although all or most of Eritrea had historically been a part of
the country, fifty years of colonial rule and, particularly , a
decade of British and United Nations control had created signif
icant differences in the degree of political development. As a
result, after the federation Eritrea had a strong modernizing
influence on the central government. This influence contributed
directly to the constitutional reform of 1955, the new attitudes
of the national leaders toward an elected government, and such
political changes as the legalization of the trade unions.

THE CONSTITUTION OF 1955

The Revised Constitution of 1955 was, like that of 1931 ,
issued by the Emperor at his own discretion . The draft was
submitted to , and approved by, the existing Parliament. The
opening articles of the Constitution proclaim that the imperial
succession is to remain perpetually attached to males of the
line of Haile Selassie I.
Provisions are made for regency to be exercised by the Coun
cil of Regency, not only to cover the possibility that the heir to
the throne might be a minor but also to function for the reign
ing monarch in his absence from the country or his incapacita
tion by illness . Suspension of the Emperor's powers because of
incapacitation lies in the hands of another body , the Crown
Council.

274
 Role of the Emperor
National sovereignty is vested in the person of the Emperor
who, as the descendant of Sheba and Solomon, is proclaimed
to be sacred and his powers indisputable . Supreme authority
“over all the affairs of the Empire is exercised by him as the
Head of State. ” He is specifically empowered to determine the
organization of all government offices, to appoint, suspend,
and dismiss all high officials, and to select municipal mayors
from the candidates proposed by municipal councils.
He is the commander in chief of the armed forces and de
cides upon their size and composition . He commissions, pro
motes, transfers, and removes officers, declares states of emer
gency and martial law, and proclaims national emergencies.
With the advice and consent of Parliament, he declares war .
Foreign relations are conducted entirely at his discretion, and
he alone ratifies international treaties, although treaties alter
ing the national sovereignty , modifying existing legislation, or
involving a state expenditure require the prior approval of
Parliament.
The Emperor has the right to convene annual and extra
ordinary sessions of Parliament. He may postpone or suspend
Parliament for up to thirty days or extend any session. In addi
tion , he may dissolve Parliament or either of its chambers, but
a new chamber must be convened within four months. He also
has the right to initiate legislation, the authority to proclaim
all laws passed by Parliament, and the power to refuse his
assent to bills passed by the legislature.

The Councils and the Parliament

The Constitution provides for four permanent constitutional
bodies: the Crown Council, the Council of Ministers, the Sen
ate, and the Chamber of Deputies (the latter two constitute
Parliament). None of these bodies has power without the Em
peror's consent or confirmation . A significant innovation is that
the Chamber of Deputies is chosen by popular election. Mem
bership in the other three bodies is determined by the Emperor,
except that the head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church-the
abune ( archbishop )—and the president of the Senate are con
stitutionally designated as members of the Crown Council. The
duties of the Crown Council are left largely undefined ; it has
been the traditional body of advisers to the Emperor since the
time of Menelik I.
Only major new legislation passes through Parliament. Most
legislation on lesser matters emanates directly from the Em
peror or from the ministries. Laws passed by Parliament and
275
signed by the Emperor take effect after being published as
proclamations. Between parliamentary sessions the Emperor
may create laws by decree, but these become void if dis
approved by both houses at the next session . Other legislation,
variously termed legal notices, general notices, notices, and
orders, is in effect the product of the executive alone. All legis
lation takes effect only after publication in the Negarit Gazeta.
The power to veto legislation has remained firmly in the
hands of the Emperor. Parliament was originally a delibera
tive body set up to give its views on legislation drafted by the
Emperor or his ministers, but by 1970 it was able to exert sig.
nificant control over measures that the government proposed,
although its own initiative was still limited .
Members of the upper house of Parliament, called the Senate
(Yehege Mewesenha Meker Bet), are appointed by the Em
peror. Senators must be Ethiopian by birth , at least thirty -five
years of age, and distinguished by virtue of nobility or by
public service. The number of senators may not exceed one
half the number of members of the lower house. They serve
for six years .
The lower house, called the Chamber of Deputies (Yehege
Memrya Meker Bet), consists of persons elected on a popula
tion basis by electoral districts and municipalities. Each elec
toral district elects two deputies, and townships elect addi
tional deputies depending on the number of their inhabitants .
Deputies must be Ethiopian by birth , at least twenty -five years
>

of age, and residents and property owners in their district.

They serve for four years.
The president (akabe gubae) of the Senate and two vice
presidents are appointed by the Emperor. The Chamber of
Deputies elects its own officers yearly.
Parliament's regular sessions last from 23 Tekemt 1 Sene
(early November to early June - see Preface). The Emperor can
summon Parliament in special session at any other time, and
he can suspend a session or dissolve Parliament. At the begin
ning of each session, it meets as one body under the chairman
ship of the president of the Senate to receive the message of
the Emperor, which he may deliver in person.
Legislation may be initiated in either house , by the Emperor,
by the Council of Ministers through the Emperor, or by ten or
more members of either house. If both houses approve the
legislation , it is forwarded to the Emperor. If he approves it,
he then promulgates it as law; otherwise, he returns it to both
houses with comments or with a new proposal for legislation .
His veto is absolute . Disagreements between the two houses
are dealt with by joint sessions.

276
 The passage of a measure in each house or in joint sessions
requires a majority of the members present; the presiding of
ficer casts a vote only in case of a tie. The prime minister's
office is the channel through which legislation moves between
the Emperor and Parliament. Cabinet ministers may appear
before Parliament or parliamentary committees to answer
questions but may not be members of either chamber.
Members of both houses enjoy immunity from criminal
charges, unless they are caught in the commission of a crim
inal act. Members of Parliament receive salaries. They must
swear loyalty to the Emperor and the Constitution . Parliament
usually meets in public, except when the prime minister or a
majority of members of the respective house requests a closed
session . Revealing to the public, in any manner, information
concerning matters discussed in secret session is a criminal
offense, punishable under the Penal Code (see ch. 24 , Public
Order and Internal Security ).

Civil Liberties and Rights

The 1955 revised Constitution expands the protection ini
tially extended to individual subjects by the 1931 Constitution .
According to the revised Constitution , a wide variety of free
doms and rights, based on Anglo -American and French prece
dents, are ensured . The rights guaranteed to individuals in the
Constitution can be limited only if this is justifiable on the
basis of “respect for the rights and freedoms of others and the
requirements of public order and general welfare. ” In the re
moter areas of the country, however, these were little known
and less observed .
All people are granted the “equal protection of the laws"
and the enjoyment of civil rights without discrimination . Free
dom of religion is granted, provided that “ rites be not utilized
for political purposes or be not prejudicial to public order and
morality ." Freedom of speech and freedom of press are pro
vided for, although subsequent legislation placed strong limits
on the press. In time of declared national emergency , censor
ship may be imposed on correspondence. Peaceful assembly,
without arms, is a right, as is freedom to travel and change
residence within the Empire.
The Constitution provides that Ethiopian Nationality and
Ethiopian citizenship will be defined by a special law. No
Ethiopian subject may be banished from the Empire or extra
dited. Extradition of non-Ethiopians may take place only as
provided by treaties. According to the document, “ The Ethio
pian family , as the source of the maintenance and development

277
of the Empire and the primary basis of education and social
harmony, is under the special protection of the law ."
Detailed guarantees are provided with reference to judicial
procedure. Arrests must be based on court warrants, except in
case of flagrant or serious violation of the law. A person under
arrest must be brought before a judge within forty -eight hours.
Speedy trial and the right to confront witnesses are guar
anteed ; defense witnesses can be subpoenaed and brought to
court at government expense.
Everyone is considered innocent until proved guilty. Punish
ment can be meted out only to persons convicted in accordance
with the law. There are provisions against punishment imposed
under ex post facto laws and double jeopardy. Cruel and in
human punishment is forbidden . Death sentences must have
the Emperor's confirmation .
All persons and private buildings are declared immune from
unlawful searches and seizures. There may be no imprisonment
for debts, "except in case of legally proved fraud or of refusal
either to pay moneys or property adjudged by the court to have
been taken in violation of the law, or to pay a fine, or to ful
fill legal obligations of maintenance.” Properties may be at
tached by court order, but confiscation of property shall not
take place except as a penalty for treason .
The Emperor cannot be sued, but everyone has the right to
present petitions to him. Agencies and officials of the govern
ment may be sued by individuals for harmful acts but, if such
a suit be found by the court to have been brought maliciously
and without foundation , the government may in turn prosecute
the plaintiff.

The Ethiopian Orthodox Church

Although regulated by legislation, the Ethiopian Orthodox
Church in the past had no formal status in the modern con
stitutional system (see ch. 11 , Religion ). In the 1955 Constitu
tion , however, the traditional constitutional position of the
church is reaffirmed and redefined. As the established church of
the Empire, it must be supported by the state. The Emperor is
required always to profess the Ethiopian Orthodox faith .
The Constitution also brings the church under closer control
of the government. Its organization and secular administration
are made subject to the law. The Emperor must approve the
election of archbishops and bishops by the Ecclesiastical Elec
toral College ( see ch . 11 , Religion ). The Emperor may promul
gate public regulations of the church. The Constitution pro
278
vides that only matters of monastic life and spiritual adminis
tration remain beyond his jurisdiction .

Other Provisions
The Constitution provides that the government budget must
have the approval of Parliament. The budget is drawn up by
the Council of Ministers and submitted to Parliament, which
has the right to increase or decrease items in the proposed
budget but not to increase the total sum of expenditures. The
auditor general, appointed by the Emperor, has wide responsi
bilities and investigative powers (see ch. 23, Fiscal and Mone
tary Systems).
Addis Ababa is declared the capital of the Empire. The flag
is described in design and color, and Amharic is designated as
the official language. The Constitution can be amended by
joint resolution of the two chambers, affirmation of three
fourths of the members of each at two separate sessions of
Parliament, and approval by the Emperor.
In addition to the bodies specified in the Constitution , the
Emperor also has a private cabinet to assist him and to handle
imperial functions. This body includes his private secretary and
the private chief of staff (a general who serves as a personal
assistant to the Emperor), as well as the heads of the Special
Branch, which is the key internal security intelligence agency;
the Judicial Affairs Office, which administers the Chilot (the
Emperor's court); the Religious Affairs Office, which provides
the Emperor's administrative tie to the church ; and the Royal
Chronicles Office, which maintains the official imperial history.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE MINISTERIAL SYSTEM

The most important development since the promulgation of
the new Constitution has been the growth of the ministerial
system , which by 1970 had begun to resemble those in devel
oped states . Under the Revised Constitution , the Council of
Ministers served primarily as a body to handle day-to-day ad
ministration . Formally, as well as in fact, the real decision
making was left to the Emperor or to the minister of the pen.
The prime minister and all ministers were selected and dis
missed by the Emperor and were individually responsible to
him . The weakness of the council was clearly underlined by the
Emperor's declining to appoint a prime minister from 1957 to
1960.
In 1966 , however, the Emperor initiated and approved new
legislation , the Ministers (Definition of Powers) ( Amendment)
279
Order, which gave considerably more formal weight to the
Council of Ministers and particularly to the prime minister. He
continued to be an imperial appointee, but according to the
new law he was empowered to serve as the chairman of the
council, a position that until then was formally filled by the
Emperor himself. In addition , the prime minister was allowed
to select the nominees for ministerial and subministerial posts,
although these remained subject to imperial appointment.
Ministers were made responsible to the prime minister as
well as to the Emperor. They were made jointly responsible for
the decisions of the council. They no longer needed imperial
approval for regulations to govern the internal operations of
their ministries .
These steps gave only limited authority to the Council of
Ministers, however. A further clause of the 1966 act stated that
“all decisions on matters of policy shall be submitted by the
Prime Minister " to the Emperor. In addition, the council retains
its position not at the confidence of the Parliament but only at
that of the Emperor. This fact, plus the prohibition against
joint membership in Parliament and the council and the lack of
political party structure in the elected lower house, prevents
the ministers from seeking support in the legislature and from
attempting to provide leadership to the elected body.
The organizational structure of the elements of the govern
ment is reflected in the Administrative Directory, published
annually by the Imperial Institute of Public Administration .
The structural arrangement follows no set pattern , varying
from one ministry to another and , in some cases, within a min
istry. The largest elements are the departments, with divisions
and then , generally, sections (see table 6).
All ministries are headed by cabinet ministers but in some
cases a cabinet minister may head a major portion of a larger
ministry, such as the minister of posts within the Ministry of
Communications , Telecommunications, and Posts. In addition,
high commissioners, with full ministerial rank, head the public
service and pension agencies. The ranks below minister are
successively minister of state , vice minister, assistant minister
(the highest public service rank), director general, deputy direc
tor general, and director, head, or chief.
Depending upon size and importance, departments may be
headed by any official between the ranks of minister of state
and director general but are usually headed by an assistant
minister, sometimes with a director general as his deputy, or
by a director general. Ministers of state and vice ministers may
also serve as deputies to the minister. Divisions are headed
280
 Table 6. Division of Responsibility in the Ethiopian Council of Ministers, 1970
Ministerial position
Prime Minister
Pen ( Tsahafe Tezaz)
Imperial Palace .
Foreign Affairs
Interior
National Defense
National Community Develop-
ment and Social Affairs
Public Health ...
Land Reform and
Administration
Information
Communications, Telecom .
munications, and Posts
Representative area of responsibility
Chairman of the Council of Ministers ; opera
tion of prime minister's office and council's
Secretariat; Government Planning Commis
sion ; Technical Agency; and Central Statis
tical Office .
Traditionally, the spokesman for the Emperor;
Keeper of the Imperial Great Seal;
Archivist for state documents and registrar
of imperial family; publisher of official no
tices and decrees through government ga
zette (Negarit Gazeta ) ; and
HIM's private secretary's office.
Administrator of imperial offices and con
troller of imperial lands and properties.
Conduct of foreign and international relations
and naturalization .
Public order and internal security, police, pris
ons, immigration ; local and provincial ad
ministration; local and municipal govern
ment and elections; census and population
registration ; and territorial army ( reserve
military forces ).
Planning, supply, construction , and finance for
the armed forces; and control and protection
of coastal islands and waters.
Community Development Program ; social wel.
fare programs; labor affairs, employment
service, training programs, union registra
tion , and adoption and enforcement of labor
laws; and cooperative societies.
Establishment, maintenance, and control of
public health facilities; and medical educa
tion and licensing.
Mapping and Geography Institute; control of
government-owned land ( state domain but
not crown land) ; land distribution programs
and resettlement programs; and land regis
tration , surveys, and tax classification .
Operation of government press, Berhanena
Selam; internal and external information
programs; censorship of printed matter,
films, public entertainment for public moral
ity and security; operation of radio and tele
vision network; licensing of private news
papers and radio broadcasters; adult edu
cational and literacy programs; and public
libraries and museums .
Road, rail , air , and water transport control;
operation of ports and development of mer
chant marine; meteorological service; postal
281
 Table 6. Division of Responsibility in the Ethiopian Council of Ministers, 1970
-Continued

Ministerial position Representative area of responsbility

service; and ministerial contact for auton

omous Imperial Board of Telecommunica
tions of Ethiopia and Ethiopian Air Lines.
Justice Administration of judicial service; establish
ment and administration of courts ; super
vision of government prosecution ; recom
mendations of pardon to the Emperor; and
preparation of draft laws for other minis
tries.
Mines Conducting of geological surveys ; control of
development and exploration of mineral
deposits; granting and control of mineral
concessions, operation of government-owned
mines .
Public Works and Water Operation of government construction of
Resources buildings and highways; development of
water resources; building codes; construc
tion contract negotiation; and housing de
velopment programs.
Education and Fine Arts Operation and control of all post primary edu
cation , including university education ; con
trol of primary education; licensing and
standards of private schools; adult educa
tional and literacy programs; public li
braries and museums.
Commerce, Industry, and Fostering and encouraging of domestic and
Tourism foreign trade, industry, and handicrafts;
controlling of imports and exports; opera
tion of commercial registry; registration of
patents and copyrights; inspection of
weights and measures ; and fostering and
promotion of tourism .
Agriculture Agricultural affairs; operation of agricultural
schools; control of forests and national
parks; fish and game control; and veterinary
service.
Finance Preparation of consolidated government bud
get; fiscal systems control; administration
of national debt; auditing of tax collections;
and negotiation of international financial
agreements.
High Commissioner (Minister) Public ( civil) service list, examination , and
Central Personnel Agency . control; public service pension commission;
and Institute of Public Administration .

either by a director general or by an official at the director

level. In the ministries, directors, heads, or chiefs administer
sections.

282
 THE COURT SYSTEM
The court system was fashioned as one of the first acts of
the government after the defeat of the Italian invaders. Four
tiers of courts were created by the Administration of Justice
Proclamation of 1942. The highest of these was the Supreme
Imperial Court, presided over by the chief justice (afa negus
the traditional title for the country's highest judge), with a var
iable number of lesser judges assigned to it. One of the court's
seven divisions sits in Asmara under the presidency of a vice
afa negus , one of four such officials. The Supreme Imperial
Court has no original jurisdiction and hears appeals only from
the High Court.
The High Court, also presided over by a chief justice, some
times also called an afa negus, has full civil and criminal juris
diction. Its twenty -odd divisions , twelve of which were on cir
cuit in the mid-1960s , hear major cases as the court of first in
stance and other cases as the court of final appeal from the
decisions of lower courts and from certain judicial boards. All
cases are heard by a panel of three judges and may be decided
by a majority vote .
In addition to the divisions on circuit, a number of divisions
with specialized functions sit in Addis Ababa: one division has
original jurisdiction in major criminal cases; another hears
criminal appeals. There are separate divisions for commercial
cases , private and state land cases, and civil appeals. A division
of the High Court acted as a civil claims court for Addis Ababa.
Only the High Court may impose the death penalty, but all
sentences of death must be reviewed by the Supreme Imperial
Court and confirmed by the Emperor.
There are provincial courts in all provinces except Shoa.
Their jurisdiction since 1961 has been limited to civil cases, and
their judgments in such cases may not exceed Eth $ 2,000 (1
Ethiopian dollar equals US $ 0.40 ). More serious cases go to one
of the circuit divisions of the High Court. The provincial courts
also serve as courts of final appeal from civil decisions of lower
courts.
In the officially recognized court hierarchy there are four
kinds of lower courts. The awraja (subprovincial) and woreda
(district) courts ordinarily hear cases with two judges sitting.
Although decisions by a single judge are contrary to traditional
practice, the two lowest courts, the meketil woreda ghizat (sub
district government) courts and the courts of the atbia dania
( local judge) do employ single judges. Neither of these courts,
however, issues legally binding decisions. A dissatisfied litigant
may appeal at will to an awraja court or a woreda court, which
283
then rehears the case as a court of first instance. Juries are not
used anywhere in the system.
Outside the official system and, to some extent, parallel to
its two lowest levels are local dispute -settling institutions,
which vary in number and kind from one region or ethnic
group to another. Typically, they consist of a group of elders
or of a chief or judge and assessors.
As of 1970 the workings of only one such system , that of the
Gurage, had been described , but it is likely that the systems of
many other rural communities are similar. Among the Gurage,
there are two levels of courts: the yajoka, or high courts, and
village and clan judicial assemblies. The assemblies settle civil
disputes between parties who are members of the same village
(and, usually, of the same lineage) or of the same clan ( see
ch. 6, Social Structure; ch . 7 , Family ). The Gurage high courts
settle civil disputes between members of different clans and
hear criminal actions defined as such according to Gurage cus
tom . Less formal dispute settling occurs when a village head
man , a few elders, and a witness or two meet and decide a case
between close kinsmen . The village and clan judicial assem
blies and the yajoka have unofficial but effective coercive pow
ers. Elders and headmen in informal hearings must rely on
moral sanctions.
An appeal from the village and clan judicial assembly lies to
the yajoka, but, at least in the Gurage system , there is no ap
peal, strictly speaking, to the official courts of Ethiopia. A
party to a case may, if he is dissatisfied with a decision , take
his case to an awraja or a woreda court, or he may bypass the
courts of the Gurage altogether. Gurage living in their own
tribal area rarely do this, however, because they would be sub
ject to a variety of informal sanctions from kin and neighbors
and to public ridicule. As a rule, Gurage appear before the
awraja or woreda courts only when they have breached the
law in such a way as to disturb the governmental administra
tion or in other cases in which the government is caused to
become an interested party .
Although Ethiopia is officially a Christian state, recognition
has been given to the significance for non -Christians of having
their own law governing family matters and questions of per
sonal status. Christian and Muslim religious courts as well as
local tribal courts deal with such questions as divorce, inherit
ance , and bridewealth . The formal courts and the national law
deal with these matters only if they cannot be resolved by the
religious courts (see ch. 7, Family).
A special court, rooted in the traditional view of the Emperor
as the ultimate dispenser of justice, is the Chilot. It serves in
part as a court of final appeal, generally to rectify substantive
284
injustices in the application of the law . As a court of first in
stance, it may hear civil disputes brought to it by litigants who
wish to depend upon the Emperor's judgment. It also hears
criminal cases brought to it by the Ministry of Justice. The Em
peror personally sits at the head of the Chilot for an hour every
day and renders decisions based on presentations by two com
mittees of inquiry — the Fird Mirmera ( Enquiry Commission )
and the Seber -semi (Court of Cassation).
Provisions exist for a special security court to hear treason
cases (see ch. 24, Public Order and Internal Security ). As of
early 1970 , however, this court had heard only one case. Even
the trials after the attempted coup in 1960 were heard by the
regular courts.
The multiplicity of courts, formal and informal, is linked, in
part at least, to the tendency of Ethiopians, particularly the
Amhara -Tigre, to engage in litigation on almost any issue. Not
only the parties in the case but also kinfolk and neighbors
attend the hearings, and some observers have referred to liti
gation as a national sport (see ch. 12, Social Values).
The Fetha Nagast (Law of Kings), the ancient basis for the
law of the Amhara-Tigre, may have been drafted by Egyptian
monks as early as the thirteenth century. In any case, it was
adopted as the law of the land in the seventeenth century (see
ch. 3, Historical Setting ). Beginning with Haile Selassie's rule
as Emperor in 1930 and ending in 1960, new criminal, civil, and
commercial codes were drawn up and put into effect. The new
codes drew elements from the Fetha Nagast, British law, and
several Continental codes . The traditional code continued to be
regarded with reverence. The Emperor, in his introduction to
the Penal Code of 1957, ascribed the new code's origin to a
selection process that chose the best points from the codes of
the rest of the world and adapted them to the needs of the
country , harmonizing them with Ethiopian traditions as em
bodied in the Fetha Nagast.
The introduction of European commercial laws, actually be
gun as early as 1923, was carried out without conflict. In 1960
a new civil code was adopted that was almost entirely based
on foreign systems, having been drawn primarily from the
Swiss civil code. The new code specifically repealed all ex
isting customary civil law, seeking to preserve only marriage,
divorce, and similar personal laws. The Emperor stressed that
the code did not offend the Ethiopian traditions even though it
was aimed ultimately at a profound reformation of the existing
social and economic arrangements.
The development of the court hierarchy and of the substan
tive law has led to a demand for trained lawyers, which could
not be met until the establishment in the mid -1960s of a law
285
school at Haile Selassie I University (see ch. 9, Education ). In
early 1970 the courts were still largely staffed by nonprofes
sionals .

PROVINCIAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT

Provincial and lower levels of regional administration oper
ate under the control of the Ministry of Interior. The country
has been divided into 14 taqlai, or provinces (sometimes trans
lated as governorates general); 99 awraja, or subprovinces
( occasionally translated as provinces under the governorates
general); and more than 400 woreda, or districts. For some
purposes a lower division , meketil woreda, or subdistrict, is
also used .
The provincial governments are headed by governors general
appointed by the Emperor. In the late 1960s all but two of
these were personal appointees of the Emperor. The governors
general of Tigre and Eritrea were the only remaining officials
with strong political ties to their provinces and reflected the
traditional system of strong regional leadership. Each governor
general is assisted by a director general, a secretary general
and , in some cases, by the awraja governors.
The duties of the provincial administrations include security,
administration of justice, and tax collecting, as well as super
vision of local administration . In addition , the governor general
is entitled to sit as one of the three judges of the civil pro
vincial court. The primary responsibility for most areas of gov.
ernment operation remains in the hands of the local elements
of central government ministries. For example, public works,
such as road construction , are carried out by the Ministry of
Public Works and Water Resources. Although these activities
function at the direction of their ministry, they are under the
supervision of the local government.
Until 1966 the system of administration on the local level re
mained in the hands of the landed gentry, virtually unchanged
from the feudal tradition . The structure of local government
below the provincial level was set out by the Local Self-Gov
ernment Order of 1966. This law provided for the creation of
popularly elected councils to take over the functions of local
administration at the awraja level . The councils, the first popu
larly elected bodies to operate in most of the country, are to
consist of two or more representatives from each woreda and
one or more from each town of over 3,000 population. The
largest urban centers have separate status as chartered munici
palities with elected governments.
The awraja councils are assigned responsibility for primary
schooling, local public works, local public health facilities, and
286
rural and town marketing. Their projects must be coordinated
with , and conform to, the standards of the central government
ministry concerned . The councils themselves are under the
overall supervision and control of the appointed provincial
governors general. They draft their own budgets and are pro
vided with local taxing powers but may also seek funds from
the central government.
The staffs responsible for functions controlled by awraja
councils were transferred to their service from the central
government in 1966. In 1970 it was still not clear whether the
changes had been implemented throughout the country and
what the elected councils ' degree of freedom of action was, but
the Emperor had made it clear that the electoral principle of
local government was to be carried out fully in order to
broaden the base for a future democratic system .

THE PUBLIC SERVICE

All permanent employees of the civil administration are
members of the public service except judges and those above
the rank of assistant minister. The service functions under an
executive body, the Central Personnel Agency, headed by a
high commissioner with full ministerial rank and two other
commissioners. All three are appointed and removed at the
Emperor's discretion and function under the direct guidance
of the Council of Ministers, not under any individual member
of the council.
The public service positions are divided into classified and
unclassified sections. Wage and grade provisions are set by the
agency for all positions in every organ of the government.
Positions may be filled by appointment or promotion in con
formity with the agency's guidelines , after the published an
nouncement of the opening and generally from a public service
list according to grade, skills, and seniority. Recruitment to the
service and to various grades within the service is carried out
by competitive examination . Supervisors are given a choice of
the three ranking candidates from which they may select the
one to fill the position . Adequate provisions are made for pro
tecting public servants from arbitrary dismissal , downgrading,
or transfer, and the agency has an Administrative Court to hear
appeals in such cases . Strikes are forbidden .
Public servants may run for political office without resigning
their positions and are encouraged to do so by the provision of
up to three months' leave to conduct their campaigns, although
this is without pay. They must resign their posts if elected to
Parliament .
287
 CHAPTER 14
POLITICAL DYNAMICS AND VALUES

The politically dominant forces derive their authority from

the traditional sources of legitimacy , which are rooted in an
tiquity . The key figure in concept, in popular belief, and gener
ally in fact has continued to be the Emperor. His authority is
fully recognized as supreme by the 90 percent or more of the
Amhara - Tigre society , which is still immersed in a traditional
social order. In 1970 the Emperor remained the focus of all
political power at the national level, supported by a tradition
alist majority among the population, the government and the
elected officials.
The regard for the Emperor developed both as a result of
the sanctions of religion and mystical history and because the
Emperor fulfilled a real need of the society. Surrounded by
hostile forces and internally fragmented by the highland geog
raphy, the Amhara - Tigre had need of the Emperor as a political
figurehead and as a military leader behind whom the society
could coalesce to preserve their religion and culture from the
threat of Muslim or pagan conquest. Emperor Haile Salassie I
continues to serve as the symbol of unity, of which he is the
recognized architect, not only for the ruling group but also to
some extent for the other ethnic groups that compose the
modern state.
Nearly all changes in the country's political structures have
been inspired and brought about by the Emperor himself, who
was, at least until the mid - 1950s, the patron of the small
modernist elements favoring change. The forces of tradition
alism have always been too strong to allow any changes except
those that he has fully supported. The Emperor, in addition to
having the necessary power to force the pace, was supported
in his position as an innovator by tradition itself, since initia
tive was expected to be provided , if at all, by higher authority.
For this and other reasons the changes made have been
accepted without a shattering of the patterns of traditional
institutions and values. The traditionalists, who include the
majority of bureaucrats and the members of the legislative
bodies, have accepted administrative and political changes, but
only by conceiving of them in largely traditional terms. The
289
population looks upon the Cabinet of Ministers, for example,
as the Emperor's private staff.
Modernization has gradually brought about a questioning of
the legitimacy of traditional authority among the small segment
of the population in contact with modern influences - some
urban residents, those with modern higher education, and such
others as the limited number of industrial workers and those
few persons engaged in segments of the modern economy. To
a lesser extent a similar challenge was also created by the
contact which the Eritrean population had with the more ad
vanced forms of local and territorial self-government before
and during its ten years of federal status (see ch. 3, Historical
Setting; ch. 13, The Governmental System ). The active opposi
tion from the Eritrean and other peripheral groups, however,
stemmed primarily from ethnic and religious differences of
long standing ( see ch. 24, Public Order and Internal Security ).
Unrest in the country's core ( the Amhara - Tigre lands) has
generally emanated from , and has often been restricted to, the
most privileged group in the society — the university and second
ary students, many of whom have taken part in intermittent
strikes since 1967. Although the issues overtly raised on these
occasions have varied, the underlying demand has been for a
major change in the political order that would bring about
economic and social changes. As a group the students in 1970
seemed to expect a social revolution to occur.
The modernists have little organization, are few in number,
and have no popular backing. Their only hope of seeing their
ideas reach fruition was through the influence they might be
able to exert on members of the military government, which
some expected might some day come to power after the death
of the seventy -nine-year -old Emperor.
The peasants, despite their often difficult lives, remain
locked into their traditional system with little interest in im
proving their position. Although the Crown, the church , and
portions of the nobility own vast tracts of land, the great
majority of peasants own at least part of the lands they till.
Their lifestyle is not notably different from that of the local
gentry and clergy who share their hardships and provide leader
ship, more than domination , through the patron-client system
into which society is structured (see ch.6, Social Structure ).
The peasants constitute the major political force characterized
by a traditionalism matched in few other countries in the world
in the second half of the twentieth century . The only serious
challenges within the legitimate political arena were presented
by the conservative opposition to the mild reformist efforts
of the government .
290
 THE CONTINUITY OF TRADITION

The majority of the population looks for political leadership

and guidance to the same figures who have always dominated
the social order — from the Emperor down to the influential
members of the local gentry . They remain attached not only
to these figures but to the values that have dominated their
lives for centuries : adhesion to the church and to the ways of
life and work of their forefathers, distrust of foreigners and
foreign influences, and preference for local ideas over those
emanating from other parts of the empire. In their view there
is no distinction between the political and social orders and
value systems. They accept an order dominated by the patron
client relationship between peasant and gentry and between
minor lord and great lord ( see ch. 6, Social Structure; ch. 12,
Social Values ).
In the political system the leader's role is all important.
Its primary significance lies not in the leader's ability to
dominate by force but in his ability to act as mediator as well
as guarantor of relations between subordinates. He does not
grant power to subordinates but provides them with legitimacy.
The leader must be able to recognize the power that a sub
ordinate is able to obtain through popular support and then to
make use of it himself by establishing a patron - client relation
ship with that lower leader.
These relationships are contractual. If aa leader fails to provide
his followers with the desired objectives, they are free to leave
him . The only reason for the tie, formal or informal, is the
desire of a follower, whether peasant or noble, to better his
own position. Relationships, at least at the lower levels, remain
stable because the followers ' wealth , although transferable,
cannot be moved , since wealth is measured almost entirely in
land. In addition, peasants and minor lords are bound to their
own village or district by ties to church and family.
The power of a leader is ultimately limited to the totality of
support granted to him through such arrangements by his
followers. The strongest ties of political power are those be
tween an inferior and his direct superior, particularly between
a peasant and local gentry or between a district governor and
his subprovince governor. The more indirect the tie, the weaker
it is, since the person at the lower end of a hierarchy of
patron -client relationship may always seek protection through
the intercession of a patron and patron's patron. Among local
leaders, including officials of the administration, the traditional
sources of the popular respect upon which power is dependent
are landownership, rank, or prestige arising from personal
291
bravery or demonstrated control over natural or supernatural
elements .
All holders of power, while drawing strength from below,
must depend upon higher authority for legitimacy. Without
demonstrable confirmation from above, the peasant will not
view power as legitimate, although he may continue to respect
its wielder. This necessity extends to the Emperor himself, who
must be confirmed in his position by being annointed as God's
earthly representative. His followers may desert him if he loses
1
this legitimacy by alienating the church. Similarly, despite
personal power, lesser figures have a need for confirmation 1
of legitimacy .
Nevertheless, just as the real determinant of an Emperor's
continuing ability to rule has not been the proclamation of the
abune (see Glossary ) but rather the support of the great lords
of the empire, so too the local leader is ultimately dependent
upon the support of his followers. Although his loss of legiti
macy may allow them to feel freer to leave his service, if he
is successful he may expect their support even in the face of
disapproval by higher authority. Weakness, lack of success, or
lack of personal benefit from continuing in a client relationship
will have more to do with a client's withdrawal of support
than any disavowal of legitimacy by higher authority.
The aim of power on all levels is less aggrandizement than
preservation of the existing situation from interference by out
side or higher authorities. Efforts at expansion are not justified
because conspicuous success is as great a violation of the norms
as obvious failure, since either one may bring about inter
ference from above.
For the majority of members of the bureaucracy , the solution
to problems must be sought in a social order in which superiors
are viewed as patrons, but patrons also in need of the support
of underlings. Members of the general public are viewed as
inferiors who need the official as a patron but whose support
the patron must ensure to retain the aura of leadership. There
fore, on either level solutions to problems must satisfy the
demands of both the patron and the client.
Similarly, resolution of conflict, notably in the courts, is
sought not in a victory of one party but in a relaxation of
tensions through compromises in which neither party will feel
himself the loser. The patron in a position of higher authority
must seek a solution that satisfies both clients lest, by pro
claiming the victor, he will lose the other client's needed
support, thus weakening his own status as a patron.
The patron - client relationship is also marked by a tendency
of both to avoid clear commitment, a tendency supported by
292
traditional Amhara patterns of communication . Any statement
may have an overt and a hidden meaning. One of the country's
great folk heros is Alaqua Gabra Hanna, a master of the use
of the linguistic forms to deceive his opponents. The people
fully expect the ambiguity in everyday speech and customs to
be carried over into the political arena and therefore always
look upon political statements with suspicion , seeking a hidden
meaning or a way for the speaker to escape the commitment
he may make.
The proper operation of an administrative structure requires
considerable delegation of authority, but in the Ethiopian
political value system, such delegation encounters two major
problems, both of which arise as a result of the attitude toward
the personalization of power. First, the leader retains all
decisionmaking power in his own hands, since to assign such
power to someone else is to give it away and thus to lessen his
own strength . Second, since power is conceived of as being
linked to a person , the decision or order will only be regarded
as valid and will be considered obligatory only if it comes from
the holder of the power .
A decision made by an underling to whom the decisionmak
ing power has been delegated by the recognized authority will
not be recognized as binding and will be ignored or circum
vented . Often, in fact, the personal presence of a leader is
required to ensure that an order will be considered binding.
This attitude is directly linked to the traditional usage of war
fare. A body of elders would obey only the order given directly
by a recognized commander and would advance into battle
only in his presence .
In a society where so much value is assigned to individual
rather than to collective activity, substantial popular effort
required to accomplish any communal goals has proved difficult
to mobilize. This individualism has remained a potent force
even among those of the educated elite who express the most
eagerness for change . They have largely proved unable to
develop the level of coordination , sacrifice of personal ambi
tions, and trust of fellows required to effect measures to
improve society. Changes that have taken place, therefore, have
largely been carried through by traditional means: decisions
have been made by traditional leaders in their own domains
that emulate the Emperor's efforts to improve the country.
Such efforts have been accepted in the traditional mode, with
out stirring the people to attempt to improve their positions
on their own initiative, although there have been minor ex
ceptions in the form of urban voluntary associations (see ch. 6,
Social Structure ).
293
 THE CENTER OF POWER

Real power is heavily concentrated in the hands of one man,

the Emperor, although his ability to act is circumscribed by
his need to maintain the support of various largely conservative
forces within the political elite. The constitutional structure of
government bears little direct relationship to the actual opera
tions of government, a fact that is most obvious in the descrip
tion of the Parliament but is just as true of many other
elements as well.
The Constitution provides a model for modern institutions
to which the society may aspire in the future but which it had
not been able to utilize by 1970. The formal and actual political
systems have been described by one observer as a dual system
of government, the traditional system carried on behind a
façade of modern institutions. Even after the stronger delinea
tion of ministerial responsibility in 1966 and the accession of
men with Western educations to most administrative positions,
at least in the capital, traditional influences both on the in
dividual and on the system remain so strong that primary
political decisionmaking continues to operate through personal
connections at the court more than through any formal
structure .
This dual system reflects, in part, the penchant of the
Emperor for a modern image, conflicting with his reluctance or
inability to abandon the traditional system in which he and
lesser leaders were raised. During the 1960s most positions
below the topmost ranks were filled by younger men, but the
actual adoption of modern techniques awaited their coming to
power. The changes have been carried far enough so that
much of the traditional system has been abandoned at the
ministerial level, but traditionalists still dominate the carrying
out of such decisions outside the capital.
By accepting and sponsoring changes, the Emperor long re
tained not only the support of the modernists but the legiti
macy resulting from a lack of direct challange. For example, by
introducing the 1931 and 1955 constitutions before demand
arose among the modernists for such documents, he made it
obvious that he was granting these of his own free will and
avoided the problems that would have arisen a few years later
if he had granted the same documents in the face of demands
by one faction . This was an important consideration, since the
9

preservation of power plays such a major part in Ethiopian

political values. Being the source of innovations has allowed the
Emperor to control the rate and direction of change.
Even his strongest critics realize that the Emperor is very
largely responsible for the country's independence and unity,
its high status in the world after more than a thousand years
294
of isolation , the creation of a workable central government;
and the beginning of modern administration , education, and
industrial development. They even recognize that the major
blocks are the traditionalism of the peasants and the serious
underdevelopment of the country, which deprives the govern
ment of the financial backing for major economic and
social changes .
The conflict between old and new forms characterizes deci
sionmaking and implementation . Decisions are made in the
course of personal communication among the powerful tradi
tionalists at the top level , with reference to, and approval by,
the Emperor if aa major matter is involved. These decisions are
implemented at the level of the ministry by educated men
operating aa modern structure. If, however, the question requires
that legislation be presented to Parliament, the predominantly
conservative local gentry who are influential in it may place
further blocks in the way of progress. The new policies are
then implemented by traditionalists in the provinces if and
when they see fit. The changes, if any, are accepted by the
people as another edict of their Emperor, which must be honor
ed but which may be subject to local modification .
The position of the Emperor has changed, but his control
over important decisions remains supreme. He is seldom con
sulted on the minor affairs of every ministry as he regularly
was in the early 1960s. The powers granted to the ministers
in 1966 are operative (see ch. 13, The Governmental System ).
The fear of making a decision without obtaining the personal
approval of the Emperor has largely disappeared. At lower
levels considerably more decisiveness is displayed as ministers
have also relinquished some powers to their subordinates, either
copying the changes at the top or giving in to the pressure of
administrative duties that have resulted from the general
growth of government activities.
But by law and in fact, the Emperor continues to make the
decisions on all major issues and sets general government
policy. The strengthening of the Council of Ministers and the
Office of Prime Minister has put them in the position of a
cabinet in an executive presidential system, not the ministerial
executive position of a parliamentary system . The challenge to
the ruler in such a presidential system is not conceived of as
being provided by the cabinet but by the legislature.

THE PARLIAMENT

Ethiopia held the first election in its 2,500-year history in

1957. The Revised Constitution of 1955 had provided elective
representation for the first time in the lower house of Parlia

295
ment, the Chamber of Deputies. Elections for successive cham
bers were held in 1961 , 1965 , and 1969 .
Despite considerable effort on the part of the government to
encourage registration and voting, only about 30 percent of the
eligible voters had registered by 1969. The isolation of much of
the country and the lack of communications placed a severe
strain on the registration and polling efforts, but even in Addis
Ababa the display of interest was low. Although the 128,000
registered voters in the capital in 1965 did represent an es
timated 50 percent of those eligible to vote , the 32,000 who cast
ballots represented less than 15 percent of the eligible voters.
Given the relatively high level of education and the existence
of communications media in the city, the lack of voting can only
be taken as the result of a lack of interest in the election's
results.
In rural areas additional factors resulted from the conflict
of the traditional political value system with the modern idea
of electing leaders. The purpose of Parliament was not under
stood. Some believed that only the patriarchal head of a family
should be entitled to make his views known to the government
by voting. A major stated reason for the Emperor's introduction
of the Local Self Government Order of 1966 was his desire
to stimulate the electoral processes by providing for elected
organs of government at the local level where people could
directly observe the results of their voting.
Although voter interest was low, candidate interest was very
high , an average of eight contesting each of the 250 seats in
1969. One -third of these were disqualified for failure to meet
registration requirements or because they did not pass the new
mandatory literacy test. No political parties or other formal
political groups exist, and the candidates are nearly all self
chosen and individually supported.
In the Chamber of Deputies elected in 1965, three -quarters
of the members were former civil servants, a large proportion
of them being provincial schoolteachers. A much smaller group
consisted of rural landowners, and the rest were merchants,
clerks, or self -declared lawyers. A prime attraction for govern
ment employees was the salary , which was considerably higher
than their usual salaries. In addition, the law provided an extra
incentive to their running for office by allowing them three
months leave of absence to conduct their campaigns and
reinstatement in their posts if not elected . Civil servants who
are elected lose their posts but may expect an appointment on
a much higher level at the end of their four-year terms.
Although competition appears stiff because of the high num
ber of contestants, campaign costs are minimal, the registration
296
deposit of Eth $ 500 ( 1 Ethiopian dollar equals US$0.40) being
the major hurdle. Most campaign efforts are aimed at aligning
the support of important local leaders who can be expected
to exert at least an opinion -making influence on voters. Land
owners, the clergy, nobles , and the chiefs of ethnic groups are
all sought out. Although each of the 250 deputies represents
a district with an average population of 110,000, because of
the low registration each district has only some 12,000 to 13,000
voters, making direct contact with all the opinion -makers and a
sizable portion of the electorate quite possible. Civil servants,
with a position that provides them with public contact, have
the added advantage of already being known to many voters.
Discussion of issues is very limited , in line with the con
servative nature of political interests. The traditional concept
of patron -client relationships and the strong localism lead the
candidates to put heavy stress on what they will do for in
dividual supporters and for their district.
The educational level of the delegates was low by Western
standards but was much higher than that of the average voter,
although the great majority of members had no modern educa
tion . There were 217 Christians, 33 Muslims, and no adherents
of tribal religions in the Chamber of Deputies, reflecting the
religious groups' political rather than their numerical strengths.
The turnover rate in the lower house was rapid, only 35 percent
retaining their seats in 1965 and 32 percent in 1969.
Although the two chambers of the Parliament have equal
powers and largely identical duties, their composition is con
siderably different. Membership in the Senate is appointive.
The 125 senators serve six -year terms, one-third of the appoint
ments expiring every two years, although the actual number of
members and rate of change vary because the Emperor may
not select all the new appointees at once. The senators are
selected by the Emperor from among the recognized political,
social, and religious leaders of the empire. Many appointees,
therefore, know much more of the operations of the political,
administrative, and legislative systems than the members of the
lower chamber . For this reason, in the early 1960s, they were
generally been more active in attempts to influence legislation .
The very limited authority given Parliament in the Constitu
tion was further restricted in practice. Although in theory either
House may initiate legislation, between the introduction of the
Revised Constitution in 1955 and mid- 1970 only one bill intro
duced by members of Parliament had become law. The
legislature's duties have almost entirely been restricted to
commenting upon government proposals before they are for
mally enacted into law.
297
 Some latent degree of power has been demonstrated by their
disapproval of five government bills during the 1960s. In three
of these cases, the members , largely landowners themselves
like a majority of the country's settled peoples, sought to
protect the interests of landowners from higher or improved
forms of taxation , demonstrating a preference for lower taxes
instead of the social welfare measures, such as improved local
medical services, that the government sought to finance with
the added revenue .
In two other cases acceptance of additional foreign loans was
voted down as a sign of the widespread displeasure with the
increasing foreign influence in the country. In at least three of
these cases, however, the laws were adopted despite initial
rejection by the legislature. In 1967 the lower house succeeded
in forcing the Ministry of Finance to accept major amendments
to an important tax reform effort, which largely crippled the
bill-the first time in its history that Parliament has been able
to make an important impact on law. This did not portend a
change in the political system, however, since it was an
apparently isolated incident. Moreover, even those changes in
proposed legislation attempted, or made, by the Parliament
have been designed to preserve the traditional system , demon
strating clearly that the elected representatives of the people
are more conservative than the traditional ruler and his
bureaucracy .
The chambers have the right to cross- examine the cabinet
ministers or their representatives. They conduct such question
ing periods very forcefully in order to establish their position
as superior to the administration. This threat of debate, as well
as their power to impede the administration by delaying legisla
tion , has been used to obtain concessions from the ministries
for the local and private interests of constituents. Such debate
or criticism may be brought to a halt if the minister can con
vince the Emperor to bring pressure to bear on the members
by making known his support for the legislation .
The attitudes of the deputies toward their office are formed
by the same traditional values and attitudes that guide the
peasantry and most of the nobility . Among the more informed
of their constituents, they are popularly seen as another group
of advisers for the Emperor , a view to which they would
generally subscribe. As a result, they continue to expect leader
ship on all issues to be provided by the ruler, not by any
joint efforts on their own parts .
No political parties exist, and no efforts to form parties are
known to have been made by deputies or senators. In fact,
no formal or significant informal division of any kind has ap
298
peared in either chamber. The apparent traditional divisions
along provincial, ethnic, or religious lines that divide the
society as a whole have not provided a basis for any formal
alignment within the chamber. The most important groupings
are the very informally organized mahebars, associations of
persons from the same district or locality, which work to foster
improvements in their home areas (see ch. 6, Social Structure ).
THE ADMINISTRATORS

The development of the modern machinery of administration

has provided a new basis for an elite class . The traditional
channels of social mobility, based on military prowess or on
the possibility of rising in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church,
have been largely superseded by the channel of appointment to
government administrative posts. Most of the new admin
istrators, however, have been drawn from the ranks of the
traditional nobility. Few among the old order have failed to
make the transition . Those at the top who did not seek or
find a place in the administration have been lifted into the
new order by appointment to the Senate, whereas major mem
bers of the local elite, the provincial landowners, have been
elected in large numbers to the lower house. Even those who
have been promoted into posts by the Emperor because of their
service or loyalty to him have generally been drawn from the
lower ranks of the old nobility or rural gentry. Noteworthy
among these in the postwar era have been men who had
distinguished themselves in the National Patriotic Association
or in the fight to dislodge the Italian invaders between 1936
and 1941. Some men who collaborated with the Italians or who
changed sides as the fortunes of war changed have also been
promoted to prominent posts as counterbalance to the
patriots.
The Emperor often rotates officials from position to position
on a regular basis and seldom assigns persons to their native
areas. His control is also aided by the practice of appointing
officials to adjacent posts who are competitors or who hold
differing political ideas , as well as through the Emperor's
various internal security networks.
The military leaders represent a specialized group within the
new elite as a result of the traditional high place accorded the
military in the Ethiopian system (although this does not neces
sarily relate to the modern armed forces ), their professional
training, and their numerical strength. They have not, how
ever, either established internal unity of views or developed
along lines that would give them markedly different views from
members of other elements of the elite, factors reflected in the
299
history of the 1960 coup attempt. Leadership of the coup was
in the hands of a small, mixed group composed of military,
security, and intellectual figures (see ch. 25, The Armed Forces ).
Until after the creation of an impartial civil service system
in 1962, the Emperor had continued to name appointees to all
government positions of any significance. He has continued to
use his power of appointment and the awarding of titles as a
means of exerting political control. In particular, he uses
appointment to the 125-seat Senate as a reward for lower and
middle level officials or, on other occasions, as a sinecure to
which higher officials who have displeased him in adminis
trative or political duties may be assigned to save face when
they are removed from office.

ETHNIC DIFFERENCES AND POLITICAL POWER

The division of political power among the elite on the

national level is concentric. Those on the geographic periphery
have almost no influence on, and the least adhesion to, the
central government. Political dominance is in the hands of the
Amhara -Tigre and those Galla who have accepted Amhara
culture, including the Ethiopian Orthodox Church . Other
smaller groups with similar cultures are able to work directly
within the Amhara -Tigre political order. These include the
Gurage and the Falasha as well as a small number of Muslims,
Roman Catholics, and Protestants of Amhara or Tigre origin ,
who are to a varying extent divorced from Amhara - Tigre
culture .
Even within the Amhara - Tigre, political power is further
concentrated. With one exception , the rulers for centuries have
been Amhara rather than Tigre, and the Tigre believe them
selves to be at a political disadvantage. The present dynasty is
Shoan Amhara. The innermost circle of power is found among
the northern Shoans, who inhabit the Emperor's homeland and
who are in a numerical majority in the major posts of power.
THE GOVERNMENT OF MINORITIES
The political systems in operation at the local levels differ
considerably in non -Amhara - Tigre populated areas (see ch . 5,
Ethnic Groups and Languages). These areas include a majority
of the country's population and land, but these population
groups have little control over, and in most cases little interest
in, the central government. They include the northern and
eastern portions of Eritrea , populated by the Beni Amer and
other staunch Muslims; the Afar-populated areas of Eritrea,
Tigre, and Wollo; the Somali -populated portions of Harar and
300
Bale; the nomadic Galla-populated portions of Bale; the Gurage
areas of Kefa and Shoa ; and the areas of Sidamo, Gemu Gofa ,
Kefa, and Illubabor that were populated by the Galla, Sidamo,
and shankella (blacks) .
In the eastern half of the country the nomadic and semi
nomadic Galla, Beni Amer, Somali, Afar, and some of the
others retain indigenous forms of organization along ethnic and
kin -group lines, central government control being only lightly
imposed at the top. The indigenous forms of government vary
widely (see ch. 6, Social Structure ). The central government
places few demands upon them other than the maintenance of
internal security, the collection of minimal taxes (usually in
kind) and a general admission of Ethiopian sovereignty . The
Amhara- Tigre presence although often very limited, is felt in
the existence of a district governor, two or three assistants,
a school, a clinic, plus security and tax collecting forces as
needed . Even though portions of some of these groups are
periodically in open rebellion, the extent of active or latent
opposition from most of these people to Amhara - Tigre or cen
tral government rule is not accurately known.
In the four southern provinces the Amhara -Tigre presence
is much more direct. These areas suffered military conquest,
many coming under Ethiopian rule only in the later half of the
nineteenth century. They were given by the Emperor to his
officers as fiefs. At that time they were often ruled as
conquered foreign lands. In 1970 these peoples generally had
retained their own social order with control over their own
local affairs, but political relations with the central government
remained in the hands of the Amhara - Tigre minority.
A measure of the political position of the non -Amhara - Tigre
can be judged by their involvement in the higher posts of the
government and administration . The Amharized Galla who
accepted Ethiopian Christianity and other aspects of Amhara
Tigre culture as early as the sixteenth century , in some cases ,
have intermarried with members of the Shoan and Gondar
nobility, including the royal family, and actively participate
in the political system .
Of the 104 top posts in the government in 1962, 66 were held
by Amhara (including one Catholic), 9 by Tigreans from Tigre,
13 by Tigreans and others (including one Protestant and at
least one Muslim) from Eritrea , and 7 by Galla. Thus, only
9 posts were held by representatives of the other population
groups. Groups with demonstrable political power, however,
are given special treatment. For example, because of the Somali
border problem and the growth of Somali nationalism inspired
by the emergence of an independent Somalia , the Emperor has
301
taken care to recognize a number of Ethiopian Somali leaders
(see ch. 15 , Foreign Relations). Some have been given titles,
elevated to regional administrative posts, and chosen for the
Senate as well as elected to the Chamber of Deputies.

THE INTELLECTUAL OPPOSITION

Until the late 1950s most of the intellectual elite, which in
most cases meant secondary school and the few university
graduates, continued to support the government even if critical
of what they saw as its failings. Those who might have been
tempted to side with the opposition were often won to the
government's support by being given high paying positions in
the civil service. Although the December 1960 coup attempt
involved a small number of university graduates in the govern
ment and although a large number of university students in
Addis Ababa came out in support of the aims of the coup on
its second day, the majority continued to express loyalty to the
existing order even if desiring to see major changes made. In
the early 1960s the students at Haile Selassie I University ex
pressed strong feelings of obligation to their country for
providing them with schooling. They saw themselves as morally
bound to repay this debt by working for the good of the
country - to improve the political and social welfare of the
people , particularly by working in the rural areas.
In the mid-1960s, however, the weak support for, or mild
opposition to, the government that had seemed to characterize
student attitudes began to change rapidly. After 1967, spurred
in part by the political positions adopted by the students in
other countries in the same period, Ethiopian students began to
express vehement opposition to the existing sociopolitical order.
One of the major complaints has been that Ethiopia has not
advanced as rapidly as some of the younger states of Africa .
Many students, however, continued to retain most of their
parents' traditional views, including reverence toward the
Crown. Some of these placed the blame for the country's
problems on lower government officials by accusing them of
malpractice or on the evil effects of foreign influences. Student
political challenges are also weakened by the extension of
ethnic animosities into the higher schools, which has had the
result of dividing the proponents of a unified state from the
students who are drawn from the more restive minorities.
Student protests first erupted into violence at Haile Selassie I
University in March 1968 , when rioting broke out over a
Western fashion show staged by the wives of the university
faculty, to raise funds for Ethiopian charities. The show was
seen as an affront to Ethiopian culture and as a further indica
302
tion of the foreign domination of their schooling. The demon
stration leaders were arrested after causing considerable
damage, and the university was closed for two weeks by the
government. Student protest has been largely centered on the
university, with its 3,500 students, often supported by the
capital's secondary school students and, at times, has extended
to other secondary and technical schools in the country. The
government has blamed contacts with East European agents
for the Marxist jargon of some of the university's student mili
tants and as a result has expelled a number of Soviet and
Soviet-bloc diplomats and press representatives . The militants
included a small secret society of left-wing radicals calling
themselves the crocodiles .
The militancy of the university students was spread down
ward among the secondary schools outside the capital by the
200 to 400 university students who participated in the Ethiopian
University Service program , which interrupted their college
studies to send them to work for one year as teachers in the
secondary schools. The ideas they helped to spread included
animosity toward the government as well as toward foreign
influences, particularly toward Americans. A number of Peace
Corps teachers who staffed the rural secondary schools were
subjected to harassment.
New student demonstrations broke out in April 1969, initially
as a protest against the war in Vietnam. The tone changed
rapidly, however, first into protests against the American mili
tary presence in Ethiopia and then into demands for changes
in the academic and political systems. The police at first did
not interfere with the demonstrations and then did so only
hesitantly, an indecisiveness for which some security officials
were later punished.
The government was particularly sensitive to the timing of
the riots. They occured while strikes by the small labor unions
were affecting the capital and peasant revolts against the intro
duction of a new land tax system were troubling Gojam .
Serious rioting again broke out in late December 1969 after
a university student leader, Ato Tilahun , was shot and killed
by unknown assailants. Students reacted to rumors that he had
been assassinated by police agents by seizing his body from
the hospital . The riots followed as police and troops, taking
a more forceful stand than they had done in April, clashed
with the students in efforts to recover the body. At least three
students were killed and many others wounded. The student
protests have carried over into the ranks of Ethiopian students
abroad, who staged demonstrations at their embassies in
Washington, Stockholm, and Moscow in 1969 and 1970.
The government's retaliation for the university student's riot
303
ing included the dismissal of many students and the sentencing
of riot leaders to jail terms of up to 7/2 years. Those jailed
included the son of the minister of national defense. A large
number of these were pardoned or reinstated by the Emperor,
however.
Those who completed their higher educations in the 1960s
and some earlier graduates constitute the critical intellectual
opposition to the government in Addis Ababa and Asmara.
Their criticism , however, was muted, both by government
pressure and by their own awareness of their numerical and
political weakness in Ethiopian society.

THE ERITREAN PROBLEM

In 1949 a clear majority of Eritrea's population had desired
unification with Ethiopia under a federal structure as proposed
by the United Nations (see ch. 3, Historical Setting). Many of
the opponents of unification , particularly among the Muslim
portion of the population, remained opposed to imperial rule,
however, and sought means to achieve their original aims
either independence under an Arab Muslim -dominated govern
ment or some form of tie with neighboring Sudan. The suc
cessionists were strengthened by the gradual development of
opposition among a minority of the Christians to the continued
growth of central government power in the province at the
expense of its right of internal self-government within the
federal structure. This feeling reached a climax in 1962 with
the abolition of Eritrea's special status and its absorption
directly into the empire as a fourteenth province. The opposi
tion was also strengthened by the territory's bleak economic
condition, which left many unemployed .
Eritrean Muslims outside the province - as students in Cairo ,
workers in Yemen and the Sudan , or as soldiers in the
Sudanese army - had already organized the ELF, a dissident
movement that conducted guerrilla warfare against Ethiopian
rule as early as 1960. A small number of the province's Tigrean
Christian majority allied themselves with the ELF because they
saw themselves as discriminated against by the more numerous
and politically more powerful Shoan Amhara in the central
government. In addition there was some sympathy for the ELF
among radical students , some of whom viewed them as fellow
opponents of the Emperor.
The adherence of the small number of Christians to the ELF
allowed that organization to claim that it represented all the
people of Eritrea, but it remained closely tied to the Arab
Muslim world. In its efforts to conduct a guerrilla campaign
throughout the province, the ELF has been aided by the limited
304
control the government has been able to exercise over the
large areas sparsely populated by the Beni Amer in the north
and the Afar in the south . Both these groups inhabit inhospit
able terrain and have traditionally lived by brigandage and
warred with all authorities. The Italians had maintained order
with a garrision of 50,000 men. Many of these people proved
willing to accept political slogans, such as “ Independence for
Eritrea ” or “ The Red Sea is an Arab Ocean ,” in return for
modern arms and ammunition .
The ELF received financial support, arms, and the use of
propaganda facilities from a number of Arab countries ( see ch.
15, Foreign Relations). To encourage further support, it vastly
inflates its claims to strength and legitimacy. It stresses its
Pan - Arab orientation by asserting that military links exist be
tween Ethiopia and Israel.
In early 1970 the ELF's leadership in exile was apparently
fragmented into at least two factions. A power conflict resulted
in the dismissal of one body called the Eritrean Revolution
Supreme Council by an Eritrean Liberation Army General
Command Secretariat. The secretariat charged the council's
members with encouraging internal dissension and with being
too removed from the conflict. These bodies were evidently
located in Damascus, Syria, and Rome, although in mid - 1970
one portion left Rome to open a headquarters in Copenhagen
and other elements moved to Aden. These divisions had not
noticeably affected the ELF guerrilla forces; however, their
prospects of achieving any form of Eritrean independence ap
peared quite small in mid - 1970 (see ch. 24 , Public Order and
Internal Security ).

305
 CHAPTER 15

FOREIGN RELATIONS

Ethiopia had a considerable voice in international affairs and

was a major force in intra -African politics in 1970. On both
the world and continental scenes, the key to the country's
strength was the person and character of the Emperor.
Emperor Haile Selassie was one of the world's elder states
men , the only voice in world affairs in 1970 who had been of
political importance in the era of the League of Nations. He
and his country were considered the heroic earliest opponents
of the aggression of the Axis powers (see ch. 3, Historical
Setting). The failure of the League to protect them was a major
motivational force in the search for international security
through a stronger world organization.
Among the African states, Ethiopia's position was further
strengthened by its status as the only successful defender of
a portion of the continent against armed aggression during
the colonial era . The country made the major efforts required
to project itself as an impartial leader of Panafricanism , un
affected by ideological divisions. It was willing to make the
political and financial sacrifices required for its capital to
serve as the focal point of the continent, the seat and therefore
the strategic headquarters of most of Africa's major political
and economic organizations.
In international affairs the image of the Emperor was so
strong as to be fused with that of his country . Even after
relinquishing some degree of control over governmental affairs
in general, he remained directly and personally involved in the
formation and execution of foreign policy and served almost as
his own roving ambassador. He remained determined that his
country's strength and prestige should grow . He sought to play
a part in the solution of international problems, maintaining
an interest in mediating the Arab-Israeli conflict. He was
considerably successful in ending the Morocco -Algerian conflict
of 1963 and made the strongest efforts of any world leader to
bring about peace in the long Nigerian civil war. He and the
government continued to view the country's role as that of an
advocate of peace and an exponent of collective world security.
The Emperor's establishment of Ethiopia as a major leader
307
of intra -African movements gained him added prestige at home,
making him less vulnerable to modernist critics and more
attractive to traditionalists who feel that he has confirmed
Ethiopian superiority. He is seen as successful in the most im
portant issue in the popular view, that of strengthening the
defense of the country's frontiers. In addition , by increasing
contacts with other Africans, he has encouraged the people
to think of themselves as Ethiopians rather than as Tigreans,
Shoans, or Eritreans.
Ethiopia has the advantage of its long experience in dealing
with other states as an equal, having acquired certain skills
in fending off the encroaching European powers in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. One observer has
noted that Emperor Menelik II's ability before the turn of the
twentieth century to balance outside forces against one another
was a clear forerunner of the country's modern policy of
positive nonalignment balancing between world power blocs
(see ch. 3, Historical Setting ).
As a result of its success in carrying out this policy, the
country has been able to maintain an independent attitude, as
displayed by its voting record at the United Nations. Its
closest lasting political ties have been with the leaders of the
nonaligned states, such as Yugoslavia and India , and with the
majority of states of black Africa , the former being effective
on general world issues, the latter on matters that affect Africa
in particular. The Emperor has stated that the “ many small
powers should be heard and accorded equal opportunity for
consultation and deliberation ” in the solution of major inter
national problems. The government has spoken strongly against
United States involvement in South Vietnam and Soviet actions
in Czechoslovakia .
The major problems facing the country in 1970 concerned its
relations with its Muslim neighbors, particularly Somalia ,
which has traditionally laid claim to the southeastern portion
of the country . Difficult relations were also encountered with
the Sudan and several of the Arab states that supported the
claims of the separatist forces in Eritrea.

CONDUCT AND MOTIVATION OF

FOREIGN RELATIONS

Although the Emperor relinquished some of his formerly

exclusive control over foreign relations to the Council of Min
isters in 1966, he retained a direct and dominant interest.
Only after 1968 did the minister of foreign affairs begin to
wield a significant influence. Imperial control is in line with
308
the Emperor's demonstrated abilities on the international scene,
his own interests, and the provisions of the country's funda
mental laws.
Article 30 of the revised Constitution of 1955 leaves foreign
affairs in the Emperor's hands by providing that he "exercises
the supreme direction of the foreign relations of the Empire.
He also has the right to settle disputes by adjudication and
other peaceful means ... He also has the right to ratify,
on behalf of Ethiopia , treaties and other international agree
ments, although he must have the advise and consent of the
Parliament to declare war, alter the national territory, or lessen
its sovereignty , as well as for those commitments which require
an outlay of funds. ” For all practical purposes, in the field of
foreign relations, the actions and motives of the Emperor and
government are identical.
The Emperor made his first foreign visits in the early 1920s
to the Arabian peninsula, then to Europe. In the postwar era
he has been an almost constant world traveler . In 1967 and
1968 he visited fourteen countries outside the African continent.
His African visits were at least as numerous . He has established
close ties with other world leaders; he has met at least ten
times with President Josip Broz Tito ) of Yugoslavia , a fellow
leader of the nonaligned states. He has made many visits to
the United States, the Soviet Union, and other major powers.
He has also visited countries in many other parts of the world,
the major exception being the Asian Communist countries.
These visits have often been politically rewarding. For ex
ample, in May 1970 the Emperor visited the Soviet Union, the
United Arab Republic (Egypt), France, and Kenya. In Moscow
he sought the support of the Soviet Union, which was be
coming increasingly influential among the Arab countries, to
lessen the Arab support for the Eritrean Liberation Front ( ELF)
and Somali irridentism (see ch . 14, Political Dynamics and
Values). On his last visit he had obtained a Soviet pledge back
ing the country's territorial integrity against these same threats.
This time he reportedly laid the groundwork for obtaining
support for Ethiopian plans for the future status of the French
Territory of the Afars and Issas (formerly French Somaliland),
which contains the port of Djibouti, of great interest to
Ethiopia .
In Egypt the Emperor similarly sought to have President
Gamal Abdul Nasser use his influence in Libya and the Sudan
to bring an end to support for the separatist movements and
to ensure that Egyptian support would not be extended to them.
He also assured the Egyptian government in turn that radical
Arab claims of Israeli military activity in Ethiopia were un
309
founded . In France he strengthened ties with the Pompidou
government to ensure that paramount consideration would be
given to Ethiopian interests in considering the future of
Djibouti. In Kenya the Emperor gave final approval to the
agreement drafted in the mid- 1960s delimiting the country's
frontier with Kenya, thus strengthening ties that were of
particular importance in dealing with Somali irridentism .
Formal Diplomatic Ties
In addition to the network of personal ties with foreign
leaders that the Emperor has established and maintains by his
travels, the country has a broad net of diplomatic ties. Fifty -five
countries maintain embassies in Addis Ababa, the capital. Be
cause it is the major center of intra -African political activity,
sixteen African states are permanently represented by ambas
sadors, as are two non -African neighbors across the Red Sea,
Saudi Arabia and Yemen . Sixteen Western European states are
represented , the notable exception being Portugal; Ethiopia
broke its ties with Portugal over the issue of independence for
Portuguese colonial possessions in Africa. Among the countries
of the Western Hemisphere, the Unites States, Canada, and
five Latin American and Caribbean states have embassies in
Addis Ababa, as do the Soviet Union and four other European
Communist countries. Although no Asian Communist countries
are represented , seven other major Asian countries are. Israel
and Yugoslavia , both of which are linked to Ethiopia by special
ties, are also represented by ambassadors, although Ethiopian
representation in Israel is restricted to a consulate general.
In addition to the diplomatic posts in the capital , the United
States, the Sudan , and five Western European states maintain
consular offices in Asmara. Italy, because of its particular
economic interests in Eritrea, also maintains consuls in Assab
and Massawa. France has a consular post at Dire Dawa that
serves as a vacation center for French residents of the port
of Djibouti.
Ethiopia maintains twenty -five embassies and two legations,
as well as three consulates general. Nine of the posts are in
Africa, eight in Western Europe, and five in the Middle East,
Latin America, and Asia. Others are in the United States,
the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia. The consulates general are
in Southern Yemen , the French Territory of the Afars and
Issas, and Israel. In addition , there are permanent missions to
the United Nations at both New York and Geneva.

Motivation
Three values held by politically conscious Ethiopians have
served as primary motivations for the country's efforts in the
310
international field . They influence decisionmaking at the
highest levels and help to form popular opinion with respect
to government action in international matters. Paramount
among these is the desire to ensure continuing control over the
national territory, to preserve it by diplomatic means from the
threat that other states are seen to present in their efforts
to gain control of portions of the country. Because of the coun
try's complex history, during which it was constantly besieged
from every side, preservation of territorial patrimony is a
dominant political value ( see ch. 14 , Political Dynamics
and Values) .
Next in importance is the quest for international stature,
sought to reinforce the Ethiopians ' view of themselves as an
important power and a superior people. Finally, they try to
avoid more subtle forms of foreign domination. At one level
they seek , through a policy of nonalignment, to avoid what
would amount to enforced adherence to a bloc led by one of
the world powers. At a second level, notably among the lower
elite, there is a fear of foreign cultural or economic influences,
partly a reflection of traditional xenophobia that was reinforced
by Italian efforts before the invasion of 1935 to weaken the
country by inundating it with Italian cultural and economic
influences.
Both modernists and traditionalists want to avoid anything
that might dilute or submerge the traditions that have bound
the country together for so many centuries in the face of ex
ternal threats. Student demonstrations in 1968 and 1969 for the
removal of the United States Peace Corps members and United
States military presence from the country were a reflection of
this attitude . The moderation with which the government
initially dealt with the protests reflects sympathy for these
values among the ruling elite.

RELATIONS WITH INTERNATIONAL

ORGANIZATIONS

Despite the setbacks suffered in 1935 when the government

placed its hopes in the League of Nations for protection from
Italian aggression , the country has remained a steadfast sup
porter of international organizations. It has sought a strong
hand for the United Nations and, later, the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) in international security affairs. Backing
words with action , the Emperor contributed 5,000 Ethiopian
troops to serve in the United Nations forces in Korea and 1,800
in the Congo. The country's regard for the United Nations was
further strengthened by that body's decision to arrange the
311
reuniting of Eritrea with Ethiopia and by the considerable
technical assistance that the United Nations and its specialized
agencies have contributed for the country's development.
The Emperor was successfully involved in the creation of the
thirty -two-member OAU in 1963. He was credited with bringing
together thirty of the heads of state, men of divergent political
views from sometimes mutually antagonistic countries. He
followed this triumph by serving successfully as the OAU's
chief mediator of the Morocco -Algerian conflict. The resulting
high regard won by the Emperor and his country was preserved
during warfare between Ethiopia and Somalia , when Ethiopia's
defense of its frontier against Somali ethnic claims matched the
desire of most other African states to adhere to existing inter
national boundaries. This factor and the Emperor's continued
display of restraint in his dealings with Somalia turned the
conflict into another diplomatic asset for Ethiopia .
Since 1963 the country has retained its position as the hub
of intra -African affairs despite the aspiration of some other
states for leadership. This status is supported by the Emperor's
position as Africa's elder statesman , both by age and tenure,
which has given him added qualities of leadership on a conti
nent where the social values of the people have traditionally
linked the qualifications of leadership to seniority. The Emperor
is also looked up to because of his success in dealing with the
world outside Africa, his ability to obtain support from both
East and West, and his great prestige on the international
scene. President John F. Kennedy remarked in 1963 that there
was no other world figure " who held high responsibilities in the
1930s-who had in fact occupied and held the attention and
imagination of nearly all free states in the mid- 1930s-who
could still dominate the affairs of a continent" decades later.
The Emperor has provided chairmanship without attempting
to lead the other rulers . He has been aided by his country's
lack of ideological commitment that might antagonize those on
one side or the other and by its lack of economic or political
challenge to other states . The country has also been willing
to make the effort to provide support for almost every intra
African endeavor. It provided the early administrative backing
for the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa , stimu
lation for the formation of the African Development Bank,
sponsorship of the South West Africa case before the World
Court, military training for political refugees from South Africa
and prompt and effective military assistance for joint African
efforts in 1960 and 1967 in the Congo and in 1964 in Tanzania.
Addis Ababa has developed the facilities required for support
ing international conferences.
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 At the end of the 1960s the country became interested in a
new form of foreign relations, direct ties to the East African
Community, an economic union consisting of Kenya, Tanzania,
and Uganda. This matter began to receive serious attention in
June 1967. The country already had special ties to Kenya as a
result of their common confrontation with Somalia over its
irredentist claims. They had agreed upon a joint defense
treaty in 1964. In addition, the Emperor had personal ties
to many East African leaders, initially as a result of the
scholarships to Ethiopian schools given by the Emperor in the
1950s to potential leaders from colonial countries. These ties
had been strengthened by those formed in intra -African meet
ings and by Ethiopian military support for the Tanzanian
government after coup attempts in 1964 .
This new economic union among Kenya, Uganda, and
Tanzania was attractive to Ethiopia. At meetings of represent
atives of these four countries and the other three countries
that had expressed interest in joining the East African Com
munity-Zambia, Somalia, and Burundi - in November 1968,
Ethiopia proposed that its economy be linked to the East
African Community in three stages: first through a free trade
area , then through a common tariff area , and lastly through
coordination of economic development planning. An inter
governmental consultative committee continued to develop
cooperative efforts between Ethiopia and Kenya in cultural,
technical, and economic matters. Despite these strong expres
sions of interest, no major economic ties had resulted by
mid- 1970.

RELATIONS WITH NEIGHBORING STATES

Relations with Somalia have been one of the major con
siderations in the country's foreign policy. The conflict over
the location of the frontier and the broader Somali claims to
territory within Ethiopia brought the outbreak of armed hos
tilities in the early 1960s, and the level of potential for conflict
remained high until the second half of 1967 or later ( see ch. 3,
Historical Setting). Popular support for these claims remained a
major political issue in Somalia . Traditional irritants over smug
gling, tax collecting, stock movement, and stock theft continued
to plague the difficult relations between the Ethiopian govern
ment and the Somali who lived within , or crossed into, the
country. Somalia continued to regard itself as the protector of
the interests of all Somali, no matter what their legal residence.
At the diplomatic level , however , the Somali government had
begun to respond to Ethiopian offers to normalize affairs in the
contested areas.
313
 Friendly contacts were established with the new Somali
government of President Abdirashid Ali Shermarke and Prime
Minister Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, elected to office in mid
1967. Although the new government was still devoted to the
concept of a single state embracing all Somali- populated areas
of their republic, the French - ruled Territory of the Afars and
Issas, Kenya, and Ethiopia , it stated that it realized that this
goal was neither immediately attainable nor likely to be ob
tained by force of arms and that they now sought a peaceful
solution . As a result, in September 1967 Prime Minister Egal
took advantage of the Emperor's presence at an OAU meeting
in Kinshasa (Congo) to discuss their countries' differences. The
Emperor supported a proposal that meetings be held at the
ministerial level to seek ways to ease the confrontation and
lessen the danger of armed conflict.
As a result, talks were held in Addis Ababa that resulted
in a renewal of earlier agreements to ease tensions, including
the ending of hostile radio broadcasts. Relations between
Somalia and Kenya, with which Ethiopia was linked by a mili
tary treaty , continued to improve during 1968 and the first
half of 1969.
The further progress of the détente with Ethiopia, however,
was slowed , as it had been before, by popular reaction to in
cidents between nomads and Ethiopian security forces. Not all
the Somali of the region on the Ethiopian side of the border
were responsive to the demands for moderation issued by the
Somali government from Mogadisco. At least one of their
leaders had demanded independence for the region from Soma
lia as well as Ethiopia . Nevertheless, slow progress was made,
climaxed by an official visit of Prime Minister Egal to Addis
Ababa in September 1968. The agreement reached by the two
governments at this time provided for commercial air and
telecommunication connections, trade agreements, and the
ending of the state of emergency in the border regions, which ,
it was hoped, would result in decreasing number of hostile
incidents.
The Egal government was overthrown by a military coup in
October 1969 , but as of mid- 1970 the new rulers were pursuing
a similar peaceful policy. Nevertheless, the basic issues re
mained unsolved , and the renewal of tensions remained a
possibility .
The Djibouti Question
An issue that has continued to vex Ethiopia's relations with
its neighbors concerns the status of the small French possession
that centers on the strategic port of Djibouti . Originally called
314
French Somaliland, since December 1966 it has officially been
labeled the French Territory of the Afars and Issas . A French
colony earlier, the territory has been a portion of the French
Republic since 1958 and has elected representation in the
French National Assembly in Paris. This smallest fragment of
the Horn of Africa is of value only because it contains the
important modern port of Djibouti, which serves as the terminus
of the Franco -Ethiopian Railway. The railway runs from the
port to Addis Ababa and is a main route for Ethiopia's
foreign commerce. For this reason the territory is of strategic
importance to Ethiopia , although the increasing use of the port
of Assab on Ethiopia's own Red Sea coast had significantly
lessened this importance by 1970.
The strategic portion of the Territory of the Afars and Issas
would be open to Somali influence if there was any political
change. For nearly the first 100 miles of its length , the rail
line lies within 10 to 25 miles of the Somali border. The Somali
form a plurality among the population of the territory as a
whole, and nearly all the population of the southern areas
through which the rail line runs is Somali , principally members
of the Issa clan . The other large population group in the
territory is the Afar (Danakil), who are ethnically closely re
lated to the Somali but who are followers of a sultanate
in Ethiopia .
The level of opposition among the Somali to French rule was
demonstrated by the prolonged rioting that occurred in Djibouti
on the occasion of French President Charles de Gaulle's visit
in late 1966. After the riots, in which a demand for an immedi
ate end to French rule was the main issue, all Somali who
could not prove their citizenship were temporarily expelled
from French Somaliland. A plebiscite was held under French
supervision in March 1967 that resulted in a victory for the
Afar party, which supported continued ties to France.
The Ethiopian government would prefer a continuation of
French rule to a confrontation with Somalia, which would
probably occur if France withdrew precipitously. The Emperor
expressed no disappointment with the French victory in
the referendum .
Both the Ethiopians and the Somali provide refuge for groups
interested in the independence of the Territory of the Afars
and Issas . The Ethiopian organization, the Movement for the
Liberation of French Somaliland , is led by an Afar and is
designed to counterbalance the Somali Liberation Front, based
in Hargeisa .
The Territory of the Afars and Issas is not of great impor
tance to Somalia . Any Somali efforts to annex Djibouti after
315
the French departed would be primarily motivated by the
realization that control over the rail line and port would allow
the Somali government to exert pressure on Ethiopia .
Sudan
Ethiopia shares its longest frontier with Sudan , a state that is
a part of both the African and Arab worlds. Relations between
the two countries have accordingly been complicated by the
mixture of African and Arab problems. Although there were
historic animosities between the Ethiopian Christians and the
dominant Muslims of Sudan, relations remained harmonious
until after the overthrow of the conservative military govern
ment in Sudan in 1964. Tensions were then raised by conflict
ing claims to a small triangle of agricultural land under
Sudanese control along the border with Eritrea. Relations
worsened in 1966 as the strongly Muslim Sudanese reacted
to the flight of a number of their coreligionists into the Sudan .
These Muslims, estimated at between 7,000 and 25,000, were
refugees from the conflict between the Eritrean Liberation
Front ( ELF) and the Ethiopian security forces. Similarly, Ethio
pia provided shelter for an estimated 80,000 non-Muslims
fleeing from the prolonged warfare between the forces of the
government and non-Muslim secessionists in Sudan's southern
region .
Despite diplomatic efforts to mitigate the significance of these
irritants, including a visit of the Emperor to Khartoum in 1967
and continuing talks on particular facets of the problems, the
real issues between the countries remained. These issues have
involved accusations by each country that the other still allows
its territory to be used as a base for the military activities of
the rebel movements .
The two countries have attempted to improve relations by
insuring the inactivity of the rebel leadership among the
refugees on a quid pro quo basis but with little lasting success.
Ethiopia has accused the Sudan of providing a base of opera
tion and a supply route, as well as some military training, to
the ELF. The Ethiopians believe that the ELF's continued
activity is a sign of at least passive acquiescence on the part
of the Sudan . The Ethiopian government has rejected the
Sudanese allegations that Ethiopia is implicated in the insurrec
tion in the south and has labeled as completely false other
Arab claims that it is allowing Israelis in the country to support
the rebels with military training and the supply of arms.

RELATIONS WITH THE ARAB WORLD

The Emperor took positive steps in the 1950s and 1960s to
improve historically hostile relations with the Arab states that
316
are the country's neighbors in Africa and the Middle East.
These steps included personal visits to the states and the
establishment of a rapprochement with their rulers, particularly
with President Nasser of Egypt. The tie to Egypt has continued
to Ethiopia's advantage because despite occasional vocal sup
port in Cairo for Somali and Eritrean Muslim claims against
the country and other Arab verbal attacks over alleged Ethio
pian ties to Israel , Egypt has refrained from supporting actions
against the interests of Ethiopia , a fellow leader of the OAU .
Several other Arab states contributed directly and publicly
to the support of the Eritrean secessionists in the name of
pan-Arab and pan -Islamic nationalism ; specifically, they de
manded that the Red Sea should be entirely surrounded by
Arab lands. They raised cries that Ethiopia had secret military
ties with Israel and was allowing Israel to establish a military
base in the Dahlac Islands for aggression against the Arab
states. Syria and Iraq provided refuge for the leaders of the
Eritrean separatists, and the Ethiopian government accused the
Syrians of providing arms and military training for the ELF
guerrillas. They also charged the Syrians with responsibility for
the bombing of an Ethiopian Airlines (EAL) jet at the Frank
furt, West Germany airport in March 1970 , an action for which
>

Syrian -based elements of the ELF claimed responsibility. The

Syrian government radio has a regular “Voice of the Eritrean
Revolution " program .
In early 1970 the Libyan military government proclaimed
support for the ELF, which it described as engaged in a holy
war to protect the Muslim majority of Eritrea, an integral part
of the Arab world, from Christian Abyssinian imperialism . The
Ethiopians denounced the Libyan action as a clear violation of
the OAU charter and spirit and being at obvious odds with
historical, ethnographic, and geographic facts.

RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES

Relations with the United States were begun on a basis of

good will generated by the United States' lack of involvement
in the colonization of Africa and its diplomatic support of
Ethiopia in the 1935-41 conflict with Italy. Ties developed as
the Emperor sought support to counter what he feared would
be British domination at the end of World War II . United
States aid and technical assistance were first given in 1944 ,
and the Emperor met with President Franklin D. Roosevelt in
February 1945. The country began to receive significant United
States aid in 1948 .
United States admiration for the country increased greatly as
a result of the support and excellent reputation of Ethiopian
317
military forces in the Korean conflict. As a result of this
involvement and in return for allowing the United States to
expand its communications base, Kagnew , near Asmara, into a
major facility , sizable United States military assistance was
provided for the modernization and expansion of the Ethiopian
armed forces (see ch . 25, The Armed Forces) .
The Emperor made state visits to the United States in 1956
and 1963. He returned later in 1963 to represent Ethiopia at
the Funeral of President Kennedy. He again visited Washington
in 1967 and 1969. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s Ethiopia
received a substantial portion of its foreign economic and
technical assistance from the United States, primarily as a
sign of its recognition of Ethiopia's importance on the intra
African and world political scenes .
Major United States aid projects have included the creation
and operation of the College of Agriculture at Alemaya, the
Public Health College at Gondar, and the College of Business
Administration at Addis Ababa; the planning and construction
of a dam and a major power station on the Blue Nile; and the
supply of equipment and training for the EAL. Major emphasis
has been on technical education at all levels and on the
encouragement of agricultural production and marketing.

RELATIONS WITH OTHER COUNTRIES

Ethiopia has retained its nonaligned position by balancing

foreign ties and encouraging competitive assistance. From the
prewar period first Swiss, then Belgian, and later Swedish
assistance were obtained for such major projects as the training
of the police and military. In the postwar era aid continued to
be sought from small and neutral states. Sweden , Norway,
India, Israel, and Yugoslavia, for example, have all contributed
to the training and equipping of portions of the security forces.
The country accepted major assistance from the Soviet Union,
beginning in the mid- 1950s . The Emperor visited Moscow for
the first time in 1959. Soviet-aid projects included the con
struction and staffing of a technical college at Bahir Dar, the
financing and construction of major oil refinery at Assab, and
the provision of technical assistance personnel and scholar
ships to Soviet universities .
The Soviet government also attempted to strengthen its ties
in the country through the exploitation of traditional connec
tions established in the czarist era . It continued to provide
support and staff for a hospital built before World War I by
the czarist government and to encourage ties, also begun under
the czars, between the Russian Orthodox Church and the
Ethiopian Orthodox Church .
318
 Soviet efforts to influence the country were related to Ethio
pia's increasingly important role in the affairs of the African
continent and of the nonaligned states in general; the Soviet
Union was also moved to try to influence Ethiopia because of
its important position in the Horn of Africa and at the periphery
of the Middle East and the Suez route . The Ethiopians, in turn,
reacted favorably because they saw ties to the Soviet Union as
strengthening the country's ability to balance between power
blocs and also because such ties appeared to give Ethiopia
some support in negotiating with the pan -Arab and pan-Somali
movements that challenged the country on three sides .
The Soviet Union has lost ground, however, by being slow
to implement the low -interest loan equivalent to US$ 100 million
that it granted in 1959 ; only some US$40 million had actually
been used a decade later. Of greater importance were the
antagonism of the Ethiopians by large-scale Soviet military
assistance to the Somali government, which strengthened that
country's ability to challenge Ethiopia along the common
frontier, and the discovery that Soviet and Soviet-bloc diplo
matic and news agency personnel were engaged in contacts
with groups in opposition to the government.
France fulfills a unique position in Ethiopia. Despite the fact
that English is the alternate official language to Amharic,
French is the foreign language that the Emperor and many
high officials prefer to use as a result of early French and
Swiss influence in the court and schools. Relations with France
under President de Gaulle were made closer because the
Emperor viewed him as a fellow resistance leader and senior
world statesman . But the ties to France result primarily from
the strategic factor of joint ownership of the Franco-Ethiopian
Railway and France's continuing presence at Djibouti. Because
of the threat of conflict with Somalia over the important port,
France is viewed as protecting Ethiopian interests by its
continued occupation of the small territory.
The country's ties with Italy are correct but cool as a result
of Italy's aggression in the years 1935-41 . They continue to
hold Italy responsible for the failure to reach an agreement
over the location of the Ethiopia-Somalia border during the
Italian trusteeship period, which would have been a step toward
preventing the tensions that came to exist between the country
and Somalia in the 1960s. Nevertheless, the Italians, who con
stitute the largest element in the foreign business community,
have not experienced major resentment at the personal level.
Italian cultural and educational influences remain strong as a
result of its long rule over Eritrea and its brief period of control
over the rest of the country .
By mid- 1970 new and important links had been established
319
with Israel. The Ethiopian Christians feel a natural affinity with
the Israelis, partly because of the legendary ties between the
foundation of Ethiopia and ancient Israel. The Israelis are also
viewed as the original “ Chosen People” of God, a concept that
plays a major part in popular Ethiopian Orthodox theology.
Even more, however, the Israelis have been seen as a brave
people surrounded by hostile Muslim forces that seek to seize
their historic homeland, a situation the Ethiopian Christians
consider analogous to their own history as an island in the
midst of a threatening Muslim sea .
Israel has supplied valuable technical assistance to the coun
try and has a common desire for the unfettered reopening of
the Suez Canal route, the closing of which has adversely af
fected Ethiopia's economy. The major factor, however, behind
the growth of their friendship is the view of Israel as the
common enemy by those Arab states that provide support for
Eritrean separatism and Somali .

320
 CHAPTER 16

PUBLIC INFORMATION

Building on foundations established by the central govern

ment and supplemented by foreign and international economic
and technical assistance, the country in mid -1970 had made
progress toward achieving a system of modern mass communi
cations for keeping its urban population informed . Because of
a literacy rate estimated at 9 to 10 percent and despite the
development of modern mass media , traditional word - of-mouth
communication is the most widely used mode of public in
formation in the country.
A modest number of newspapers and periodicals and a for
eign church -related radio station remain under private owner
ship. Most of the press , the largest radio network, and the
national television service are owned, operated, and financed
by the central government. Dissemination policies are govern
ment formulated, and even the privately owned media are
subject to the supervision of the Ministry of Information .
The Ethiopian Broadcasting Service's Radio Ethiopia broad
casts its educational and entertainment programs to an
audience estimated to include 20 percent of the population .
Some rural residents have their own radio receivers, but most
people who hear the broadcasts listen to them over govern
ment-installed public address systems located in some of the
town squares. A single television station transmits entertain
ment and educational programs to an estimated 20,000
receivers located within a twenty-mile radius of Addis Ababa.
A growing project featuring the use of educational television
in the public schools is sponsored by the Ministry of Education
and Fine Arts .
Commercial film showings are available in Addis Ababa,
Asmara, and a dozen of the larger towns. Foreign -produced
feature films, subject to approval by the government's censor
ship board , are shown along with an occasional documentary
film produced locally by the Ministry of Information . The total
seating capacity of all theaters gives a ratio of one seat per
1,000 persons.
Book publishing is of modest proportions, and retail outlets
for books are generally limited to Addis Ababa and Asmara.
321
Most of the printing presses are owned by the government, and
all are regulated by imperial proclamation. The number of
libraries is growing, but most of them are affiliated with
educational institutions. Book loans are generally restricted to
students, faculty members, and government employees. Four
public libraries exist in provincial towns. A number of foreign
embassies and their information and cultural centers provide
some books and films for general public use.
Government officials view the modern mass media as
valuable for the education of the public in matters of national
development. They believe that mass communications must be
geared to such national needs as education, literacy, industrial
development, agricultural reform , procurement of foreign aid,
and continuation of amicable foreign relations. In mid- 1970
the public information system was seldom used to exhort
public acceptance and support of government programs. The
media , instead, usually reflected assurances that national de
velopment was proceeding according to the government's plans.
THE GOVERNMENT AND PUBLIC INFORMATION
Article 41 of the revised Constitution of 1955 states that
" freedom of speech and of the press is guaranteed throughout
the Empire in accordance with the law .” This constitutional
guarantee, however, did not supersede the proclamation of
1942, which placed all printing presses under the jurisdiction of
the Ministry of the Pen . The proclamation, still in effect in
mid - 1970, makes it mandatory that persons wishing to establish
printing presses must first obtain the permission of the Ministry
of the Pen and that all printed matter must bear the name of
the press on which it is printed. The constitutional provision is
interpreted as applying equally to the press, radio and
television .
When the Penal Code of 1957 was officially proclaimed, new
legal provisions covering the press were detailed . The code
contains provisions protecting both the government and citizens
from unwarranted press attacks and protecting journalists from
reprisal for having published accurate accounts and commen
tary on matters of public interest. An editor may not be
required by “investigation or lawful coercion” to reveal the
author of an article that has appeared in his periodical.
Although defamation of character, calumny, and “ injury to
honor " are punishable offenses, Article 579 lists some excep
tions. These include “ considered opinions and reasoned or well
founded criticism , couched in proper and moderate terms,
concerning personal aptitutes or artistic, literary or scientific,
professional or social activities, creations, or productions; or
322
... comments uttered ... by a journalist or by any other person
acting in good faith in the discharge of his duties, especially
by way of investigations, reports or depositions .
A journalist can also defend himself against libel charges
when “ the allegation deemed injurious to the honour or rep
utation of another accords with the truth , and that he had
definite and sound grounds for believing them in good faith to
be true, or that he acted in the public interest , or that he was
actuated by a moral aim ."
The Penal Code prohibits publication by press, radio, or
television of matters that insult, abuse, defame, or slander the
Emperor, the imperial family, constitutional authorities, a
foreign state, or the head of a foreign state . Military secrets
may not be published , and few details concerning the armed
forces appear in the public media. Also prohibited by law
are publications that insult or ridicule a court or its members .
False rumors or stories that would alarm the public, foment
dissension, arouse hatred , or stir up violence may not be pub
lished. Reports that might result in political , racial, or religious
disturbances cannot be published. The actions, deliberations,
or decisions by governmental authorities often are suppressed
from publication on the grounds that they might disturb public
order.
The code also calls for censorship of theatrical performances
and entertainments " in the interests of decency , public order,
or the protection of infants and young persons. ” These pro
visions apply to radio , television , and film showings in public
theaters. Punishable “ injury to honor" may be committed by
" word of mouth or by sound, in writing, by image, drawing,
sign or other means." The code calls for publication of court
judgments when “ the general interest or that of the accused
or of the injured person so requires.”
Further regulations covering areas related to the public media
are contained in the Civil Code of 1960. These include a series
of articles primarily designed to protect ownership of literary
and other artistic material. Exceptions to the copyright law are
extended to information of topical interest and speeches made
on public and official occasions . In mid- 1970 a new press law
was being considered by the government . It was expected to
contain provisions dealing with the private ownership and
management of publications.
The government remains the basic source of information
disseminated by the public media and is the arbiter of mass
media policies, acting through its Ministry of Information .
The effectiveness of its channels of communication is somewhat
limited outside of official circles in Addis Ababa. Largely
323
because of the ban on political activity, the public media have
less opportunity to influence public opinion than they have in
a number of other African countries.

THE PRESS

The use of the written word in Ethiopia is ancient, but the

development of modern periodicals can be traced only from the
first years of the twentieth century. Father Bernard , a Francis
can missionary, is generally credited with publishing the first
newspaper, the weekly Le Semeur d'Ethiopie ( The Sower of
Ethiopia ), in French and Amharic, which first appeared at
Harar in 1905. Two years later a Greek businessman began
publishing the first newspaper printed only in Amharic. The
four -page weekly Aymero (Intelligence) was printed on a simple
duplicating machine and its circulation eventually reached
200 copies .
Other publications appeared during the first two decades of
the twentieth century . Many were poorly written and even less
appealing in appearance. Their range of subject matter was
restricted, and circulation was necessarily limited to the imme
diate area of publication. The mimeograph and the small
private printing press were the most sophisticated means of
publication in general use.
In 1921 Ras Tafari Makonnen, who later became Emperor
Haile Selassie I, imported from Germany the first modern
printing equipment, hand operated and equipped with Amharic
and French type. The equipment was used for what was later
to become Ethiopia's largest printing firm , the Berhanena
Selam Printing Press . At the time the only newspaper appear
ing with any regularity was the French -language Courrier
d'Ethiopie (Ethiopian Courier), which was published twice a
week. In 1923 four additional printing presses were obtained
from Europe, and in 1924 the first issue of a new weekly news
paper, Berhanena Selam (Peace and Light) , was published.
Each Thursday two horsemen distributed 500 copies of the new
journal throughout Addis Ababa . The newspaper continued to
be printed until the Italian invasion in 1935 .
One of the first periodicals to be published after the country's
liberation in 1941 was the Daily News Bulletin . Published by
the government, it provided a terse account of national de
velopments and world events and was distributed primarily to
the members of foreign embassies that were established in the
capital in the 1940s. It appeared in English and French, and in
1970 it was still being printed by the Ministry of Information ,
although its circulation had increased considerably.
324
 In succeeding postwar years the number of printed period
icals grew. The frequency of publication of many changed
often ; a weekly would suddenly become a monthly; a monthly
would appear quarterly; and a large number of smaller journals
disappeared abruptly. Most of the publications were printed
and circulated within the area of Addis Ababa . The country's
first daily newspaper did not appear until 1958. Its first issue
marked the initial meeting of the United Nations Economic
Commission for Africa in the Ethiopian Parliament's assembly
hall.
Six daily newspapers circulated within the country in mid
1970 (see table 7) . All were published in Addis Ababa or
Asmara , and most were owned , operated, and subsidized by the
government. Other press products included at least eleven
weekly newspapers and approximately thirty periodicals that
appeared at less frequent intervals. Total circulation of all
publications exceeded 100,000 copies, although circulation
claims often represented estimates, usually optimistic. Several
thousand copies of the important daily newspapers were dis
tributed free of charge to local officials and to schools . The
price of most daily and weekly newspapers ranged from
Eth $ 0.05 to Eth$0.10 ( 1 Ethiopian dollar equals US$0.40).
In general, the press seldom informs the people about polit
ical activities, and newspapers contain little more than a record
of the affairs of the executive branch of the government, brief
foreign news accounts taken directly from the news services,
and a few local items of social significance. Except for major
decisions and debates, few parliamentary actions are reported
in the press. In 1961 , for example, the nation's press did not
mention the general election that was to occur. Short, factual
accounts of the affairs of Parliament appear occasionally in the
Addis Ababa press, but the details of issues involved and
decisions reached must depend on word -of-mouth dissemination
by persons who attend the sessions and witness the events
from the public gallery. Provincial communities and their
affairs receive scant coverage in the national press.
Newspapers
The Amharic -language Addis Zemen (New Era) , originally
founded as a weekly in 1941 , and the English -language Ethio
pian Herald , published since 1943, are considered to be the
nation's most important daily newspapers . Both are products of
the government press and are published in Addis Ababa .
Addis Zemen is published in full-page format, with each issue
generally running ten pages. The oldest of the dailies, it is
considered to be the newspaper of influential Amhara govern
325
326
Newspapers
Major
7.
Table
Periodicals
and
Published
Ethiopia
,1in970

Place
of Estimated Publisher
or
Name
publicati
of on Language publication circulation affiliation

DAILY
Addis
E
Soir
)( vening
News French Addis
Ababa 3,000 Independent
Addis
N
Eraew
)(Zemen Amharic do
... 10,000 Information
of
Ministry
Herald
Ethiopian English .
.do 8,000 do
..
Giornale
Edellritrean
Journal
)(- ritrea Italian Asmara 1,500 Independent
Hebret
U
)( nion Arabic
and
Tigrinya ..
do
.. 2,800 Information
of
Ministry
EQuotidiano
Ilritrean
)(Eritreo
Daily Italian .
.do 4,500 .do
WEEKLY
Reporte
Addis r English ..
do
.. n.a. National
Patriotic
Association
Andnet Arabic
,
,and
Tigrinya
Amharic ..
do
.. 1,000 Independent
Senbet
Elete Amharic Asmara 1,000 Information
of
Ministry
(Sunday
)Ethiopia
Hebret
of
edition and
Arabic
Tigrinya .
do
.. 1,000 ...do
M Mattino
Il
del onday
Morning
)(Lunedi Italian do
.. 2,800 Independent
L'Ethiopie
d'Aujourd'hui
Today
)(Ethiopia French Ababa
Addis 7,000 Information
of
Ministry
Oriente
Medio
del
Lunedi
Eastern
Monday
M).( iddle Italian Asmara 2,200 Independent
Sandek
Alamtchin
Flag
)(Our and
Amharic
Arabic Ababa
Addis 10,000 Information
of
Ministry
Wotaderna
Alamoaus
Soldier
and(The
)..History Amharic do
..
.. 16,000 Imperial
Bodyguard
Wotaderna
Guiziou
and
(The
)..Soldier
Time
His do
.. do
.. 7,000 .
.do
Zareitu
EEthiopia
thiopia
)(Ye
Today do
.. ..
do n.a. Information
of
Ministry
 MONTHLY
TWICE
Bolletino
T
Bulletin
)(Ilhe English
,
Italian
,Arabic
Tigr
and inya Asmara 700 Commerce
of
Chamber
Asmara
Ermjaw
Police
Review
)(Police Amharic Addis
Ababa n.a.
Addis
Ababa
Police
Headquarters
MONTHLY
Dimitse
Tewahido do
.. ...
do
.. n.a. n.a.
Observer
Ethiopia English Addis
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327
ment officials. It consists largely of reports of central govern
ment affairs, which are mainly based on press releases of the
various ministries . Each issue contains a moderate amount of
commercial advertising on its inside pages.
The Ethiopian Herald began as a four-page tabloid, but in
mid- 1970 it was published in full-page format. Weekday issues
usually contain eight pages , and Sunday editions generally are
expanded to twelve pages by the addition of lengthy feature
articles highlighting aspects of national development programs.
Of the dailies the Ethiopian Herald presents the most compre
hensive survey of life and progress throughout the country. It
contains some reports of provincial news as provided by the
government news service's provincial representatives and offers
its readers the best balance of world news among all the daily
newspapers. Since 1960 the newspaper has been edited by an
Ethiopian. Although it is subsidized by the central government,
some of its expenses are defrayed by commercial advertising .
The newest daily newspaper is Addis Soir (Evening News),
the capital's leading French -language periodical. Begun in
November 1965 , the newspaper is said to be modeled after the
Parisian Le Monde ( The World) . Its concise coverage of Ethio
pian and African news has won the four -page Addis Soir a
growing readership that was estimated at 3,000 copies in mid
1970.
The leading dailies published in Asmara are the Italian
language Giornale dell'Eritrea ( Eritrean Journal) and Il Quotid
iano Eritreo ( Eritrean Daily). The first is independently owned .
The second of these two newspapers and Hebret (Union), in
Arabic and Tigrinya, are government owned and claim larger
circulations than Giornale dell'Eritrea. The Sunday edition of
Hebret is published under the title Ethiopia. Although Asmara
has more independent newspapers than Addis Ababa, all are
equally subject to central government regulations regarding
operation and editorial policy.
Of the weeklies published in the country, the government's
Sandek Alamtchin (Our Flag) in Amharic and Arabic and
L'Ethiopie d'Aujourd'hui (Ethiopia Today) in French are the
most widely read. Sandek Alamtchin's four -page editions are
directed mainly at the Arabic commercial community. L'Ethio
pie d'Aujourd'hui provides broader coverage than many of the
capital's dailies . Its issues cover, in some detail, major social
events of Addis Ababa, contain summaries of the Emperor's
audiences , provide a roundup of world news, report economic
events in accurate detail, and summarize articles about Ethio
pia that have appeared in the foreign press . It is also one of
the few newspapers that regularly cover events that occur in
the provinces.
328
 Periodicals
Most periodicals fall into one of four main categories: house
organs or reports by government agencies and private com
panies ; reports or journals issued by educational agencies;
specialized technical journals; and commercial offerings. Gov
ernment publications are more numerous and have a generally
larger circulation than the others. Few periodicals have a read
ership that extends much beyond Addis Ababa and the larger
provincial cities .
The English-language Ethiopia Observer is the most highly
regarded monthly publication . An illustrated magazine fea
turing each month a different aspect of national social, eco
nomic , and cultural life, its coverage of events is often scholarly
and more detailed than that usually found elsewhere. The mag
azine is edited in Addis Ababa by Richard Pankhurst and pub
lished in London. Each issue carries a limited amount of eso
teric advertising, usually of books and other materials on
Ethiopia or Africa in general.
A number of periodical reports are published by the Minis
try of Commerce, Industry and Tourism , the Ministry of Educa
tion and Fine Arts, the Central Statistical Office (CSO), and
the chambers of commerce of Addis Ababa and Asmara. The
official government publication , Negarit Gazeta ( Official Ga
zette) , appears approximately every month, published in En
glish and Amharic. It contains the newest laws and ordinances,
imperial proclamations and appointments, and legal notices.
Each year the Ministry of Information publishes a booklet,
in English , Amharic, and Arabic, on the Organization of Afri
can Unity (OAU) meeting. Beginning in the 1960s its staff has
produced , on an infrequent basis, a series of pamphlets entitled
Patterns of Progress. Each issue is devoted to a separate gov
ernment agency's activities in the pursuit of national develop
ment goals. By mid-1970 twelve issues had appeared, and an
additional eight were planned .
Foremost among the few periodicals published by educa
tional institutions is the English-language Journal of Ethiopian
Studies, a scholarly publication of the Institute of Ethiopian
Studies of Haile Selassie I University . Dissemination of infor
mation to teachers is accomplished by the Ministry of Educa
tion and Fine Arts' quarterly journal, Teaching News.
With the advent of rising student unrest and mounting de
mands for social action by young intellectuals , a few politically
oriented underground periodicals have appeared infrequently
on the university campus. Typical of these publications in the
late 1960s was Struggle, an ephemeral fourteen -page mimeo
graphed pamphlet circulated by the University Students Union
of Addis Ababa. Appearing in English and Amharic, its tone
329
and policy were socialistic and sought to raise issues of feudal
ism in national government. It advocated the removal from
Ethiopia of United States armed forces personnel stationed
near Asmara, Peace Corps workers, and United States eco
nomic, technical, and military advisers. A late 1969 issue criti
cized United States military action in South Vietnam with
harsh rhetoric and cartoon drawings.
Magazines published in the United States, including the large
circulation monthlies and the weekly photograph and news
magazines , are available in several bookshops in Addis Ababa
and Asmara . Italian, Greek , French, British , Soviet, Communist
Chinese, and other foreign periodicals are also available in
limited quantities.

News Gathering
Most of the newspapers , radio stations, and the government
television service employ staffs of reporters to cover and write
accounts of local events. In the early days of Ethiopian journal
ism there was little or no reporting. World news hardly ap
peared in the press ; 90 percent of the contents consisted of
features dealing with questions of unity, patriotism , and the
need for progress. Moreover, there were no trained journalists
in the country .
The government gradually began sending students abroad for
training at universities in the United States and at the London
Polytechnic School for Journalists. Eventually, a course in jour
nalism was included in the curriculum of Haile Selassie I Uni
versity. During the summer of 1963 the African American In
stitute sponsored a traveling seminar, which met for two weeks
in Addis Ababa . A moderate number of Ethiopian newspaper
men, radio journalists, and government information officers
participated in the sessions conducted by four United States
journalists and educators. These short courses were designed
to respond to urgent current needs , but they provided valuable
training for the country's working journalists.
The efforts of news staffs are augmented by a number of
news services, the most important of which is the Ethiopian
News Agency (ENA), a unit of the Ministry of Information . Its
official responsibility involves the gathering of news from
such basic sources as the Imperial Palace, Parliament, the
courts, and the provincial population centers of the country.
ENA employs both city reporters and provincial news collec
tors. City reporters watch for the arrival of important persons
and cover the official activities of the capital and such cities as
Asmara and Harar. Their jobs involve contacts with all govern
ment departments in order to obtain news releases. One re
porter is assigned full time to the Imperial Palace.
330
 Provincial news collectors serve as reporters, solicit adver
tisements, handle subscriptions, and distribute the Ministry of
Information's publications . ENA has an editorial section that
edits the news and prepares press releases on national events.
The telegraphic section monitors foreign radio news received
by radio and teleprinter.
ENA distributes foreign and domestic news releases to news
papers, radio stations, and the government television service
by teleprinter links with the new Mass Media Center in Addis
Ababa . News photographs are distributed through ENA by the
Ministry of Information's audiovisual department. The govern
ment news service also prepares and circulates to all ministries
an abbreviated daily bulletin covering important world events.
A number of foreign news services operate bureaus in Addis
Ababa and Asmara . In the capital city, these include: Reuters
of London ; Agence France Presse and Novo Agence Presse,
both French ; United Press International of the United States;
the Soviet Union's Telegrafnoe Agentsvo Sovietskovo Soyuza
(TASS ) and Agentstvo Pechati Novosti; Yugoslavia's Tele
grafska Agencija Nova Jugoslavija ( TANJUG ); Ceskoslovenska
Tiskova Kancelar (CTK) of Czechoslovakia; Communist China's
New China News Agency; the Italian Agenzia Nazionale della
Stampa Associata ; Bulgaria's Bulgarska Telegrafitscheka
Agentzia (BTA ) ; Morocco's Maghreb Arabe Presse; and the As
sociated Negro Press of Chicago. The Associated Press of the
United States operates a bureau in Asmara. In mid- 1969 CTK
began providing ENA with its special African service, which it
also provides to Algeria, Tunisia , Morocco, Guinea, Mali,
Ghana , Dahomey, and Burundi .
The United States Information Service (USIS) offers to ENA
the stories it receives daily in condensed form by radio teletype
for use in the USIS News Bulletin, a publication of the Ameri
can embassy in Addis Ababa. USIS also provides photo
graphic coverage of local events as a service to the Ethiopian
government and makes available to the press extensive feature
material, including photoengravings .
In early 1970 the executive committee of the Union of Afri
can News Agencies held a two-day meeting in Addis Ababa
to work out recommendations for the establishment of a Pan
African news agency. Ethiopia joined Congo (Kinshasa ),
Morocco, Algeria, Cameroon, the Ivory Coast, and Tunisia as
a member state .

RADIO
Radio broadcasting began in September 1935 as a limited
experiment organized under the Ministry of Posts, Telegraph ,
and Telephones. The single station in Addis Ababa carried to
331
the world Emperor Haile Selassie's first appeals for assistance
against the Italian invasion. To prevent enemy use of the radio
station , Ethiopian militia wrecked it immediately before the
arrival of the Italian army. Stations installed in Ethiopia and
Eritrea by the Italians were destroyed during the subsequent
liberation of the country, but the Ethiopian government reha
bilitated the largest one on Jimma Road in Addis Ababa and
resumed shortwave broadcasting in 1953. Because of the im
portance of radio in a country where approximately 90 percent
of the people could neither read nor write, the government
began to develop a domestic radio network that would reach
all areas of the nation .
In 1970 Radio Ethiopia operated from Addis Ababa, Asmara,
and Harar and broadcast over five shortwave and mediumwave
transmitters (see table 8) . A 50 -kilowatt mediumwave trans
mitter at Adi Wegri near Asmara covered the northern segment
of the Empire. A 100 -kilowatt mediumwave transmitter at
Harar covered the eastern and southeastern regions, and a
100 -kilowatt mediumwave transmitter at Geja Dhera near
Addis Ababa provided coverage of the central and south
western provinces. Shortwave broadcasts from the capital
utilized two transmitters with peak powers of 100 and 10
kilowatts.
Tests and listener surveys in the late 1960s indicated that
with the introduction of mediumwave equipment the quality
of reception had improved greatly , even over the public ad
dress equipment installed in provincial town squares. In a
number of areas listeners with private receivers could choose
between the three mediumwave stations for best reception.
Future plans include the installation of a mediumwave trans
mitter at Assab .
The Ministry of Information supervises the operation of the
Ethiopian Broadcasting Service, whose general manager in
1970 was an Ethiopian government employee. His staff in
cluded separate program directors for radio and television , a
director of training and research , a general sales manager,
and directors of news and music. The entire service operates
from the new Mass Media Center in Addis Ababa.
In early 1970 the government estimated that its radio broad
casts were reaching an audience of approximately 5 million
persons, or roughly 20 percent of the total population. The
number of receivers in use was estimated at 500,000. The
average cost of radio sets ranged between Eth $ 100 and
Eth$200, but the advent of cheaper receivers was anticipated
with the introduction of mediumwave broadcasting. The cost
of radio broadcasting is subsidized by the Ethiopian govern
332
 Table 8. Radio Transmitters in Ethiopia , 1970

Frequency Peak power

Location (kilohertz ) (kilowatts ) Remarks

Mediumwave
Addis Ababa 989 1 Radio Voice of the Gospel Local
Service.
6185 100 Government Radio Ethiopia Home
Service to central and south
western provinces.
Asmara 944 50 Government Radio Ethiopia Home
Service to northern provinces.
1480 0.1 KANU (United States Armed
Forces Radio and Television
Service, at Kagnew Station ).
Harar 854 100 Government Radio Ethiopia Home
Service to eastern and south
eastern provinces .
Shortwave
Addis Ababa .. 872 100 Government Radio Ethiopia Home
Service ?; also Local Service in
English to Addis Ababa.
7290 10 Government Radio Ethiopia.
6065 100 ETLF3; Amharic and English to
Ethiopia .
9680 ETLF; English and Swahili to East
Africa .
9705 .. do ..
11730 ETLF ; French and Malagasy to
Malagasy Republic.
11735 ETLF; Farsi to Eastern Arabia.
11855 ETLF ; French and Malagasy to
Malagasy Republic.
11890 ETLF ; English to West Africa .
11910 ETLF ; English, French , Fulani,
and Hausa to West Africa .
15170 ETLF ; French to Congo.
15270 ETLF; Malagasy to Malagasy Re
public.
15315 ETLF; Sinhalese to Ceylon; Eng.
lish and Telugu to India .
15400 ETLF ; Arabic to East Africa and
West Arabia; English and Tamil
to India ; Farsi to Iran .
15425 ETLF ; French to West Africa .
17735 ETLF; Farsi to Iran .
|||

17750 ETLF ; Mandarin to China .

17835 .. do ..
Kilocycles.
2Radio Ethiopia broadcasts in Amharic, English , Somali, Arabic, French , and Afar.
Radio Voice of the Gospel; two 100-kilowatt transmitters.

Source: Adapted from World Radio- TV Handbook, 1970 (Ed., J. M. Frost) (24th
ed .), 1970.

333
ment, foreign economic aid , and the revenues derived from ad
vertising. Licenses are not required for the operation of radio
receivers.
Programming for both mediumwave and shortwave broad
casts originates from the Addis Ababa studios for relay through
the satellite stations . The national Home Service broadcasts
from 4:30 A.M. to 10:00 P.M. Monday through Saturday and
from 6:30 A.M. to 3:30 P.M. on Sunday. The majority of time
is devoted to programs in the Amharic language, but material
in English, Somali, Arabic, French , and Afar is introduced into
the complicated broadcasting schedule. The Local Service is
broadcast over shortwave in English from 6:00 A.M. to 8:00
A.M. and from 8:00 P.M. to 10:00 P.M.
Radio Ethiopia seeks to entertain and inform its audience,
and a number of broadcasts feature material of an educational
nature . Government officials from various ministries speak on
development projects within their respective jurisdictions. Edu
cators give lectures on the arts, sciences , and history. Religious
programs, sports, and current affairs discussions are other sub
jects of interest. A program on the role of Ethiopian women
has been developed. Newscasts have the largest audience, but
musical programs featuring both modern and traditional per
formances attract large numbers of listeners. Popular locally
produced offerings in mid- 1970 included a musical request pro
gram called “ Listeners' Choice " and a forum called “Question
and Answer.” Listener surveys reveal that a large segment of
the listening public finds the widespread use of commercial
advertising annoying, especially advertisements taped abroad
by the makers of foreign products and interspersed among
traditional musical presentations.
Because of the expansion of technical facilities, new efforts
have been made to train Ethiopians to assume the roles of
technicians, programmers , producers , advertising specialists,
administrators , broadcast journalists , and announcers. Ad
visers from the United States and West Germany have been
hired to work with the Ministry of Information's director of
research and training. On -the-job training and formal instruc
tion are included in an ambitious program designed to provide
for apprentices a year's paid training in the various aspects of
radio broadcasting.
In 1959 the government authorized the World Federation of
Lutheran Churches to build and operate in Addis Ababa a
shortwave radio station with sufficient power to reach all parts
of Africa , the Middle East, and parts of Asia. The station offi
cially went on the air in 1963 as Radio Voice of the Gospel. The
initial broadcast featured a speech by Emperor Haile Selassie.
334
 Radio Voice of the Gospel operates two 100 -kilowatt short
wave transmitters and a single 1-kilowatt mediumwave trans
mitter. The shortwave service is on the air continuously from
3:00 A.M. until 8:00 P.M. , broadcasting to Ethiopia and twelve
other areas of the world. Languages used include French , Mala
gasy, Swahili , English , Arabic, Mandarin , Sinhalese, Telugu,
Tamil , Hindi , Farsi , Amharic, Fulani , and Hausa. From 3:00
P.M. to 8:15 P.M. , the station transmits to Addis Ababa lis
teners over mediumwave frequencies those English-language
features its staff has produced for its shortwave broadcasts and
special programs in English developed for mediumwave use.
The objective of the church-owned station is to serve the
churches and missions located in the broadcast target areas,
both in strengthening the Christian faith of their members and
in providing them with an effective tool in their evangelica
work. Secondary goals include the promotion of educational
and cultural programs and the training of African and Asian
radio personnel. Broadcast time is about equally divided be
tween the two types of program. Listener response generally
has been favorable in areas where reception is good .
The agreement between the World Federation of Lutheran
Churches and the Ethiopian government specifies that Radio
Voice of the Gospel will not broadcast programs that involve
the station in partisan politics or impugn the beliefs and prac
tices of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. The station does not
accept commercial advertising and is wholly financed by Chris
tian church groups in the United States, Great Britain , and
several other foreign countries.
Objective, factual newscasts are the trademark of Radio
Voice of the Gospel , which transmits fourteen news programs
each day in English , French, Amharic, Hausa , Hindi , and Swa
hili. In general , greater reliability is attributed to news received
from the Lutheran station than to a number of other broad
casts heard in the country. The station's main sources of news
are Reuters of London and West Germany's Deutsche Presse
Agentur.
The Ethiopian government has granted wide autonomy to
Radio Voice of the Gospel and permits it to operate without
program censorship. In exchange, the government reserves the
right to use the station’s facilities in times of national emer
gency as certified by the Emperor or the prime minister. As of
mid- 1970 this right had never been invoked .
In addition to the government- and church -owned radio
stations, the United States Army operates a 100-watt medium
wave transmitter at its Kagnew Station near Asmara. Its trans
missions, which are intended for locally based United States
335
military personnel, consist of music, newscasts, and material
taped from domestic broadcasts in the United States. Pro
gramming is provided by the Armed Forces Radio and Tele
vision Service. Ethiopian personnel living in the Asmara area
are also able to receive programs originating from the United
States military stations.
Faced with the problem of bringing educational radio pro
grams to large numbers of adults who follow a traditional,
rural way of life, Radio Ethiopia broadcasts concentrate on
such subjects as homemaking, agriculture, health, and com
munity development. In mid-1970 efforts to utilize radio as a
schoolroom instruction tool were limited to a modest “ Schools
of the Air” program sponsored by the Ministry of Education
and Fine Arts. English lessons are broadcast from tapes sup
plied by the Voice of America , and the United Nations Educa
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) fur
nishes some of the program material. The number of persons
following these lessons in schools or at home is not known . The
ministry is investigating the use of radio in a program of
teacher training, and plans have been made to grant more
radio time in the future to school and literacy projects. In late
1969 the Mass Media Center had also appealed to Radio Voice
of the Gospel for additional educational air time.

TELEVISION
Organized as a government service, television broadcasting
was initiated in Addis Ababa in 1964. The original facilities
were installed under contract by Thomson Television Inter
national, a British firm . As manager of the new Ethiopian Tele
vision Service, this firm initially provided all personnel for its
operation and maintenance and established training courses for
Ethiopian technicians.
By 1970 the new medium had joined Radio Ethiopia as part
of the Ministry of Information's Ethiopian Broadcasting Serv
ice . Both media were housed in an expanded studio that fea
tured technical improvements and modern equipment. Thom
son Television International continued to provide the station
with a number of technical employees.
Operating with the original 0.5 -kilowatt transmitter, the gov
ernment's Channel 7 beamed programs to viewers of an esti
mated 12,000 receivers located within a twenty-mile radius of
Addis Ababa. In addition to the home receivers, most bars,
hotels, and restaurants had sets for public reception . The view .
ing public, however, was less than 1 percent of the total popu
lation .

336
 The Addis Ababa station transmits in English and Amharic
six days a week. Programs for general viewing are seen from
5:00 P.M. to 10:30 P.M. Monday through Friday and from 2:30
P.M. to 10:30 P.M. on Saturday. The station does not broadcast
on Sunday. The transmitting system utilizes 625 lines per pic
ture, which differs from the North American and Japanese
525 -line system and limits the sources of receivers that can be
used. Ethiopian Television Service is supported by government
subsidy, by revenues from advertising, and by annual viewer
licenses costing Eth$50 per set.
Initially, program material consisted largely of films imported
from the United States and Great Britain by the station's Lon
don representative, Television International Enterprises. In
1970 a number of popular British and North American seria
and variety shows were seen , but the proportion of locally
produced, live programs had increased . Amharic drama, writ
ten and performed by Ethiopians, was presented occasionally
in cooperation with the Creative Arts Center of Addis Ababa.
A number of programs featured traditional and modern danc
ing, military and police bands, and currently popular Ethiopian
singing groups. Special features for children included the read
ing of fables and other traditional stories in Amharic. A series
of documentary films produced by the Ethiopian Television
Service depicted various aspects of national life, including the
building of highways, the operation of the coffee industry, and
the expansion of the country's industry and agriculture.
Entertainment plays a major role in television programming,
but an increasing emphasis has been directed to educational
broadcasts, which were begun in late 1965. In cooperation with
the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, the Addis Ababa
station transmits special instructional programs to fifty schools
in the city from 8:00 A.M. to 10:30 A.M. Monday through
Friday. Although the programs are designed primarily for
schoolroom use , general viewers are able to receive the broad
casts . Increasing numbers are taking advantage of this de
parture from traditional educational processes. Sample surveys
indicate that the " English by Television ” program is one of
the most popular of these features. The government plans to
double the time devoted to school telecasts by 1973.
A low -power television station is operated by the United
States Army at Kagnew Station near Asmara . The station trans
mits over Channel 8 and features taped programs of United
States origin provided by the Armed Forces Radio and Tele
vision Service. The 525-line system is designed primarily for
United States armed forces viewers and can be received within
337
a seven-mile range of the transmitter. A number of television
sets built in the United States are found in public places in
Asmara , and these regularly receive the Kagnew transmissions .

FILMS

In 1970 the use of films was generally limited to audiences

in the capital and the larger provincial towns . A small film unit
attached to the Ministry of Information's audiovisual depart
ment had been organized and was producing a small number
of documentary subjects for television and infrequent screen
ing in public theaters. Current projects of this unit included
films dealing with social welfare, agriculture, commerce and
industry , government administration , and defense.
Except for the few government documentaries and an occa
sional newsreel , the country has no local film production. Ap
proximately 300 foreign films are imported each year, more
than 80 percent of them from the United States, and are shown
with French and Arabic subtitles . The rest come principally
from the United Kingdom , Italy , and India . All films must pass
the review of the government's censorship board, whose func
tion is largely to eliminate scenes that contain excessive vio
lence or may be construed as sexually suggestive. Material
considered to be politically offensive also is deleted .
Nine of the nation's twenty-seven commercial theaters are
in Addis Ababa, and six are in Asmara . All are equipped with
35-mm . projectors. The Haile Selassie I Theater in the capital
city has seats for more than 1,000 persons and a well -equipped
stage suitable for dramatic and musical presentations . Twelve
commercial indoor film theaters were available to the general
public in Dire Dawa, Massawa, and Harar. Total seating capac
ity of all theaters is approximately 22,000. A few mobile film
units of the ministry's audiovisual department provide limited
film showings in rural areas.

BOOK PUBLISHING AND LIBRARIES

Eleven firms print newspapers , periodicals, and books in
Addis Ababa, and one is located in Asmara. Most publishing
is limited to government materials, school textbooks, religious
works , poetry, and an occasional Amharic novel. The larger
firms are government owned . The operation of all printing
presses is regulated by the government, and their owners are
subject to provisions of the Penal Code that deal with printing
and publishing .
Government publications are printed in Addis Ababa, includ
ing many of the textbooks used in the nation's schools. Special
338
Amharic fonts have been designed. Type can be set in the Am
haric, Arabic, and Roman alphabets.
Five daily newspapers, four weekly newspapers , and several
monthly periodicals are printed on this government press.
Stamps, banknotes, securities, exercise books for schoolchil
dren , and various trade, technical, and educational books are
among its other products.
Approximately five privately owned bookshops are located
in Addis Ababa ; one exists in Asmara and another in Harar.
Most books are distributed to these shops by the International
Press Agency of Addis Ababa, which acts as a wholesaler. Most
book stocks consist of imported publications; paperback books
from the United States and Great Britain have the largest sales.
Under its censorship laws the government may prohibit the
importation of any book or periodical that its censorship board
considers offensive.
Some 100 libraries of varying size provide books for Ethio
pian readers. Most library users are students, teachers, and
government officials. Nineteen of these facilities make their
collections available to the general public; the rest restrict
their volumes to specific groups.
The largest and best equipped library is attached to Haile
Selassie I University in Addis Ababa. It has a book stock of
95,000 volumes, 4,000 pamphlets, 2,500 periodicals, 872 micro
filmed works , and approximately 1 million other documents.
Since its formation in 1961 it has added about 19,000 volumes
a year to its shelves . Its books cover all general subjects, in
cluding special collections of Ethiopiana and geographic works.
Modern equipment is available in the main library. In connec
tion with its subordinate colleges the university also maintains
branch libraries. The university library lends books and equip
ment to students, faculty, staff, and the general public. Out
side readers must deposit Eth$ 10 for each book borrowed .
The National Library of Ethiopia , established in 1944 in
Addis Ababa, contains a general collection of 84,000 volumes,
230 manuscripts, 1,520 periodicals, and 60,000 mimeographed
documents . The library adds nearly 6,500 volumes to its
shelves each year. Its readers include students, teachers, gov
ernment workers , businessmen, and other general readers.
In mid- 1970 four public libraries existed in the entire coun
try. These were the Felege Nway School and Community Li
brary in Arba Minch (Gemu Gofa Province), the Jinka Com
munity Library in Alga (Gemu Gofa Province), the Keren
Municipal Library (Eritrea Province) , and the Abraha Atsbaha
School and Community Library in Axum ( Tigre Province).
The availability of school libraries is expected to improve
339
more rapidly than the public facilities. Under a plan developed
in 1968 by the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, all second
ary schools were to receive standard library units from stocks
provided by the government and the International Develop
ment Association . School librarians are trained at Haile Se
lassie I University under the United Nations Special Fund Pro
gram for Teacher Education.

TRADITIONAL CHANNELS
News travels readily among Ethiopians by word of mouth .
Even the government has often relied on this traditional me
dium for the dissemination of its public proclamations. Before
the advent of modern mass communications, news was first
made public by an awaj negari ( official herald) stationed on a
high tower in the capital city. Alerting the people to public
pronouncements with the booming sound of a negarit (drum )
and the shout of “awaj, awaj, awaj!” (hear-ye, hear-ye, hear
ye! ) , the herald served as the first medium of public informa
tion . The government's news , decrees, and proclamations
were subsequently transmitted verbally to other people
throughout the country by traders, traveling officials, and
missionaries .
In mid-1970 traditional, informal dissemination of informa
tion remained the most important channel because of the pop
ulation's generally low rate of literacy , the limited availabil.
ity of formal information facilities in many remote rural areas,
and the many languages spoken throughout the country . More
over, members of the predominant ethnic groups place a high
value on the receiving and spreading of news; most of them
like to be considered well informed .
Most members of the predominant Amhara group place
great emphasis on the substance of what is conveyed and also
on the style of its communication . Use is frequently made of
the inventive and playful combinations of the grammatical and
syntactical elements of Amharic. Thus, informal transmission
of news and the events of national life are a traditional part
of daily living.
The weekly markets in the provincial towns are among the
most important centers for spreading news. Such markets take
place every Saturday in the main squares of towns built at ter
minal points of roads and caravan routes (see ch. 21 , Domestic
Trade ). In the remote areas , where there is no town nearby ,
small markets are held on weekdays at a crossroads, in a grove
of trees, or near a church. Merchants also function as a me
dium of communication in areas where they travel, carrying
the latest news along with their merchandise. The truckdriver
340
and motorized merchant complement the slowly traveling
trader of the traditional style .
In the absence of amplified radio broadcasts over public
loudspeakers in the remote areas, announcements are delivered
by local government officials in the marketplace. In general,
the people listen to such announcements in silence, although
some unpopular decrees may evoke murmurs of protest. Gov
ernment informants usually are present on such occasions to
sound out public opinion.
News and rumors are exchanged in the coffeehouses and bars
that operate near the marketplace for the convenience of trad
ers. Information is also spread readily through a number of
highly organized kinship groups. Having established ties of
friendship on the basis of a common home district, these tradi
tional members of the group pay frequent visits to each other
in order to render personal services. In the course of such
visits, news and rumors are exchanged.
One of the most important traditional channels for the dis
semination of information is the Ethiopian Orthodox Church .
Directives are sent to priests, usually by messenger. The
priests, even though they do not preach sermons, make an
nouncements outside the doors of the churches after services.
Members of the congregations and traveling monks subse
quently spread the news to those who did not hear the original
pronouncement.

FOREIGN INFORMATION ACTIVITIES

Information of foreign origin is disseminated in varying
quantities by all of the public media. Subject to limitations
imposed by the government's censorship board, a number of
major foreign newspapers, books, and periodicals are avail
able to Ethiopian readers and are distributed through news
stands and bookshops. The national radio service and most
of the government-owned newspapers use carefully edited
news and feature stories of the foreign news services.
Owners of shortwave radio receivers listen to a number of
foreign radio broadcasts. The World Service and African Serv
ice broadcasts of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)
are received and favored by a growing number of listeners,
particularly those in the business community and those who
have been educated in the United Kingdom . Other foreign
broadcasts heard by Ethiopians include transmissions by the
Voice of America, Radio Moscow, Radio Peking, Vatican City
Radio, Radio Cairo, Radio Sudan, and Radio Mogadiscio. Many
people in Asmara are familiar with broadcasts of the United
341
States Armed Forces Radio and Television Service that em
anate from the Kagnew Station facility.
A number of foreign governments operate information and
cultural centers in Addis Ababa . The British Council and rep
resentatives of the British Information Service maintain a pub
lic library of some 13,000 volumes, 115 periodicals, publishers'
catalogues, and government reports. The library adds approxi
mately 1,000 volumes to its stock each year. All subjects are
represented in the collection, which includes a large number
of books on English-language teaching and a Shakespeare ref
erence collection . In addition to lending books and other ma
terials to students , teachers , civil servants , and businessmen,
the library distributes British publications. It organizes lecture
series , musical concerts , and exhibitions and provides English
language speech and musical recordings for use in the Ethio
pian Television Service's school telecasts.
The USIS has operated the American Library in Addis Ababa
since 1949. Housing 8,500 volumes , 1,200 pamphlets, 103 peri
odicals, and 1,200 sixteen -millimeter films, the library adds
more than 1,000 volumes each year to its stock. Materials are
lent to students , teachers, civil servants , businessmen , and the
general public . The library has a number of slide and 16-mm .
film projectors for use in exhibitions , film showings, and cul
tural programs. A similar facility exists in Asmara.
In 1968 USIS also operated branch libraries or reading rooms
at Dessie in Wollo Province, Dire Dawa in Hararge Province,
Gondar in Begemder Province , Lekemte in Wollega Province,
and Makalle in Tigre Province . These reading rooms are staffed
by USIS personnel with the approval and cooperation of the
Ethiopian Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. Branch read
ing rooms had book stocks, ranging from 2,500 to 3,000 vol
umes and containing general subject matter graded for high
school level and above .
Documentary films are an important aspect of the USIS pro
gram . Mobile units provide open-air showing of films in some
of the provincial cities and towns, notably in Jijiga, Dire Dawa ,
and Harar. Films are lent regularly to Ethiopian groups, in
cluding schools, hospitals, the armed forces, and various gov
ernment ministries . Most USIS films are similar to its Africa
Today newsreel series , featuring important events in Ethiopia
and in other sub-Saharan African countries and stressing the
theme of kinship between Ethiopians and other African
peoples .
Lectures, posters , and an illustrated pictorial publication
entitled Pictorial Review have focused on United States mili
tary and economic assistance programs. All of the material
342
contains both English and Amharic texts. Subject matter gen
erally follows the theme of United States-Ethiopian friendship,
which is stressed through presentations of events of mutual
interest. American life and customs are shown in many of the
films and exhibitions . Some materials are instructional, educa
tional , and informative, such as those dealing with malaria
eradication , sanitation, public health , and national develop
ment efforts .
Similar, but smaller, facilities are maintained by the em
bassies of France, West Germany, Yugoslavia, the United
Arab Republic , Italy, India, Poland , and Chile. The Soviet In
formation Center and Permanent Exhibition provides a library,
a lecture hall, and film facilities utilizing some 250 to 300 films
depicting Soviet life. Soviet periodicals are available at the
center, and copies are frequently mailed to the Addis Ababa
Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) and to educa
tional institutions throughout the country. Much of the Soviet
material stresses the importance for Ethiopia of “ positive neu
trality .” Facilities maintained by the Czechoslovakian embassy
include a motion picture theater and lecture hall seating 200
persons.

343
 SECTION III . ECONOMIC

CHAPTER 17

CHARACTER AND STRUCTURE

OF THE ECONOMY

The economy in 1970 was preponderantly agricultural-pas

toral in character, with small subsistence farming dominant in
the highlands and seminomadic and nomadic pasturing charac
terizing much of the lower lying semidesert areas. Some com
mercial farming had developed , in part to meet demands of
the larger cities , in part for export. In addition , a number of
large, foreign farming concessions were in operation .
A complex system of land tenure and the small size and
fragmented nature of most land units discouraged improve
ments and made it difficult for the small farmer to secure
credit. The result was low agricultural productivity and sav
ings capacity and a generally low rural standard of living (see
ch . 6 , Social Structure; ch. 8 , Living Conditions). In 1966 the
Ministry of Land Reform and Administration was established
to develop legislation and implement land reform and related
measures. In mid- 1970 , however, action on land reform was
still pending (see ch. 18 , Agriculture ).
The country embarked in the mid- 1950s on a series of inte
grated economic development plans that were intended to raise
agricultural and industrial production, eradicate illiteracy , im
prove the health of the population , and generally raise the
standard of living. Two plans have been completed, and in
mid-1970 a third plan was underway.
A lack of basic statistics hampered planning during the
period of the first two plans. Efforts to correct this condition
included establishment of the Central Statistical Office (CSO)
in 1961 as an independent government agency. Administrative
and planning inexperience have also affected both integrated
planning and the preparation and implementation of individual
projects. Foreign specialists have been utilized to assist the
government in this work , and a new group financed by the
United Nations Development Program was functioning in this
capacity in mid-1970. In 1969 central planning activities were
345
transferred to the new Planning Commission in the Office of
the Prime Minister in order to improve coordination between
the ministries and the planning staff.
The gross domestic product (GDP) in constant prices reached
an estimated annual growth rate of about 5.6 percent in 1967 .
The average annual rate of growth during the 1961-67 period
appears to have been somewhat under 3 percent if population
growth is taken into account. During this time production in
the subsistence sector probably increased at about the same
rate as the subsistence population . The expansion actually at
tained , therefore, was mainly attributable to the large produc
tion increases achieved by the monetized sector of the economy.
Agriculture was the major contributor to the gross domestic
product; it accounted for over 55 percent of the total in 1967 .
A gradual modernization of the economy was indicated, how
ever, in the decline of the agricultural sector's overall share
from almost 65 percent in 1961 to about 58 percent in 1967
(see table 9) . Agricultural production in the subsistence sector
consisted chiefly of teff (a grain - see Glossary ), corn , wheat,
barley, legumes, and livestock. Sugar and cotton for domestic
consumption were largely produced by the foreign agricultural
concessions and commercial operations . Agricultural products,
of which coffee was the most important, constituted the great
bulk of the country's exports. In the late 1960s coffee ac
counted for almost three -fifths of total export earnings.
The industries sector as a whole contributed about 16 per
cent to the gross domestic product in 1967 compared with
slightly over 12 percent in 1961. Industry included a growing
modern - factory sector consisting in the late 1960s of about 300
plants of varying sizes . Although still in an essentially incipient
developmental stage, it was characterized by an increasing
maturity of operation . Food processing, textiles, and produc
tion of construction materials were the most important manu
facturing sectors in mid-1970 . The contribution of the manu
facturing branch of industries to the gross domestic product
more than doubled between 1961 and 1967 and, in 1967,
equaled the share contributed by the traditional handicraft and
cottage industries. The manufacturing branch's contribution ,
however, was still comparatively small - less than 5 percent.
The transportation and communications infrastructure has
been moderately well developed with respect to the more ur
banized areas . Difficulties of terrain , however, have kept a
sizable part of the rural population isolated (see ch. 2, Physical
Environment) . In mid- 1970 large numbers of farmers were de
pendent on pack animals and human transportation , as well
as on vagaries of weather, for links with the monetized
economy .
346
 Cost
Origi
of
Secto
by or
,Factent
Curr
at rn
uct
Dome
Ethi
9.
Tablross
G,Prod stic
eopia
Years
1, 961-67d
Selecte

total
of
Percent
Product
Domestic
Gross
1961 1965 1966 1967
1965 1966 1967
Activity 1961

Secto r al
Agricultur 61.7 59.4 57.8 55.3
1,434.4 1,896.0 1,957.9 1,931.5
2.8 2.3 2.2 2.3
Agriculture 65.9 72.2 73.6 79.6
0.1 .02 .02 .02
Forestry 1.3 1.3 1.6 1.5
4.3 0.1 0.1 0.2
Hunting 3.3 4.0 0.1
2.9
Fishing 64.83 61.8 60.1 57.8
1,504.5 1,972.8 2,037.1 2,016.9
Subtotal
12.1 0.1 0.3 0.3 0.4
Industry 3.3 9.4 11.6
Quarrying
and 1.9 3.0 3.2 4.3
Mining 43.9 94.5 108.2 149.4
Manufacturing 4.2 4.0 4.0 4.3
98.4 126.6 136.7 149.2
industry
- cale
ssmall
and 5.2 5.6 6.4
Handicraft 165.8 187.2 217.6 5.6
130.8 0.4 0.5
construction
and
Building 14.9 17.9 0.4 0.4
10.2 14.3
water
and
Electricity 13.5 15.9
458.6 546.2 12.33 12.9
286.6 410.6
Subtotal 245.9 6.0 7.1 7.6 7.0
139.7 227.0 256.1
Trade
Retail
and
Wholesale 123.4 3.0 3.4 3.5 3.5
70.7 110.0 119.4
Communicati
and
Transport ons 555.7 13.9 14.8 15.3 15.8
321.8 471.9 516.8
Services
Other 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
2,323.3 3,192.3 3,388.0 3,488.1
Total

US
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Ethiop
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nth nsian
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347
 Electric power production was in general meeting the needs
of industry, mining, and commercial operations. Installation of
additional capacity programmed under the Third Five Year
Plan (1968-73) was designed to parallel further development
in those sectors , as well as to satisfy some additional individual
consumer demands. Electrical power in mid- 1970, however,
was chiefly available in larger population and administrative
centers. Because of the low money income of most of the agri
cultural population, there appeared to be little immediate like
lihood of its general extension to rural areas ( see ch . 19, In
dustry ; ch . 21 , Domestic Trade).
Domestic trade was conducted largely through numerous
traditional open markets found in all parts of the country. In
the late 1960s only about one- fifth of the population was di
rectly dependent on the market economy, but this proportion
was increasing at a faster rate than the population . The volume
of wholesale and retail trade was expected to continue increas
ing during the Third Five Year Plan , stimulated by the antici
pated increase in the monetary gross domestic product during
the plan period (see ch. 21 , Domestic Trade).
THE RESOURCES BASE
In mid-1970 agricultural land constituted the country's prin
cipal natural resource . Cultivable land represented about 11
percent of the total area of the country , but in the late 1960s
only about 70 percent of this was planted and harvested . Soil
erosion was causing a steady loss of arable land, brought on by
deforestation , overgrazing and lack of ground cover, uncon
trolled water runoff, and unscientific farming methods. Soil
depletion was also occurring because of the insufficient use or
lack of fertilizers.
The urgent need for conservation was recognized , and more
than Eth $ 5.3 million ( 1 Ethiopian dollar equals US $ 0.40) was
included in the Third Five Year Plan for the introduction of
erosion control methods, techniques for restoration and main
tenance of soil productivity, and prevention of further destruc
tion of forested areas . In this same vein government alloca
tions of newly opened agricultural lands to either individuals
or commercial enterprises were accompanied by a stipulation
that proper conservation methods be employed .
Water resources have important potentials for the develop
ment of hydroelectric power and irrigation (see ch. 2, Physical
Environment; ch. 18 , Agriculture; ch. 19 , Industry). Selection
of water resources development projects has been hampered,
however, by a lack of adequate data . The Third Five Year Plan
has programmed almost Eth$30 million for continuation or
348
initiation of new land and water resources surveys and feasi
bility studies.
A national resource of major proportion was the country's
large livestock population. In mid - 1970, however, this resource
was making only a relatively small contribution to the nation's
economy. More effective disease control, better range manage
ment, and the development of new marketing outlets were
needed before the sector could increase its role in the economy.
The country's forest resources, which cover about 7 percent
of the land area, have undergone considerable depletion. Funds
for controlled management and use of timber stands and for
reforestation were contained in the Second Five Year Plan
(1963-67 ). For various reasons , including inadequate forest
ownership data and lack of official support for the forestry
service, only about 10 percent of the amount budgeted in the
plan was actually expended. The third plan has programmed
almost Eth$ 18 million in capital and current expenditure in a
new effort to preserve and expand this important resource and
carry out managed exploitation .
In mid-1970 the country's mining potential was largely un
known, and only a few mineral deposits were being exploited.
Explorations made chiefly during the 1960s established the ex
istence of a large potash deposit in the Danakil Depression.
The government expected this to be of major importance to the
economy, but it was not clear in mid - 1970 when production in
quantity would occur. To a large extent the success of this proj
ect is dependent upon world markets and demand. Great store
has been set on foreign exchange earnings from the under
taking, and failure to meet the Eth$45 million production and
export goal set for 1972/73 could have an important effect
upon the country's balance of payments position .
The work force was estimated at about 30 percent of the
total population in 1967. It consisted mostly of males. About 95
percent of the labor force was engaged in traditional activities,
nine-tenths of this group being employed in subsistence agri
culture and animal husbandry. The modern sector, accounting
for about 5 percent of the workers, was faced throughout the
1960s with a major human resources problem related to the
shortage of skilled workers and persons with administrative,
professional, and managerial training. Expansion of domestic
education and training facilities, as well as recourse to training
in foreign countries, helped to alleviate this situation, but it
was found necessary to use foreign personnel to provide a con
siderable part of the specialized knowledge and technical skills
required for implementation of the development plans (see ch.
20, Labor ). The training of persons in manual skills essential
349
to modern enterprise confronted an obstacle in the antipathy
of the dominant Amhara and Tigre for manual work (see ch. 5,
Ethnic Groups and Languages; ch . 12, Social Values ).

PATTERNS OF GROWTH
In 1967 the country's gross domestic product totaled
Eth$3,488 million at current factor cost. This represented an
increase of about 50 percent over the gross domestic product
in 1961 of Eth $ 2,323 million and an average annual rate of
growth of about 7 percent. In real terms, however, the gross
domestic product ( at 1961 constant factor cost) expanded at
an average rate of about 4.8 percent per year but, when allow
ance is made for population increases during this time, the net
annual growth was only about 2.8 percent. This low rate was
directly connected with the lag in output in the dominant agri
cultural sector, which attained an average annual growth of
only 2 percent during the period despite the substantial in
creases in production registered by commercial farms. Esti
mates for the 1961-65 period actually placed the per capita
growth rate in agriculture at 0.5 percent a year. In 1965 there
were poor harvests in some regions because of adverse weather
conditions .
Industry, including manufacturing, mining, handicrafts and
small-scale industry, construction , and electricity and water,
grew at an average annual rate of 10.4 percent in constant
prices between 1961 and 1967. In this category modern manu
facturing made the greatest advance with an average yearly
increase of 17.6 percent. Expenditure on transportation and
communications rose at an average annual rate of 10.7 percent,
whereas education , and medical and health services increased
by 12.1 percent a year. The wholesale and retail trades regis
tered an 8.5 -percent annual rise.
In the late 1960s about 79 percent of the gross domestic
product was spent on private consumption. Roughly half of
this was imputed subsistence consumption , the remainder
monetary consumption . Subsistence consumption during the
third plan was expected to grow at a rate about the same as
the growth rate for the subsistence population. At the same
time, part of this population will enter the monetary economy,
and total nonmonetary consumption was expected to decline
from about 50 to about 40 percent of total private consumption
by 1973.
Increasing money incomes among the urban population, as
well as expansion of the monetized sector and money incomes
in the rural population, at the beginning of the 1970s were re
9

sulting in increased demands for consumer goods. Although

350
this demand was primarily for domestically produced goods,
the government anticipated a rising demand for imported items
and potentially a related balance of payments problem. A
solution to this situation has been sought in part through de
velopment of import-substitute industries.
Expenditure on public consumption in the late 1960s ac
counted for slightly more than 10 percent of the gross domestic
product. The largest element comprised the wages and salaries
of government employees, including the military forces. Gov
ernment consumption , reflected largely in budgetary recurrent
expenditures, was growing rapidly; the actual rate during the
Second Five Year Plan was close to 9 percent a year. Efforts
were to be made during the third plan to hold the increase in
current expenditure to about 8 percent a year. There was to be
an accompanying shift in sectoral emphasis that would allow
substantial increases to be made in expenditures for education,
health, and economic services while imposing limited increases
in general administrative and security expenditures. The
planned rate of increase in public consumption indicated a
somewhat higher growth rate than for the gross domestic
product, and would account for about 11.3 percent of the total
expenditure on the gross domestic product in fiscal year
1972/73 compared with 10.0 percent in 1967/68 .

DEVELOPMENT FINANCING
The country has relied on foreign aid , including grants and
loans , to finance important parts of its development programs
( see ch. 22, Foreign Economic Relations ; ch . 23 , Fiscal and
Monetary Systems). In the first plan Eth $170 million was se
cured directly from foreign sources. This amount represented
almost one-fifth of the total of about Eth$840 million put into
the investment program . About Eth$2,086 million was raised
for implementation of the second plan . Almost 31 percent of
this amount , or Eth $643 million , was directly supplied by for
eign loans and grants. A good part of the foreign loans re
ceived during the second plan were for projects to develop
infrastructure and services rather than the productive projects
included in the plan . The reason appears to have been the
greater experience and technical know-how of such agencies
as the Imperial Highway Authority that resulted in sounder
and more feasible projects.
The Third Five Year Plan projected a total investment of
about Eth$3,650 million . Some Eth $500 million of this amount
represented investment in kind involving no financing. Do
mestic monetary savings were expected to produce only about
Eth $ 2,400 million of the planned monetary investment of
351
Eth $ 3,115 million, leaving an implied internal resources gap
of about Eth $715 million . During the plan period, however,
technical assistance from foreign governments and interna
tional agencies and interest from abroad were expected to
amount to another Eth $ 150 million , increasing total domestic
financing resources to Eth $ 2,550 million .
The indicated total of foreign funds needed for full imple
mentation of the third plan amounted to Eth $565 million . In
addition, another Eth $ 485 million was required for certain gov
ernment debt amortizations and capital repatriation. This
raised the overall inflow requirement of foreign private and
public capital to about Eth $ 1,050 million , roughly equivalent
to one-third of the total planned monetary investment.
In mid-1970 foreign capital inflow appeared to be meeting
most of the requirements. In addition, the unusually high prices
prevalent on the world market for coffee in 1969 and 1970 were
reported to have had a favorable effect on the overall financing
picture. On the other hand, domestic savings in general, which
had been projected to rise from Eth $ 340 million in 1967/68 to
almost Eth $600 million in 1972/73, were reportedly short of
established goals .

ECONOMIC PLANNING
A policy of planned national economic development was
adopted by the government at the end of World War II. Ex
isting conditions, however, did not permit early preparation of
a coordinated overall plan. During the first decade after the
war various sector programs and plans were elaborated, some
of intermediate duration and others essentially long-range pro
grams. Among the first was a ten -year program for industrial
development that began in fiscal year 1944/45. Other plans de
veloped during this period covered agriculture, forestry , edu
cation , roads and highways, and communications.
The administrative machinery to carry out integrated na
tional planning was set up in 1954/55 with the establishment
of the National Economic Council. The council comprised a
Planning Board, which was a policymaking body chaired by the
Emperor, and a secretariat, designated the Office of the Plan
ning Board, which included a planning staff. The country's first
and second five year plans were prepared under this ar
rangement.
The First Five Year Plan began in 1957 (Ethiopian year
1949 — see Preface) and was originally scheduled to be com
pleted in 1961 but was extended to the end of fiscal year
1961/62. Its major emphasis was on the development of the
country's infrastructure. Other goals included the raising of
352
educational levels with special attention to the training of tech
nical personnel, the establishment of processing industries to
meet growing domestic consumption demands, and the de
velopment of agriculture.
Total investment during the period reached Eth $ 839.6 mil
lion, about 24 percent above the planned levels. Almost 60 per
cent of this sum , however, went into two sectors; transport and
communications, and housing and construction. Actual invest
ment exceeded the planned amount in all sections except social
services. This sector, which had low priority to start with
(about 8.5 percent of the total planned investment), attained
only 68 percent of the original plan provision and constituted
roughly 4.6 percent of actual investment.
The growth rate in the national income during the plan
period was estimated at about 3.2 percent a year. This was
higher than the earlier annual rate of 2 to 2.5 percent but was
less than the 3.7 percent increase anticipated. Per capita in
come, however, was estimated to have risen from Eth $89 at
the start of the plan to almost Eth $ 113 at its end. At the same
time the population was estimated to have grown at an annual
rate of 1.6 percent during the five-year period .
The First Five Year Plan was the first integrated national
development program carried out by an independent African
country. Shortcomings in implementation were recognized by
the government. Among the principal causes were the lack of
adequately trained personnel and skilled workers and shortages
of qualified managerial and administrative staff. Low savings
capacity and inadequate methods of mobilizing savings also
held back growth during the plan period .
The industrial program was underfulfilled , which in turn
affected agriculture both through the smaller demand for in
dustrial raw materials and the provision of fewer improved
agricultural tools and implements. At the same time produc
tion of certain agricultural raw materials and minerals failed to
meet the requirements of new industries . A factor of some
significance that also affected plan implementation was in
experience in interministerial and government agency coordi
nation . Near the end of the period the government created the
high level Administrative Reform Committee to look into ways
of modernizing the administrative machinery with a view to
proper operational planning.
The Second Five Year Plan was drawn up as the first part of
a twenty -year program designed to change the country's pre
dominantly agricultural economy to an agroindustrial one.
Major objectives of the second plan were diversification of pro
duction , introduction of modern processes and methods,
353
and expansion of the economy's productive capacity to bring
about an increased rate of growth .
Total expenditures on the second plan amounted to
Eth $ 2,656 million, which was more than 13 percent higher than
planned. Investment outlays (Eth$1,383 million ), however, at
tained only 95.1 percent of the planned figure. The over
expenditure on the plan was accounted for by current expendi
ture (Eth $ 1,614 million ), which exceeded the planned total by
over 33 percent. In Ethiopia current expenditures also include
some capital items. During the plan period current expenditure
grew at an annual rate of 11.5 percent against a recommended
7.5 percent. The per capita income rose from about Eth $ 113
in 1961 to over Eth $ 126 in 1967 .
Implementation of the second plan was affected by the same
factors that limited the effectiveness of the first plan . These
included continued inadequate administrative capacity , short
age of planning staff in the operational ministries, and defi
ciencies in interministerial coordination . Allocation of invest
ment funds also was at considerable variance with the plan.
In 1961/62 the Administrative Reform Committee submitted
its recommendations on ministerial reforms. Action was not
taken until 1966, however, at which time the Planning Board
was upgraded to the Ministry of Planning and Development.
Upon recommendations from foreign planning specialists the
government prepared a one- year plan for 1967/68 and delayed
the start of the Third Five Year Plan until 1968/69 to allow
more time for its preparation. The third plan set an average
growth rate target of 6 percent a year in the gross domestic
product. Per capita income was expected to rise at a rate of
over 3 percent annually. The third plan looked ahead to the
fourth , stressing expansion of the education base of the pop
ulation with particular efforts on training workers in skills
required in specified sectors of the economy. Other goals
included acquisition of more accurate information on the coun
try's natural resources and further efforts to improve adminis
trative capacity within the government.
The planners have recognized that agriculture would con
tinue to remain the base of the economy. An overall growth
rate of about 3 percent a year was projected for this sector.
The large subsistence sector was expected to grow at a rate of
about 1.9 percent annually. Expansion in the monetary sector,
in which commercial farms should play a large part, would
have to average a 5.7 percent annual increase to meet the over
all target.
Manufacturing was expected to attain an annual growth rate
of about 15 percent. Reaching this goal , however, would re
354
quire not only expansion but also better utilization of existing
facilities and construction of new plants. An increase in em
ployment and higher productivity were also essential - during
the second plan productivity had remained relatively constant.
Agroindustry constituted an important part of planned de
velopment.
Mining was projected to grow at an average annual rate of
25 percent. This growth , however, was to a considerable extent
predicated on the attainment of questionable potash production
goals in the last year of the plan . Transportation and com
munication services were to expand by 10 percent a year and
electric power by close to 18 percent.
In the social sector it was anticipated that education and
health services would rise by about 12 percent annually. Hous
ing, community facilities, and welfare services were also ex
pected to show material improvement.

355
1
 CHAPTER 18
AGRICULTURE

In 1970 agriculture still played a dominant role in the na

tional economy. An estimated 90 percent of the population
was engaged in agricultural activities. In the late 1960s agricul
tural products constituted more than 95 percent of all exports
by value, and it was estimated that the agricultural sector
provided about 58 percent of gross domestic product at current
factor cost. Agricultural land was the country's major natural
resource and supplied the base for the country's limited indus
trial activity .
With its rich agricultural resources, the country has always
been self-sufficient in basic foodstuffs. Rapid population
growth , however, suggested that pressure on the land would
be increasing in cultivated areas and that more scientific utiliz
ation of land would have to be developed if food supply were
to keep pace with the expanding population.
The vast majority of agricultural producers were subsistence
farmers who only peripherally entered the money exchange
market. Their holdings were small and often broken into
several plots. In most years their harvest provided them with
their basic needs and also a small surplus to meet traditional
obligations or to trade for salt , clothing, or field crops they
themselves did not produce. An estimated one-half all farmers
were tenants, although a substantial number of these also held
quasiownership rights in small pieces of land. Except in urban
areas and on a small portion of rural land, land measurement
and registration had not been affected, and land tenure sys
tems varied widely. The government considered land reform
an important step toward increased agricultural productivity,
and a nationwide cadastral survey was being initiated during
the Third Five Year Plan (1968-73) as one of the preliminary
steps.
Grains were the most important field crop and occupied
about two-thirds of all cropland, notably in the central high
lands. They were by far the major subsistence crop. Pulses and
oilseeds, produced both for subsistence and for sale, were the
next major crops by value, particularly in the central highlands.
Coffee grows principally in the southwestern provinces. It is
357
an important national crop - the country's major export earner
and provides an important source of cash income for a signif
icant element of the population. Livestock raising was the
primary occupation and source of subsistence for nomadic and
seminomadic groups, who made up between 5 and 10 percent
of the rural population , occupying chiefly the arid lowlands.
The ensete plant is the staple crop of areas of the south, par
ticularly among the Gurage.
The country's coffee output, which is critical as a source of
foreign exchange earnings, government revenue, and financial
resources for development, is largely determined by world
>

market prices, by demand in the principal market (chiefly New

>

York ), by the world export levels determined under the Inter

national Coffee Agreement, and by the size of the country's
small annual quota under the agreement. Large stands of wild
coffee of marketable quality occur in more or less accessible
areas of the southwest and may be harvested and sold in years
of favorable price and quota conditions. Plantation production
of coffee is the most reliable source, however, and plantation
output has increased in recent years, with government encour
agement and considerable foreign investment. In addition,
many rural subsistence farmers keep coffee for market, har
vested on their own land or in the coffee forests, and it is
hoarded as a ready store of value when cash is needed , kept
by many in place of currency or gold.
Although urban -oriented segments of the population and
those with some education increasingly preferred salaried em
ployment in urban areas to agriculture, most members of most
ethnic groups regarded cultivation or herding as the only hon
orable pursuit apart from warfare or the priesthood and
seemed deeply committed to their traditional way of life with
its hardships as well as its satisfactions. Innovation and re
form were frequently resisted in the countryside, and some
ethnic groups, such as the Amhara and Tigre, obtained con
siderable satisfaction from their belief in the superiority of
their own social customs and agricultural methods (see ch.
12, Social Values) .
Despite their commitment to tradition, many of the coun
try's ethnic groups had shown considerable flexibility and
ingenuity over the centuries in adapting their agricultural
methods to the environment and in absorbing improvements
brought by ethnic groups with whom they have had contact.
By the standard of much of tropical Africa, the farming meth
ods used were frequently relatively advanced.
The government has been the principal force behind efforts
to introduce technological innovation and modernize agricul
358
ture . Extension services, although limited in effectiveness,
were in operation , and a number of marketing cooperatives
had been established . Despite the importance of the agricul
tural sector in the economy, only about 10 percent of the cap
ital budget and 2 percent of the current budget were expended
on agriculture in the middle and late 1960s. The Third Five
Year Plan has allotted about 11 percent of the planned gross
fixed monetary investment to agriculture, forestry, and fish
eries. The government has continued to encourage private
foreign investment in commercialagricultural production ( see
ch. 17 , Character and Structure of the Economy).
LAND
Climate and Soils

There are four basic climatic zones , each of which favored

particular kinds of crops (see ch. 2, Physical Environment).
Cultivation in the mountain zone, including all land over about
12,000 feet was largely precluded by cold weather. Grains,
such as wheat, teff, and barley, grew in the cool highland
zone extending from roughly 7,500 feet to 12,000 feet. These
crops, as well as corn (maize ), sorghum , and millet, did well
in the temperate highland zone from 6,000 feet to 7,500 feet.
Coffee and ensete did well in this altitude range in the south
west where the average rainfall was higher. Most of the land
north from the Awash River Valley through the Danakil De
pression on to the Red Sea and along the northern frontier
with Sudan was well below 6,000 feet. Cultivation in this hot
zone of semidesert was possible only in river valleys or with
irrigation and consisted of tropical and semitropical produce.
The two major soils of the central highlands were of vol
canic origin . One - a red to red -brown, highly acidic soil defi
cient in phosphorus-was easily cultivated but tended to erode
readily. The second type, which lined highland valleys, con
sisted of clays ranging from gray to black. Unless well drained ,
these clay soils were difficult to work and were usually left in
pasture. In the northern highlands stony, loamy sand was
found, and in the Rift Valley there were soils of the brown
desert and alluvial varieties. Most of the cropland was in the
highlands or in river valleys. Nearly all the pastureland was
in the southwest lowlands, in the Rift Valley, and on the
northeast plain.

Land Use
In 1970 available statistics on land use were estimates and
were useful only as a reflection of the overall pattern of land
359
utilization . Agricultural lands, including grazing grounds,
made up about 69 percent of the total land . Just over 10 per
cent of the total land, including land in fallow , was cropland,
and about 54 percent of all land was pastureland. Forest land
covered about 7 percent of the country. The remaining land
consisted of bodies of water, desert land, and other nonagri
cultural land. About 60 percent of the cropland was sown in
grains, half of which was teff. Coffee and ensete were major
crops on permanently cultivated land.
Large areas of potentially productive land were not in use.
Some, however, were being used for nomadic grazing. Exploi
tation of much of this land was limited by its inaccessibility.
Some of it lacked adequate supplies of water or was made
uninhabitable by disease -carrying insects, such as the malarial
mosquito and the tsetse fly. Some was within the ranging area
of nomadic peoples, such as the Afar, who were disinclined
to settle and potentially hostile to settlers from other areas or
ethnic groups.
Most of the farms were subsistence units worked by the
members of a single household and supplying most of its basic
food and other needs . Small quantities of surplus items were
traded or sold at local markets (see ch. 21 , Domestic Trade ).
Limited sample surveys of farm size for four central highland
provinces showed that the average farm was from three to
five acres, exclusive of grazing land . The land was usually
divided into three to five separate plots . In none of the four
provinces covered by the four earliest sample surveys did
farms with more than 10 acres represent more than 10 percent
of the total number of farms. There were a few commercial
farms, but they constituted only a small proportion of the total
cultivated area . They were mainly foreign concessions and
were clustered in irrigated or river valley regions. Their pro
duction was mainly export-oriented.

Land Tenure

The forms of land tenure varied widely from region to region

according to local practice and the kind of agriculture. Tenure
systems were usua !ly quite complex and bore little resem
blance to Western concepts of landholding. Many different
forms of tenure might occur in a single area . The relation was
so complex that any general statement on tenure in a given
area was subject to challenge . In certain areas one form of
tenure was based on kinship or tribal rights, which in some
cases could be passed on from generation to generation even
if the persons concerned did not live on or work the land.
360
Nomadic herding on some land made ownership impractical
but traditions existed for usage rights.
In the nineteenth century large amounts of land for revenue
rights were granted in the south to civil and military leaders
for services rendered to the Crown. The Ethiopian Orthodox
Church held rights to revenue from land estimated at between
25 to 40 percent of the total land area , but it actually held
rights roughly equivalent to ownership in a very small portion
of this land. The government itself had considerable portions
of the nonexploited land as well as some cultivated land.
In the areas inhabited by the politically dominant Amhara
Tigre, many of the inhabitants held rist (see Glossary ) rights
in land, which entitled them to pass it on to their heirs, but
the process of fragmentation through inheritance often made
it difficult for a household to subsist on the rist land held by
its head. Such persons therefore cultivated a part of another's
land, usually that of the local lord, as a tenant ( see ch. 6,
Social Structure ).
About half of the farmers were believed to be tenant farm
ers. On the basis of either custom or law, the landowner had
the right to up to three- fourths of the harvest and, in some
cases , could make additional claims for the performance of
labor or other services by the tenants (see ch. 6, Social Struc
ture) . Agreements between the tenant and the landlord were
in effect for four years in some areas, but the term varied .
The government was actively interested in increasing capital
investment and productivity incentives through increasing ten
ant security. It did not favor immediate expropriations but
rather progressive taxation designed to encourage absentee
landholders to give up portions of their land. Where land was
in production , the government favored improving landlord
tenant relations by substituting a fixed rent for a sharecrop
ping system and the introduction of written agreements cov
ering improvements made by the tenant and guaranteeing
against arbitrary eviction .
Since the early 1950s the government has distributed several
thousand allotments of its land to unemployed farmers. In
1966 the Ministry of Land Reform and Administration was
formed. Several laws have been proposed to carry out land
reform ; even if legislation were voted by Parliament, where
landholder influence is strong, landholders would still possess
considerable independence of action . Many of those peasants
who would be most positively affected, moreover, demon
strated either apathy or resistance against change in tradi
tional arrangements (see ch. 6, Social Structure; ch. 14 , Polit
ical Dynamics and Values ).
361
 TECHNOLOGY

In 1970 there were four levels of farm technology; hoe or

other handtools, ox-drawn, semimechanized, and mechanized.
Many subsistence farmers, particularly in lowland river areas
and in the south , used only hoes and handtools to plant and
harvest their crops. Weed control was difficult, and yields
were low. Ox - drawn plows were the primany means of farm
ing in the highlands. Sometimes plows had iron tips, but even
they did not work the soil deeply enough to permit optimum
water penetration. Seeding and harvesting were usually done
by hand. Oxen were sometimes used in threshing, but often
the sheaves were beaten with sticks. Winnowing was most
frequently achieved by throwing grain into the wind and let
ting the chaff blow away. Milling was often done by hand with
a wooden pestle and mortar or a hand stone mill. Although
carts, wagons, and other wheeled vehicles were in use, oxen,
camels, horses, mules, and donkeys were the major sources
of draft power and transportation.
In the mid 1960s there were about 1,000 tractors in the
country. Mechanization was largely confined to commercial
farms and plantations, where the economy of scale made such
an investment profitable, and to government experimental
farms. The Setit Humera region of northwest Ethiopia was a
major exception . In 1967 there were 213 farmers who had at
least one piece of mechanized equipment, mainly tractors.
Imports of farm machinery in 1966 totaled about Eth $ 11 mil
lion (1 Ethiopian dollar equals US$0.40). Plans were under
way in the late 1960s to begin assembling farm machinery
within the country, but the major focus of government pro
grams was on improving traditional tools rather than on large
scale mechanization .
Planting usually took place in April or May, before the rainy
season began, and harvesting occurred in October. In some
areas higher annual rainfall or the use of irrigation allowed
double cropping. Intercropping of corn with sorghum or dry
legumes was often practiced. Severe erosion has taken place
in many deforested areas. In some areas contour plowing or
land terracing has been used to offset this problem .
Agricultural practices involving either crop rotation or fal
lowing have allowed the maintenance of fairly fertile soil.
Crop rotation varied , depending upon location and soil type.
In some areas legumes were planted every ninth year. In less
fertile areas the intervals decreased , and in some regions fields
were allowed to lie fallow for as many as twenty years .
Fertilizer was not widely used, and soil fertility was main
tained largely through crop rotation and fallowing techniques.
362
Despite a large livestock population, manure was used for fuel
and construction materials rather than fertilizer, except in
Sidamo . Few crops were grown for use as green manure. Im
ports of chemical fertilizers in the late 1960s were between
3,000 and 4,000 tons . Despite government encouragement,
their use was almost exclusively restricted to a few commer
cial farms producing sugar, fruits, and vegetables.
Agricultural productivity was undercut by animal damage
and disease . Insects and rodents annually destroyed about 25
percent of all grain in storage . Birds cut yields from such
crops as sorghum by as much as 50 percent. Locust invasions
have at times destroyed the entire grain crop. In the late 1960s
less than 2,000 tons of insecticide, herbicide, and fungicide
were imported, mainly for the use of commercial farms and
government experimental centers. The average farmer was
unfamiliar with their use and could not afford the cost of
either the chemicals or the equipment needed to apply them.
The majority of government research concerned the identifica
tion of the most common insect pests and plant diseases. Lo
custs probably have been the most serious threat, and Ethiopia
became a member of the Desert Locust Control Organization
of East Africa . In 1970 there was no significant locust problem .
CROP PRODUCTION

Food Crops
Grains, the most important field crop in 1970, were planted
in about 17.3 million acres or about two -thirds of the total
cropland . Teff, the major grain , was planted in almost half
of the land devoted to grain. Other grains, in order of impor
tance, included barley, sorghum, corn, and wheat. Total pro
duction in the late 1960s had reached over 5.2 million tons.
Most grain was produced by subsistence farmers for their own
use, and often harvesting was done by hand.
Teff was the preferred grain for domestic consumption . It
was usually ground into flour and made into a flat bread
called injera. Both red and white species were grown. The
white required fertile soil and a longer maturation period, but
it brought a higher market price and made a better flour.
Sorghum and millet were the staple foods of several drier
parts of the northern and eastern sections of the country. The
most common form of sorghum was drought-resitant durra.
Both plants provided not only nourishment but also straw
used for forage, brooms, thatch, and fuel.
Barley grew mainly in higher elevations . It was sometimes
ground into flour, and sometimes cooked with other foods or
363
put in soup. It also served as the base for an indigenous beer
called tella. The major cultivation center for wheat, most of
which was of the spring variety, was in the highlands south
of Awash .
Immediately following World War II Ethiopia was a surplus
exporter of grain . Crop failures during the late 1950s and ear
ly 1960s , in addition to a growing population , reversed the
grain flow . By the mid -1960s the country was still importing
grain , about 80 percent of which was wheat, but her exports
exceeded her imports.
In the late 1960s pulses ranked after grains as the second
major national food and provided about 8.3 percent of the
country's exports by value. They thrive in high altitudes and
are well suited to the Central Plateau of the country. Com
monly cultivated pulses included field peas , chick peas, horse
beans, haricot beans , and lentils . They were most commonly
used in the preparation of a stew -like dish called wot, roasted,
or served as a paste. About one-third of the approximately
1.8 million acres of land in the country devoted to the culti
vation of pulses produced chick peas. Production of pulses
increased annually between 1961 and 1966 and in 1966
amounted to about 569,000 tons.
Varieties of oilseeds included castor beans, ground nuts,
niger seed , peanut, rapeseed, safflower, sesame, soybean , and
sunflower. Linseed oil was obtained from flax . Smaller groves
of olive trees existed but were not exploited for olive oil pro
duction . Half the area in oilseed cultivation is in niger seed .
Niger seed is indigenous, and Ethiopia has traditionally pro
duced about 95 percent of the world crop. Linseed and sesame
seed are the next major oilseeds.
Subsistence farmers in the highlands produce most of the
oilseeds. Since the majority of oilseed production is not com
mercial, only limited mechanization has occurred . Total pro
duction in the mid - 1960s was about 382,000 tons, about 15.5
percent of which was exported. Exports of oilseeds in the late
1960s provided about 10 percent of the value of all exports
and ranked third after coffee and hides. Most exported oil
seed was processed into cake form .
In 1970 the Oilseed Development Share Corporation was
continuing its special efforts to improve the quality of domes
tic oilseeds, in part through the importation of seed stock
from abroad. The major emphasis was on linseed , niger seed ,
and sesame seed .
Total production figures were not available , but the per
capita consumption of fruits and vegetables in the late 1960s
was not high. The more common vegetables included pota
364
toes , peppers, onions, beans, peas, and sweet corn . Vegeta
bles produced and mainly consumed on a regional basis , in
cluded artichokes, asparagus , and cabbage. Limited amounts
of tomatoes and green vegetables were being canned com
mercially. Vegetable gardening, particularly in the Addis
Ababa area , had been the province of Europeans, but by the
early 1960s much of it was done by the Gurage (see ch. 5,
Ethnic Groups and Languages ).
A wide variety of tropical and semitropical fruits was pro
duced, but consumption in the indigenous diet was limited .
Fruit was cultivated throughout the country but most heavily
concentrated in areas having irrigation . Most large orchards
and vegetables farms were located in the provinces of Arussi,
Eritrea, Hararge , and Shoa . A sharp increase in fruit produc
tion around the capital occurred during the 1960s . A total of
27,000 tons of fruits and vegetables valued at about Eth $ 8
million were exported in 1966 .
The fruit of the ensete, cultivated by the Gurage and others
in Shoa and provinces south of it, is inedible. The trunk, leaf
stock, and root of this plant, however, are used to make a
fermented flour, which in certain parts of the south and south
west replaces grain as a staple food. Fiber for making rope
and gunnysacks is also obtained from the plant.
Coffee

Coffee plays a dominant role in the economy and is the

mainstay of the modern sector. During the 1960s coffee ex
ports provided 50 to 60 percent of the total value of all ex
ports (see ch. 22, Foreign Economic Relations) . Coffee has
also been a major source of tax revenue for the government.
A significant element of the population gets all or part of its
livelihood from coffee production or related activities.
Wild coffee grows in many parts of the country, and the
coffee species Arabica is thought to have originated in Ethi
opia . In 1970 it was grown largely by subsistence farmers or
small landholders whose cultivation techniques often required
little more than thinning trees and setting out new shrubs.
Although standard pests, such as borers , and forms of rust
and blight were found, most of the coffee stock was hardy
and free of disease . Coffee was cured by both the wet and
sun -dried processes . Some processing was done by machine
but most was performed by hand .
Since much of the coffee crop may enter only local markets
or no market at all , depending upon price conditions - accu
rate production figures were unavailable. Estimates for the
annual harvest in the late 1960s ranged from 100,000 to 150,000
365
tons placing coffee production at twice the average for the
1956-60 period . During the 1960s the government made a par
ticular effort to increase coffee production . It helped organize
cooperative societies for coffee production and encouraged
foreign agriculturists from East Africa and elsewhere to start
plantations in the country . It established the Coffee Board to
help the marketing of coffee and increased road connections
so that coffee from the principal harvesting centers could go
by truck and then by rail to the eastern ports. In 1967, 68,000
tons were exported .
From 65 to 75 percent of the country's coffee exports go to
the United States. Exports are thus heavily dependent, not
only upon a single commodity of varying price, but upon a
single market, subject to swings in the business cycle, varia
tions in consumer taste and other variable market factors. In
fiscal 1969/70 (Ethiopian calendar year 1962 — see Preface) the
coffee price was favorably affected by a blight in Latin Amer
ica, but the International Coffee Agreement system made it
difficult for Ethiopia to obtain a substantially larger share of
the redistributed export quotas . Nevertheless, coffee earnings
were reportedly very good in 1970 .
Because a large share of the coffee crop is harvested from
wild trees or trees that have reverted to uncultivated forest,
the potential supply is almost unlimited. Many of the wild
coffee forests are not accessible by road, and their crop is of
ten relatively expensive to harvest and transport. There may
also be a delay in getting the crop to market, which makes it
difficult for the country to take rapid advantage of the move
ments in foreign demand and price. Some observers have rec
ommended construction of coffee stockpiling facilities to per
mit greater flexibility in regulating supply to meet demand.
In the 1960s the Coffee Board was not doing much to encour
age coffee harvesting; it was thought that in poor years it
might have even greater difficulty in reducing or limiting cof
fee supply, particularly if new roads were to open access to
existing forests.
In seeking to diversify its coffee markets, the country had
installed some wet-washing facilities, and in 1969 washed
beans made up about 5 percent of production. They are fav
ored on some European markets, where they command much
higher prices than the unwashed product, and are bought by
the consumer in bean form . In the United States, where the
consumer often buys the product in ground or processed form ,
coffee buying agents continue to favor the lower priced , un
washed product.
A new company, the National Coffee Processing and Devel
366
opment Share Company, was set up in 1970 to produce freeze
dried coffee for export. Success in this venture would permit
the country to reap a higher share of the final price of coffee
on export markers.

Other Commercial Crops

Cotton is a traditional crop produced largely by smaller
landholders. In many areas it grows wild and is used by sub
sistence farmers for the fabrication of a soft, white woven
fabric used to make the shamma (see Glossary) and does not
enter the market trade. The major areas of cotton cultivation
have varied; in late 1967 they were in the lowlands of Eritrea
and in the Awash River valley, where adequate water exists
for irrigation . There are plans for the expansion of cotton pro
duction in the Awash River valley and other selected areas.
Most plantation production is under two foreign concessions .
The total production of lint cotton in 1967 was about 7,000 tons,
nearly three times the production figure for 1957. Production
was not sufficient for domestic milling and supplemental cot
ton stocks were imported.
Other vegetable fibers were obtained from the doum palm,
sanseviera , sisal, and ensete . In addition to providing fiber for
rope, twine, and gunnysacks, the doum palm was also a source
of vegetable oil and alcohol, and its nuts were used as a mate
rial for button -making.
The sugarcane industry was started in 1954 in a joint oper
ation sponsored by a Dutch company and Ethiopian share
holders. By the late 1960s it was the largest agricultural en
terprise in the country . There were three estates, Shoa, Waifi,
and Metahara . The Waifi and Metahara plantation areas were
located in the Awash region . Much of this land had been re
claimed from malarial swamps. Subsistence farmers some
times also produced sugarcane on a small scale for their own
or local use. Production of refined white sugar in the late
1960s had reached almost 80,000 tons, compared to an aver
age of about 47,500 tons in the early 1960s. Through the use
of irrigation, chemical fertilizers, and modern plantation man
agement, Ethiopia has been able to meet most of her domes
tic sugar needs.
Chat is a stimulant obtained from the leaves and twigs of a
small shrub which, if allowed to grow , will reach tree height.
The juices are obtained by chewing and have the effect of
adrenalin on the body. Chat is popular among Muslim farm
ers in Ethiopia as well as in neighboring countires. Exports
of chat declined during the 1960s after imports to Aden were
prohibited . Total production in the late 1960s was estimated
367
at about 6,000 tons. The plant grows wild in many areas of
the country and was commercially cultivated in Hararge and
Shoa provinces .

LIVESTOCK
The livestock population of cattle, sheep, and goats was
estimated at about 49 million head in fiscal 1966/67 (Ethio
pian calendar year 1959–see Preface), making it the largest in
Africa . Cattle made up not quite 53 percent of the total; sheep,
about 25 percent, and goats , less than 23 percent. In addition ,
there were about 7 million horses, mules, donkeys, and cam
els. Livestock constitute an important part of agriculture, and
raising livestock is the primary occupation of the estimated
1.5 million nomads or seminomads in the country . Distribu
tion was irregular throughout the country and was generally
reflective of topography. The major areas producing cattle for
market were located south and southwest of Asmara to the
Lake Tana region , around the Rift Valley lakes, and in south
ern Sidamo and Bale provinces (see ch. 2, Physical Environ
ment) .
Exports of livestock and livestock products in the 1968 trade
year amounted to about Eth $32.6 million and constituted
about one- eighth by value of total exports. They were second
in value to coffee exports, which made up about three-fifths
of total exports. Exports consisted of live animals, fresh and
frozen meats, meat preparations, and skins and hides.
>

Cattle were the most important livestock. Accurate esti

mates were difficult to obtain , not only because many head
are constantly on the move with nomadic groups, but also be
cause some farmers have been reluctant to have their cattle
counted . It is likely , however, that there were over 25 million
head in 1970 , of which 6 to 7 mülion were probably oxen.
Various categories of draft cattle were used in the prepara
tion of land for 90 percent of all crop production. Most cattle
were humped zebu.
Most cattle had low meat and milk yields. In part this
stemmed from disease, but the major cause was uneconomic
herding practices, such as the accumulation of cattle beyond
their optimum market age as a sign of wealth or for other
social reasons. Most cattle are kept in small herds averaging
about twenty head and associated with subsistence
farming.
Cattle had a low regeneration rate , reflective of a high mor
tality rate among calves and young grown stock . The major
causes of death were listed as contagious diseases and para
sitic infections. The low regeneration rate is also reflective
368
of the use of about 25 percent of all cattle for draft purposes.
Responsibility for the improvement of domestic stock falls
under the Veterinary Department and the Livestock and Meat
Board of the Ministry of Agriculture. Efforts have focused on
the importation of bulls and the use of artificial insemination .
Figures for the production of cow milk in the late 1960s
showed a wide range, from 700,000 to 2 million metric tons
annually. Estimates were unavailable for the small amounts
of milk provided by camels and goats. Most of the milk not
consumed fresh was made into ghee (a clarified form of but
ter ), or into various cheese -like products. Although some of
these products entered the market, they were mainly for home
consumption .
Attempts had been made under programs sponsored by the
United Nations Children's Fund and the Food and Agricultural
Organization of the United Nations to set up a central process
ing and redistribution system for commercially pasteurized
milk . In the mid- 1960s production of pasturized milk had
reached 3,200 tons. Most processing was confined to the areas
around Addis Ababa and Asmara.
The number of sheep and goats was estimated in 1966/67
at between 23 million and 24 million head, about equally divid
ed between the two. Goats were used mainly as a source of
meat, although some farmers used them also as a source
of fresh milk . Sheep provided wool for weaving and, in high
elevations, produced a coarse wool used for rugs and blan
kets. They also provided mutton, which was the major meat
in the Ethiopian diet.
Estimates for 1966/67 showed about 3.8 million donkeys,
approximately 1.4 million mules, and roughly 1.4 million
horses. These animals were seldom used for field work but
had a major role in the transportation and the distribution of
goods and produce. There were nearly 1 million camels. They
supplied limited amounts of milk and meat, but their major
function was as pack animals in arid regions.
Estimates for poultry in the late 1960s stood at about 44.5
million . Most of the poultry were chickens but small numbers
of guinea fowl, partridges and ducks were included. Most
poultry was raised by subsistence farmers for their own con
sumption. The average flock consisted of 4 to 10 hens. Surplus
chickens and eggs were often sold along the roadside or near
urban areas . Although international competition and increas
ing domestic needs restricted the growth of egg exports, a
small and fluctuating number of eggs was being exported.
The average chicken and the twenty -five to forty eggs it pro
duced a year were small. The government was trying to im
369
prove flock quality through the importation of breeding stock
and the sale , at cost prices, of day -old chicks to poultry
cooperatives.

FORESTRY

Forests once covered 35 to 50 percent of the country. By the

sixteenth century , however, much of the forests had been cut
for firewood or had been cleared for crop farming. Deforesta
tion led to severe erosion in many areas. Forest land in the
late 1960s constituted about 7 percent of the total land area
or about 12.3 million acres . The majority of dense forest land,
including African species of both softwood and hardwoods
was in the southwest highlands and was too remote for prof
itable exploitation because of the lack of good roads. High
land forests include tropical rain forest, tropical bamboo for
est and, in drier, cooler areas, tropical conifer forest. Lowland
forest consists of savanna woodland, thorn land, and riparian
woodland . Acacia and euphorbia are common species found in
lowland groves .
During the reign of Menelik II ( 1889-1913) eucalyptus trees
were planted in the capital city to help offset the growing
scarcity of wood. The trees adapted well to the climate, spread
to surrounding areas, and by the mid 1960s covered an area of
about ninety -five square miles. In addition to providing shade
and serving a decorative function , they were the major source
of timber for construction in the capital as well as for such
items as fenceposts and telephone poles. Eucalyptus leaves
and small branches are used for cooking fires.
About 40 percent of all forest land belongs to the state.
Administration of 80 percent of all state-owned land falls
under the Ministry of the Interior. The remainder falls under
the administration of the Ministry of Mines and the Ministry
of Agriculture. All forest land, private and government owned ,
is subject to regulations prescribed by the Ministry of Agricul
ture, which maintains a separate forestry program in each
province. The major focus of the ministry is on the conserva .
tion and rational utilization of existing timber land as well as
reforestation. A scarcity of timber continues and will remain
until land registration problems are resolved.

FISHING

The fish catch in 1965 was about 7,838 tons, of which 30

percent was exported mainly as fish meal, bringing export
earnings of about Eth$4.76 million . In 1966 there were 7,000
registered fishermen ; nearly 95 percent worked in coastal
370
waters and the remainder worked inland lakes. There were
no figures for unregistered subsistence fishermen . There were
900 registered fishing vessels, of which 45 ( about 9 percent)
were inboard motor driven craft. All were confined to coastal
areas .
Fish are abundant in Red Sea coastal waters as well as in
lakes and rivers. Feasibility studies have been made, but full
scale exploitation of fish sources has not been achieved. Small
amounts of fresh , salted, and dried fish are exported. Fish is
not a part of the traditional diet of most Ethiopians, and com
mercial fishermen depend upon external markets for profit
able operations. The growth of fishing has been limited by the
lack of an internal market, the low level of technology and
equipment, the small scale of most operations, varying annual
catches, and inadequate refrigeration and transportation
facilities.

FINANCE AND MARKETING

Most rural areas had self-contained local markets in which
subsistence producers sold and purchased surpluses. Items
available included garden produce, poultry, eggs, meat, and
other food products. The major agricultural products to enter
the national market were sugar, coffee, oilseeds, livestock and
related products. They were collected by wholesale houses at
regional markets for transportation to urban centers, where
they were either sold to urban retailers for domestic sale or
shipped to the coast for export (see ch. 21 , Domestic Trade).
Commercial transportation, refrigeration, and storage facil
ities, existing in the late 1960s were inadequate and restricted
the movement of perishable items to short distances. The lack
of these facilities not only reduced the incentive to subsistence
and small landholders, farmers to increase productivity but
also hindered the ability of the country to be self- sufficient in
the production of agricultural products. It was cheaper for
northern regions to import grain for their needs than to pay
the high cost of transporting surplus domestic grain from other
parts of the country . Warehouse facilities were sparse in rural
areas , and most farmers used wickerwork silos for grain stor
age. These were inadequate protection against rodents and
insects and resulted in substantial losses of stored grain .
Low cost institutional credit for farmers was scarce . The
only specialized source of low -cost, long term credit for agri
culture was the Development Bank of Ethiopia . Since 1960
small loans of a few hundred dollars have been discontinued
because of the high service cost and default rates on such
loans. By the mid-1960s almost all the loans that were being
371
granted were to a small number of large- scale farmers who
could provide the collateral necessary to guarantee the loans.
Small-scale farmers were dependent upon noninstitutional
sources. Small loans from friends and relatives were often
made on an informal basis with no definite repayment sched
ule or were paid off by exchanges of labor. Moneylenders
were an additional and expensive source of credit.
Cooperatives became one of the mechanisms for agricul
tural marketing during the 1960s, but they supplied only lim
ited sources of credit for agricultural equipment, seed , and
fertilizer. The first cooperative to be officially recognized was
the Alemaya Farmer's Cooperative, established in 1963 under
the sponsorship of the agricultural college to aid vegetable
marketing. The Cooperative Societies Law of 1966 was passed
to regulate new cooperatives and required a minimum mem
bership of fifteen . By 1967 there were fifteen agricultural co
operatives, several of which had memberships of several hun
dred farmers. Most were producer cooperatives .
The development of cooperatives has been greatly hindered
by the lack of transportation facilities and long distances be
tween cultivation and market centers. Illiteracy and the lack
of trained personnel to set-up and manage cooperatives have
also been limiting factors, as has the lack of storage facilities
at market and farm sites. Cooperation on an ad hoc basis ex
isted for the transportation of crops and livestock to market,
for the building of farm buildings, and for labor exchange
( see ch.6 , Social Structure; ch . 12, Social Values) .

THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT

The government considered agriculture the base for eco
nomic development and acted on several levels in agricultural
matters. In addition to its formation of overall economic plans,
government action included legislation covering marketing
and price regulations for certain farm products, the establish
ment of guidelines and regulations for cooperative societies,
and the authority for land tax reform . The government-char
tered Development Bank of Ethiopia was one channel for
foreign institutional development aid, and the government
was actively encouraging private foreign investment in the
agricultural sector. Private and public research was coordi
nated through the Advisory Council on Agricultural Research
( see ch. 17 , Character and Structure of the Economy; ch . 22,
Foreign Economic Relations; ch. 23, Fiscal and Monetary
Systems) .
Agricultural development was the concern of several gov
ernment ministries. Responsibility for land survey and reform
372
fell to the Ministry of Land Reform and Administration . The
Ministry of National Community Development and Social Af
fairs was concerned with improvements in the rural standard
of living. The major responsibility for agricultural develop
ment belonged to the Ministry of Agriculture. Between 1963
and 1964 various reforms led to the decentralization of the
ministry and the establishment of regional offices headed by
provincial agricultural officers. Each officer supervised min
istry activities in his province, such as those of the veterinary
and livestock departments, and coordinated extension service
activities in conjunction with the provincial extension serv
ice supervisor.
The extension service operated in eleven of the fourteen
provinces. In the late 1960s it consisted of about 100 exten
sion agents and about 13 supervisors. The supervisors held
university degrees, and extension agents had attended one of
the two national agricultural schools. Many extension service
personnel had also received training at the American Univer
sity in Beirut. The effectiveness of the service was hindered
by funding limitations. Agents lacked facilities for dissemi
nating information to farmers or for carrying out demonstra
tions. Few of the agents had either a motorized vehicle or a
pack animal at their disposal, and their effectiveness was lim
ited to the area immediately surrounding the extension station .
Two government agricultural schools provided courses in
agronomy, soil science, and animal husbandry. Each school
annually graduated forty to fifty students (see ch . 9, Educa
tion). The College of Agriculture in Alemaya offered univer
sity-level courses. All veterinary course work was taken
abroad until 1964 , when the School of Animal Health Assist
ance was established at Debre Zeyt under a United Nations
Special Fund project. It provided a two-year program quali
fying graduates for employment in the veterinary services divi
sion of the Ministry of Agriculture as animal health inspectors.
The faculty of the agricultural college was also responsible
for research at the Central Experimental Station at Debre
Zeyt, and some faculty members were permanently main
tained there for research purposes. The major emphasis at
Debre Zeyt was on poultry and field crop production.
The Institute of Agricultural Research was established in
1965 under a United Nations Special Fund project. Three sta
tions have been developed , with research at each designed to
coordinate with regional needs. The first was at Holleta Genet
near Addis Ababa. It was to become the main headquarters
and served the Central Plateau region. The second was at
Malka Sadi in the middle Awash region, which specialized
373
in irrigation agriculture. The third, near Jimma, had a partic
ular focus on coffee production for the southwest.
The government has sponsored the establishment of sev
eral organizations, such as the Ethiopian Grain Corporation
and the Oilseed Development Share Corporation , to secure
an external market for domestically produced grains, pluses,
and oilseeds, to encourage qualitative and quantitative pro
duction increases , and to help guarantee crop sales at fair
prices. In late 1969 plans were underway to establish the Bul
garian Red Sea Development Corporation . This joint venture
with Bulgaria was to provide for four deep sea trawlers with
capacity for a total estimated fish catch of 30,000 tons. The
trawlers were intended chiefly for exploitation of sardine re
sources for fishmeal and also for fresh consumption .
Various specialized boards, such as the Ethiopian Grain
Board , existed under the Ministry of Agriculture. In addition
to their mission of increasing the quality and quantity of the
crops, regulating commodity prices, and determining which
countries were to receive exports, they also carried out field
projects. Both the Tobacco Board and the Coffee Board had
field advisors and hired village workers to supervise crop pro
duction in selected areas. The Livestock and Meat Board
maintained a staff to give hide and skin preparation instruc
tion as well as to aid slaughterhouse management.
The marginal return capital investment would bring in
much of the subsistence sector has militated against wide
spread, across -the-board agricultural development programs.
The government, therefore, has concentrated its agricultural
investment in high -return projects or has chosen regional
projects. It expected that simultaneous focus on housing, in
frastructure, and technology would generate capital for future
development and result in regional self -sustained growth . The
first regional development project, in Chilalo subprovince of
Arussi Province, was undertaken with aid from the Swedish
International Development Agency. The second was the Wol
amo Agricultural Development Project in Sidamo Province,
financed in 1969 by the International Development Associ
ation (IDA). In 1970 IDA agreed to furnish the foreign ex
change components for a third project, the Humera agricul
tural development project in the northwest lowlands. The
government also has underway the development of the Awash
region and has established the Awash Valley Authority.

374
 CHAPTER 19

INDUSTRY

The introduction of industrial activity has made some prog

ress since the 1950s, but in 1970 industry remained of very
limited importance in the economy compared to agriculture.
In the mid -1960s industry was thought to employ about 6 per
cent of the estimated labor force. Skilled or literate labor was
in scarce supply and transport and material costs were high .
Industrial enterprise and skilled crafts had traditionally ranked
relatively low among the social values of some of the country's
predominant ethnic groups (see ch . 6, Social Structure; ch. 12 ,
Social Values; ch . 20 , Labor) . Domestic savings were scarce,
and private savers preferred real estate to industry as an in
vestment. The growth of industry beginning in the 1950s had
been fueled largely by foreign investment or foreign aid and
encouraged by centralized planning.
Because of the still- limited purchasing power of the largely
rural population , the potential of the domestic market in many
lines was not sufficiently clear to allow significant economies
of scale in mass production that would permit manufacturers
to compete in price with exporting countries or countries with
a rapidly expanding domestic market. Imported transistor
radios had become a popular status symbol and source of
information in the countryside , but some domestically produced
items, such as leather footwear, were not accepted in the coun
try districts and remained relatively low in output and high
in price.
In the late 1960s the most successful expansion had taken
place in products with a responsive rural demand, such as
sugar, beverages, textiles, clothing, and rubber sandals or
canvas footwear (see table 10) . The country's largest enter
prise was the Wonji sugar monopoly, founded in 1950 by the
Dutch concern, Handels Vereniging Amsterdam ( HVA), with
Ethiopian participation (HVA-Ethiopia) and with very sub
stantial tariff protection . The cotton textile industry was ex
panding. In the 1960s domestically grown cotton filled only
about half of the industry's needs, but there were plans for
expansion of cotton growing in the Awash valley scheme and
elsewhere (see ch. 18 , Agriculture ). Three Japanese firms were
375
reported to be planning to participate with the Ethiopian
government in plans for cotton textile or possible synthetic
textile production . Expansion of woolen goods production at
Debre Berhan in Shoa Province northeast of Addis Ababa was
also planned.
Centralized government planning, foreign aid projects, and
concessions to foreign investors had resulted in the creation of
new industrial capacity in a number of other lines in the late
1960s. The 500,000 -ton -capacity petroleum refinery at Assab,
financed by the Soviet Union and completed in April 1967,
became the country's principal state -owned industrial enter
prise, reportedly employing 100 Soviet technicians. A tire plant
was expanded with a loan from Czechoslovakia in 1966, and
in 1968 it began the production of sandals. At the end of 1966
Fiat and the manufacturer of the Land Rover concluded nego
tiations for an assembly plant to produce trucks, buses, and
jeeps. Although the existing cement plants at Addis Ababa and
Dire Dawa had been operating below capacity, a third plant
was established at Massawa in Eritrea Province with the aim
of creating new demand by the exploitation of cost advantages.
The Export-Import Bank of the United States had financed
construction of a new pulp and paper mill with participation
by the Ethiopian government and Parsons and Whittemore, Inc.
of New York .
Creation of basic industry , such as iron and steel and chem
ical production (sulfuric acid , caustic soda, and carbon bi
sulfide ), had been a long-term goal of both the Second Five
Year Plan ( 1963-67) and the Third Five Year Plan ( 1968-73)
but had not materialized by the late 1960s. The Third Five
Year Plan had been deliberately ambitious in setting its goals,
which in many instances were based upon high assumptions
concerning the amount of foreign financing that could be ob
tained . Some of the needs set forth in the Third Plan may
therefore be reincorporated in subsequent plans.
Except in the case of selected industrial products, including
potash , freeze -dried coffee, and limited quantities of tinned
meat and other products, the export potential for the country's
industry was thought to be limited. The protection of tariff
barriers is needed for many products because of a number of
cost factors. Transport costs are high , particularly since the
closing of the Suez Canal in mid- 1968 . Labor productivity tends
to be lower than in many other areas , such as exporting Asian
countries. The cost of both imported and domestically produced
material inputs for industry is high . Foreign investors entering
an untried market under unfamiliar conditions usually require
a higher than average profit; this meant that high domestic
376
 Table 10. Estimated Production of Selected Minerals and Manufactures of
Ethiopia , 1965/66 and 1966/671

Product Unit 1965/66 1966/67

Minerals
Gold troy ounce 23,341 21,521
Manganese ore metric ton 2,000 2,000
Platinum troy ounce 273 282
Anhydrite (calcium sulfate ) metric ton 6,000 6,000
Quarry salt 2 .. do .. 10,000 10,000
Marine salta .. do .. 220,150 202,035
Foods, Beverages, and Tobacco
Sugar metric ton 68,861 76,865
Wheat flour .. do .. 42,030 58,952
Edible oil .. do .. 5,343 8,146
Meat (canned ) .. do .. n.r. 5,035
Meat ( frozen ) . do .. n.r. 2,920
Pasteurized milk 1,000 gallons 1,840 1,861
Beer .. do .. 4,876 5,693
Soft drinks .. do .. 4,551 4,651
Cigarettes 1,000 pieces 527 588
Textiles, Clothing, and Footwear
Cotton fabrics 1,000 square yards 51,626 69,391
Nylon fabrics .. do .. n.r. 2,235
Cotton yarn metric ton 7,459 9,221
Blankets each 124,207 403,567
Carpets square yards n.r. 5,980
Burlap sacks 1,000 pieces 4,207 4,852
Stockings dozen 120,000 475,745
Readymade clothing 1,000 pieces 13 12
Leather shoes and boots 1,000 pairs 648 762
Plastic footwear .. do .. 391 1,440
Canvas and rubber footwear .. do .. 521 938
Other Products
Timber cubic yards 18,973 20,535
Plywood and particle board .. do .. 2,961 5,926
Cement metric ton 88,930 137,649
Cement floor tiles square yards 203,810 257,137
Bricks 1,000 pieces 23,835 25,272
Mosaics square yards 82,145 41,262
Bottles 1,000 pieces 18,000 15,100
Iron bars (round) metric ton 8,800 12,000
Steel structure . square yards n.r. 62,430
Corrugated iron sheet metric ton 5,567 14,259
Matches 1,000 boxes 17,000 22,252
Soap metric ton 2,764 4,102
n.r.—not reported .
" Ending in September of the Gregorian year; 1965/66 corresponds to Ethiopian calendar year 1958–
see Preface.
In Ethiopian statistics, marine salt is included in food manufactures; quarry salt, in mineral products.
Source: Adapted from Imperial Ethiopian Government, Central Statistical Of.
fice, Statistical Abstract, 1967 and 1968.

377
prices or other profit incentives must be provided to develop
industry. Some of the established producers were reported to
be disinclined to reduce prices or increase investment on the
chance of expanding the market for their product. Lack of
domestic competition also tended to keep prices high.
The structure of taxation and tariffs affecting industry was
under revision in the late 1960s. Previously , some manu
facturers had complained that the advantage of tariff protec
tion was offset by the burden of indirect taxes. Tariffs and
other factors also tended to keep the price of industrial input
materials high. Despite these hindrances to the expansion of
industry, foreign investors found a receptive climate. The
bureaucratic system sometimes delayed transactions, but as of
mid-1970 the attitude of the government toward foreigners and
private enterprise was friendly (see ch. 13 , The Governmental
System ). Liberal incentives are offered for productive invest
ment, and exceptions have sometimes been made to provide
still higher incentives. Mineral resources are owned by the
state , but concessions for exploration or exploitation have been
provided to foreign investors. In the late 1960s the entire com
plex of incentives to investment was under review, and in
early 1970 a new investment proclamation was pending.
PATTERN OF INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY

In the 1960s industry was located primarily around Addis

Ababa, at nearby Nazret, at Dire Dawa on the railway in
Hararge Province, and at Asmara in Eritrea . The Akaki
Metahara industrial ribbon extended along the rail line north
west and northeast of Nazret. The industrial sector is so small
that a relatively small addition to industrial investment from
one year to the next can result in an appreciable growth rate.
From 1961 to 1965, for example, the Ministry of Planning and
Development cited an average annual increase of 16 percent
a year in domestic product derived from manufacturing alone.
Yet in 1967 manufacturing was thought to contribute only
about 4.3 percent of gross domestic product. In that year, for
the first time, the product derived from manufacturing was
thought to be equivalent to that derived from handicraft and
cottage industry (see ch. 17, Character and Structure of the
Economy) . The estimate for gross domestic product derived
from all forms of industry, including mining, construction,
manufacturing, handicrafts, cottage industry, and utilities, was
about Eth $546 million (1 Ethiopian dollar equals US $ 0.40 ), or
16 percent of gross domestic product.
Mining and quarrying were thought to have contributed only
about 0.4 percent of gross domestic product in 1967 and 1968.
378
Potash production and export was not yet underway. Man
ganese production had apparently stopped in 1968. In value of
production , gold was still the principal mineral produced,
followed by quarry salt (rock salt), anhydrite (anhydrous cal
cium sulfate), and platinum . Marine and lake salt was also
produced by evaporation, and there were a few other mineral
products, such as limestone, clay, and talc. Iron ore deposits
were scattered throughout the country, and some iron ore was
still being mined locally. The country's mineral resources had
not been fully explored , but the difficulty of transport and
inaccessibility of much of the terrain might inhibit commercial
exploitation of eventual discoveries (see ch. 2, Physical En
vironment).
Petroleum exploration had accounted for much of the foreign
investment in this sector during the 1960s and was still under
way in 1970. Toward the end of the 1960s a number of foreign
firms had shown interest in exploration or development of
other minerals , but their commercial potential had not yet
been determined . Potash production was expected to start in
1968 and to supersede gold as the principal mineral product
by the 1970s. The five-year plan for 1968-73 projected an
optimum output of 750,000 tons of potash a year by 1973.
In 1961 the Ralph N. Parsons Company of the United States
had obtained a concession for the potash deposits at Dallol
in the Danakil Depression, but in 1968 it relinquished its con
cession to the Ethiopian Potash Company, a new firm founded
by Kaiser Aluminum and Sea Tankers, Inc. No potash produc
tion was reported in 1968. By 1966 investment in this one
project was equivalent to the total investment in all other
sectors of activity.
The line of distinction between manufacturing and small
scale industry as reflected in the statistics was not clearly
drawn . The basis of the annual census of manufacturing was
changed in 1965, so that statistics reported since that date
cannot be compared with earlier data . The survey of manu
facturing after 1965 attempted to cover all establishments with
five or more employees except those engaged in flour milling
for client's account, coffee and grain cleaning, shoemaking, and
tailoring. The survey was conducted by mail and, when an
establishment failed to respond, extrapolations were made on
the basis of its previously submitted data.
For the year 1966/67 (Ethiopian calendar year 1959-see
Preface ), the survey reported 395 establishments engaged in
some form of manufacturing ( see table 11 ). An attempt has
been made to follow the definition of manufacturing used in
the International Standard Industrial Classification of the
379
 Table 11. Ethiopia , Survey of Manufacturing Industry, 1966/671
Gross Value of
Number of
Establish Employment Production
ments ? Number Percent Value Percent

Food Processings 112 22,170 37.8 113,197 31.7

Beverages ... 43 2,548 4.3 45,774 12.8
Tobacco products 2 489 0.8 7,128 2.0
Textile industry 40 19,271 32.8 103,120 28.9
Leather and footwear 23 2,100 3.6 17,380 4.9
Wood6 .... 61 3,026 5.2 9,845 2.7
Nonmetallic minerals 35 4,336 7.4 18,110 5.1
Printing 26 1,499 2.6 7,995 2.2
Petroleum products 32 2,227 3.8 12,358 3.5
and chemicals . 32 2,227 3.8 12,358 3.5
Metals, machinery, and
electrical equipment. 21 1,028 1.7 22,203 6.2
Total 395 58,694 100.0 357,110 100.0

'Equivalent to Ethiopian calendar year 1959 — see Preface .

Establishments employing five or more persons.
3Reflects price differentials , excise and other taxes.
' In thousands of Ethiopian dollars ; 1 Eth $ equals US $0.40.
sExcludes many small flour mills and oil-crushing mills. May include about 8,700 sugar plantation
workers.
Many sawmills are excluded because of their inaccessibility.
Source: Adapted from Imperial Ethiopian Government, Central Statistical Of.
fice, Statistical Abstract, 1967 and 1968.

United Nations. Since the definition of manufacturing is fairly

broad , some small-scale handicrafts or workshops may be in
cluded . It has also been suggested , however, that many small
establishments that conform to the definition of manufacturing
may have been omitted , though perhaps not as many as in
earlier years . These may include remote sawmills, small metal.
working and repair shops, and the like. Some 130 small estab
lishments with from 5 to 19 employees were included, employ
ing a total of more than 1,500 employees. Of this group , 21
of the smallest establishments produced beverages, 44 were in
food processing, and 22 were in sawmill operation or wood
working.
Of the 395 manufacturing units shown, only 84 employed
100 or more workers. These 84 units accounted for about 83.4
percent of the reported employment. Only 15 establishments
reported employing more than 500 workers, but they accounted
for 57 percent of the employment in manufacturing.
In food processing, the HVA -Ethiopia sugar refinery and
plantations employed about 11,000 workers in 1965. This figure
probably includes some 8,700 sugarcane plantation workers,
who may be included to inflate the data on manufacturing
labor force since 1965. The company's Wonji refinery was
380
built in 1950 , and the Shoa plant was added during the Second
Five Year Plan . The Metahara sugar estate was building a
refinery in 1969. The Ethiopian Spice Extraction Company's
new factory was expected to start exporting oleoresin paprika
extract to the United States in February 1970. Its principal
shareholder is the Kalamazoo Spice Extraction Company of
the United States. A new company, the National Coffee
Processing and Development Share Company, was set up in
1970 to produce freeze -dried coffee for export. It would make
Ethiopia one of the first countries to produce freeze-dried
coffee. Other food -processing products include canned meat for
export and canned vegetables and fish products.
In the beverage branch , Coca -Cola and Pepsi-Cola have
bottling plants; there are at least two large breweries; and
home brewing of indigenous beer is common . Wine and liquor
are also produced in quantity. The gross value of production
includes indirect taxes , which inflates the apparent share of
beverages in total output.
The official tobacco monopoly boasts that the domestically
grown tobacco has a lower nicotine content than most. Ciga
rettes are also produced domestically, but in the late 1960s
imported cigarettes, encountering market difficulties elsewhere,
were gaining ground in Ethiopia despite tariff barriers.
In textile production , the largest firms in the 1960s were
Indo-Ethiopian Textiles at Akaki (about 4,000 employees in
1965) , the Cotton Company of Ethiopia at Dire Dawa (about
3,000 in 1965) , and Cotonoficio Baratolo at Asmara, (about
2,000 employees in 1965) . A wool factory in Debre Berhan
went into production in 1965 producing blankets and carpets.
A new plant of the National Textile Factory for woolen fabrics
and knitwear was being built. Burlap sacks are produced by
the Manifattura Sacchi Asmera, chiefly from imported jute.
There has also been some use of doum palm fibre and ensete
(false banana-see Glossary) fiber for sacking, but securing
adequate supply has been a problem.
A number of nonmetallic construction materials are produced.
There are cement factories in Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, and
Massawa , and cement floor tiles, bricks, mosaics, and ceramics
are also manufactured domestically. In recent years round iron
bars and steel shapes have been produced . Galvanized roofing
production capacity can fill domestic demand; tin cans are
also produced domestically. Chemical production was still
rather limited at the end of the 1960s. There was a pharma
ceutical laboratory, a paint factory, and a foam plastic plant.
Soap production capacity was being expanded. A Greek firm ,
Bianil Moschato Aniline Dyes S. A., was reported planning to
381
construct a chemical plant for detergents, insecticides, floor
polishes, cosmetics, and textile dyes. It would be designed to
fill domestic demand and eventually to export its products
as well.

HANDICRAFT AND SMALL-SCALE INDUSTRY

It is generally assumed that far more people are employed in
artisan -scale operations or handicrafts than in manufacturing
( see ch. 20, Labor ). Traditionally , the major ethnic groups in
Ethiopia have been warriors, administrators, herdsmen , or
farmers and have left business or crafts, some of which have
low status in their scale of social values, to foreigners or
minority groups (see ch. 6 , Social Structure; ch . 12, Social
Values) . Manual dexterity and skill are not traditionally regard
ed as virtues among the Amhara and Tigre, and a proverb
often heard among the Amhara is " from cleverness of hand
( comes] serfdom , from cleverness of mouth, master.” Work
>

for wages was also considered undignified among Amhara .

These factors were often cited in the 1950s as hampering the
recruitment of skilled labor and the domestic supply of capital.
Such obstacles in developing countries have sometimes proved
to be more readily overcome than was anticipated. In the
1960s it was not entirely clear to what extent these traditional
attitudes still prevailed, particularly among the educated elite,
or how strongly they may have affected national or local
attitudes toward the development of modern industry or toward
the provision of better conditions for artisan activity.
Some examples of the relegation of handicrafts to particular
groups were cited in a 1960 study of Begemder Province,
which was described as a center of conservatism within the
country. The study was based on fieldwork performed in the
early 1950s. In Begemder, Amhara and highland Tigre farmers
did their own leather tanning, and there were respected
Amhara horn craftsmen . Silverworking is also a respected craft,
and many of the silverworkers are Amhara Christians. There
are some Amhara weavers and some Falasha weavers , but
weaving is practiced principally by Jabarta Muslims. Begemder
Province is situated between black Africa , where blacksmiths
are honored , and the Middle East, where they are usually
regarded as a lowly group. Consequently, most of the Semitic
and Cushitic groups in the province look down on smiths,
while other groups respect them . Ironwork is often done by the
Falasha , sometimes by an Agau class of blacksmiths. Fired
pottery is also produced almost exclusively by the Falasha.
Many hamlets have one Falasha family that performs this sort
of work, and there are many itinerant Falasha potters in
the province .
382
 In 1962 the country's most widely practiced handicraft may
have been the weaving and tailoring of cloth for the shamma,
the national costume of the country . The other most important
categories cited were grain milling, coffee and grain cleaning,
and shoemaking. Employment in handicrafts was thought to be
growing at the rate of about 5 percent a year.
In the rural areas, such activities as smithing, shoemaking,
or toolmaking are often performed by part-time artisans, but
artisan activity has become more and more concentrated in the
towns. Modernization and the progressive introduction ofmass
produced goods have also led to the decline of traditional
handicrafts, such as handweaving, embroidery, woodworking,
and pottery . Certain forms of tribal handicraft have entirely
disappeared (see ch. 10 , Artistic and Intellectual Expression).
Credit and marketing for handicrafts were thought to be in
adequate, and working conditions were poor. A school for
handicraft workers had for a time turned out graduates who
tended to abandon their traditional crafts.
Under the Third Five Year Plan the government proposed
to improve the conditions of handicraft and cottage industry .
Among the measures proposed were the introduction and pro
vision of better tools and equipment; assistance in marketing
at home and abroad; and the provision of credit, equipment ,
technical instruction , and other assistance to prospective
entrepreneurs in the sector. For this purpose some Eth $ 4
million was to be placed at the disposal of development finance
institutions for loans to this sector; Eth $2 million was to be al
located for training centers; and Eth $ 1 million was to be desig
nated for marketing assistance. The plan also emphasized
the decentralization of handicraft and cottage industry, which
had lost ground in the rural areas and tended to be concen
trated in the cities .
Statistical data on handicraft and small -scale industry are
frequently cited but are difficult to reconcile with other eco
nomic data , since most sources use a definition of small - scale
industry that overlaps the official definition of manufacturing.
Thus the International Labor Office, for example, defined
small-scale industry as establishments employing up to fifty
workers with motive power used and fixed capital of less than
Eth $ 20,000. In early 1970 the legislation and incentives affect
ing investment, taxation , and other aspects of the country's
business climate were thought to discourage small-scale
industry.
ELECTRIC POWER

Electric power capacity was scheduled for large-scale expan

sion under the second and third five-year plans. Development
383
projects were designed to keep the supply of electric power
just ahead of the anticipated demand. The projects proved
more costly than anticipated , however, and there were indica
tions in early 1970 that power expansion might be lagging
behind the developing demands of industry.
Except at Asmara and Massawa in Eritrea, power-generating
facilities are operated by the Ethiopian Electric Light and
Power Authority , a statutory corporation of the government. In
the mid-1960s they served some thirty -five population centers
with a total population of 1.5 million . About twenty -three
communities were served by units operating outside the inter
connected national grid . Most of the existing plants in 1967
were thermal (steam or diesel operated ), but there were hydro
electric plants at Addis Ababa , Jimma, Debre Berhan, Dire
Dawa, and Asmara . In 1966/67 (Ethiopian calendar year 1959–
see Preface), hydroelectric capacity was 92,078 kilowatts, and
thermal capacity was 45,687 kilowatts. Production of hydro
electric power was 210 million kilowatt-hours, and thermal
production was 84 million kilowatt- hours.
The utilizable hydroelectric potential of the country's rivers
has been estimated at 143 billion -kilowatt hours. The Blue Nile
(Abay) river, in the west, had the greatest utilizable potential,
estimated at about 24.9 billion kilowatt-hours. The Awash
River basin southeast of Addis Ababa was the first to be
developed under the plan. The Awash I (Koka) hydroelectric
power project was completed in 1960. A second dam , Awash II,
has been operating successfully since December 1966. Awash III
developed defects after it went into operation in 1968, and com
pletion was delayed until 1970.
The stations of the Awash River are the main generating
facilities for the country's interconnected electricity grid , which
has a generating capacity of about 126,000 kilowatts. During
the Third Five Year Plan , construction was expected to begin
on a 100-megawatt dam and power station on the Finchaa
tributory of the Blue Nile. Bids submitted were not acceptable,
however, and new financing was sought, with resulting delay.
In May 1969 it was announced that the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development had granted a loan of US $ 23.1
million that would permit the project to get underway. Plans
for the Finchaa complex anticipated an eventual annual pro
duction of around 500 million kilowatt-hours . In mid- 1970 the
Italian consortium Impresit had begun work on the project.
The Yugoslav firm Elektroprojekt, which worked on the Awash
valley projects, will bring in power lines to Finchaa.

384
 CHAPTER 20

LABOR

The economically active population in the latter 1960s was

estimated at roughly 7 million persons. This figure excluded
the majority of rural women , who were engaged primarily in
household activities. The total encompassed persons between
the ages of ten to sixty years; most boys are already econom
ically active at the age of ten. An overwhelming number of
the economically active, roughly 95 percent, were employed
in the traditional sector of the economy , with the largest
group engaged in agricultural and pastoral pursuits. At the
beginning of 1970 the modern sector accounted for perhaps
350,000 to 400,000 persons.
Throughout the 1960s there was a shortage of higher level
manpower, despite expanded training programs. As a result,
many of the key positions were filled by foreigners. This situ
ation was expected to continue during the period of the Third
Five Year Plan (1968–73) . The principal employer of profes
sional manpower was the government and the quasigovern
ment corporations.
Labor unions attained legal status only in 1962, although
de facto but unrecognized workers' organizations were in op
eration before that time. In Eritrea Province unions existed
separately until 1958 when they were disbanded by govern
mental order . Since legalization in 1962 labor unionism has
been encouraged by the government, and unions have been
formed in all the main economic areas of activity, including
agriculture, in the private modern sector. Public servants,
however, except those employed by government enterprises
operated for profit, were prohibited by law as of early 1970
from forming or joining labor unions. In May 1970 there were
119 legally registered labor unions. The total number of mem
bers was not known , but estimates placed the membership
in the late 1960s at about 55,000 .
The labor union movement has been basically a grass roots
affair, and a distinguishing characteristic of the unions is the
common educational level of members and union leaders.
Few, if any, members are individuals from the educated sec
tor of society or persons whose primary interests are political.
385
Union foundations stem principally from the local, mutual
self-help associations that are found throughout much of the
country (see ch. 6, Social Structure). The concepts of these
associations have been transferred to the context of modern
industrial establishments, where they have evolved into plant
labor unions. A further characteristic of the country's labor
unionism is the incorporation of all elements of the popula
tion - individuals of different ethnic, religious, and linguistic
backgrounds - into the same unions.

MANPOWER

The working-age population was estimated at 14.5 million

persons in 1967. This group constituted roughly 61 percent of
the total population (see ch. 4, Population ). A majority of boys
between the ages of ten and fifteen in the rural areas work on
farms. In urban areas persons in this age group may work in
family businesses or as casual workers. The proportion en
gaged in economic activities in urban areas, however, is
smaller, presumably because of greater attendance at schools.
Although the economically active population was estimated
by the government in the mid - 1960s at about 11 million, this
total included most rural women . Women among the major
ethnic groups, the Amhara -Tigre and Galla, and others as
well, work infrequently in the fields, however, and they take
little part in the care of livestock. Their principal occupation
is that of housewife. Girls from about age ten also are con
cerned mainly with household chores. Thus, although some
women are economically active in the marketing system and
among the nomadic groups women participate substantially
in economic activities, the larger number of women in the
overall population do not constitute members of the work
force, strictly defined . A manpower study made in 1966 for
the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), which excluded a majority of women in rural areas
for these reasons, placed the economically active population
at about 7 million persons .
Not included in the country's labor force, but in reality eco
nomically active, were the many children between the ages
of five and ten who have regular work duties. Amhara chil
dren already act as cattle guards and shepherds by the age
of five or six . Before age ten these duties have expanded for
boys to include other jobs such as cutting and threshing grain .
Galla children likewise are charged with caring for livestock
at an early age, except in areas in which the land is heavily
cultivated and serious damage could be done to crops by
straying animals. They presumably are also given other reg
ular jobs associated with agricultural activities.
386
 Employment by Economic Sector
Large gaps in knowledge of employment by economic sec
tor existed in the 1960s. A manpower survey was scheduled
to be carried out during the period 1969-70 under the Third
Five Year Plan for the purpose of securing more accurate in
formation . According to the USAID 1966 manpower study,
about 87 percent of the labor force was in the agricultural
sector. Industry, construction , mining, and laborers made up
slightly more than 6 percent; services accounted for over 3
percent, and selling and marketing for somewhat over 2 per
cent. The remaining 1 to 2 percent comprised mainly profes
sional, technical, and administrative workers and workers in
communications and protective services. Of the estimated la
bor force of about 7 million: 6,147,000 were in agriculture;
435,000 were in industry, construction, and mining (including
laborers ), 220,000 in services, and 160,000 in selling and mar
keting. Professional, technical,, administrative, communica
tions, and protective services workers amounted to less than
100,000 .
The vast majority of workers in the labor force were en
gaged in traditional economic activities. Over 90 percent of
those in the traditional sector were in subsistence agriculture
and animal husbandry. Trading and handicrafts accounted
for about 1 to 2 percent. There is probably considerable over
lapping in these groups. Farmers may produce handicraft
items, for instance, and traders may also produce some of the
goods they sell. The third main group in the traditional econ
omy consisted of persons providing services. Many of these
were members of the clergy and associated personnel of the
Ethiopian Orthodox Church. A majority of the new workers
entering the labor force at the beginning of the 1970s was ab
sorbed into these traditional activities.
Available data on the modern sector of the economy showed
an estimated labor force of about 300,000 in 1965. Govern
ment employees, including the armed forces, and those in so
cial and other services totaled about 157,000 and constituted
more than 53 percent of the total. The second largest number
of employees in 1965 was found in manufacturing, which rep
resented over 13 percent of the reported total. Data on this
group were revised in the latter part of the 1960s by the Cen
tral Statistical Office (CSO) . The revised figure showed 47,745
workers in manufacturing in 1964/65 ( Ethiopian calendar
year 1957-see Preface ), and the number rose to 58,694 in
1966/67. The Third Five Year Plan has predicated the need for
52,000 additional workers in the sector by 1973, the figure being
based upon production targets established for the plan period.
Trade, banking, and insurance in the modern sector had an
387
estimated 37,000 to 38,000 employees in 1965. Small retail
operations accounted for about one-third of the total. Many
of the remainder were connected with export and import bus
iness operations , with several thousand workers being em
ployees of firms dealing in the export of coffee.
Modern agricultural operations employed an estimated
21,000 to 22,000 persons in 1965. Most were laborers in a few
major undertakings, which included sugar plantations in Shoa
Province, cotton plantations in Eritrea and Wollo provinces,
and a large government-sponsored operation, the Awasa De
velopment Farm, in Arussi Province. Perhaps one- quarter to
one-third of these employees were seasonal laborers .
Mining accounted for almost 18,000 workers in 1965. Gov
ernment gold mines in the northern part of Sidamo Province
employed almost all in this group. Small numbers were en
gaged in the salt fields in Eritrea Province. Several hundred
others were employed by foreign companies doing explora
tory work .
Somewhat more than 14,000 persons were estimated to be
employed in the construction and building industry in 1965.
Not quite 60 percent were employees of the Imperial High
way Authority working mainly on road construction through
out the country. The remainder were employed by contracting
firms centered largely on Addis Ababa. The transport and
communications sector employed an estimated 31,000 to
32,000 workers as of 1966/67 ( Ethiopian calender year 1959–
see Preface ). Major employers in the transport field were
Ethiopian Airlines and the Franco-Ethiopian Railway Com
pany (Compagnie du Chemin de Fer Franco -Ethiopien ). Each
of these two companies had over 2,000 employees in 1967.
Other workers in transportation were employed on the rail
road between Massawa, Asmara , and Akordet, by municipal
and interurban bus companies, and as drivers of trucks and
taxis . The principal employer in the communications field
was the Imperial Board of Telecommunications of Ethiopia
(IBTE ). As of 1969 IBTE had about 3,000 regular employees.
Information on the occupational distribution of the labor
force is meager. One of the goals of the 1969-70 manpower
survey was to obtain data for elaboration of a nationwide oc
cupational classification. The largest overall occupational cat
egory consisted of farmers and herdsmen , who constituted
the great bulk of the work force in the traditional agricultural
sector. Most were members of farm households. Only a very
small number were hired laborers ; probably less than 1 per
cent of all agricultural workers in the traditional sector were
hired employees .
Workers in the service categories included an undetermined
388
number of priests, monks, debtera (see Glossary ), nuns, and
sacristans (see ch . 11 , Religion ). Others were festival dancers
and singers. Most service workers in the modern economy
were domestic servants;; however, some were employed in
various jobs in hotels , bars, and restaurants, as barbers and
in similar occupations. There was also a number of domestic
servants employed in rural areas in the traditional economy.
Handicraft workers included craftsmen in ironworking,
goldsmithing, silversmithing, woodcarvers, leather workers,
weavers, basketmakers, armorers , and others. The diversity
of ethnic groups in the country has resulted in the develop
ment of a highly varied handicraft industry. Industrialization
and modernization have resulted in the loss of some crafts;
however, at the same time new ones related to modern occu
pations have replaced them (see ch . 19, Industry ).
There are very few professional or skilled personnel in the
rural areas . Most persons in the professional, technical, and
administrative category are professional and administrative
workers connected with the military, civil service, educational
system , and health services. Clerical and technical workers
are few in number and are found chiefly in government serv .
ice and in the manufacturing industries.
A limited picture of occupational distribution in the urban
areas outside Addis Ababa and Asmara is contained in occu
pational surveys made by CSO in the mid- 1960s. Available
data covered eight towns in different parts of the country (see
table 12). Among the working force actually employed in
those towns at the time of the surveys, individuals in profes
sional, technical , and related positions accounted for a small
portion of the total, as did managerial and clerical workers.
>

A larger group was engaged in selling; another of similar size

consisted of workers, equipment operators, and laborers in
various aspects of industry, most of whom were associated
with the processing or fabrication of textiles and leather prod
ucts. Except for Bahir Dar, which had a modern textile fac
tory , industrial establishments in the surveyed towns were
very small, and more than half of their employees consisted
of owners and unpaid family members. Service workers, not
including those in protective services, constituted a sizable
proportion of workers. Most appeared to be domestic, ser
vants. A varying number of farmers and farmworkers also
lived in the towns.

Occupational Skills
Data on occupational skills are very limited . In the pre
dominant, agricultural sector methods of cultivation were
traditional, and experience and skill in the use of modern
389
 Table
Occupational
12.
Groups
Employed
of
Persons
Selected
Towns
Ethiopia
1,in
965

390
lin
percen
) t

Occupational
Group Adwa Bahir
Dar Debre
Zeyt Dessie Gondar Harar Jimma Soddo

tProfessional
, echnical
related
workers
.and 5.8 5.6 4.1 4.6 7.4 5.8 4.5 0.9
Managerial
administrativ
and e
workers 4.6 1.8 1.4 1.7 1.7 1.9 1.1 1.2
Clerical
workers 0.6 2.0 2.6 1.4 3.1 3.0 2.6 1.4
workers
Sales 8.3 10.3 11.3 22.2 25.7 18.2 16.0 27.0
,farm
Farmers
and
workers
graziers 13.2 5.0 7.9 5.31 2.12 8.9 15.81 25.0
communications
and
Transport
workers 0.9 0.4 0.7 3.1 1.9 1.9 3.0 0.9
,pand
Craftsmen
roduction
workers
processing 21.5 20.5 9.0 8.7 6.9 6.7 8.0 17.4
Laborers
farm ine
m(e, xcluding
and
)service 8.9 7.3 7.6 6.2 1.6 3.9 5.3 5.6
Protect
worker
servicesive 2.9 2.6 7.1 7.0 6.4 7.9 8.3 5.6
Service
worker
(excludin
sg
)
service
protective 31.9 29.2 34.3 32.2 14.7 11.4 28.3 13.4
Occupation
unspecified
or
unidentified 0.8 14.5 14.0 4.3 27.9 18.7 6.0 1.6
Members
of
armed
the
forces 0.6 3.2 0.6 11.7 1.1
Total 100.0 100.03 100.0 4 0.13
10 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

l
pJFigure
Dincludes essie
umbermen
.3
imma
ercent
.)(0,;(: .1
2Includes
fishermen
hunters
and
totaling
percent
.0.1
Total
includes
mine
quarry
and
workers
shown
Bseparately
Dar :not
ahir
;D0.8
essie
percent
.0.2
not
*Does
100.0
to
add
because
rounding
.of
agricultural implements were almost negligible (see ch. 18,
Agriculture ). Many handicraft workers in the traditional sec
tor possessed a high degree of skill , however, and in some
cases that skill has been applied in urban areas to the pro
duction and servicing of modern consumer goods .
The development of skills has been affected to some extent
by traditional attitudes of the Amhara and southern Tigre.
These ethnic groups give a preferred position to agriculture
and stockraising, to service with the military and the church ,
and to white -collar jobs in government. Economic necessity
and stimulation of wants by knowledge of newer goods pre
sumably were changing these attitudes to some extent; how
ever, in the latter 1960s there was still much evidence that
work requiring manual skills had little prestige.
Government estimates placed the number of persons in
high -level, intermediate, and skilled positions in the modern
economy in 1968 at 115,000, excluding military personnel.
High -level manpower was classified as professional and tech
nical personnel possessing four or more years of university
training. The intermediate group encompassed persons who
had an education of from one to three years beyond second
ary school , and the skilled -worker class consisted of those
who had completed from one to four years of education be
yond the eighth grade. Manufacturing with an estimated total
of 36,600 in the three categories had the greatest number.
Commerce, banking, and related activities had 27,350 fol
lowed by transport and communications with 13,420. The
educational services had another 12,500, public administration
8,340 , construction 6,570 , health services 6,550, and agricul
ture 2,470. Electricity and mining had estimated totals of 920
and 280, respectively.
The Third Five Year Plan projected a requirement for an
estimated 58,600 additional individuals in the three categories
by 1973 , if planned production and project implementation
goals were to be met . These were divided into 5,300 high-level
personnel, 12,300 in the intermediate category , and 41,000
>

skilled workers. The actual total needed was expected to be

somewhat higher in all groups because a certain amount of
attrition was anticipated during the plan period.
Throughout the 1960s there was considerable reliance on
foreign personnel to meet the overall requirement for skills.
The number of foreign experts employed was unavailable;
however, they constituted an important part of the profes
sional, managerial, technical, and highly skilled manpower
utilized in the modern sector during the decade. The coun
try's educational and training facilities made rapid strides
391
during this time but could not meet the total demand for
trained personnel (see ch. 9, Education ). This situation was
expected to continue during the Third Five Year Plan ; for ex
ample , it was estimated that only about 12 percent of the ad
ditional engineers required for full implementation of the plan
could be provided through domestic training facilities.
To some extent, however, the shortage of qualified Ethio
pian personnel during the 1960s was local and resulted from
the desire of all with substantial formal education to work in
Addis Ababa , where their particular skills might not be
>

needed , rather than take a position in country districts. In an

effort to ameliorate this situation , the government introduced
a requirement in the latter 1960s that all candidates for de
grees in the university system serve a certain period of time
in the field . Receipt of a degree was dependent upon com
pletion of this field service (see ch.9, Education ).
/
Foreign contractors working on projects financed by for
eign aid and on investment projects were expected to furnish
a significant proportion of high-level personnel throughout
the Third Five Year Plan period in areas including manufac
turing, mining, construction, and agriculture. In some other
sectors direct recruiting of specialists from abroad was pro
grammed , as was the sending of Ethiopian trainees to other
countries for specialist training.
Extensive on -the-job training programs have been devel
oped by domestic agencies and organizations within the coun
try. Both the Ethiopian Airlines and the Imperial Highway
Authority have conducted, over a period of several years,
large programs involving several thousand trainees. Other
organizations, such as the Ethiopian Electric Light and Pow
er Company and the Imperial Board of Telecommunications
of Ethiopia , also have been carrying on in -service training,
as have banking institutions and others. In the latter part of
the 1960s the government had under consideration the intro
duction of tax incentives to encourage in - plant and on -the-job
training by the private sector .

SEASONAL AND MIGRATORY LABOR

Seasonal labor occupies an important place in certain
phases of agriculture. Sugar plantations, for example, em
ploy large numbers of temporary workers to cut sugarcane.
The overall numbers were not known ; however, some large
plantations in the 1960s were reported to use over 5,000 sea
sonal workers during the cutting period . Commercial farms
raising cotton, coffee, and oilseed crops also use temporary
help in addition to their regular salaried employees. Other
392
seasonal workers are employed by wealthy landowners during
planting and harvesting periods. Some smaller farms growing
crops for marketing also employ numbers of seasonal workers.
Large numbers of workers migrate to the southwestern prov
inces of Kefa, Illubabor, and Wollega and to some other
growing areas during the coffee-picking season , either for
employment on coffee plantations or to harvest the coffee
beans that grow in wild forests of coffee trees in the region.
These migratory workers usually travel as family units, and
wives help with the work . Most are subsistence farmers from
the central and more northerly provinces, who seek this work
to supplement their other income.
In the late 1960s unknown numbers of male workers were
reported to be migrating regularly to the Sudan for work on
cotton plantations and farms presumably located in the area
to the west of Eritrea Province. Numbers of female workers
also were going under contract to countries bordering the Red
Sea, mainly to Jidda in Saudi Arabia , for domestic service.
UNEMPLOYMENT

Population pressures were known to have produced some

unemployment in the latter 1960s in rural areas of the high
lands. Figures on unemployment, however, were not avail
able. The principal characteristic of the rural economy at the
beginning of the 1970s was rather the alternation of periods
of intensive work by many during the peak periods of plant
ing and harvesting with periods of much less intensive work.
Urban areas were usually characterized by an excess of un
skilled workers and varying degrees of unemployment.
A countrywide, free employment service was authorized
under the Public Employment Administration Order issued
in 1962. This legislation also provided for the licensing of
private employment agencies. Government regulations based
on the legislation were issued in 1962 establishing national
employment offices in Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa. The of
fice at Dire Dawa, however, which also handles Hararge Pro
vince, was set up only in 1965. Additional regulations in 1966
established a provincial employment office in Asmara and
local offices in Eritrea Province at Massawa, Assab, Akordet,
and Keren . The Third Five Year Plan has programmed the
setting up of other offices, including one for Nazret to handle
plantation and industrial employment in the area .
The International Labor Office of the International Labor
Organization (ILO ) described operations of the employment
service in the latter half of the 1960s as well systematized
and functioning satisfactorily in view of local labor situations.
393
The offices were faced locally, for instance, with a large ex
cess of unskilled labor . Use of the offices by trained person
nel was moreover affected by the ease with which persons
with certain skills could contract jobs directly. Government
agencies were also not making much use of the service; at
the same time , private employers tended to follow traditional
patronage methods in recruiting staff. The result was a low
volume of activity, as shown by the total of only 2,413 appli
cants who registered in the Addis Ababa office between July
and September 1967. The government planned during the
Third Five Year Plan to encourage greater cooperation with
the service by those agencies concerned with manpower mat
ters and, also, by private employers . No information on the
outcome of these efforts was available .
HOURS , WAGES , AND WORKING CONDITIONS
Hours of work and matters relating to leave and public hol
idays are covered by the Minimum Labor Conditions Regu
lations of 1964. The maximum number of regular hours of
work was set by these regulations at forty -eight hours a week
and eight hours a day. Certain exceptions were allowed , such
as the permission of up to nine hours a day of regular work,
provided the employee's total time in any three -week period
did not average more than eight hours a day and forty -eight
hours a week. Maximum hours in Eritrea at the time the reg
ulations were promulgated came under the terms of the (Eri
trean ) Employment Act of 1958. The permissible weekly max
imum hours for manual workers in Eritrea was fifty -six hours
in some cases . The Ethiopian Supreme Court, however, ruled
in late 1967 that this act was wholly inoperative. The provi
sions of national labor legislation and regulations now apply
throughout the country.
The limitation to 8 hours of regular work per day and 48 a
week apply to collective bargaining agreements. In these
cases also, however, exceptions are made depending upon
particular work situations. A contract in effect in the latter
1960s between Ethiopian Airlines and the Ethiopian Airlines
Workers' Union permitted the use of regular shift workers
up to 9 hours a day. A safeguard stipulated that the total reg
ular hours in any two -week period must not exceed 96. A
maximum daily limit of 12/2 hours , including overtime, was
also stipulated , and total overtime was restricted to 22/2 hours
a week, although if the employee agreed he could work long
er. A 1964 agreement between the Wonji and Shoa Sugar
Estates and the Wonji and Shoa Sugar Estates Workers' Union
limited daily hours , including overtime, to a maximum of 12
hours and total overtime in one week to 12 hours. In both
394
agreements employees might be required or permitted to
work additional overtime if necessary to prevent damage that
cessation of work might occasion .
In 1964 when the maximum-hour law was promulgated,
actual work hours were generally longer than the limit es
tablished under the legislation. The development of labor
unions has brought some reduction in the length of the work
day for workers represented by the unions. Another factor
that helped to reduce long hours was establishment of the
Labor Inspection Service in 1964, by imperial order. This body
functions independently under the Ministry of National Com
munity Development and Social Affairs. It operates, however,
only within the private sector and does not cover domestic
servants nor farmworkers, except on farms with more than
ten permanent employees and an associated processing
operation .
The Public Holidays and Sunday Observance Proclamation
of 1956 prescribed Sunday as a day of peace and rest and
prohibited gainful work except for essential public services
and in agriculture. The proclamation further designated four
teen days as commemorative public holidays to which this
prohibition was also applicable. About two-thirds of these
are religious festivals (see ch. 8 , Living Conditions ). All work
ers with a minimum of two months' service are entitled to six
paid holidays out of the fourteen . Collective agreements usu
ally specify the particular holidays to be received and may
include all or part of the commemorative holidays as paid
holidays. In other cases, arrangements are made between the
employer and individual employees.
The Minimum Labor Conditions Regulations of 1964 also
specified periods of paid annual leave for employees in the
private sector. The length of leave depended upon the length
of service and began after one year of work. Ordinarily, such
leave must be taken in the year it is earned and in one con
secutive period . Employees in the civil service receive paid
annual leave based upon grade and length of service. Sick
leave is also stipulated for both private and public sectors,
as well as maternity leave. In the private sector sick leave is
at half pay, whereas in the public sector full pay is granted.
Leave with full pay is also obligatory for stipulated lengths
of time in the case of the death of a relative or close friend.
Special leave with pay may also be given for required attend
ance at court, to take public service examinations, and when
the employee is being married. Collective agreements may
also include other leave provisions, for instance to conduct
union business .
As of mid- 1970 there was no minimum wage law. Wages
395
varied by industry, geographic location, and the local supply
and demand for labor. A shortage of skilled staff in the mod
ern sector during the 1960s introduced competitive factors
that influenced the salary levels paid to professional, tech
nical , and highly trained skilled workers.
Many of the key professional and technical positions were
held in the 1960s by foreigners. They also held important
posts in manufacturing, construction , and trade. According
to the latest data available, about a quarter of employed reg .
istered foreigners in the mid- 1960s received salaries of more
than Eth $ 1,000 ( 1 Ethiopian dollar equals US$0.40) a month,
and about 5 percent had salaries of over Eth$2,000 a month.
The median wage for all registered foreigners was Eth $650
a month .
Among semiprofessional and technical workers there was,
in many cases, a wide range of salaries within individual job
fields between persons with broad skills and those competent
only in a limited area . Commercial school graduates, for in
stance, started at about Eth $300 per month . A highly trained ,
experienced stenographer, on the other hand, could make
Eth $700 a month . Skilled carpenters and masons were paid
between Eth$200 and Eth $ 250 a month , whereas master elec
tricians , mechanics, and plumbers received from Eth $ 400 to
Eth$ 1,000 per month .
Many of the jobs in government service also had wide wage
variations . Administrative salaries ran from Eth$450 a month ,
which was the starting salary for persons having a bachelor's
degree, to Eth $ 1,000 per month . For persons in subprofes
sional civil service jobs , monthly wages varied between Eth $ 75
and Eth$525. Civil servants assisting with or doing clerical
and bookkeeping work received from Eth$40 to Eth $ 375 a
month , and custodial and menial workers in government serv
ice were paid between Eth $ 30 and Eth $ 125 a month .
Wages paid industrial workers were generally modest.
Skilled factory workers received between Eth $50 and Eth $80
per month, whereas production workers earned about Eth $ 40
per month . Unskilled laborers in urban and industrial areas
earned between Eth$ 1.00 and Eth$ 1.50 a day, and semiskilled
workers from Eth $3.00 to Eth$5.00 a day. Their wages varied,
however, in different sections of the country . An unskilled
laborer paid Eth$ 1.00 a day in Addis Ababa could earn
Eth$2.50 a day in Assab. In the coffee- growing regions, how
ever, he would command only Eth $ 0.75 for a day's work.
Similarly , a semiskilled laborer who could make Eth $ 3.00 a
day to Eth $5.00 a day in Addis Ababa might receive Eth $8.00
to Eth $ 12.00 in the Ogaden area of Hararge Province in which
exploration for oil has been going on . Agricultural laborers
396
were reported in the mid-1960s to be receiving from Eth $0.30
to Eth$0.70 a day.
In the late 1960s, however, some seasonal agricultural work
ers were reported to receive much higher daily pay related to
local labor requirements. In the Setit Humera region of north
western Begemder Province, for example, in which rapid
agricultural development occurred from about 1963, 120,000
seasonal farm hands were said to be needed to harvest crops
in the latter part of 1969. A daily wage of Eth $ 0.60 plus food
and medical care, was reportedly being offered (see ch. 18,
Agriculture).
Fringe benefits are often paid, although there was no legal
requirement to do so. Bonuses and special allowances may be
given , and work clothes and certain basic foodstuffs such as
grain and salt are provided. Company stores may also sell
goods to workers at reduced prices. It was reported in 1965
that an estimated 45 percent of payroll of manual and clerical
staff was accounted for by fringe benefits.
Rules for worker compensation in the case of work -con
nected accidents and illnesses are contained in the Civil Code
of 1960. The employer is required to pay medical and hospital
expenses and partial pay up to a fixed amount. If the worker
is disabled and if at the end of one year he no longer posess
es half or more of his ability to work as result of the work
incurred accident or injury and his family is unable to support
him , the responsibility then falls upon the employer for the
worker and his minor children as well. Compensation to be
paid in the case of accident or illness including death benefits
have also been specified in various collective bargaining agree
ments. Compensation for occupational injuries or disabilities
suffered by public servants is covered by the provisions of the
Public Servants Pension Decree of 1961 .
Government-insured social security benefits were in effect
only for public servants and members of the armed forces,
according to information available in mid-1970. Retirement
provisions and payments were contained in the Public Ser
vants Pension Decree. The decree also specified death and
survivor benefits payable to the surviving spouse and to chil
dren up to the age eighteen .
LABOR ORGANIZATIONS AND LABOR
RELATIONS

Unions

Labor union activity received official sanction in 1962 with

the issuance by Emperor Haile Selassie of a Labor Relations
Decree. The decree was subsequently approved by Parliament
397
and promulgated in 1963 as the Labor Relations Proclamation .
This legislation provided for formation and registration of
worker and employer associations and organizations . It also
provided for collective bargaining between workers and em
ployers , and the establishment of governmental machinery,
including a Labor Relations Board, for the settling of disputes.
Compulsory arbitration was called for under certain condi
tions. The law applied only to the private sector and excluded
within this sector domestic servants and workers on farms
that employed fewer than ten permanent workers. Members
of the civil service were prohibited from forming unions. All
unions were specifically enjoined from taking part in political
activities.
Union development in the country has been almost entirely
indigeneous, and carried out largely by the workers them
selves without any measurable participation by the nation's
intellectual elements, other than in an advisory capacity. Indi
vidual unions appear to have originated as a natural extension
to industrial situations of the rural neighborhood self-help
association known as eder. Members of these rural eder made
regular payments into a common fund that was used, as occa
sion arose, to help a needy member, particularly at a time of
bereavement (see ch. 6, Social Structure; ch . 8, Living Condi
tions). The rise of wage employment in the 1940s drew work
ers to the new factories, where at individual plants they also
grouped themselves into organizations - also called eder - to
help members who suffer an accident or loss of job.
These early organizations functioned primarily as internal
worker economic units with little formal relations with the
employer. Following the end of World War II , a strike by
workers of the Franco-Ethiopian Railway Company occurred
in 1947 against preferential treatment of certain worker
groups, discriminatory discharge, and failure to give wage
increases to workers with long-term service. This strike and
two subsequent strikes, although not settled to the satisfac
tion of most workers , began to create an awareness among
the workers of the potential power they possessed to deal
directly with employers on matters concerning employment,
wages , and other issues. This awareness was enhanced by
the knowledge of union activity in adjacent French Somali
land and by the encouragement and development of unions
in Eritrea , then under British administration .
Increased industrialization in the latter half of the 1950s
brought a spread of de facto union activity ; moreover Eritrea
was federated with Ethiopia in 1952. In 1958, however, the
398
Emperor disbanded the Eritrean unions after a general strike
in Asmara. In late 1961 and early 1962 a series of strikes
erupted at the Wonji Sugar Estates, Darmar Shoe Factory,
Indo -Ethiopian Textiles, and in establishments in the vicinity
of Addis Ababa. Until that time union activity has been con
fined to individual plants. Distances, local loyalties of work
ers, and fears of government retaliation had caused efforts
to bring the various unions together to fail. In early 1962,
however, a group of workers decided to attempt federation
of the labor movement into a united Ethiopian Labor Union.
Efforts to obtain recognition from the government were un
successful; moreover, support was not forthcoming from the
local unions .
In mid-1962 another effort to federate had a more sympa
thetic reception from the government. Organizational activ
ities were allowed and, in April 1963, a new central organ,
the Confederation of Ethiopian Labor Unions (CELU), was
recognized and registered . A new constitution for the con
federation was adopted in 1965. Under this constitution the
country's labor movement was organized on a regional basis
with a national headquarters in Addis Ababa. CELU confer
ences are held annually, and contact with local unions is
maintained throughout the year through visits by CELU
officers.
Issuance of the Labor Relations Decree in September 1962
was followed by the rapid formation of plant unions, and
within six months some 40 unions with a total membership
of 10,000 dues -paying members had registered. Unionization
continued and, by the end of 1965, 70 unions had completed
registration . As of March 1970, 119 unions , with a total esti
mated membership of more than 55,000, were affiliated with
CELU. The percentage of members paying dues was reported
to be high. This may in part be attributable to the traditional
acceptance of voluntary contributions associated with the eder
concept.
Formation of a central employer's organization authorized
by the Labor Relations Proclamation proceeded at a slower
pace. The Federation of Employers of Ethiopia (FEE) was
finally registered in March 1964. As of early 1969 it had sev
enty-six members including both domestic and international
firms operating in different sectors of the economy. It pro
vides consultative services to members in connection with
labor and management matters and furnishes information on
labor legislation and the like. FEE is affiliated with the Inter
national Federation of Employers.

399
 Collective Bargaining and industrial Disputes
Article 47 of the revised Constitution of 1955 guaranteed
to the individual the right to form or join workers' associa
tions in conformance with the law, and the provisions for
conclusion of employment contracts and collective agree
ments were included in Title XVI of the Civil Code, which
was proclaimed in 1960 (see ch. 13, The Governmental Sys
tem ). Labor unions, however, were not recognized in law
until the promulgation of the Labor Relations Decree of 1962,
and collective bargaining in the sense of full- fledged nego
tiations between a workers' organization and an employer
did not begin until after the issuance of that decree, which
spelled out the principles to be followed in bargaining and
the settling of disputes.
The decree specified that negotiations must be free and
voluntary and carried on in good faith , that is, in a forthright
and candid manner. The agreement when concluded and
signed was binding on both parties for a period of three
years, although modification was possible at any time by mu
tual arrangement. The government was empowered to de
clare the agreement binding on workers not represented in
the negotiations or to extend it to other enterprises.
In 1963 the Ministry of National Community Development
and Social Affairs prepared a prototype of a collective bar
gaining agreement, which it furnished to union leaders and
employers. This was intended as a guide only and offered
suggestions on procedures and topics applicable to collective
bargaining and the settlement of industrial disputes. The first
actual collective bargaining agreement was signed in March
1964 between the Bahir Dar Textile Factory Workers' Union
and the employers. Another agreement signed the same
month covered the workers of the Wonji and Shoa Sugar
Estates. By 1966 six major agreements had been negotiated
encompassing about 10,000 permanent employees. The agree
ments were reported to have brought definite improvements
for the workers including wages, fringe benefits, and protec
tion against arbitrary dismissal . From the employers' view
point the results appear also to have been beneficial through
a reduction in work stoppages, better employee relations
and, to some extent, increased productivity.
In case of a dispute, the Labor Relations Decree stipulated
that peaceful means were to be used whenever possible to
reach a settlement. Negotiators are encouraged to engage
involuntary conciliation and to include a provision for this in
the collective agreement. A statutory Labor Relations Board
400
was established in 1963 in the Ministry of National Commu
nity Development and Social Affairs, to conciliate and arbi
trate those disputes in which voluntary agreement was not
obtainable. The board consists of an independent chairman ,
two members in public service but not connected with the
government labor administration , one member appointed
from among representatives of the FEE , and one member
from CELU. The board is enjoined first to use all possible
means of conciliation . It has the power to decide upon tem
porary measures before a final settlement is reached and , if
conciliation fails, to proceed to arbitration. Its decisions and
awards are usually binding; appeals may be made to the
Supreme Imperial Court but only on points of law.
Disputants in a case involving collective bargaining or un
fair labor practices may first ask the Labor Relations Section
of the Labor Department to assist in conciliation efforts. If
not settled through this procedure, the matter is then referred
to the Labor Relations Board. Initially, there was considerable
reliance upon the government agencies to resolve disputes.
This appears to have been related largely to the inexperience
of the new union leaders in labor matters . With time, how
ever, more settlements have come to be made at the factory
level following the procedures laid out in the different collec
tive agreements .
Strikes are largely outlawed under the terms of the Labor
Relations Decree that relate to unfair labor practices. Strikes
are defined as being in the category of unfair labor practices
if arbitrarily started without a willingness to negotiate in good
faith ; if initiated before submission of an unresolved dispute
to the Labor Relations Board or begun during a period of
sixty days following submission; and if carried out in viola
tion of or against a final decision or award of the board.
Also forbidden are strikes that are considered likely to re
sult in serious public injury because of the vital public nature
of the enterprise or essential character of the services ren
dered. Included in this category are strikes involving elec
tricity, water , and other public utility services , telephone and
telegraphic communications ,, and transportation services .
Lockouts by employers or employers ' organizations are also
classified as unfair labor practices and are prohibited in these
same situations; however, if a lockout is in response to an
illegal strike it is not considered an unfair practice.
A considerable number of strikes and work stoppages were
reported after the legalizing of union activity. Many appeared
related to minor grievances and lack of knowledge of the law
and procedures. The government in general took no punitive
401
action against the unions. Some major strikes have also oc
curred, including ones by workers of the Ethiopian Air Lines ,
Indo -Ethiopian Textiles, and the Wonji and Shoa Sugar Es
tates. In 1969 a strike of considerable impact was also carried
out by newspaper employees.

Relations with International Labor Organizations

Ethiopia became a member of the ILO in 1923. Until 1963,
however, only government representatives attended the an
nual ILO conferences. The first representation for employers
and labor was at the June 1963 ILO conference after the is
suance of the Labor Relations Decree of 1962. Labor repre
sentatives to the conference are selected from CELU and em
ployer representatives from FEE . ILO now maintains its
regional office for Africa in Addis Ababa.
CELU became a member of the International Confedera
tion of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU ) in March 1964. It has
close relations with the African - American Labor Center in
New York, which is the technical assistance arm of the Amer
ican Federation of Labor -Congress of Industrial Organizations
(AFL -CIO ) to labor organizations in Africa. The AFL -CIO , in
the late 1960s, provided funds for construction of a CELU
labor center in Addis Ababa on a site furnished by the gov
ernment. This center opened in April 1970. Ethiopia is also
listed as a member of the African Trade Union Confederation ,
an association of union groups from about twenty -eight Afri
can countries, with headquarters in Nigeria .

402
 CHAPTER 21

DOMESTIC TRADE

Domestic trade in 1970 was conducted mainly through a

widespread system of about 3,000 interrelated public markets
of traditional origin . The system consisted of a lower tier of
local, or community, markets, a secondary level composed of
larger regional markets, and a small group of terminal markets
located in, or adjacent to , the major towns. All three types of
markets dealt in agricultural products. Such products were the
chief items handled in community and regional markets.
Regional markets also handled various manufactured goods,
much of it of regional origin . Terminal markets traded in a
wide variety of goods , ranging from agricultural products to
handicrafts and sophisticated manufactures of both domestic
and foreign origin .
At the community and regional levels most markets were
held on a periodic basis, usually once a week but in some
cases two or three times weekly. Essentially, community-type
markets also were found in larger towns; these operated on a
daily basis. The terminal markets functioned six days a week.
In addition to the public markets , some regular retail shops
were found in larger towns, and both Addis Ababa and Asmara
had modern shopping areas .
The market-dependent population was estimated at roughly
4.7 million persons in 1970. They constituted about one- fifth
of the overall population . The number dependent upon a
market economy was estimated to be growing at a rate of
more than 3.5 percent annually and in absolute numbers was
conservatively expected to double in size within twenty years.
This compared with an estimated 2.1 to 2.3 percent population
growth rate in the late 1960s, which , if maintained, would
>

bring about a doubling of the overall population in about

thirty to thirty -five years (see ch. 4, Population ).
An estimated 160,000 persons were engaged directly in selling
and marketing in the mid- 1960s (see ch . 20, Labor ). This total
probably had increased by 1970 in connection with the increase
in the number of market-dependent individuals. Trade in the
rural community markets was carried on mostly by farmers and
their wives. In regional markets, a majority of traders were also
403
farmers until the second half of the twentieth century. By the
mid-1960s, however, full -time merchants had come to make up
the larger part of traders active in those markets. Arabs and
Ethiopian Muslims constituted an important element among
individuals regularly engaged in selling and marketing activ
ities. There was evidence in the 1960s, however, that despite a
traditional aversion to trading as an occupation many Chris
tian Ethiopians were assuming active roles in the country's
commerce .
Much of the merchandise entering the marketing system at
the beginning of the 1970s was transported to primary markets
over footpaths and trails, by donkey and mule in the high
lands and by camel at lower altitudes . Beyond this point
goods moved principally by road either in trucks or by more
traditional means . Establishment of a modern road transporta
tion system started in the 1950s. By mid- 1970 the road system
totaled between 14,000 and 15,000 miles throughout the coun
try. Only about one-third of the roads, however, were passable
at all times of the year. Movement of goods on the remaining
two -thirds was subject to frequent delays and interruptions
during the rainy season .
In mid- 1970 rail transport formed a major supplement to
road transport but directly served a smaller part of the pop
ulation . A small quantity of goods also moved by air. Very
little use was made of internal waterways, which generally
were not readily navigable (see ch . 2 , Physical Environment).
MARKET SYSTEM

Community , Regional, and End Markets

The rural areas inhabited by the majority Amhara - Tigre and
Galla populations are dotted with local community markets.
Each of the several markets within a given area is held
weekly on a different day. The markets have fixed sites,
usually located at a crossroads or near a particular hamlet,
and occupy an open field capable of accommodating several
hundred people at one time. They draw their market-goers
chiefly from an area that permits reaching the market by foot
and returning home within one day. In more isolated areas,
however, some individuals may take several days to reach the
nearest market, whereas in the more populated regions
markets may be sufficiently close for buyers and suppliers
to shop or sell at more than one during the same week.
Community markets are essentially self- contained . They func
tion principally as convenience markets where locally produced
foodstuffs, such as grains, pulses (edible seeds of legumes),
404
butter, spices, oilseeds, and small amounts of vegetables, are
available to the housewife. Chickens, small animals, and fire
wood are also sold , and there are usually a few items, such
as salt, produced outside the community market area. Many ex
changes take place directly between producer and consumer ,
either for cash or by barter. Small retailers are also found, and
there may be a few entrepreneurs who travel from one market
to another handling minor manufactured items, such as soap,
pins, matches, locally ground flour, and local and imported
spices. In the 1960s many of the itinerant merchants were
Yemen Arabs or Muslim Ethiopians, especially in the areas in
habited by the Amhara, who view professional trading as a
low -status occupation .
Participants in the rural community markets are frequently
wives of farmers, although men also attend these markets.
Much of the activity is social in nature, the market being a
place to meet friends and gossip. Many transactions during
much of the year are not commercial from the standpoint of
being aimed at making a profit. At the harvest season, market
activities become more intense as farmers bring surplus grains
and pulses for cash sale to agents making purchases for ship
ment to larger market centers. Markets providing convenience
items, essentially similar in purpose to the rural community
market, are also found in the larger towns. In Addis Ababa
there are more than fifty such small community -type markets
scattered throughout the city. These markets operate on a daily
basis and frequently have fixed stalls and shops. Many of the
shop operators are Yemen Arabs or Muslim Ethiopians.
Regional markets serve as main collection and exchange
points for agricultural products and as sales and distribution
centers for handicraft and manufactured goods. As is true of
the community markets, their operation is cyclical, usually on
a once-a-week basis, although some meet more frequently .
Many of the regional markets are held on Saturday. Some of
these markets developed at stopping points for caravans bring
ing goods from Red Sea ports to terminal markets inland or
for caravans originating at the Sudan border also traveling to
terminal markets within Ethiopia . Others apparently began as
strategic points for the exchange of products grown or fabri
cated in the different climatic zones of the country ( see ch. 2,
Physical Environment).
The site of the regional market is generally an open area
that can handle several thousand persons, located usually but
not always near a town . Goods are displayed in definite sections
of the market divided by class of merchandise. One section of
the regional market, for instance, will handle spices, another
405
firewood, and still another handles iron goods of various types.
There also may be a separate livestock market. This contrasts
with the community market where different categories of prod
ucts are grouped only very roughly .
Merchandise in the regional market is largely of domestic
origin , and much of it comes from local villages within two or
three days travel by pack animals. Local traders predominate,
but there are also interregional traders who bring goods from
more remote areas, frequently by truck. These traders operate
either on their own account or as agents of wealthy merchants.
Transactions are characteristically for cash, and recourse may
be had to brokers who are paid a small cash commission.
The regional market fills basic needs not usually obtainable in
the community market, such as cotton and coffee. Luxury items
are also available; these are usually bought by traders, the
nobility, and individuals with cash incomes, such as officials,
teachers, and clerks .
Grains and pulses in bulk are brought to the regional market
from the surrounding community markets by commercial
assemblers, who resell it there to wholesalers. The wholesaler
in turn usually sells to retail merchants from the nearby larger
town . Agents for wholesalers from terminal markets at Addis
Ababa and Asmara also buy grains and pulses in bulk at the
regional market. These purchases are usually forwarded to the
terminal market by truck , where it is in turn sold to retailers,
processors, and exporters.
At the top level of the marketing system are markets located
in such places as Addis Ababa , Asmara, Gondar, and Harar.
These markets are permanent and usually operate regularly on
weekdays, although certain items by custom may be traded
only on specific days . The goods offered for sale are pre
dominantly nonagricultural, and many agricultural products
actually displayed for sale are from outside the country or are
destined for export. These terminal markets provide traders
with substantial transport and credit facilities, storage, and
services.

The Addis Ababa Merkato

The largest market in the country is the New Market, or
Merkato , in Addis Ababa . In mid- 1970 this market covered an
area of several square miles and was the commercial center
of the city. Its gross sales were very large, especially during
the high point of the trading season from about November to
August. When Addis Ababa was formally founded in 1887, a
large regional market, known as the Entoto Market, was held
regularly nearby. Entoto then constituted a major market that
406
served not only as a terminal point for caravans bringing goods
from different parts of the country but also as an important
exchange point for agricultural and other products from the
three principal environmental zones , known as the dega (cool
zone), weina dega (temperate zone), and kolla (hot zone) (see
ch . 2, Physical Environment) .
A new market called the St. George Market was established
in the central district of Addis Ababa; it operated regularly
on Thursday and Friday of each week. Shops and stalls that
afforded daily market services also arose in an adjacent area.
Over a period of time, the trade handled by the Entoto Market
was gradually transferred to the St. George Market, and finally
the older market was abandoned.
During the Italian occupation of Addis Ababa the St. George
Market was reserved for use by Italians and foreigners. A new
site for an Ethiopian market was designated, located about a
half mile away; this market developed into the Merkato. Both
main marketing areas continued in operation after the Italians
were expelled . The character of the former St. George Market
area , however, now the city's Piazza district, has changed. It
now consists of regular shops, on the streets surrounding the
central square (Piazza) , and forms the main shopping center
of the city.
The Italian administration encouraged Muslims to trade in
the Merkato and to some extent other non -Ethiopian merchants .
Ethiopian traders were restricted to dealing largely with their
own countrymen . The Amhara and highland Tigre had shown
little inclination toward commercial trading before this restric
tion . Perhaps partly as a reaction to it, Ethiopians after the
expulsion of the Italian forces began to participate more active
ly in commercial trading operations. This has been particularly
evident in the Merkato , where by the mid- 1960s Arab traders
had been relegated to a minor role and Ethiopians had become
predominant in trading activities.
The Merkato performs a variety of functions. It serves as a
community-type market for a large number of persons . It also
acts as the regional market for a large area surrounding Addis
Ababa and is the exchange point for a large quantity of grains,
pulses, oilseeds , vegetables , animals, and other agricultural and
farm products from the three main climatic zones. In addition,
it is the center into which agricultural and other items from
the central and southern provinces are sent for preparation for
export. It also acts as the assembly and distribution point for
imports not only for those areas but also for the north -central
market system .
The volume of business handled at the beginning of the
407
1970s was not available, but the estimated gross turnover in
the mid- 1960s was valued at Eth$ 1 billion (1 Ethiopian dollar
equals US$0.40) annually. A survey made in 1966 counted more
than 7,100 businesses in the Merkato that employed over 13,400
persons. The estimated total retail value of goods on display
at the time was above Eth $ 28.4 million. Retail stores numbered
over 2,500, and there were more than 1,500 service businesses
and over 80 wholesale operations. Additionally there were some
2,700 open markets and stalls , almost 200 miscellaneous opera
tions, 7 warehousing operations, and several hundred peddlers.
GOVERNMENT ROLE IN MARKETING

Marketing is almost entirely in the hands of private mer

chants. Two principal exceptions are the Ethiopian Grain Cor
poration (EGC) , a chartered , semiautonomous government
agency established in 1960 , and the Ceres Company, Limited,
a wholly owned subsidiary of the Development Bank of Ethio
pia , incorporated in 1955 (see ch. 23, Fiscal and Monetary
Systems). Both organizations deal chiefly in grains, pulses, and
oilseeds. The Ceres Company, Limited , was established pri
marily to provide a means for utilizing more fully the bank's
resources. It acts as a buying agency for millers, traders, and
exporters and furnishes credit for their operations and also
operates on its own account. The EGC , which operated as a
competitive trading company on its own account, has the
objectives of market stabilization , improvement of quality of
agricultural products , and stimulation of exports. In 1969 the
corporation's grain sales were estimated to be about 3 percent
of the consumption total of the market-dependent population,
although they constituted about 20 percent of the consumption
total in Addis Ababa and Asmara.
Municipal authorities usually own and operate markets locat
ed in urban areas . A municipality may also own various
buildings in the market, which it rents to traders and mer
chants. Traders are required by law to register with the
Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Tourism . As of early 1969
about 8,000 businesses were registered; there were indications
that many traders were unregistered and , as of that date, the
requirement had little apparent significance to the marketing
system .

PRICING AND PRICE CONTROL

Prices were determined generally by free market factors in

volving supply and demand . Hoarding also entered into the
picture, and in regional markets there existed a tendency
408
toward price agreements among commercial buyers dealing in
items brought for sale in the market or purchased there for
shipment to a larger market. The government issued the Unfair
Practices Decree in 1963 with the intent of preventing persons
from joining together to restrain trade or free competition and
from engaging in monopolistic profiteering. It also forbade
discriminatory activities operating or likely to operate against
the public interest. The Minister of Commerce, Industry and
Tourism was empowered to declare goods involved in such
situations subject to price control and could fix the maximum
price at which they were to be sold. The ministry was also
authorized to establish maximum prices that would apply to
any class or classes of goods for which supplies were in
adequate to meet the regular demand.
The EGC takes an active role in attempting to control
fluctuations and speculation in grain prices. It sends its own
employees to rural areas at harvest times or engages agents to
purchase surplus grains and oilseeds. It usually is able to pay
somewhat higher prices to the farmer than those offered by
private dealers, partly because of the elimination of middleman
costs. Studies by the EGC have determined that such costs
raised the price of grain sold in Addis Ababa and Asmara as
much as 68 percent or more.
Assembled grains are stored and released at proper times to
affect local prices. Some of the EGC's main storage facilities
are located in grain deficit areas in Illubabor and Wollega
provinces, and these are used as distribution points during
periods of shortage. The EGC usually sells to small dealers
to reduce middleman operations and keep prices at a reason
able level for consumers. It also sells directly to millers and
oilseed crushers and operates its own mill at Akaki, selling
the flour produced there to bakeries. The EGC, moreover,
supplies grain to the armed forces, prisons, and various govern
ment institutions.
As of 1969 the EGC was the largest and most influential
grain dealer in the country . Its operations , however, were still
not sufficiently large to affect grain prices from the nationwide
standpoint, except perhaps in the wheat market. In this regard,
the government reached an agreement with the World Food
Program of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organi
zation (FAO ) in 1964 on the provision of wheat to stabilize
wheat prices in the country. Implementation of the agreement
has resulted in achievement of a relative stability in wheat
prices.
As of 1969 market price information was not generally avail
able . The Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Tourism col.
409
lected daily prices on a wide range of items, but this informa
tion was not being disseminated. Large assemblers of grains
and pulses might secure price information by telephone from
the terminal markets at Addis Ababa or Asmara, whereas the
farmer was completely dependent on the limited information
available in the local market or from other farmers. The result
was general inability on the part of the producer to bargain
for better, more realistic prices for his products.
TRADE PROMOTION
The Chamber of Commerce was established in 1947 under
an imperial charter. The main body is the Addis Ababa
Chamber of Commerce , with 445 active members reported in
1969. Branches also existed in Asmara and Dire Dawa. The
chamber's objectives include investigating those economic sec
tors in which foreign and domestic investment should be en
couraged ; recommending solutions to problems encountered by
investors; acting as a liaison body between the business com
munity and government ; and collecting and disseminating basic
economic information to interested organizations and indi
viduals. The Addis Ababa chamber maintains marketing
research and statistics departments and issues various publi
cations, including a Monthly Bulletin and the quarterly Ethio
pian Trade Journal.
In the 1960s commercial advertising was relatively new.
Goods and services were advertised through the press, radio,
and television . The audience for the different advertising media
varied greatly in size . It was estimated that about one- fifth
of the population listened to radio , whereas the total circula
tion of newspapers and periodicals was estimated at only
slightly more than 100,000 ; many newspaper readers were
concentrated in Addis Ababa and a few larger towns. The high
illiteracy rate (about 90 percent) was a limiting factor in the
use of this advertising medium . In mid- 1970 television adver
tising was also employed, but this service was available only
in the Addis Ababa area (see ch. 16, Public Information ).
Use of trade fairs for promotional purposes began only in
the late 1960s. In 1968 the Sidamo Provincial Fair was held
to show progress made by that province. A large fair was
staged in Asmara in February 1969. Named Asmara Expo, it
was designed to promote the agricultural, commercial, and
handicraft products of Eritrea and attract investors to the prov
ince . The Addis Ababa Chamber of Commerce hailed these
exhibits as paving the way for expansion of this type of pro
motional activity and called upon other provinces to initiate
organized fairs.
410
 TRANSPORTATION

Railroads

Rail transportation in mid- 1970 was provided by two railroad

lines, the Franco-Ethiopian Railway Company, which connects
Addis Ababa with the port of Djibouti in the French Territory
of the Afars and Issas , and the Eritrean Railways and Ropeway
(Imperial Ethiopian Government Railways and Ropeway),
which runs from the port of Massawa to Asmara and Akordet.
In addition , a short spur line connected the town of Teseney,
in the western part of Eritrea Province, with the Sudanese
railroad system (see ch . 2, Physical Environment).
The Franco -Ethiopian Railway Company was constructed by
a French company under authorization from Emperor Menelik
in 1894. The final link to Addis Ababa was finished in 1917.
In 1959 an agreement was reached between the Imperial
Ethiopian Government and the French government, then the
principal shareholder in the company , whereby Ethiopians
acquired a minimum 50-percent interest in the company. The
main office of the company was also moved to Addis Ababa
from Paris.
During the 1950s the Franco-Ethiopian Railway Company
transported about 250,000 metric tons of freight annually. This
rose to over 375,000 metric tons by the mid-1960s. In fiscal
year 1966/67 (Ethiopian calendar year 1959-see Preface ), the
line carried about 374,000 metric tons of freight, of which 77
percent (287,000 metric tons ) was export-import cargo and 23
percent ( 86,000 metric tons ) was internal merchandise. In fiscal
1967/68, however, total freight dropped to 322,500 metric tons .
The decline reportedly resulted from the effects on the economy
of the closing of the Suez Canal in June 1967, import restric
tions , and increased competition from highway transport.
This railroad had long been the principal artery of foreign
trade, but improvement and construction of highways, particu
larly from Addis Ababa to Dire Dawa and Addis Ababa to
the port of Assab in the 1960s , and a government policy of
traffic diversion from Djibouti to Assab have resulted in a
decrease in the relative importance of the line . The government
has encouraged shippers to use Assab, in part apparently be
cause of the desire to have more direct control over port
operations concerned with the country's export-import trade
and partly because of political uncertainties related to the
French Territory of the Afars and Issas (see ch. 15, Foreign
Relations). Low charges for road users, which have permitted
truck rates to be set below rail rates, also appeared to be a
factor in the diversion .

411
 Passenger traffic handled by the Franco -Ethiopian Railway
Company totaled 384,794 persons in fiscal 1967/68 but dropped
to between 350,000 and 360,000 in fiscal 1968/69. There has
been a decline in short distance passengers, presumably
occasioned in some part by an increase in bus services. Long
distance trips have risen , however, as have total passenger
miles. The line's rolling stock was reported in 1969 to include
12 steam locomotives, 13 diesel electric locomotives, several
shunting engines, 3 diesel railcars and 10 trailers, 56 passenger
cars, 572 freight cars , 89 tank cars , and 144 service cars. A
modern workshop for locomotive and other repairs is located
at Dire Dawa .
The Eritrean Railways and Ropeway serves Asmara in much
the same way as the Franco -Ethiopian Railway Company serves
Addis Ababa . This line was built by an Italian company dur
ing the colonial period and was completed in 1922. It is now
owned by the government and operates as a semiautonomous
agency under the Ministry of Communications, Telecommuni
cations, and Posts. The line's total volume of traffic has gener
ally been less than 200,000 metric tons of freight a year.
During fiscal 1966/67 freight shipments totaled 183,500 metric
tons, of which about 70 percent (less than 129,000 metric
tons) consisted of export-import cargo, and about 30 percent
(less than 55,000 metric tons) was internal cargo . In 1966/67
the line also carried 310,000 passengers . Rolling stock consisted
of twelve steam locomotives, four hydraulic diesel locomotives,
two diesel traction units, nineteen passenger cars , sixty -seven
freight cars (including six fuel and twenty -six water tank cars ),
and eight autorails .
Eth $ 13.1 million were expended during the Second Five
Year Plan (1963-67) on railroad development, almost all for
the purchase of rolling stock and equipment. An additional
investment of Eth $ 16.4 million has been programmed for rail
road transport in the Third Five Year Plan ( 1968–73 ), to be
used to modernize and improve the existing lines. No expansion
of these lines was anticipated during the plan period.

Highways and Road Transport

In late 1969 the national road system comprised about 4,785
miles of all-weather roads. These roads, for which the Imperial
Highway Authority (IHA) was responsible, consisted of about
1,250 miles of asphalt roads, more than 2,240 miles of primary
gravel roads , and 1,290 miles of secondary feeder roads. In
addition , there were about 9,500 miles of dry-weather roads
and trails under the control of the provincial governments. A
412
large number of footpaths also existed , which were limited to
mule , donkey, or camel transportation ( see ch. 2, Physical
Environment). All -weather roads generally linked major towns
in the Central Plateau and also ran to the ports of Assab and
Massawa. More than one-third of the ninety-nine subprovinces
( thirty -six ), however, had no all-weather roads, and only one
ninth of the subprovinces (eleven) had more than 75 percent
accessibility by road.
At the time of the Italian invasion in 1935 the only roads
generally usable all year round extended from Addis Ababa to
Jimma , Dessie, and Debre Markos. After the conquest the
Italian command carried out a large roadbuilding program ,
largely military in nature and designed for movement of
mechanized forces, which , between 1936 and 1940, resulted in
the construction of about 2,770 miles of primary roads. These
roads deteriorated , however, after the Italian defeat in 1941 .
A major effort to restore and expand the country's road sys
tem was initiated in 1951 when the IHA was established as a
semiautonomous agency of the government. Since that time
IHA has completed three highway programs and in 1970 had
its fourth program underway in conjunction with the Third Five
Year Plan. Under the first three programs 2,325 miles of main
roads and 545 miles of service -to -traffic roads were constructed ,
and a further 1,669 miles of existing roads were improved.
More than Eth $ 360 million were expended on the programs, of
which about one -third was covered by foreign loans.
The Fourth Highway Program , which coincides with the Third
Five Year Plan period, placed heavy emphasis on secondary,
feeder, and service-to -traffic road construction . A total of about
3,140 miles of new roads was scheduled under the program , of
which roughly 430 miles were primary roads, 245 miles were
secondary roads, 945 miles were feeder roads, and 1,515 miles
were service-to -traffic roads. Survey and design of another
1,500 miles of feeder roads were also to be carried out.
The deputy chief engineer of IHA told the First African
Highway Conference, held in Addis Ababa in October 1969,
that a main purpose of the program was to penetrate the “ mud
curtain ” and reach daily and weekly markets in isolated
regions. In addition some 350 miles of existing roads will be
asphalted , and 120 temporary steel bridges will be installed at
important transport points . Construction of about 435 miles of
purely local roads was also expected through contributions in
money and kind, but efforts in this field during the Second
Five Year Plan had little success , and the attainment of this
goal appeared unlikely.
Important primary road construction during the fourth pro
413
gram included roads from Awash to Tendaho to open up the
middle Awash River valley in which development of irrigated
agriculture has been recommended (see ch. 18, Agriculture ).
New construction from Bedelie to Mettu in Illubabor Province
would also open a rich agricultural area . Another major
undertaking was construction of the road from Dilla in Sidamo
Province to Moyale on the Kenyan border.
The Third Five Year Plan budgeted Eth $ 265.4 million for
road construction , improvements, feasibility studies, and a
major survey of national road -development requirements. This
sum included about Eth $25 million in estimated contributions
in money and kind for local road construction . About Eth $ 97
million were expected to be raised through loans by inter
national banking organizations, including the International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD ), the Swedish
International Development Authority, and the government of
West Germany ( Federal Republic of Germany ).
In 1968 there were about 42,000 vehicles in the country,
more than double the total reported in 1962. In the mid-1960s
passenger cars constituted about 77 percent of all vehicles,
excluding motorcycles ; trucks and trailers made up about 12
percent; pickup trucks about 5 percent; and buses about 5
percent. The largest number of vehicles was concentrated in
Addis Ababa (almost two-thirds of the total in 1965). Until
1969 vehicle and driver licenses were issued by municipal
authorities. In September 1969 these functions were trans
ferred to the Ministry of Communications, Telecommunica
tions, and Posts .
Road transportation in 1969 was estimated to carry about 90
percent of domestic freight and about 95 percent of the
passenger traffic. Most trucking operations were carried on by
individual owner -drivers, who in 1969 reportedly constituted
about 70 percent of all truckdrivers. Few owned more than one
or two trucks. A truckers' cooperative, the National Transport
Share Company , formed in 1963 by truckowners, acts as a
clearinghouse for its members, of which there were more than
>

500 in 1966. An autonomous government agency, the Road

Transport Administration, was established in 1969 to assist
truckers in establishing common facilities and to encourage
formation of other associations. The transport administration
was also authorized to set minimum and maximum tariffs for
all road transport, both cargo and passenger .
Bus services are found throughout the country operated by
private individuals and companies. One of the larger com
panies, the General Ethiopian Transport Company, operated the
municipal bus lines in Addis Ababa. In the late 1960s it was
414
furnishing service on more than thirty routes in the city and
reportedly carried close to 44 million passengers in fiscal year
1968/69 . This company also operates long -distance service on
more than twenty interurban routes that cover most of the
main roads , including roads from Addis Ababa to Asmara,
Gondar, Assab, Dilla, Jimma, and Nekemtie. Taxis are also
prevalent in Addis Ababa and Asmara. In early 1970 about
3,000 vehicles functioned as taxis in Addis Ababa, although
only about 1,400 of these reportedly were registered .
Air Transport
Distances, terrain , and the underdeveloped state of the road
system have given domestic air transport an important place
in the overall transportation system permitting quick travel
between major cities and to outlying political and economic
centers. At the same time the geographic location of Ethiopia
has made air transport virtually the only convenient means
of travel to and from foreign countries . Almost all domestic
air service in mid- 1970 was provided by the state-owned Ethio
pian Airlines (EAL) . International services were also provided
by EAL and by about ten major and regional airlines .
EAL was established in late 1945 by imperial charter to pro
vide both scheduled and nonscheduled domestic and foreign
air services. A management assistance contract was concluded
with the American Trans-Continental and Western Air company
(now called Trans World Airlines), and operations were begun
in early 1946. This contract, in modified form , was still in
effect at the beginning of 1970. Operations increased rapidly,
and by 1956 the airline was carrying about 70,000 passengers
annually. In the succeeding ten years the number of passengers
almost trebled, reaching more than 204,000 in 1966. Further
increases were recorded in 1967 and 1968 ; the total number of
passengers in 1968 was about 235,000 . Increases occurred in
the number of both domestic and international passengers
throughout the 1960s. In the latter 1960s the number of domes
tic passengers made up about two- fifths of the annual total,
and the number of international passengers constituted about
three - fifths.
EAL also furnishes both domestic and international air
freight services. Many of the domestic cargoes come from
relatively isolated areas and include agricultural products, such
as coffee, butter, honey, and hides, which are either lightweight
or relatively high value items. International cargo included
vegetables shipped to European markets and machinery and
fragile items from foreign countries for the domestic market.
During the first half of the 1960s total cargo carried amounted
415
to about 7,000 long tons annually, divided about equally be
tween domestic and international markets. Total cargo rose to
about 8,000 long tons in 1966 and 1967, with international cargo
substantially increasing its share. In late 1967 EAL started an
all-cargo service to Europe.
In mid-1970 scheduled domestic flights covered forty -two
towns and cities. The Red Sea section of these services also
included Djibouti, Aden, and Taizz (Yemen ).EAL international
flights in Africa included Nairobi, Dar Es Salaam, and Entebbe
in East Africa, Lagos and Accra in West Africa, and Khartoum
and Cairo in North Africa. In March 1970 an agreement was
reached between Burundi and Ethiopia on the introduction of
mutual air services. Other flights went to Delhi and Karachi
in Asia , Beirut in the Middle East, and Athens, Rome, and
Frankfurt in Europe.
The EAL -owned fleet in early 1970 included two Boeing 707
jets, two Boeing 720 jets, three Douglas DC-6s, ten Douglas
DC-3s, and a number of other craft. The jets were used on
international flights, DC -6s on regional flights, and the DC-3s
in domestic service. Eth $ 75 million were programmed for EAL
in the Third Five Year Plan for new aircraft and related equip
ment. This included additional jet aircraft and replacement of
short-range planes used in the domestic service by more
modern ones .
Two international airports were in operation in early 1970:
Haile Selassie I International Airport at Addis Ababa and the
Yohannis IV International Airport at Asmara. There were also
main domestic airports at Jimma and Dire Dawa. Many of the
other domestic airfields had runways less than 5,000 feet long,
were unpaved and without landing lights, and had to be
closed during part of the rainy season.
The Third Five Year Plan included Eth $ 40 million for in
vestment in airports and facilities, part of which was to be
used to improve domestic airports. The major improvements,
however, were to be made on the Addis Ababa and Asmara
airports; these included lengthening runways and the installa
tion of modern radar, night landing facilities, and navigational
aids to permit use by the new giant jet liners. Total costs
were expected to exceed Eth $ 30 million. Financing of the
principal share of this undertaking is to come from a United
States loan of Eth$25 million, agreed to by the United States
and Ethiopian governments in September 1969.
Ports and Shipping
The country is served by three major ports. Two of these,
Massawa and Assab, are located on the Red Sea in Eritrea
416
Province. The third port, Djibouti, is on the Gulf of Aden and
is situated in the French Territory of the Afars and Issas.
Under an agreement between the Ethiopian and French
governments, Djibouti is a free port for goods moving from and
to Ethiopia ; Ethiopian officials, including customs officers, have
completely free access to the port. All three ports are able
to handle deep sea vessels , possess some mechanized cargo
handling equipment, and have both covered and open storage
facilities. At the beginning of the 1970s they appeared to be
basically adequate to meet the requirements of the country's
trade.
The port of Massawa was constructed by the Italians during
the colonial period as an outlet for Eritrea . Considerable
destruction of port facilities occurred when British forces seized
the colony in 1941. Since federation in 1952 rehabilitation and
some modernization have been carried out, and additional
improvements are programmed under the Third Five Year Plan.
In the latter 1960s the port mainly handled traffic originating
in and destined for the northern part of the country. It had
berths for six oceangoing ships and five berths accommodating
coastal vessels. Bulk handling facilities existed for salt and
patroleum products , but other cargo was handled on a break
bulk basis , transported on general cargo ships, coastal ships,
>

and dhows. There were six quay cranes; however, all six were
reported approaching the limit of economic life expectancy .
Cold -storage warehouse space was not available in the main
port area, and refrigerated cargo was handled by refrigerated
trucks .
Assab was developed as a major port only in the late 1950s.
Construction of its main facilities began in 1957 and was com
pleted in 1961. The work was financed by the government of
Yugoslavia, and actual construction was carried out by a Yugo
slav firm . Assab, together with the port of Djibouti, serves
the central and southern parts of the country . In the late 1960s
Assab was able to accommodate up to six larger vessels and a
number of coastal ships. Its principal equipment included a
floating crane, fixed quay crane, and three mobile cranes;
however, not all were fully operable. Most of the cargo moving
through the port, with the exception of petroleum and salt
products, was on a break -bulk basis . Development funds for
this port were also included in the Third Five Year Plan .
A total of 1,444,674 metric tons of export and import goods
reportedly passed through the two ports in fiscal year 1968/69.
Export-import tonnage through Massawa amounted to 480,715
metric tons. Assab accounted for 470,211 metric tons of exports
and 498,715 metric tons of imports. The imports, however,
>

417
included a large quantity of crude oil for the Assab refinery
( see ch. 19 , Industry ). Exports from Assab also included ship
ments of petroleum products to Massawa and Djibouti. During
1968/69 , 841 ships of all sizes called at Massawa and 483
at Assab .
Administration of the Ethiopian ports in the late 1960s was
through the Marine Department of the Ministry of Communica
tions, Telecommunications, and Posts. Immediate responsi
bility for port operations rested in port managers appointed
by the minister. During the Third Five Year Plan period
consideration was to be given to the establishment of an
autonomous Port Authority to manage the two ports.
The country's oceangoing merchant fleet at the beginning of
1970 numbered seven vessels with a combined total of 64,000
deadweight tons. These ships belonged to the Ethiopian Ship
ping Lines, a public company established in 1964, and in
cluded four dry -cargo liners totaling 26,000 deadweight tons,
one bulk carrier of 2,000 deadweight tons, one 33,000 dead
weight-ton tanker, and one 3,000 deadweight-ton tanker. The
smaller tanker was employed mainly to transport petroleum
products from the Assab refinery to Massawa and Djibouti.
The company announced in 1969 that it was purchasing a small
coaster for the Red Sea trade. The Third Five Year Plan pro
grammed about Eth $ 5 million for purchase by the company of
two additional oceangoing ships. Fewer than 100 vessels were
reported registered under the Ethiopian flag in the late 1960s.
COMMUNICATIONS

Telecommunications
In mid - 1970 telephone , telegraph , and telex (subscriber tele
graph exchange service) services provided some telecommuni
cation facilities to about 80 percent of the towns. The first
telephones and telegraph were installed in 1904 during the
reign of Emperor Menelik. Limited expansion took place until
the Italian invasion in the mid-1930s. Improvement and ex
tension of the system were carried out by the Italian occupa
tion administration , but widespread damage occurred during
the fighting that led to expulsion of the Italian forces.
Deterioration continued during the 1940s, and by 1950 the
system was barely functioning.
In 1951 the government obtained a loan of Eth $ 3.75 million
from IBRD for telecommunications rehabilitation . The following
year an autonomous government agency, the Imperial Board of
Telecommunications of Ethiopia (IBTE ), was formed under an
imperial charter to operate and maintain all civil communica
418
tions. Since then , IBTE has obtained three additional loans
from IBRD, the most recent in 1969 totaling Eth $ 30.5 million,
for further improvement and expansion of the telecommunica
tions net.
The country had more than 36,000 telephones at the start of
1969, of which approximately two -thirds were in Addis Ababa,
close to one-sixth in Asmara, and the remaining one- sixth
in other towns. The total was expected to reach 63,400 by
1973, at the end of the Third Five Year Plan period. The
annual telephone growth rate averaged about 17 percent dur
ing most of the 1960s, with the rate for Addis Ababa somewhat
higher at 18.7 percent. Toward the end of the decade the
annual rate for Addis Ababa declined to about 15 percent;
however, in 1969 the demand for telephone installations con
tinued to exceed capacity . The city had two exchanges, both
automatic for local calls, with a total installed capacity of
19,500 telephone lines in 1969. This was to be increased by
the end of the third plan in 1973 to 34,500 lines . Fully auto
matic exchanges were also in operation in 1969 in Asmara,
Dessie, Dire Dawa, Harar, Jimma, Nazret, and Massawa.
Long-distance calls made in the late 1960s were over open
wire lines and required operator service. There was consider
able overloading in interurban calls with consequent delays,
often of several hours. To help remedy this situation, micro
wave links were to be installed, during the third plan, between
Addis Ababa and a number of other important towns, includ
ing Dessie, Makalle, Asmara, Nazret, Dire Dawa, Harar,
Jimma , Shashamene, Dilla, and Moyale . The connection to
Moyale also permitted a junction with the Kenyan network .
Another link was to be established between Asmara, Akordet,
and Teseney; this would also tie into the Sudanese network .
Provision was made for direct long -distance dialing by sub
scribers in Addis Ababa, Asmara , Dessie, Dire Dawa , and
Nazret. About 1,240 miles of open wire lines were to be re
aligned to provide long-distance service to smaller communities.
Telegraph facilities were available in the late 1960s in the
more important cities and a few other places but, in general,
were rather limited. Telex service was introduced in 1963 and
by 1969 was in operation in Addis Ababa, Asmara, Assab,
and Dire Dawa. The Addis Ababa exchange was automatic. The
expansion of telex services has resulted in a substantial drop
in the volume of domestic telegrams. The Third Five Year Plan
called for the installation of 720 additional teleprinters in the
principal cities to improve operations. Teleprinters employ
either the roman alphabet or the Amharic syllabary (see
Glossary ).
419
 In mid - 1970 Ethiopia had direct telex connections with cities
in eight countries, including Frankfurt, Rome, and London in
Europe ; Nairobi, Abidjan, Khartoum , and Djibouti in Africa;
Aden in the Middle East; and Japan in Asia. It also received
news by teleprinter from London, Paris, Moscow, and other
cities. International telegraph , telephone, and telex services
operate through high - frequency wireless systems. Telephone
service was not completely satisfactory because of the systems'
limitations. The feasibility of a communications satellite station
has been examined; however, there was some question of
immediate financial justifiability.

Postal Services

The country's postal system was established by Emperor

Menelik in 1894 , and the first sale of Ethiopian stamps occurred
in early 1895 at Harar. The country became a member of the
Universal Postal Union in 1908. In 1966 the post office was
made an independent department in the Ministry of Posts,
Telegraphs and Telephones (since designated the Ministry of
Communications, Telecommunications, and Posts).
Expansion of the postal system has been slow. In 1964
there were reportedly only 68 post offices throughout the
country, and in May 1967 the Minister of Posts, Telegraphs
and Telephones noted that only a small part of the population
benefited from existing postal services. By early 1970 points
at which postal services were available to the public had in
creased to about 105, including 72 post offices, 8 branch post
offices, and 25 postal agencies. Six mobile post offices furnished
services in less accessible areas.
The Third Five Year Plan contained funds for the con
struction of 40 additional post offices and the purchase of 6
more mobile post office units. Also included was the opening
of an additional 150 postal agencies. These measures would
treble the number of post offices and agencies by 1973. In
June 1970 the United Nations Development Program approved
an allocation equivalent to about Eth $ 1.1 million for the
establishment of a post office savings bank. In fiscal 1967/68
postal items handled totaled about 32.6 million; one-third was
domestic and two-thirds were of foreign origin or destination .
Postal items in the late 1960s were reportedly increasing at
about 8 percent a year.

TOURISM

About 45,000 tourists visited the country during fiscal

1968/69. Roughly 50 percent came from Europe, 25 percent
420
from North America, and the remainder from Africa, Asia,
and the Middle East. The arrival of tourists has increased
annually , more than doubling since fiscal 1962/63 when the
total was 19,220 . The projected number of tourists is about
107,000 for 1973, the final year of the Third Five Year Plan .
Despite the increase, however, the number of tourists visiting
Ethiopia in the late 1960s and anticipated during the remainder
of the third plan period represented only a very small part of
total world tourists. Receipts from tourism reached Eth $ 14.3
million in 1968/69, constituting about 2.9 percent of visible and
invisible exports in that year.
Government interests in tourism are promoted through the
Ethiopian Tourist Organization (ETO), an autonomous public
agency established in 1961. ETO at the beginning of 1970 was
directly responsible to the Ministry of Commerce, Industry and
Tourism . A major study commissioned by ETO, aimed at
developing plans for a rapid increase in the number of tourists,
was started in fiscal 1969/70 . Pending the conclusion of the
study, the Third Five Year Plan tentatively projected a capital
investment in tourism of about Eth $ 27 million during the plan
period . This would be spent largely for construction of new
hotels, not including the new Eth $ 20 -million Hilton Inter
national Hotel, which opened in Addis Ababa in October 1969,
and for improvements to existing hotels. Tourism is also active
ly promoted by EAL . Since 1965 the airline has provided a
regular scheduled service known as the Historic Route Services
that includes stops at Gondar, Lalibela, and Axum as well
as at the Blue Nile River falls. A number of private tourists
agencies also cater to the trade.

421
 CHAPTER 22

FOREIGN ECONOMIC RELATIONS

Economic development and growing administrative and

defense expenditures since the mid- 1950s have had an in
creasing impact on the country's foreign economic relations
as reflected in its balance of external payments. The country
has long been virtually self-sufficient in basic foodstuffs. Al
though it was largely dependent upon external supplies of
manufactures, such as luxury consumer goods and capital
equipment, until the 1950s imports were relatively low and
could be covered by earnings from the export of goods and
services. Each year from 1951 to 1957, there was a surplus
or only a small deficit in trade. Since the late 1950s, however,
imports have been mounting more steeply than growing ex
ports, and the resulting deficit on goods and services has had
to be covered by foreign grants or loans. Much of the grow
ing deficit reflects private or public expenditure comprised
in three successive five year development plans , for which
foreign financing has been obtained from the United States,
multilateral agencies of the United Nations, and Western
European or Communist states.
The United States takes nearly 45 percent of the country's
exports, chiefly coffee, and in some years has rivaled Italy
for first place as a supplier of imports. Imports consist in
creasingly of transport equipment and other capital goods.
The Export-Import Bank and United States commercial banks
have helped to finance imports of aircraft for Ethiopian Air
lines as well as other capital equipment. In the past the
United States has also been the leading source of technical
assistance and official loans. The Imperial Ethiopian Govern
ment is committed to a policy of diversified economic ties,
however, and prefers to rely on a variety of countries for
both trade and aid.
Since completion of the Soviet- financed oil refinery in 1967
aid commitments by Communist countries have gradually de
clined , but financing from multilateral agencies of the United
Nations, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Devel
opment (IBRD), the International Finance Corporation (IFC ),
and the International Development Association (IDA), has
423
taken up some of the slack. Through 1968 , however, the United
States remained the foremost source of technical assistance.
Foreign private investment is not as great as in some other
countries with known mineral resources but, nonetheless,
plays a very important part in the economy. No data are avail
able on the overall level of foreign investment in industry, but
private investment exceeds government investment; it may
be surmised that much of the private investment in industry
or trade is foreign in origin , since members of many indig
enous ethnic groups lack interest in these fields of endeavour
(see ch. 19 , Industry ). There has also been some foreign in
vestment in commercial agriculture. In the eight years 1961-68
net foreign private direct investment totaled Eth $ 173.3 million
(1 Ethiopian dollar equals US$0.40), 61 percent of which came
from Western Europe and about 5 percent from the United
States. In the mid - 1960s some ten United States firms had
investments in industry, mineral exploration, or agriculture
in the country , and Dutch , Indian, Japanese, and other firms
were also playing an important part in industry.
Economic ties have been primarily with the United States
and the developed industrial countries of Western Europe,
but Israel, Yugoslavia , Poland, Bulgaria , and Czechoslovakia
have also participated in technical assistance or development
projects and sent trade missions to explore the country's mar
ket potential. A tie of a special nature has been provided by
the French railway from Djibouti, now in the French Territory
of the Afars and Issas. Completed in 1917, the railway re
mains one of the country's important transportation links with
the outside world (see ch. 21 , Domestic Trade). The country
also retains close economic links with Italy because of the
colony of economically active Italians in Eritrea Province. A
number of Italians have also remained in the rest of Ethiopia
since Italy's military defeat in 1941 and are active in trade
and skilled crafts . Their tastes are reflected in certain imports
of consumer goods; their remittances are a minor debit on
the balance of payments; and their needs, as well as those of
others, have been served by long- and short- term lending by
Italian banks. The traditional activity of Arab and Levantine
merchants and entrepreneurs was once reflected in trade with
the free port of Aden, but since 1967 such trade takes place
primarily with Saudi Arabia and other states of the Arabian
peninsula.
Exports to African countries remained relatively limited in
1968 — less than 5 percent of total exports — and went primarily
to the neighboring French Territory of the Afars and Issas.
The planners have an eye on the markets of East Africa and
424
other developing African countries for the future, but it re
mains to be seen whether relatively fertile Ethiopia will be
able to serve as a granary for the populations of less favored
states or as a source of selected manufactures. Ethiopia has
applied for membership in the East African Community, but
the application was still under consideration in mid-1970.
Because most independent African countries are interested
in developing their own agriculture and manufactures, the
scope for complementary production may be limited by tariff
protection and other considerations, including competition by
external markets .

FOREIGN TRADE

Foreign trade has assumed growing importance since the

late 1950s, although in 1970 it still accounted for only a mod
est share of gross national product (GNP ). From 1963 to 1966,
inclusive, exports of goods and services were equivalent to
about 11 percent of estimated GNP, and imports of goods
and services amounted to between 12 and 14 percent of GNP .
Both imports and exports have been growing since the late
1950s , but imports have grown far more steeply and, on the
whole, more steadily, apart from a dip in 1967. Accordingly,
the trade deficit has been widening since the late 1950s. Nar
rowed somewhat by a rise in the value of exports in 1964, it
has since reached unprecedented proportions, exceeding
Eth$100 million in 1966 , 1967, and 1968.
The country derives its imports chiefly from a few highly
industrialized countries. In the late 1960s almost 60 percent
of exports were of a single commodity - raw Arabica coffee
which went primarily to a single market, the United States.
Because of fluctuations in the business cycle and in consumer
taste and the absence of rigid bilateral trade agreements, the
United States is regarded in some circles as an unreliable
market, and Ethiopia's planners seek to diversify the range
of the country's exports and trading partners. Another long
range objective is to increase the range of export commodities
and the value added domestically by treatment or processing
such commodities. To promote exports, emphasis will be
placed on standardization and quality control, but market re
search and trade promotion will also be employed.
In the late 1960s quality control of coffee had been im
proved by increasing reliance on standardized plantation
grown coffee in place of wild coffee. Some of the new coffee
plantations were foreign -financed . A United States firm had
been allotted 10,000 acres for a coffee estate. Washing plants
425
were being installed to handle an increasing share of the crop ,
and improved seedlings were disseminated . A new company
was set up in early 1970 to produce freeze- dried coffee using
the indigenous coffee beans . Feasibility studies had indicated
that the proposed plant could produce economically about
3,000 tons of freeze-dried coffee a year, using 12,000 tons of
raw coffee beans. The resultant increase in earnings per
pound could be as much as Eth$2.50, and better use could be
made of Ethiopia's quota under the International Coffee
Agreement. It was not clear in mid- 1970 how the project
would affect marketing arrangements .
Exports increased in value by 55 percent between 1960 and
1965, largely because of an increase of 98 percent in value
and 67 percent in quantity of coffee exports. Coffee exports
subsequently fell and by 1968 had not yet regained the 1965
high in either value or quantity, although they exceeded the
earlier level of the 1960-64 period. Exports of commodities
other than coffee increased only moderately between 1960
and 1968, partly because Aden took measures to cut off its
imports from Ethiopia of the stimulant leaf chat (see Glos
sary ). Exports of chat have consequently dwindled and are
now reported as going principally to Djibouti, with some ship
ments to Saudi Arabia .
The principal commodities exported , aside from coffee, are
oilseeds, hides and skins, and such pulses as lentils, haricot
beans, and chickpeas (see table 13) . Oilseeds go to a variety
of markets, including Japan , Italy, the People's Republic of
South Yemen , Lebanon , and Saudi Arabia. The United King
dom, Italy, West Germany, and France have been the leading
markets for sheepskins. Exports of pulses go to a long list of
countries, with Ceylon in the lead. Foodstuffs exported are
the crop surplus and, when the harvest is meager or domestic
consumption increases , the quantity of exports declines.
Bananas are produced in Eritrea and are exported primarily
to Saudi Arabia , which also takes smaller quantities of citrus
and other fruit grown by Italian planters in Eritrea. Livestock
exports also go chiefly to Saudi Arabia and in more limited
quantity to Kuwait, Yemen , and Djibouti. Canned meat goes
to Israel and Italy. Some salt is exported to Japan. Beeswax
is exported to the United States.
Imports increased steadily from 1960 through 1966. In 1966
the value of ships and boats imported from the Netherlands
was exceptionally high. Some reduction of imports was ef
fected in 1967, but the level was again swollen by purchase
of aircraft in 1968 to replace and expand the equipment of
Ethiopian Airlines (see table 14 ) . The high level of imports
426
of machinery and equipment in the late 1960s reflected in
vestment in new production and transport projects (see ch.
19 , Industry; ch . 21 , Domestic Trade). Some substitution of
domestic production for imports was effected, chiefly in tex
tile fabrics. The customary dress of most rural ethnic groups
consists of a length of cotton sheeting, and domestic produc
tion capacity had been materially increased by the end of the
1960s. The petroleum refinery at Assab was completed in late
1967, so that the burden of imports shifted during 1968 from
refined fuels and lubricants to crude oil from Iran.
Apart from limited quantities of luxury goods or certain
foods adapted to the taste of foreign residents, imports of
foodstuffs take place chiefly in years of exceptionally poor
harvests or drought. Thus in 1965 and 1966 , when there was
some localized famine, foodgrains were imported both as
famine relief and through usual trade channels. In March
1968 controls were imposed requiring prior deposit of the
Ethiopian dollar equivalent of imports on a list of consumer
goods. By preventing the stockpiling of consumer goods on
credit, this measure many have exercised restraint on imports
of nonessentials.
It was assumed that the ambitious program of investment
in productive equipment and overhead capital set forth in the
Third Five Year Development Plan ( 1968-73) would require
foreign financing in excess of Eth $ 1 billion to finance the im
ports and cover the resource gap entailed. By 1970, however,
not all the foreign capital hoped for had materialized ; invest
ment was running far below planned levels; and imports,
though high, had not reached the volume anticipated.
The country's trade with the United States customarily
shows a large surplus, but trade with most other major trad
ing partners is in deficit (see table 15). The closing of the
Suez Canal in mid- 1967 did not materially alter the pattern
of trade, though it increased transport costs by an estimated
35 to 50 percent and reduced earnings on coffee exports. Im
ports from the United States were swelled by the purchase
of nine aircraft in 1968.

BALANCE OF PAYMENTS

Annual net movements in the principal components of the

country's foreign exchange position are reflected in its bal
ance of payments statement. The current account, represent
ing the net flow of goods and services and sometimes trans
fer payments between the country and the rest of the world,
is divided into merchandise trade, export of nonmonetary
427
428
Exports
13.
Table
Selected
thiopia
1ECommodities
966-68.1
?,of
Volume Value
Standard
International
Classification
Trade 1966 1967 1968 1966 1967 1968

animals
Live 2,424 3,212 3,110 2,255 3,595 3,067
,fresh
Beef
salted
or 4.141 1,427 2,124 4,539 1,681 2,252
Canned
meat 1,674 3,203 2,056 1,762 3,420 2,334
Bananas 15,362 17,756 15,740 4,561 5,281 4,411
other
and
Pulses
lentils 69,235 69,242 74,798 21,126 19,666 21,364
Coffee
beans 73,642 73,604 80,250 155,313 139,182 152,957
Chilies
and
pepper 845 4,889 2,297 601 2,566 1,909
Oilseed
cakes 31,149 31,289 25,846 2,813 4,375 3,677
feed
and
foodstuffs
Other 9,691 8,054 7,678
materials
iCrude
except
:, nedible
fuel
Sheepskins 3,353
3,295 3,259 13,741 13,356 13,066
skins
and
hides
Other 12,785
9,669 6,744 21,906 16,481 11,849
Sesame 20,343
19,752 27,015 11,221 11,385 14,041
oilseeds
Other 38,048
33,095 23,122 13,044 11,315 7,399
Salt 156,480
165,523 159,524 1,211 1,121 1,080
 Incense
and
gums 1,775 1,874 1,259 992 890
1,035
Chat 799 854 842 2,170 2,921 3,003
Other
crude
imaterials
, nedible 2,516 2,971
n.a.
Beeswax 509 424 599 1,337 1,441 2,176
Others 332 585 1,923

Total 268,615 249,976 258,047

.
applicable
not
means
available
.na
-not
customary
As
international
epractice
isxports
exclude
breexports
include
,in
or
withinut
processed
goods
altered
Tcountry
.thehey
board
a valued
(are
f.o.b.
)ton
,thus
and
charges
upother
border
fto
the ree
customs
he
station
clearance
of
exclude
nd
ifreight
nsurance
.
excluded
is
Gold
2Year
ending
SJanuary
Preface
8.
( ee
relationship
for
Ethiopian
to
.)calendar
metric
tons
.3In
thousands
0edollars
$E;1of
.US n
Ethiopian
th
quals
*I.40
Source
Imperial
from dapted
Ethiopian
MGovernment
: inistry
AFinance
External
,of
Trade nnual
IStatistics
;1mperial
Ethiopian
MGovernment
Finance
External
,Aof
Trade 966
inistry
nnual
Statistics
Imperial
967
nd
Ethiopian
MGovernment
;a1, inistry
of
AFinance
nnual
External
Trade
Statistics
.1, 968

429
 Table 14. Value of Imports of Selected Goods, Ethiopia , 1966-681
( in thousands of Ethiopian dollars )2
Standard International
Trade Classification 19663 19673 19683

Dairy products .. 3,635 4,945 3,694

Flour and food grains 12,746 6,779 4,256
Sugar .... 5,015 480 311
Other food and livestock 9,462 10,746 10,868
Beverages and tobacco 5,096 5,005 5,673
Crude Materials ( inedible)
Cotton, raw 6,469 3,510 6,715
Man-made fibers 10,337 9,261 10,704
Other crude materials ( inedible)
except fuel 3,833 2,975 3,929
Crude petroleum 04 14,572
Petroleum products 26,327 31,058 12,120
Chemicals , pharmaceuticals, and
related products 31,931 34,503 40,957
Manufactures ( classified chiefly by material)
Tires and tubes 13,054 12,476 11,873
Textile yarns and fabrics 10,542 13,187 12,228
Iron and steel semimanufactures 18,193 15,621 20,094
Pulp and paper 5,251 6,376 9,162
Prefabricated building parts
and requisites ... 2,469 2,608 4,486
Other manufactures classified
by material 45,188 39,132 37,610
Agricultural machinery and implements 10,828 7,979 8,471
Other machinery and electrical equipment 65,102 68,542 86,741
Railway vehicles 2,536 3,386 4,308
Road motor vehicles 54,261 53,655 39,686
Aircraft and parts 5,740 5,575 46,378
Ships and boats 28,131 401 1,940
Cotton clothing and made- up goods 7,691 8,151 6,304
Scientific and professional instruments 5,686 3,798 4,072
Other 14,727 7,220 25,370
Total 404,250 357,369 432,522
means zero .
' Imports are valued c.i.f. (including cost of insurance and freight) to the port of entry, which may be
Djibouti. Gold is excluded .
aEth $ equals US $ 0.40.
3Year ending January 8. ( See Preface for relationship to Ethiopian calendar. )
‘ Less than 500 Ethiopian dollars.

Source: Adapted from Imperial Ethiopian Government, Ministry of Finance ,

Annual External Trade Statistics, 1968.

gold, services, and unrequited transfers (see table 16). A def

icit on current account may be augmented or offset by a net
outflow on capital account, which includes private direct in
vestment and private or official lending, as well as detectable
short-term capital movements. Ethiopia has had a consistent
deficit on merchandise trade and services, offset to a greater
430
 Table 15. Value of Ethiopian Trade with Selected Countries, 1966 and 19681
( in thousands of Ethiopian dollars )2
Value of Imports Value of Exports Exports of Coffee Beans

Country 1966 1968 1966 1968 1966 1968

Italy 77,619 77,176 24,832 16,280 5,751 4,470

Japan 52,277 40,740 11,730 11,445 4,119 4,629
West Germany 44,485 48,700 14,430 21,064 6,647 12,257
Netherlands 38,127 12,489 6,759 4,870 415 391
United Kingdom 36,693 40,698 12,462 9,409 2,104 448
United States 33,174 80,092 120,234 112,646 113,427 107,699
France 13,902 21,410 8,776 8,091 2,919 3,572
Iran 15,289 13,392 n.r. n.r. n.r. n.r.
Saudi Arabia 3,020 1,327 13,645 17,399 3,781 5,354
Other 89,664 96,498 55,747 56,843 16,150 14,005
Total 404,250 432,522 268,615 258,047 155,313 152,825
n.r.-not reported ; in these instances , the amount is probably negligible.
Year ending January 8. (See Preface for relationship to Ethiopian calendar .) Imports are valued c.i.f.
including cost of insurance and freight) and exports f.o.b. (free on board ).
21 Eth $ equals US $ 0.40.
Source: Adapted from Imperial Ethiopian Government, Ministry of Finance,
Annual External Trade Statistics, 1968 .

or lesser extent by a net inflow of foreign exchange from un

requited transfers and capital account. In view of its limited
normal requirement for imports of food, foreign aid and bor
rowing have permitted the country to maintain fairly com
fortable reserves of foreign exchange and gold with which to
meet any unforeseen deterioration in the payments balance.
Effective planning as well as luck will be needed, however,
to prevent a more long -term deterioration in the balance of
payments resulting from excessive reliance on coffee exports
coupled with the growing import needs of economic develop
ment.
The size of the trade deficit is affected by the country's
terms of trade-- that is, the movement of export prices in re
lation to import prices. In the case of a country heavily de
pendent upon exports of a single commodity, the terms of
trade may be critical for the economy as well as for the bal
ance of payments.
The merchandise trade deficit reported in the balance of
payments data differs from the customs data more commonly
reported in that imports as well as exports are exclusive of
the cost of insurance and freight. The deficit on insurance
and freight is treated as an item under services. Some Ethio
pian sources, departing from international practice by includ
ing the cost of insurance and freight in merchandise trade on
Ethiopia's balance of payments, accordingly speak of a net
431
 Table 16. Balance of External Payments, Ethiopia , 1966-69
(in millions of Ethiopian dollars )'
19662 19672 19682 19692 3

Merchandise balance -78.3 -62.0 -96.9 -49.7

Nonmonetary gold + 3.2 + 4.6 + 8.9 + 3.2
Services
Freight and insurance on
merchandise -47.6 -41.6 -67.0 -39.9
Other transportation and travel + 8.3 +18.5 +36.1 +34.2
Direct investment income -12.3 -12.9 -16.1 -13.9
Other investment income - 0.4 - 4.3 - 6.4 - 6.3
Counterpart of technical assistance -18.8 -22.0 -21.9
Other government expenditure,
current, excluding technical +14.4
assistance +32.0 +32.0 +31.5
Other services + 2.5 - 6.2
-
+24.6 + 5.6
Total goods and services -111.4 -93.9 -107.2 -52.4
Unrequited transfers
Family remittances and emigrant
transfers . -14.0 -19.5 -21.4
United States grants of farm products . + 7.7 -7.2
Other unrequited private transfers + 6.6 + 9.4 +15.4
Grants received by central government,
net including technical assistance . . . +29.4 +25.9 +35.4 +35.4
Total goods, services, and transfers -81.7 -78.1 -77.8 -24.2
Direct investment +26.1 +14.5 +12.0
- 8.7
Other private long-term capital +43.1 + 8.5 +43.2
Private short-term capital -10.3 4.3 - 2.0 - 3.5
Government loans and capital
subscriptions .. +15.3 +19.7 +22.1 +36.7
Balance on current and capital
account . - 7.5 -39.7 - 2.5 + 0.3

Net movement of foreign exchange Reserves

Monetary gold - 1.6 - 1.7 - 8.9 - 3.2
International Monetary Fund
transactions. 2.5
National bank, other + 0.9 +37.4 + 4.4 -10.3
Commercial banks +11.1 + 8.1 - 3.3
-

- 0.7
-

Errors and omissions 0.4 -

4.1 +10.3 +10.8
means zero .

11 Eth $ equals US $ 0.40.

2Merchandise trade data are for period ending January 8. All other data for year ending December 31
(See Preface for relationship to Ethiopian calendar.) Merchandise trade here excludes cost of insurance
and freight
3Preliminary figures.
*Minus equals increase in holdings.
Source: International Monetary Fund. Balance of Payments Yearbook, XXI
( 1964-68 ), 1970.

432
surplus, rather than a deficit on services. This is illusory,
however .
The country has consistently had a deficit on merchandise
trade and a deficit on services . The deficit on trade is deter
mined by import demand and by the volume and price of ex
ports of coffee and other products. Thus 1967, for example,
was not a particularly good year for exports , but restraint in
imports led to some reduction in the trade deficit compared
to 1966 , when , as in 1965, sizable imports of foodstuffs had
been required to combat localized famine. In 1968, on the
other hand, there was a pronounced increase in exports, but
heavy imports led to the worst trade deficit in many years.
Financing was not a grave problem, however; the increase in
imports derived in large part from heavy imports of aircraft
and other equipment for which foreign financing had been
obtained in advance.
In 1969 preliminary sources reported a sizable reduction in
the trade deficit, resulting chiefly from an increase of 12 per
cent in coffee exports. In 1970 the international price of cof
fee rose substantially, so that further improvement in export
earnings may be postulated.
Under the heading of services, freight and insurance have
been a consistent debit item and showed a particularly heavy
deficit in 1968 , when freight costs were reportedly increased
by 35 to 50 percent as a result of the closing of the Suez Ca
nal after June 1967. This category was also affected by the
increase in import and export trade, and the sum result was a
marked increase in the deficit on goods and services in 1968,
largely offset by increased receipts of unrequited transfers.
The "other transportation and travel" category combines
expenditure by travelers, on which Ethiopia has had a con
sistent deficit, with non - freight earnings by carriers, on which
there have been substantial net earnings from Ethiopian Air
lines. Tourist facilities are still relatively undeveloped, but
the country has great potential for future development of
tourism (see ch. 21 , Domestic Trade). Earnings of foreign
investors in Ethiopia are a relatively modest item on the bal
ance of payments compared to those of some newly indepen
dent African countries, but they have approximately doubled
since the early 1960s .
Foreign aid and foreign direct investment or lending are
the principal sources of financing for the deficit on merchan
dise trade and services. Foreign aid appears in three places
on the balance of payments. Foreign loans appear on the cap
ital account. The government's receipts from foreign grant
aid or technical assistance, whether private or public, appear
433
as unrequited transfers. The Ethiopian government's expend
itures of foreign exchange for technical assistance services,
however, appear as a debit item under services and are thus
included in the deficit on current account.
Remittances abroad by foreigners residing in or returning
from Ethiopia consistently exceed remittances by Ethiopians
abroad, making a debit under unrequited transfers. This is
more than offset, however, by institutional (mostly mission
ary ) or public technical assistance and other unrequited
grants, so that there has been some net inflow of foreign ex
change each year from unrequited transfers to help offset the
deficit on current account. Grants received by the central
government in the years 1964 through 1968 are reported as
coming chiefly from the United States, followed by Sweden ,
multilateral agencies, Germany, and the United Kingdom .
The United States Agency for International Development
(AID ) , however, does not regard technical assistance or Peace
Corps aid as grant aid and thus reports no grant aid to Ethi
opia in recent years.
On capital account, only private short-term capital showed
a consistent net outflow in the 1966-69 period. The inflow
from direct investment and private and public long-term lend.
ing has often covered most or all of the deficit on current
account and in some years has shown a net surplus on cur
ent and capital account combined. In such years, notably in
1964 and 1965, it has been possible to increase the country's
holdings of foreign exchange . In 1967 , however, there was a
reduction in drawings on private long-term loans, and the
deficit was met instead by a reduction in the foreign ex
change assets of the National Bank of Ethiopia. The "other
private long -term capital” category includes loans received
by private nonbanking sectors. In the period 1964-68 the
principal lenders were the IBRD, the Netherlands, United
States commercial banks, and the United States government.
Loans received by the central government came principally
from the United States government, the Soviet Union, and
the IDA .

FOREIGN AID AND LENDING

Since the country embarked on its first development plan in

1957, it has come to rely heavily on loans and technical assist
ance from foreign governments and multilateral agencies to
finance the development of industry , transport, and education .
Much of this foreign financing enters into the central govern
ment budget, and it is not always clear what component of a
434
development program is financed by domestic government
saving rather than by foreign borrowing or technical assistance.
By the end of June 1969 more than Eth$ 1,312 million in
foreign loans and technical assistance had been committed to
Ethiopia. Between July 1946 and July 1969 international agen
cies had committed some Eth$415 million. The United States
had committed Eth $ 560 million in economic aid and technical
assistance and some Eth $ 367 million in military aid . Communist
countries, including the Soviet Union, had committed the equiv
alent of Eth$297 million from 1954 to 1966 but had made no
new commitments in the 1967-68 period. The countries of
Western Europe had spent more than Eth $ 175 million in loans
or technical assistance by 1969.
In the past United States aid helped finance the building of
roads, bridges, and dams, the establishment of Haile Selassie
I University, the construction of the airport at Addis Ababa,
and a number of other projects (see ch. 9, Education). By the
late 1960s the United States aid program was relying more on
technical assistance, and official loans were coming largely
from multilateral agencies and from the countries of Western
Europe (see table 17). The United States aid program, which
had been characterized before 1966 by a multiproject approach ,
was refocused to emphasize revenue-producing activities rather
than institution building and the creation of physical overhead
capital.

Table 17. Value of Foreign Official Grants and Loans to Ethiopia , 1961-681
( in millions of Ethiopian dollars )2
Other Countries
United and
States Western Communist Multilateral
and Canada Europe Countries Assistance Total

Official unrequited
transfers (grants
and technical
assistance )
1961-64 78.8 11.0 3.9 8.9 102.6
1965-68 80.4 31.9 9.7 122.0
Official net inflow
of capital
1961-64 82.6 2.9 8.6 27.9 122.0
1965-68 10.8 43.2 24.9 35.6 114.5
Total 252.6 89.0 37.4 82.1 461.1
means zero ,

Year ending December 31 .

21 Eth $ equals US $ 0.40 .
Source: Adapted from International Monetary Fund, Balance of Payments Year.
book , XXI ( 1964-68 ), 1970.

435
 Loans from the Soviet Union have come from a line of
credit of Eth$254 million at 2.5 percent interest established in
1959; only a small portion of this had been committed by 1968,
mainly about Eth $ 40 million for the petroleum refinery at
Assab. In June 1969 a new technical assistance protocol was
concluded with the Soviet Union, providing for a new commit
ment of Eth $ 10 million under the 1959 credit, which might be
used to help build a teachers' training college, a vocational
school, an agricultural specialists' training center, a hospital,
and a water supply system in Assab and might also be applied
to veterinary services and to prospecting for minerals in
Begemder and Tigre provinces.
Other important foreign loans had been received in the 1960s
from West Germany for highway construction and for the
Massawa cement factory, from the Netherlands for Ethiopian
Shipping Lines, and from Sweden for telephone equipment,
lumber production and, with the IBRD, a new four-year high
way development program . Yugoslav loans had been used for
Assab port construction and for a hospital . Czechoslovakia had
assisted in the construction of three industrial plants.
The country's foreign debt remained of manageable propor
tions despite the rapid increase in foreign borrowing during the
1960s. Most foreign loans had been obtained at moderate
interest, averaging 4 percent, twenty years' maturity, and a
grace period of about three years. Interest and repayments on
foreign debt averaged the equivalent of about 7 to 8 percent of
exports of goods and services.

436
 CHAPTER 23

FISCAL AND MONETARY SYSTEMS

In 1970 much of the rural population remained outside the

money economy. Money was increasingly used , however, even
in the rural areas, and confidence in a stable currency had
been established . The banking system was well organized but
had only a few rural branches. The country's fiscal and mone
tary system , which has become increasingly modern since
1950 was nonetheless still entwined with the traditional system
of land tenure, which inhibited the development of practical
tax reform and of an effective low-cost system of agricultural
credit. This situation inhibited the efforts of the country's
financial authorities, the Ministry of Finance and the National
Bank of Ethiopia, both of which are staffed primarily with
well-trained Ethiopians and temporary foreign staff committed
to national development.
Although less dependent upon foreign assistance than some
other African countries, Ethiopia was obliged frequently to
draw upon foreign grants and credits (see ch. 22, Foreign
Economic Relations ). The concept of national development
does not raise enthusiasm either at the grass roots or among
the landed or moneyed class. The country's long, nearly un
broken history of political and religious independence has
fostered a reliance on tradition that makes it difficult to
mobilize domestic financial resources for development. Repeat
ed reforms, enacted at the central or provincial government
level, do not always penetrate far into the tradition -oriented
countryside.

PUBLIC FINANCE

The broad outlines of public finance are those familiar in

many other developing countries. The requirements of admin
istration, defense, police, and development have been mounting
steeply, but the yield of direct taxation is very low. The mass
of the population has not yet entered the cash economy, and
per capita income, even when measured in kind, does not
permit a tax effort commensurate with government expenditure.
437
There is consequently a tendency to rely on indirect taxes
customs, excise, and sales taxes — for their revenue effect alone,
without adequate consideration of their impact on the poorer
part of the population or of their effect on the allocation of
resources. There has also been a growing reliance upon foreign
loans for budgetary support. Over a period of ten years, two
thirds of the country's capital budget has been financed from
external assistance. A conservative budget policy has given way
to deficit financing .
Although there is a growing commitment on the part of the
financial authorities to use public expenditure as a means of
allocating resources, and more particularly of promoting de
velopment, in practice its effect has probably been marginal.
There is the usual built-in bias toward mounting administrative
expenditure, and defense expenditure has assumed a priority
that dwarfs the allocations for such urgent needs as health,
education, and agricultural development. The pattern of ex
penditure may, however, be determined in part by the avail
>

ability of foreign grants and loans for specific purposes and in

part by the limitations of available educated manpower or by
the limited response of the populace to innovation . The budget
funds allocated to the achievement of desirable social or eco
nomic goals have sometimes exceeded the ability to utilize
them .
Ethiopia's background to modernization differs from that of
many other African countries in that its experience of foreign
occupation was very brief and was strenuously resisted
throughout. The Italian invasion nonetheless left its mark on
the country's fiscal system, although the modernizing ideas of
the Emperor and the education acquired by a growing number
of the country's elite in other foreign countries may have been
a more important influence for change (see ch. 3, Historical
Setting). Before the 1930s there was reportedly no very clear
distinction between the revenues of the Emperor and those of
the state, and a similar situation prevailed on the provincial
and local levels . In the last phase of the Italian occupation ,
after 1937, the Fascist administration embarked upon a large
scale public works program , financed primarily from Italy,
and erected a showy but durable infrastructure of roads and
public buildings (see ch . 2, Physical Environment; ch . 3, His
torical Setting ). The schools and hospitals constructed were
reserved to the use of Italians during the occupation but after
liberation became the responsibility of the Ethiopian adminis
tration . In order to maintain them and to finance further
modernization needs, larger state revenues were required.
438
 Taxation Problems

Ethiopia has the limited tax base characteristic of a country

with a large subsistence population . In addition, the church
and the landlords, who have traditionally represented the
chief potential domestic reservoir of taxable income, have long
enjoyed virtual exemption from tax , in effect if not in law.
Consequently , direct taxes have usually furnished less than 25
percent of total tax revenue (see table 18). The share of
indirect taxes has fluctuated with the value of external trade.
Although the yield of taxes on imports is far more important
than the yield of export duties , the price, harvest, and market
quotas of coffee have influenced variations in the yield of
customs duties. There are also important year-to -year fluctua
tions in the value of imports, which cannot always be fore
seen .

There has been general agreement that the tax system did
not fully utilize the country's taxable capacity, that it was
inequitable in its incidence, and that it was not geared to
provide incentives for priority lines of development. For ex
ample, the heavy reliance upon indirect taxation tends to dis
courage cash transactions, and the burden upon prices may
keep many of the rural population from buying more than the
most essential goods. Even sugar and cotton sheeting, which
are consumer items in the countryside, are taxed for revenue
reasons. Although there have been efforts - most notably in
1944 and 1967—to broaden the tax base and increase the in
cidence of direct taxes on higher incomes, there has been
considerable criticism of the government both at home and
abroad for not being vigorous enough in carrying through the
proposed reforms.

Taxation of Land and Agricultural Incomes

According to any reckoning, more than half of the country's

gross domestic product is derived from agricultural activity.
Although the burden of taxation on the poorer peasants has
sometimes been heavy, the yield to government revenues from
agricultural income has been meager in comparison to its
potential. Producers of cash crops such as coffee have been
relatively lightly taxed in recent years, but the widening gap
between income and tax revenue is basically attributable to
lingering feudal practices in many areas. The feudal system
encourages intermediaries to enrich themselves by collecting
tribute from the peasant. Most landlords or other interme
439
diaries were obliged to pass on a portion of this tribute to
the Emperor or, in later years, the state ; but the church, which
owns an estimated one-fourth to one-third of the lands, was
exempted from this obligation, and a few great landlords,
usually of royal lineage , were granted exemption from the pay
ment of tribute or later land tax to the state . These conditions
persist, although a personal appeal by the Emperor to the land
lords and to the hierarchy of the church is successfully used
each year as an informal means of balancing the not incon
siderable gap between the budget deficit and the proceeds of
domestic and foreign borrowing.
As agricultural land and the labor of the peasants have been
the country's principal resources, the traditional practice has
been for political reward to take the form of land, of the power
of exacting tribute from the peasants on the land, or of exemp
tion from the payment of tribute to the Emperor or state. At
times all three forms of reward, but more often the first two,
have been granted in combination , the right to collect rent and
tithe from the peasant being often a feature of the ownership
of land. There were also local offices that carried the right to
collect tribute from the peasants without conveying land owner
ship. Because these traditional forms of reward carried social
status as well as financial benefit, they were not readily re
placed by other forms of political recognition, and the process
of maintaining centralized power in a predominantly conserv .
ative society therefore involved their continued use . In the
past twenty years, however, considerable improvement has
reportedly taken place in this respect at the central and
provincial government levels, where salaried positions are now
accepted by all but the older and less active appointees as con
veying adequate status.
In the early 1930s the Emperor had initiated legislation aimed
at progressively abolishing the traditional feudal dues paid in
kind by the peasants and establishing instead a system of
controlled taxation . There was hardly time for such purposes
to take effect before the Italian invasion. In any case there has
been , then and subsequently, considerable political resistance
to any reform of the prevailing land tenure and taxation sys
tems. Such resistance comes from the church , from many of
the other landlords, and apparently sometimes from the
peasants themselves in areas such as Gojam Province where
land is allotted on a kinship basis (see ch . 18, Agriculture).
During the occupation the Italians used conscripted indigenous
labor on their road and building program . They reportedly paid
wages, however, thus undermining the feudal system whereby
in some areas the tenant provided one day's labor in every
440
 Table 18. Consolidated Central Government Budget, Current and Capital
Account of Ethiopia , 1965-691
( in millions of Ethiopian dollars )2
Fiscal Year Ending July 7

Item 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969

(Preliminary)
Revenue
Domestic revenue
Income taxes 32.5 35.9 49.5 59.6 69
Sales taxes 67.6 75.6 86.5 101.4 114
Customs . 131.3 142.0 138.3 127.4 127
Monopoly profits 3.7 5.1 7.2 4.9 7
Other taxes 31.4 32.9 33.2 22.5 21
Receipts from
government enter
prises. 8.1 24.3 15.5 17.1 18
Other revenues 16.3 16.6 24.6 25.4 27
Total 290.9 332.4 354.8 358.3 383
Expenditure]
Current
Defense 75.7 82.7 83.5 99.8 115
Agriculture 6.9 7.1 9.4 8.9 n.a.

Education 52.3 62.9 67.6 n.a. n.a.

Health 24.1 25.0 27.0 n.a. n.a.
Subsidies
Interest 6.3 9.1 15.0 15.8 17
Other current 90.5 95.0 117.0 212.5 241
Subtotal 255.8 281.8 319.5 337.0 373
Capital
Agriculture 3.1 3.9 2.9 10.6 n.a.
Education 1.7 0.8 2.2 6.1 n.a.

Health 0.9 2.5 3.5 4.1 n.a.

Highways 21.6 29.7 34.9 30.7 n.a.

Industry and Mines .. 29.8 44.2 42.4 31.4 n.a.

Other capital 13.0 44.0 26.7 43.5 n.a.

Subtotal 70.1 125.1 112.6 126.4 95

Total: 325.9 406.9 432.1 463.4 468
Deficit on Current and Capital
Account . -35.0 -74.5 -77.3 -105.1 85
Financing the Deficit
Foreign borrowing (net) . 17.1 63.2 40.3 51.6 50
Domestic borrowing
(net) . 3.7 4.1 8.0 27.2 11.5
Other domestic
resources . 14.2 7.2 29.0 26.3 23.5
.... means zero
n.a.-not available.
' In principle, expenditures here exclude those listed in the Ethiopian budget that are financed by foreign
grant aid or technical assistance. Thus, only foreign borrowing, not grant aid , is included as a means of
meeting the reduced deficit.
21 Eth $ equals US $ 0.40 .

441
three to his landlord. This may have made it difficult for
some landlords to assert their previous prerogatives uncon
tested, although there are indications that it is difficult for
foreigners to assess sentiment among the peasants. After the
liberation of 1941 , the Emperor sought to introduce the concept
of wages for the army. He and his government were also con
fronted by the necessity of raising state revenues to maintain
the infrastructure left by the Italians and to meet the costs
of further modernization . For these and other reasons, they
sought to put the tax system on a cash basis in place of the
tribute in kind or in services previously due to the Emperor.
A cash land tax was first introduced by the Emperor in
1941 and revised in the Land Tax Proclamation of 1944. The
1944 law remained in effect until November 1967 and con
tinued thereafter to apply in part to land in use and in full
on land not in use. The proclamation has been variously in
terpreted , but apparently one of its principal objects was to
fix in cash terms the amount of tax due to the central govern
ment. The tax did not apply on the same basis to all areas of
the country. Gojam, Begemder, Tigre, and Wollo provinces
paid a fixed tribute. In areas where land had been measured ,
including Gemu Gofa, Ilubabor, Kefa, Sidamo, and Wollega
provinces and parts of Shoa Province, the tax was fixed per
gasha of fertile land, with semifertile or infertile land taxed at
lower rates. The amount of land in a gasha varies, depending
on the district, from 70 to 100 acres; it is only one of many
units of land measurement employed in the countryside ( see
ch. 18, Agriculture). In some other areas, such as parts of Shoa
Province, where land was unmeasured, taxpayers were divided
into eight classes based on ability to pay. The rates on un
measured land were generally lower than on measured land.
In nomadic or semiromadic areas, a tax on livestock replaced
the land tax .
The Land Tax Proclamation of 1944 also established a cash
tax in lieu of tithe, to be paid , in addition to the land tax, on
land in production. It was also assessed on an acreage and
fertility basis, rather than on the basis of the actual value of
production. According to the law, the landowner was to pay
both the land tax and the tax in lieu of tithe, but in practice
most tenants continued to pay the traditional tithe, the value
of which in an average year exceeded the cash tax in lieu of
tithe passed on to the government by the landlord.
Under traditional usage the peasant and landlord set aside
one-tenth of the peasant's crop for payment to the Emperor
before proceeding to the division of the crop for rental pur
poses. This first one -tenth of the crop was the traditional tithe,
442
due to the Emperor. On most forms of church land, the tithe
and the later land tax were collected but were credited directly
to the church and formed no part of government revenue . On
land already subject to state tithe that had been donated to
the church , the tithe but not land tax was paid to the govern
ment by the church . It was estimated that in fiscal year 1961/62
(Ethiopian fiscal year 1954-see Preface) the revenue lost to the
government on church lands amounted to about Eth$2 million
( 1 Ethiopian dollar equals US$0.40) , equivalent to about 13
percent of actual government revenues. The land tax collected
in that year amounted to only 2 percent of total revenues.
In discussion of the country's successive efforts at tax reform
confusion has arisen from the fact that some foreign writers
use the term tithe with reference to the total payment in
kind made by the peasant to the landlord, although the land
lord customarily takes much more than one -tenth of the crop
(see ch . 18 , Agriculture ). Some writers use the term tithe only
of payment made to the church , although this may also far
exceed one-tenth . Some use the term tithe of any payment in
kind rather than in cash. Thus when the cash tax in lieu of
tithe was introduced in 1944, it was hailed by some foreign
observers as abolition of the tithe. Insofar as the total cash
tax amounted to less than one -tenth of the crop, the proclama
tion may be said to have abolished the tithe due to the
Emperor; but in most areas where the land was owned by
landlords , the practice of setting aside one-tenth of the crop
for tithe continued .
Some landlords reportedly gave up their lands after the cash
land tax was introduced . Where land was under cultivation by
tenants, however, most landlords simply continued to shift the
tax onto the peasant. Even after the rate of land tax was
raised in 1955 , many landlords were making a profit on the
tithe alone, for the maximum tax in lieu of tithe on a piece of
fertile land was less than the value of one-tenth of its average
crop. In areas where land was held and worked on a kinship
basis, such as Gojam Province, the peasants may also have
profited by the difference between cash land taxes and tra
ditional tithe. Because there are so many different systems of
land tenure — more than 110 in the province of Wollo alone
generalizations drawn from experience in any one district are
often subject to challenge, and sources may conflict in their
assessment of the effect of land tenure, land taxes, and tithe
on the peasant.
When the 1944 proclamation was first introduced, it was re
garded by some as a reform that would eliminate the tradi
tional burden on the peasant of multiple dues in kind or in
443
labor, which might be owed not only to the landlord , the
church , and the state but also to other intermediaries: prov.
incial governors, local dignitaries, nobles rewarded by the
Emperor, and traditional feudal lords. Available sources do not
make clear how far such reform was effected during the
succeeding twenty -three years, but it seems that in many areas
in the 1960s the poorer peasants still bore a multiple burden
of dues in kind as well as rental payments in kind to the land
lords ( see ch. 18, Agriculture).
Originally seen as a means of stimulating farm production
for cash , the land taxation system of 1944 was generally re
garded in the 1960s as being regressive in its practical inci
dence. Visiting experts from the United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organization (FAO ) reportedly found that land
owners of greater wealth and position tended to pay lower
taxes or to be wholly exempted and that, in general the
poorer the man , the heavier his burden of taxation . Moreover,
because church revenues and other important incomes were
exempted or lightly taxed , the revenue yield of land taxation
was gravely inadequate. The yield of the land tax as a per
centage of total government revenue declined from about 3.5
percent in fiscal 1956/57 to only 1.4 percent in fiscal 1965/66 .
Consultants studying the tax structure strongly recommended
the introduction of a more progressive form of land tax or
tax on agricultural income but acknowledged the difficulty of
enforcing such taxation in a country in which conservative
and local political interests were so deeply entrenched . In the
past large landowners arrested for failure to pay the tax
were not always convicted or penalized , and pressures on the
church to allocate its revenues have been subtle rather than
legal.
Under the old law, it was estimated that only about 75 per
cent of the income tax due was ever collected. Not only was
evasion practiced, but some refused outright to pay and, as one
writer put it, “ in this matter the modern political system must
bow to the traditional ascriptive norms of Ethiopian politics.”
Although the Emperor and financial authorities were known to
favor tax reform , there may have been hesitation to enact into
law a measure without adequate potential for enforcement.

1967 Amendment of Income Tax Law

Recognition of the growing need for tax reform was embodied

in the Income Tax (Amendment) Proclamation (Number 255 )
of November 1967. In addition to the very mildly progressive
Schedule A on salary income and Schedule C for incomes
444
from business or other activities, the new law introduced for
the first time a Schedule D for income from agricultural
activities. Moreover, Schedule B, for other incomes from land
or property , was amended to include income from crop -sharing
arrangements between landowner and tenant. The tax
schedules are progressive, although much less steeply so than is
customary in industrial countries. The rates on higher incomes
are much lower than in most other countries, but nonetheless
they represent a departure from previous practice and one that
may in some instances be difficult to enforce. The proclamation
also contained a special provision on tithe, designed to repeal
the tax in lieu of tithe and to " terminate the collection of
tithe," although it did not specify how this was to be accom
plished . The repeal would not apply to such owners of rural
land as do not pay income tax because they do not use their
land for production , who would continue to be liable to pay
tithe under the 1944 law. Moreover, all land would continue to
be liable to the old 1944 land tax.
This law was greeted by some as abolition of the tithe and
referred to by others as restoration of the tithe, in the sense
that it introduces a tax directly related to agricultural income.
The object of the legislation, however, appears to have been
not only to increase revenue but to distribute the burden of
taxation somewhat more equitably than had been the previous
practice. Whether it could accomplish this objective, however,
would depend upon how equitably it could be applied in
practice.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church, for example, refused out
right to pay the new tax on rents and agricultural income.
Because of the political power of the church , it was not obliged
to abide by the law, and thus large potential revenues continue
to be diverted from the state treasury. Attempts by government
assessors to apply the new agricultural income tax in Gojam
Province led in May 1968 to a tax revolt by the peasants,
a majority of whom own the land they till under a form of
kinship tenure. The army attempted to suppress the rebellion,
and about 1,000 troops were sent into Gojam to maintain order.
On August 3, 1968, the Emperor announced that collection of
taxes in Gojam would be terminated .
By 1969 the yield of the income tax had increased more
than enough to make up for the decline in customs revenue,
and there had accordingly been some increase in total revenue.
Reform of the system of taxation , however, had not been
fully implemented by mid -1970.
As in any country where tax evasion is common, a dispro
portionate share of the income tax burden falls upon salaried
445
employees, whose tax is deducted from their monthly pay
checks. The standard deduction is equivalent to the wage of an
unskilled worker in the capital, but there are no family allow
ances . A single man pays the same rate of tax as a family man.
No mention is made in the new legislation of capital gains and
income from bank accounts , both of which were previously
exempted. The financial authorities wish , in any case , to en
courage savings in a form that can be channeled into economic
development.
Other Direct Taxes

As of 1969 there were only three basic forms of direct taxa

tion: income tax , livestock tax, and land tax. The health tax
and education tax were additional taxes on land, introduced
in order to finance the growing need for health and education
planning and services. They are used within the province from
which they are collected but in some provinces they are report
edly regarded by the peasants as taxes levied upon the country
side for the benefit of town dwellers. On church land, health
tax is usually paid to the state, but according to one report
the education tax is sometimes retained by the church .
The cattle tax, applied at differing rates to all livestock, is
payable by nomads who do not own land and is thus the chief
source of revenue in provinces where nomadic herding is the
way of life. A cultivator who owned a pair of draft oxen or
other livestock might also be subject to the tax, which was
equivalent to Eth $ 0.25 per head of cattle. In some provinces a
sample survey has found that the owners of livestock are also
those who own the most land.

Indirect Taxation

Import and export duties have been the most important form
of indirect taxation . Imports are taxed at a higher rate and
have yielded more revenue than exports, which depend prin
cipally upon the price, quota , and harvest of coffee. Ethiopia
is not a member of the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT) and has been able to levy high import tariffs
on many products for purposes of revenue as well as protec.
tion . Productive machinery for domestic enterprise is generally
exempted from duty and constitutes an increasingly important
share of imports in recent years (see ch. 22, Foreign Economic
Relations).
Protective tariffs are usually applied to imports in competi
tion with domestic industry, but they have not always been
adequate to offset high domestic costs and in some cases have
been partially offset by taxation of the domestically produced
446
goods . Nevertheless, average duties are high, even apart from
their protective purpose . In addition to the tariff duty, a trans
action tax and a municipal tax are applied to all imports. The
transaction tax applied to imports is considerably higher than
that applied to exports or domestic goods. Because of its long,
rugged borders and the tradition of some of its peoples of
ignoring borders, the country has a potential for smuggling if
any import duty becomes so high as to offset the advantages
of transport by the single rail line or from the Eritrean ports.
Excise taxes apply not only to alcohol, tobacco, perfume, in
ternal combustion fuel, and lubricants but also , as of 1969 , to
sugar, yarns, and textile fabrics. Salt is specially taxed,
matches, like tobacco , are a state monopoly, and there is also
a stamp tax on notarized documents . These are also features
of the Italian system and may be derived from the Italian occu
pation or from Eritrea .
A transaction tax introduced in 1963 provides much of the
yield from indirect taxes . It combines a sales tax on transac
tions reported by merchants with differential tax rates on im
ports, exports, and goods manufactured locally. Imports are
generally taxed at higher rates . Some goods manufactured
locally pay higher rates than others. Turnover taxes of this
nature have become a major source of revenue in industrial
nations in recent years, but their regressive effect in less devel
oped countries is viewed with some misgivings. Not only is
their incidence most heavily felt by the poor, but they induce
evasion by merchants and producers and inflate the prices of
those goods that might otherwise induce more of the rural pop
ulation to enter the money economy.

Government Expenditure
Central administration and mounting defense expenditure
have been the major items on the current ( ordinary ) govern
ment budget in the 1960s . Education and health have absorbed
only a very small share of the increasing government expendi
ture on either current or capital account . Capital expenditure
has gone chiefly to roads and other transport and to govern
ment participation in manufacturing industry. Agriculture has
been relatively neglected, and capital expenditure on education
has been limited by inadequate resources.
The country's ordinary budget, as published annually, in >

cludes quantities of expenditure financed from foreign techni

cal assistance or grant aid (see ch . 9 , Education ; ch . 25 , The
Armed Forces). In consolidated budget data adjusted to fit in
ternational definitions, some or all of the expenditure financed
by foreign grants or technical assistance are, in principle, ex
447
cluded. Consequently, expenditure on education and other
categories may be correspondingly lower (see table 18).
The Ethiopian fiscal year ends July 7. The preparation of the
budget begins a year earlier, when the Ministry of Finance in
structs the various ministries to prepare their estimates. The
Ministry of Finance provides the other ministries and agencies
with an assessment of the financial situation and outlook and
with more detailed instruction on the form and method to be
used in the estimates. Any estimates not received by October 7
are prepared by the Ministry of Finance for the agency in
question .
The draft budget is submitted to the Council of Ministers in
January and passed on to the Parliament for discussion in late
April. The budget is debated in both the lower and the upper
house and is then submitted to the Emperor in June. Between
June 8 and the beginning of the fiscal year on July 8, the bud
get, if approved by the Emperor, is published in the official
journal Negarit Gazeta.

BANKING AND CURRENCY

In 1970 much of the rural population remained outside the
money economy. In many villages barter was a major means
of exchanging the surplus of subsistence production for com
modities that a subsistence family could not produce for itself.
Production for cash was increasing, however, and the use of
legal tender or obsolete tokens of exchange was growing both
among villages and between peasants and village traders.
The currency system , once chaotic, has been regularized in
the past twenty years, and the Ethiopian dollar is now the only
legal tender. Confidence in the currency has reduced reliance
on hoarding of gold or obsolete coins and diminished barter
exchange. Monetary stability has been fairly well maintained
by government policy. Because banks are few and depositors
a very limited proportion of the economically active, the in
fluence of the monetary authorities cannot be as far reaching
as in more developed countries. The central bank is regarded
as sophisticated and efficient in its staff and its familiarity with
monetary techniques, but efforts to mobilize domestic financial
resources for development have had very limited success.
The system of credit institutions has become more complex,
but many of the peasants remain ineligible for commercial
credit, and it may be long before it replaces high -priced non
institutional credit at the tenant farmer level. When in need of
credit, subsistence farmers and tenants obtain loans from land
lords, merchants, relatives, or friends, as they have for cen
turies. Both loans and payments may be made in kind or in
services as well as in cash , and debt may be a heavy burden .
448
 Money supply expanded vigorously during the 1960s, in
fluenced by the growing use of money, by the rapid expansion
of credit, and by the growth of foreign assets, which have a
strong impact on the expansion or contraction of money sup
ply. Only in 1967 did money supply contract. The price level
also rose strongly in the early 1960s, remained fairly stable in
the 1966-68 period , and rose again in 1969. The price of Ethio
pian coffee on the New York exchange declined in 1967 and
stayed fairly stable through 1969 , influencing the country's
foreign assets and thus the money supply. In 1970 the coffee
price showed a vigorous rise.
The country's monetary institutions in 1970 included: the
National Bank of Ethiopia , which functioned as a central bank;
the Development Bank of Ethiopia, which furnished industrial
and agricultural credit; and the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia.
Other institutions included the Ethiopian Investment Corpora
tion, formerly known as the Investment Bank of Ethiopia; the
Imperial Savings and Home Ownership Public Association ; the
Imperial Insurance Authority; and the Ethiopian Mortgage
Share Company. Commercial banks licensed to operate in the
country as of 1969 included the Addis Ababa Bank and the
Banco di Roma. Foreign banks may not establish independent
branches in the country, may not accept deposits , and are not
allowed to deal in foreign exchange . They are allowed to
take only minority interest in Ethiopian banks, and their main
function is the financing of export transactions.

National Bank of Ethiopia

The country's first central bank was the Bank of Abyssinia,
established in 1905, at the desire of Emperor Menelik, under
the auspices of the Bank of Egypt with British support. It
played a significant role in the economy at the time, but it was
regarded as a foreign instrument and was consequently bought
out by Emperor Haile Selassie I in 1931 , when he established
the Bank of Ethiopia in its stead. This in turn was replaced by
the Banco di Roma upon the Italian invasion and restored as
the State Bank of Ethiopia in 1942. In 1963 its commercial
banking functions were devolved upon the new Commercial
Bank of Ethiopia, and the central bank was renamed the Na
tional Bank of Ethiopia. Under the Monetary and Banking
Proclamation Number 206 of 1963, it has the power to regulate
the supply, availability, and cost of money and credit, to man
age the country's gold and foreign exchange reserves, to li
cense and supervise banks, and to issue currency.
The National Bank also performs the other usual functions
of a central bank. It acts as the fiscal agent of government,
449
handling its tax and loan accounts and issuing government
bonds and securities. Its open market operations are used
primarily as a means of meeting the government budget. Its
powers over credit supply include the power to fix bank reserve
requirements and the liquidity ratios to be maintained by li
censed banks. The repercussions of these policies are some
what circumscribed by the limited number of depositors and
the limited role of the banks as opposed to more informal
credit. Thus, regulating functions of the monetary authorities
may be slow to influence the overall price level. Besides its
regulatory functions, the National Bank also exercises the func
tion of adviser to government in monetary and fiscal matters,
consulting with the Ministry of Finance, the country's other
principal monetary authority.

Development Bank of Ethiopia

The Development Bank of Ethiopia, one of the first in Africa,
was established with a loan from the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) , or World Bank, in
1951. The need for such an institution had become increasingly
evident, since the previously existing monetary institutions had
proved either unwilling or unable to extend long -term loans
for economic development. The loan policy of the State Bank
of Ethiopia prevented its participation in such ventures, and
the Agricultural and Commercial Bank of Ethiopia was unable
to carry out this function because of limited resources, which
were chiefly devoted to meeting claims for war damages. Ac
cordingly, in 1951 the Agricultural and Commercial Bank was
merged with the Development Bank, with a combined capital
of Eth$ 13 million , later augmented .
To some extent, the Development Bank acts as an inter
mediary, preparing financial justifications of development proj
ects from the IBRD or from other foreign sources of develop
ment aid. Its charter does not permit it to accept deposits; its
capital, apart from the Eth $ 5 million provided by the IBRD ,
has in practice been provided by the government exchequer.
Thus foreign loans are the principal source of financing open
to it. They are usually official loans, since the development
projects involved , by definition , are those that have not proved
attractive to foreign private capital.
The bank has been severely criticized because of its principal
problem, the provision of agricultural credit where there is in
adequate security for a loan . The basic problem is twofold :
most of the agricultural community is landless, and there is no
adequate means of determining land ownership. Visiting ex
perts have estimated that an adequate cadastral survey of the
450
entire country would take some thirty years to accomplish (see
ch. 18 , Agriculture). The bank has made efforts to overcome
this problem without allowing the rate of default to reach un
manageable proportions. It devised a method by which it gave
certificates of ownership on an individual basis on the recom
mendation of the district officer. It helped to form three or four
agricultural cooperatives and lent money through them. They
were vegetable growers' and coffee growers' cooperatives and
had both landlords and tenants as members. The bank's agri
cultural loans naturally tend to be for the production of cash
crops; a large proportion has been for coffee. As of 1966 the
minimum agricultural loan that could be granted by the bank
was about Eth $ 10,000.
Under its charter, the bank is obliged to pay due regard to
the prospects of repayment and to invest only in profit-making
enterprises. Its rates of interest in 1966 were 7 percent on in
dustrial loans and 8 percent on agricultural loans. It does not
follow any list of priorities established by the current develop
ment plan or by any other agency of government but grants
loans on a first- come- first- served basis . Most loans have been
for industrial projects because of the problems involved in agri
cultural lending. There are many problems even in industrial
lending, one of which is the fact that bookeeping is not a pre
valent practice , though required by the Commercial Code (see
ch. 21 , Domestic Trade). Seeing that adequate books are kept
is one of the functions of the bank's follow -up section , which
periodically visits projects to check on their progress, costs,
utilization of labor, and accounting methods and practices. As
of 1966 the staff of the bank was more than 50 percent non
Ethiopian, particularly in technical and managerial capacities.
Ethiopian Investment Corporation
The functions of the Ethiopian Investment Corporation , es
tablished in 1963, appear to overlap those of the Development
Bank of Ethiopia for its stated objective is to mobilize all avail
able funds for investment in profitable development projects.
In practice it has fulfilled the function of financing state-owned
enterprises, and it has also performed some of the functions
normally fulfilled by a stock exchange or by private investment
houses in raising share capital for private enterprises. Thus
whereas the Development Bank provides long -term loans, or
credit, the Investment Corporation is also concerned with
shares, or equity capital.
The Investment Corporation does, however, grant both me
dium- and long -term loans, at rates of interest varying from
3.5 to 8 percent. In some cases loans have been subsidized, at
451
rates of interest of 2 to 4 percent. There is no fixed limit on
the size or duration of the loan. Profitability is the criterion
applied to investments, which are also supposed to be of na
tional utility. Reliable security is required. The corporation may
purchase shares for its own portfolio of public or privately
owned companies, disposing of such shares as the opportunity
arises. It has thus been involved in the financing of many firms,
including the Rubber and Canvas Shoe Corporation , the Ethio
pian Chip Board Factory, and Ethio - Japanese Synthetic Tex
tiles. The share capital of the Investment Corporation itself has
been held primarily by the Ministry of Finance, but other major
shareholders have been the National Bank of Ethiopia, the
Ethiopian Electric Light and Power Authority, Bahir Dar Tex
tile Mills, and the Imperial Insurance Authority. Almost all the
country's major private industries have also subscribed to its
capital. The corporation rapidly expanded its activities during
the 1960s.

Commercial Bank of Ethiopia

The Commercial Bank of Ethiopia , established by state de
cree in 1963, is an independent company authorized to perform
the saving and credit functions previously performed by the
State Bank of Ethiopia . Its major shareholder is the Ministry
of Finance . Other shareholders , all of whom must be of Ethio
pian nationality, include Ethiopian Air Lines, Ethiopian Cement
Corporation , Ethiopian Electric Light and Power Authority, and
the Development Bank of Ethiopia . The bank is the most im
portant commercial banking institution in the country, account
ing for more than 80 percent of all banking operations.
The Commercial Bank has greatly increased its operations
and its profits since 1963. Besides accepting savings and com
mercial deposits and extending short- and medium -term loans ,
it engages in equity participation in enterprises, floats securi
ties for private traders and for private or mixed enterprises,
manages and settles estates, and carries out foreign exchange
functions for the National Bank of Ethiopia .
Other Financial Institutions
The Ethiopian Mortgage Share Company, founded in Sep
tember 1965, is a subsidiary of the Commercial Bank of Ethio
pia , designed to take over the bank's mortgage lending opera
tions. It lends money for two to five years on personal guar
antee or on securities for construction and other improvements,
charging rates of 71/2 to 8 percent. It also makes automobile and
personal loans. The Imperial Savings and Home Ownership
Public Association makes long-term loans for housing. It per
452
forms the functions of a savings and loan institution . Its deposi
tors are relatively few - about 1,200 in 1965, when one-third of
its deposits were held by ten institutions. In 1965 it had given
about fifty loans, at rates of 6 percent for a single- family dwell
ing and 7 percent for a two- family dwelling. The maximum re
payment period was sixteen years. The Addis Ababa Bank is a
private commercial bank, established in early 1964 to supple
ment the commercial banking activities of the Commercial
Bank of Ethiopia .

Noninstitutional Credit
In Ethiopia noninstitutional credit is used primarily by peas
ants who can not satisfy the lending criteria of the financial
institutions. Since these constitute a majority of the economi
cally active, the use of noninstitutional, or traditional, credit
is believed to be very widespread. As has been the past ex
perience in industrial countries, there are many instances
where these circumstances are exploited for usury. Even as
suming benevolence on the part of the lender, the high -risk
nature of such credit results in high costs, which in turn may
produce a never-ending cycle of debt.
The use of traditional credit is also fairly common among
traders and salaried personnel. Like the peasants, traders usu
ally have inadequate capital of their own to fall back on when
the season for purchases arrives. Among the rest of the popula
tion , the many ceremonial occasions that must be suitably
observed - funerals, weddings, and the many religious holi
days—are occasions for getting into debt. The borrowing period
for peasants is generally the nonproductive period from May
to December. During this period there are some who must bor
row in order to eat; others, however, borrow in order to make
improvements or to get seed or implements.
The Commercial Bank of Ethiopia has made some study of
the use of noninstitutional credit in those few areas of the
country where it has branches. It concluded that the prevalent
rate of interest on such credit was 120 percent. The average
duration of a loan for peasants is three to six months; for small
businessmen , from ten days to three months; and for salaried
people, from two months to a year. One loan may be suc
ceeded by another, however, so that the individual is never out
of debt. The principal suppliers of noninstitutional credit are
merchants, professional moneylenders and, in some regions,
landlords. Some ethnic groups have established credit unions.
Notable examples are the Baha (Union to Save Money and
Help During Special Events) of the Harari; the Afoka, for
funerals and weddings, also of the Harari; the Amhara savings
453
 -
associations, Iquub; and the eder (neighborhood self -help
associations) of the Gurage , Galla, Amhara , and Tigre (see ch .
6, Social Structure; ch . 8 , Living Conditions).
Currency
The Ethiopian dollar has remained stable at 1 Ethiopian dol
lar to approximately US $ 0.40 . It is valued at 0.355468 grams
of fine gold . There are 100 Ethiopian cents to every dollar.
Notes are issued in denominations of 1 , 5 , 10 , 20, 50 , 100 , and
500 dollars, and coins in values of 1 , 5, 10, 25 , and 50 cents .
The Ethiopian dollar was introduced and made legal tender in
1945. Before the war the silver Maria Theresa thaler , origi
nally minted in Austria , had been the most popular currency
in circulation . After the invasion the Italians attempted to
introduce the lira but were obliged to mint silver Maria The
resa thalers which , along with the traditional salt bars and
lengths of cloth , proved the only acceptable means of ex
change . When the British helped to expel the Italians in 1941 ,
they negotiated an agreement with the government under
which East African shillings could be used as legal tender by
British troops . Thus from 1942 to 1945 three different foreign
currencies were in circulation , as well as an assortment of
Ethiopian coins .
Confidence was restored after 1945 when the Italian lira was
outlawed and quickly disappeared from circulation ; East Afri
can shillings were bought up and used to buy high -grade Brit
ish bonds ; and Maria Theresa thalers were bought up wherever
possible and used to repay the lend-lease silver loan from the
United States under which the new currency had been backed
by gold, silver, and foreign exchange. Silver Ethiopian half
dollars were minted in the United States and used as backing
for the dollar notes. After 1945 the Maria Theresa thaler was
not officially redeemable and was not legal tender. It is not
clear whether the use of Maria Theresa thalers has ceased in
the countryside, but the Ethiopian dollar notes and coins are
now generally accepted throughout the country .

454
 SECTION IV
NATIONAL SECURITY

CHAPTER 24
PUBLIC ORDER AND INTERNAL SECURITY

Written laws, largely of aa religious nature and reinforced by

a variety of customary laws, have defined society's approach to
the treatment of criminal behavior since the seventeenth cen
tury. Modern codified penal law was introduced by Emperor
Haile Selassie after his coronation in 1930. In mid -1970 public
order and internal security were governed by the revised
Penal Code, modeled after the modern criminal laws of several
more highly developed nations. Many judicial and security
officials, however, had difficulty in interpreting and applying
its provisions because of their limited training.
The national police force of approximately 28,000 officers
and men are assigned to the larger urban population centers
and to provincial police stations generally scattered along the
main roads. The quality and efficiency of the police in the
larger cities are of a higher standard than is usually found in
the provincial areas. At the same time, the need for quality is
greater in the cities than in rural areas. Generalized crime
statistics indicate that the largest number of offenses occur
against property . The rate of all criminal activity increased
moderately throughout the 1960s.
All institutions associated with the criminal law system - the
courts, police, and prisons - stress the principle of punishment
more often than that of crime prevention. The nation's approxi
mately 100 prisons approach adequacy in few areas aside from
the larger cities. Rehabilitation of offenders and the techniques
associated with this modern principle of penology are in early
stages of development.
Isolated acts of violence against governmental authority are
relatively commonplace. At least three plots against the regime
proved unsuccessful during the 1960s. In mid-1970 the national
security forces were engaged in counterguerrilla actions against
two militant ethnic groups, both of which sought secession of
455
territories occupied by Muslims. Both the Eritrean Liberation
Front and a group of Somali dissidents were receiving support
in varying degrees from sources outside the country . A growing
number of dissatisfied young intellectuals posed a latent threat
to public order, and sporadic student unrest that flamed into
violence in the 1960s supported this group's aspirations.
A recognized potential for overt action by young, politically
motivated members of the military has required occasional
appeasement of armed forces as well as cautious counter
balancing of their obvious strength . A number of influential
civilian officials provide a further source of potential unrest.
Ostensibly loyal to the Emperor, this elite group nonetheless
is generally opposed to many of the regime's more modern
development programs, which they view with alarm as being
too liberal . Both the military and the conservative civilians
were expected to become leading contenders in any struggle
for power that might occur in the event of the death of the
monarch .

THE CRIMINAL LAW SYSTEM

Although Ethiopians have long depended on written laws,

the criminal law system observed in mid- 1970 was of relatively
recent origin . Before the seventeenth century penal law was
largely customary in nature. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church
established rules for moral behavior, and the Emperor and the
local kings dealt with penal sanctions designed to control the
population (see ch . 3 , Historical Setting). An integrated body of
written laws did not exist until the introduction of the Fetha
Nagast, or Law of Kings , sometime in the seventeenth century .
Compiled by a thirteenth -century patriarch of Alexandria and
reputedly written by 300 sages , it consisted of Christian dogma
and a mixture of Judaic and Roman civil law. The Fetha
Nagast and certain customary laws remained the basis of
criminal juridical procedure until the coronation of Emperor
Haile Selassie in 1930. On that occasion , the country's first
modern codified law, the Penal Code of 1930 , was introduced .
Unlike the Fetha Nagast, the early Penal Code established
specific punishments for precisely designated offenses. Penal
sanctions were assessed with regard to the offender's title,
wealth , individual personality, and motives. The most severe
punishments were assigned to a person of title and wealth ,
apparently on the premise that such offenders had less reason
able motive for criminal action than did less fortunate persons.
The Penal Code of 1930 was described as being based on the
Fetha Nagast, an assertion necessary for its acceptance by the
456
public. The 1930 code was more sophisticated than the older
forms, but in many ways it was vague and lacking in any
comprehensive approach to the disposition and treatment of
violators.
At the end of the Italian occupation in the 1940s, the govern
ment elected to amend its penal laws to meet the needs of a
developing nation . In 1954 a Swiss legal expert was commis
sioned to draft a new penal code. After submission to the
Ethiopian Codification Commission and approval by Parliament
and the Emperor, the new code was published in the Negarit
Gazeta on July 23, 1957 , and became effective on May 5 , 1958.
In 1961 it was augmented by the Criminal Procedure Code,
drafted by a British jurist. In mid-1970 the Penal Code of
1957 and the Criminal Procedure Code of 1961 remained the
basis of most criminal juridical practice.
Article 4 of the Penal Code states that the nation's criminal
laws apply to all persons regardless of rank, title, social
position, race, or religion . Exceptions to this principle of
equality before the law apply to the Emperor, foreigners en
titled to diplomatic immunity , and members of Parliament
during periods when they are engaged in legislative sessions.
Despite their codification and promulgation, the modern
codes have been slow to gain acceptance among most of those
who follow a traditional way of life. Customary law saw little
difference between civil and criminal prosecution. In criminal
proceedings, the injured party made the complaint and brought
the case to court. The state participated only to the extent
of providing a judgment, and compensatory restriction was
given to the injured party. In cases of murder or manslaughter,
an award of blood money was ordered. Under the modern
criminal codes, rural inhabitants find it difficult to accept the
abstract concept that the injured party is the state. The tradition
of personal retributive justice, therefore, is taken into account
in the new codes. Injured parties are often entitled to monetary
compensation , and under certain conditions family members
are permitted to prosecute juridical actions on behalf of their
relatives .
The effects of long years of traditional laws have also made
enforcement of the modern codes difficult. In remote rural
areas, for example, such traditional legal procedures as afarsata
continue to be observed. According to this traditional custom ,
inhabitants of the locality where a crime is committed often
are collected and confined in a common enclosure until the
guilty person is apprehended. All affected persons must swear
to their innocence in writing, and fines are levied on those
who fail to attend. In 1933 the Emperor issued a decree mod
457
ifying the earlier detention period of ten to fifteen days and
restricting the distance people had to travel to comply with the
afarsata system .
The effectiveness of the criminal codes depends in large
measure on the education of lawyers and judges who must
interpret and apply them . Haile Selassie I University in Addis
Ababa operates a law school with a competent faculty , and
a moderate number of graduates have taken their places in
the judicial system. In 1966 an Ethiopian became, for the first
time, the president of a High Court. In mid - 1970 a growing
number of judges of the higher courts had received some legal
training, but in lower courts , particularly in rural areas, pro
fessional legal personnel were scarce. Many of the appointed
judges had little formal education of any kind.

The Penal Code

The Penal Code is designed to provide both a nationally

unifying force and a guide for the progressive development of
the people. Composed of 820 articles, the modern and compre
hensive code incorporates a number of reform features found in
European legal systems . It also reflects certain aspects of
Ethiopian social values and traditional legal practice. Its
primary source is the Swiss Penal Code of 1937 and Swiss
jurisprudence, and secondary sources employed include the
French Penal Code of 1810 , The Yugoslav Penal Code of 1951 ,
and the penal codes of Norway, Italy, Brazil, and Greece.
Drafting of the code was guided by the principle that reform i
and rehabilitation are preferable to punitive justice. Nonethe
less, the Codification Commission repeatedly expressed the
view that “ punishment should remain the pillar of Ethiopian
criminal law .” Judges with little or no legal training applied
the law according to the latter interpretation . By the late 1960s
law students were being taught that retaliatory punishment
would not contribute materially to the preservation of public
order except in a limited number of cases. In mid-1970 legal
training increasingly stressed that concern for the prevention
and suppression of crime must not lead to disregard for the
welfare and rehabilitation of offenders.
The Penal Code makes a bipartite classification of offenses
that permits the application of common principles to all of
fenses regardless of the kind or term of punishment they
carry or of the court by which they are tried . Articles 1 to 689
outline serious offenses, and Articles 690 to 820 are concerned
with petty offenses.
Both major sections of the code contain subsections dealing
458
with the scope and application of the law, the nature of
offenses, general rules of criminal responsibility, categories of
offenses, and authorized punishments. Serious offenses are
categorized as those against the state, against the public
interest or the community, against individuals and family, and
against property ; petty offenses are classified as those against
the public interest or the community and against persons and
property .
The existence of principals, accessories, and criminal con
spirators, as well as actual and attempted crimes, is recognized
and defined . Degree of ability to recognize responsibility for the
consequences of one's acts, whether by reason of youth , mental
deficiency, or chronic addiction to alcohol or drugs, is consider
ed. A section of the code is devoted to a detailed statement
of statutory limitations on criminal prosecution . For virtually
every offense listed , an upper and lower limit of punishment
is set, thus underlining the principle of the acceptance of
degrees of culpability , as well as extenuating and aggravating
circumstances .
The code grants courts considerable discretion in the dis
position of convicted adult offenders. It outlines as the three
basic forms of punishment fines, simple imprisonment, and
rigorous imprisonment. The death penalty is specified as the
upper limit of punishment for the most serious crimes, but it
is in no case mandatory. Sentences of death must be confirmed
by the Emperor, who often is lenient in the use of his pardon
and amnesty powers . The mode of execution is specified as
hanging and is usually carried out within a prison rather than
in public, as was formerly the case . An exception was made
by the Emperor in 1961 , however, when he directed the public
execution of the commander of the Imperial Bodyguard as a
result of his conviction for complicity in the 1960 coup d'etat
attempt (see ch. 3, Historical Setting ).
After the death penalty, the most severe punishment is life
imprisonment, usually for less aggravated degrees of the same
offenses. The maximum sentence of imprisonment of stated
periods for specific offenses is twenty - five years. The distinc
tion between rigorous and simple imprisonment is basically
that rigorous imprisonment is for a period of more than three
years and is served in certain central prisons. Simple imprison
ment, extending from ten days to three years, is intended for
less serious offenses. Courts may substitute compulsory labor
for simple imprisonment if such punishment appears to be
conducive to an offender's rehabilitation .
Fines, as distinct from compensatory restitution to the injured
party , may be levied in addition to, and separately from con
459
finement. The amount of the fine is determined by the offend
er's personal situation and his degree of guilt. Both fines and
compensation may be worked off at set rates , but default in
payment may result in seizure of goods or simple imprisonment.
With the adoption of the Penal Code of 1957 , ancient punish
ments, such as mutilation, were abolished. Parliament, how
ever, amended the original draft of the code and retained the
traditional practice of public flogging as a deterrent to criminal
activity. Corporal punishment is limited to the most aggravated
cases of theft and robbery, particularly when the offender is a
member of a gang. Flogging, moreover, is a secondary punish
ment in addition to whatever fine, compensation, or imprison
ment may have been decided upon. Only males between
eighteen and fifty years of age may be flogged , and not more
than forty strokes of the lash on the back may be given . A
doctor must certify the recipient's physical fitness. At the
judgment of the court, caning may be ordered for offenders
nine to fifteen years of age. It must not exceed twelve strokes
on the buttocks.
Although the Penal Code is the primary written source of
criminal law , other penal legislation exists . A number of special
laws have been published in the government's Negarit Gazeta
that deal with offenses pertaining to currency , customs, taxes,
transportation , and public health. To the extent that they con
tain penal provisions, these special laws or proclamations form
a part of the national criminal law. To obviate conflicts between
subsidiary legislation and the Penal Code, Article 3 of the
code makes provision for the application of future special penal
laws . An accused's criminal responsibility or guilt with respect
to subsidiary legislation is determined in the same manner as
an offense under the code .
Both the Penal Code and the Constitution specify that im
prisoned offenders may at any time be granted sovereign
pardon or amnesty. The Emperor traditionally makes use of
these powers on the anniversary of his coronation and other
major holidays . In early 1970 he granted full pardons to 580
prisoners and reduced the sentences of another 342.

Criminal Court Procedure

The country maintains a complex hierarchy of courts with

jurisdiction in criminal matters (see ch . 13, The Governmental
System ) . Established by the Administration of Justice Proc
lamation of 1942 , the court system received a rudimentary
formal prescription for procedure in a legal notice published in
1943. The notice lacked many guidelines for the orderly
460
processing of criminal actions by the state, and a British legal
authority was commissioned to draft what later became the
Criminal Procedure Code of 1961. The code reflects the in
fluence of British common law and is remarkable for its
brevity and clarity. It is published as a ready reference and
guidebook for judicial officials who have limited or no legal
education .
The Criminal Procedure Code grants authority to the Office
of the Attorney General within the Ministry of Justice for the
prosecution of all Penal Code violations. Such action is usually
carried out by public prosecutors, each of whom is appointed
directly by the Emperor. One or more public prosecutors are
attached to each criminal court, depending on the usual case
load. Generally, these prosecuting officials have received formal
legal training.
The code's initial sections define in detail such matters as
jurisdiction of the courts, the duties of the public prosecution
department, and the role of the police in assisting with criminal
proceedings. The first annex to the code contains a list of all
offenses under the Penal Code and designates the level of
court having primary jurisdiction. The section on prosecution
and inquiry deals with procedures followed in filing complaints,
police investigation , and the institution of criminal court pro
ceedings by the state. Rules for making arrests and the grant
ing of bail are outlined . Sections are also reserved for pro
cedures to be followed in conducting the preliminary inquiry
and committal of the accused for trial, the conduct of trials,
appeals and applications to set aside judgments, sentencing,
and determing costs in criminal cases.
The second and third annexes of the code contain examples
of the legal forms to be used in applying all aspects of criminal
proceedings. All are constructed in acceptable legal terms and
require only reproduction and the insertion of pertinent details
pertaining to the offense involved. Examples include forms re
quired for filing charges against an accused, bail bonds, search
warrants, reports of police investigation, arrest warrants,
summons to appear for trial or as a witness, appeal hearing
notices, various warrants of commitment, and a corporal
punishment warrant authorizing a specific number of lashes
and detailing the manner in which they are to be inflicted .
Criminal accusations or complaints are made in writing to
either the Public Prosecution Section of the Ministry of Justice
or to the police, and a preliminary investigation follows. During
the investigation , the suspect is protected against search and
seizure without a court- issued warrant unless the police suspect
that he has material evidence of an offense. Any search of his
461
person must be made by an officer of the same sex as the
suspect. Premises may not be searched without a warrant
except in cases of hot pursuit or when material evidence is
likely to be removed or destroyed. The latter exception, how
ever, applies only in the case of crimes punishable by more
than three years imprisonment.
Unless the suspect is apprehended during the commission of
a crime, arrest must be made with a court-issued warrant.
The accused has the right to remain silent during investigation
and interrogation. The code further specifies that the police
must bring him before the nearest court for judicial disposition
within forty -eight hours of arrest. Arrested persons have the
right to seek legal counsel but are detained in jail unless bail
bond is authorized .
Preliminary inquiries are held before the woreda (district)
court having jurisdiction in the area where the offense was
committed . During these proceedings, the public prosecutor
presents the state's evidence, including testimony by witnesses.
The accused may make a statement or remain silent. If he
makes no statement, the court then commits him to trial by
the High Court with jurisdiction in the area. The woreda court
may commit the accused to be held without bail until his trial
comes before the High Court.
In trials before the High Court, the accused is represented
by legal counsel . Proceedings begin with a reading of the
charge by the presiding judge of the three-member court; the
accused's plea is then entered . If the plea is guilty, the court
may convict immediately, although in practice most High
Courts require the presentation of evidence by both the state
and the accused . Witnesses are subject to cross- examination
and reexamination , and the rules of admissible evidence are
similar to those of British common law. After final addresses
to the court by both parties, the court delivers its judgment. If
acquitted, the accused is released from custody. If he is found
guilty, the court then calls for mitigating or extenuating evi
dence to be considered in passing sentence. After submissions
by both the public prosecutor and the accused's advocate
( lawyer ), the presiding judge sentences the accused and advises
both sides of their rights to appeal the court's decision .
A provision of the Criminal Procedure Code that reflects
deference to traditional legal practice is the section dealing
with private prosecution in criminal matters. In cases where the
public prosecutor refuses to institute criminal proceedings be
cause he feels there is insufficient evidence or when police are
unable to locate the accused, the Public Prosecution Section
may authorize a private prosecution. Generally, such actions
462
are conducted by the injured party , his advocate, a husband or
wife on behalf of their spouse , or an attorney representing a
corporate body. Proceedings are conducted in the appropriate
court of jurisdiction and in accordance with the Criminal
Procedure Code. The costs of all publicly prosecuted cases are
borne by the state . Payment for private prosecutions must be
made by the persons initiating them, and often they must post
funds in advance covering estimated court costs .
The provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code, as with the
Penal Code, apply to all persons. Exceptions are made in the
cases of offenders between the ages of nine and fifteen , who
may not be tried with adult offenders. Members of the armed
forces may not be tried with civilians, except for offenses that
do not come within the jurisdiction of military courts.

INCIDENCE OF CRIME
Detailed statistics on the incidence of criminal activity are not
publicly disseminated, and the only data available have been
calculated by local police departments and centralized in the
Public Prosecution Section of the Ministry of Justice. Generally
incomplete and often inaccurate, these figures are sufficient
only for establishing broad trends.
In 1962, the latest year for which statistics were available,
25,551 criminal convictions were reported . Of these, 8,146 were
attributed to crimes against property and 4,562 to offenses
against persons. It is likely that offenses against property were
greater than the number indicated because the statistics did
not include the reputedly large number of offenses against
immovable property but were limited largely to various forms
of theft. Generalized data on the number of criminal cases
tried before the various courts in 1966 reveal that the greatest
number of offenses were committed in the provinces of Shoa,
Eritrea , and Hararge, which have the largest concentrations
of urban population .
Crimes against property are caused in part by poverty,
unemployment arising from increased urbanization, and the
high traditional value attached to landownership. A strong con
cern with honor and individual status, which in many ethnic
groups must be defended with violence if necessary , is among
the factors contributing to offenses against persons. In less
populated regions much of the criminal activity is attributed to
the shifta (outlaw ), who makes his home in uninhabited moun
tainous country or lowlands and lives by stealing cattle and
robbing travelers. A large number of persons become shifta be
cause of an attraction for the daring adventure and free
463
existence involved in this way of life, as opposed to a life
of hard work in the fields. Others turn to the shifta's existence
to escape punishment after committing some offense in the
course of personal disputes.
The police, the courts, and prison officials are generally in
transigent with regard to the treatment of the shifta, whom
they regard as a menace to society. Rural inhabitants fear and
dislike the shifta , but at the same time they admire him because
his daring, ruthlessness, and ingenuity equate to the traditional
virtues generally associated with male competence. When his
presence becomes too much of a threat, local inhabitants often
band together in informal groups to track down the shifta and
turn him over to the local police.
There are few accurate records concerning juvenile delin
quency apart from the case-history material retained by the
Training School and Remand Home of Addis Ababa. These
data indicate that the incidence of juvenile crime, although
relatively low, is increasing. The most usual offenses are
vagrancy and petty theft, and their occurrence is confined
mainly to the few major cities. Most of the juvenile offenders
are males in the age group from twelve to sixteen years , and
82 percent come from families with a single parent.
Increased migration to urban centers, particularly Addis
Ababa, and the exposure to Western educational and economic
values have resulted in considerable confusion of adolescent
standards. In numerous cases this has led to a partial break
down of traditional family authority and has increased the
possibilities of juvenile delinquency. Poverty, unemployment,
and limited educational opportunities are also considered to
have a causal relationship to juvenile crime, particularly the
relatively high rate of petty theft. Some authorities believe that
the generally modest incidence of juvenile offenses is attribut
able to the continued strength of traditional institutions rather
than to the country's efforts at prevention and rehabilitation of
youthful offenders.

THE NATIONAL POLICE

The Amhara , Tigre, and Galla people have traditionally lived
in a society organized along military lines and for military
purposes. The contemporary police are a quasi-military orga
nization and, therefore, fit into a mold with which most of the
people have long been acquainted. They are not viewed with
affection , but the public usually pays them respect, if only out
of fear. Most of the people live in widely scattered, small, and
remote villages or on isolated farms, and police posts are
usually found in the larger towns and cities or along the main
464
roads. A visit by the police is an occasion of some importance
and usually is noted with apprehension . Although the police
are themselves a part of the local culture and reflect its
values, the people do not generally appreciate being the object
or potential object of police attention .
Before the establishment of Addis Ababa as the national
capital in the late nineteenth century, the government did not
feel that an organized police force was necessary. Most of the
male population was born into a soldier's way of life and had
no desire to serve in the capacity of a policeman. Quarrels
and disputes were largely resolved by customary law practices,
and personal wrongs were generally redressed along family
lines. In 1916 a civilian zabana (town watchmen ) organization
was formed and charged with enforcing legal proclamations,
but its members were disliked by the people and were never
efficient in preserving public order or in detecting crime. In
1935 the first formal police organizations were established in
Addis Ababa and four other urban centers. They were trained
and organized by British instructors brought to Ethiopia at the
request of the Emperor.
After the Italian occupation , the Ethiopian government began
organizing a national police force with the issuance of Imperial
Proclamation No. 6 of 1942. The proclamation provided for the
constitution of the force and stated that it would be composed
of superior officers, inspectors, noncommissioned officers, and
constables as determined by the minister of interior. By mid
1956 the regular police force of Addis Ababa and those of
some provincial cities were amalgamated with the irregular
territorial forces under the control of the provincial governors
general.
Known officially as the Ethiopia Police, the centralized force
is directed from headquarters in Addis Ababa by a commis
sioner of police with the rank of major general. Originally
established as a department in the Ministry of Interior, the
police force in mid-1970 was organized as a separate agency,
and the commissioner of police was directly responsible to the
Emperor. In carrying out his responsibilities, the commissioner
is assisted by assistant commissioners of inspection , logistics,
crime prevention and investigation , budget and accounts, train
ing, planning and public relations, personnel, a chief of emer
gency , and the police college commandant.
Fourteen provincial police commissioners are responsible for
the maintenance of law and order outside the national capital.
They and their assigned forces work in conjunction with the
local governors general , but their administration is controlled
by directives issued by Police Headquarters in Addis Ababa.
465
Local controls are minimal, despite imperial proclamations that
have granted the governors general police authority within
their provinces .
In mid-1970 the Ethiopia Police numbered approximately
28,000, including 1,500 frontier guards. A small number of
women were assigned to police units in the larger cities.
Generally, they were employed in administrative positions and
served as searchers of female suspects brought in by male
policemen. The force was constituted along the lines of West
ern law enforcement agencies. The Addis Ababa police were
organized into uniformed , detective, and traffic units; a special
ly trained riot squad, or “ flying column," and a police labora
tory were refinements not found in provincial police units.
Police constables wore uniforms consisting of khaki tunics and
trousers, black leather belts, and green berets. Traffic officers
wore peaked caps. A navy-blue uniform was worn on cere
monial occasions. Police in the national capital were generally
well trained and relatively effective in maintaining public order.
In the 1960s a mobile battalion ( carabinieri) of about 3,000
men was formed . Trained by Israeli police instructors and
equipped with arms and vehicles provided by West Germany,
these paramilitary police commando units provide the internal
security forces with a rapid reaction capability. They have been
used against shifta activity and Muslim dissidents in Eritrea
Province.
In rural areas where duty requirements and supervision are
less exacting, the police are not as efficient as their urban
counterparts. A high percentage of provincial policemen can
neither read nor write and do not keep detailed records of their
activities. Many crimes are considered to be matters concerning
only the persons involved and are often ignored by the police
unless one of the interested parties files a complaint. A large
portion of the provincial policeman's duties involves attempts
to apprehend the shifta who prey on unwary travelers or rural
inhabitants. Many provincial policemen do not wear standard
uniforms, which makes them indistinguishable from ordinary
citizens. Others wear some articles of uniform under the tradi
tional shamma (toga-like garment). The appearance of pro
vincial police assigned to major stations improved somewhat
after the 1960 coup attempt.
As a rule , the police are unarmed except for batons. Weapons
usually are kept in designated armories and are issued for
specific duties requiring armed force. Weapons include ma
chineguns, submachineguns, rifles, side arms, infantry mortars,
grenades, tear gas, and other weapons adaptable to riot control
needs. Larger police units, such as those servicing Addis Ababa,
466
Asmara , and Harar, are equipped with modern military service
vehicles, which serve both as patrol cars and police vans . In
many provincial areas, horses, mules, and donkeys are often
the sole means of transportation.
The assistant commissioner of police assigned to each prov
ince is largely responsible for the recruitment and training of
police constables in his region . Standards are not uniform , and
inservice or special training is limited outside the capital. A
central recruit training center has been established at Kolfe, a
suburb of Addis Ababa. Reportedly, recruits are accepted into
the force as young as eleven years of age. Classes are held in
seventh- to ninth -grade subjects and in administration, typing
(in both English and Amharic ), shorthand, radio communica
tions, music, masonry , carpentry , and plumbing-a list that
reveals the principle that police stationed in remote areas must
be self -sufficient in building and maintaining police posts. Most
of the instruction is handled by experienced members of the
force .
Officers are promoted from the ranks or are commissioned
after completion of a cadet course at the Abba Dina Police
College in Addis Ababa. The school opened in 1946 with a
faculty of Swedish instructors, but since 1960 the faculty has
consisted entirely of graduates of the school. Candidates for
the two -year course must have a secondary education or its
equivalent. The college accommodates 100 full-time students,
but it also offers short-term courses and refresher training for
regular officers of the force. Evening classes are provided for
officers enrolled for the full course on a part-time basis. Most
graduates of the shorter courses are sent to the provinces for
duty as subinspectors.
Instruction at Abba Dina includes police service in general,
knowledge of criminal law, tactics of the uniform branch, traffic
control, tactics and techniques of the detective branch , psychol
ogy, sociology, criminology, physical training, civil defense, and
first aid. Practical training is given about midway in the two
year course and includes a sixty-day field trip by train and
truck to the Ogaden region in eastern Hararge Province . Cadets
who pass the final examination with distinction are selected for
an additional six months of specialized police training. Success
ful completion of these courses is rewarded with commis
sioning as a second lieutenant. The curriculum of the regular
two-year course reportedly compares favorably with those of
police academies in the United States. A number of senior
police officers are selected to attend the International Police
Academy in Washington , D.C.
The operations of the Ethiopia Police generally emphasize
467
the punitive rather than the preventive function . On the walls
of the Abba Dina Police College hang a number of injunctions
attributed to the Emperor. One reads: “ The law, whether it
rewards or punishes, must be applied to everyone without
exception.” Another reminds police officers that “" what
frightens the criminal is not the punishment's severity but
its certainty .”
The administration and structure of the force are often in
fluenced by personalities and personal relationships. The police
provide the Emperor with another source of power along with
the armed forces, the special security police, and the Imperial
Bodyguard. To a limited degree, they also serve as a counter
balancing force for the nation's other armed elements. In
training, equipment, and fighting ability, the police are con
sidered to be inferior to the armed forces.
The force contains a large number of younger men , some of
whom have been trained abroad and who have attended the
local police college. Police officials in charge of administration
are carefully selected for their loyalty to the Emperor. The
commissioner of police can recommend senior police officers
and inspectors for promotion or to fill vacancies within the
force, but final decisions on these matters remain the pre
rogative of the Emperor. Any tendency toward the formation
of dissident groups is carefully discouraged by frequent changes
in command and the reassignment to remote posts of officers
who show signs of political inclinations.
Government statistics reveal that budgets for the maintenance
and operation of the Ethiopia Police are consistently about
half those granted the armed forces. Individual police officials
and members of the armed forces are paid according to the
same basic wage scale. Pay raises were initiated in 1961,
shortly after the attempted revolt, and again in 1964. Further
reform measures designed to appease public servants were in
cluded in an imperial decree that increased the retirement
pensions for the police, the armed forces, and other public
service personnel. The nontaxable pensions to which members
contribute while on active duty average more than 30 percent
of the amount they receive during their last three years of
service. Policemen may retire after they have completed ten
years of service, upon the attainment of a required retirement
age that varies with rank, or because of physical disability.
Reduced survivors ' pensions are paid to the families of active
and retired police officials.
PRISONS
The Prisons Proclamation of 1944 established the Prisons
Administration as a subordinate section of the Ministry of
468
 Interior. In 1956 a new comprehensive prisons proclamation
was drafted for governmental consideration , but it had not
etha: been approved and promulgated in mid-1970. Detailed infor
mation about the prison system is limited, and only generalized
data are available on installations. There has been little descrip
THI
tion of the prisons since the days of the British administrative
agreements ( 1942 and 1944) , at which time the state of prisons
often 2
was such that the British obtained agreements that their
nationals and protected persons should be incarcerated only in
prisons where conditions were approved by an officer with
ng experience in modern prison administration . Although some
Impe progress has been made in the field of penal reform , a large
number of prisons have not yet adopted the methods of
nts modern penology.
are or
There are approximately 100 prisons throughout the country,
one in each awraja (subprovince) and a central prison for
each province. The most advanced of these is Addis Ababa's
23A
Akaki Prison , the central penal facility for Shoa Province. A
single prison farm at Robi in Arussi Province provides accom
modations for about 450 inmates. One institution provides
limited rehabilitation for male juvenile offenders. There is no
comparable facility for girls, and they usually are returned by
d
the courts to the custody of their parents or guardians. In
orma
exceptional cases they are committed to the larger prisons.
cher
According to the latest available statistics published by the
Ministry of Interior, 20,804 persons were serving sentences in
se
1967 , compared with 21,736 in 1966 , 17,459 in 1964, and 15,370
nten
in 1963. The 1967 figures revealed that 6,708 men and 59
7.2.2 women were serving sentences of rigorous imprisonment.
Prisoners under sentences of simple imprisonment totaled 6,769
Bli men and 91 women . A large number, 7,117 , were in prison
awaiting trial.
When brought to a central prison, an offender is searched and
given a physical examination . If ill , he is sent to a special
ward for medical treatment; if his physical condition is satis
27 ಗಣಿ factory, he is classified according to three subcategories of
rigorous imprisonment and three of simple imprisonment.
Female prisoners are kept in separate wards, but there is no
's segregation by age or degree of offense except in exceptional
Jete O cases. Because of the general lack of institutions for juvenile
PUET
R
offenders, most prisons have special wards for the segregation
r of youthful inmates. Segregation is also maintained for prison
Ofe ers sentenced to death , inmates serving life sentences, and
persons remanded into custody while awaiting trial. Prisoners
with contagious diseases are kept in separate wards, where they
undergo limited medical treatment.
Planet Most prisoners are expected to work during their confine
469
ment. Exceptions to this rule are made in the cases of those
sentenced to death , those considered to be high escape risks,
those who are ill, and those remanded into custody awaiting
trial. For all prisoners, rehabilitative activity is minimal; the
Prison Administration does not receive background history on
prisoners from the Ministry of Justice's court records and does
not attempt to reconstruct such basic data .
Most of the central prisons provide training and work oppor
tunities in various crafts, but these activities are generally
limited to prisoners serving long sentences. There is little at
tempt at vocational training, and the main emphasis is on pro
duction . Profits from the sale of materials produced by prison
labor are used in maintaining the penal facilities. The largest
prison industry is weaving, usually on primitive looms. This
activity produces much of the cotton material used by the
civilian population for making shamma, other traditional cloth
ing, and rugs. It produces a considerable amount of revenue
for the prison system. Carpentry is a highly developed prison
industry, and inmates produce relatively good quality articles
for sale . Other industrial skills include blacksmithing, metal
working, jewelry making, flour milling, and baking.
First priority for work in prison industries is given to inmates
who are craftsmen at the time of their incarceration . Others
are selected at random rather than on the basis of aptitude.
Although prison industries are not geared to rehabilitation ,
some inmates do make use of their newly learned vocations
upon release. Prisoners who work in the various craft shops
receive about 10 percent of the proceeds derived from the sale
of their handcrafted items.
Inmates serving short sentences and those not absorbed into
the established prison industries work in the gardens and farms
that provide most of the food for each institution . A number of
agricultural experts are assigned to some of the larger central
prisons in the provinces and are employed to train prisoners
to increase farm production . The largest of these programs
exists at the Robi Prison Farm.
Although inmates receive free medical treatment and most of
the larger institutions have full-time medical doctors assigned to
the staff, health facilities are limited. There is, however, a great
shortage of trained personnel to handle other welfare programs,
and all prisons lack programs for occupying the prisoners'
time after lockup, which is usually quite early to preclude the
increased possibility of escapes after dark .
Approximately 95 percent of the prisoners are illiterate when
they enter confinement. A few of the institutions have sought
to combat this handicap with programs of elementary education
470
and correspondence courses. Some have established libraries
with limited stocks of books, periodicals, and newspapers ; in a
few , there are sports activities for the less dangerous inmates.
Shortage of government funds for prison administration has
been blamed for the relatively inadequate condition of prison
accommodations and has also prevented the recruitment and
training of an adequate staff, which in the late 1960s totaled
approximately 2,000 persons. Most prison guards are veterans
of military service who have received small plots of land from
the government in exchange for one month of duty with a
prison . Under this system, the guards change frequently, as the
duty rotates among a number of such persons living in the area
of a penal institution .
Therapeutic and recreational facilities are limited , and no
program exists for the care of, or assistance to , prisoners
after they are released . Custody is the major concern of most
prison officials. Facilities and conditions in the smaller, more
remote awraja prisons are even less agreeable.
Discipline within the prisons is the sole prerogative of each
institution's superintendent. A special chapter in the Prisons
Proclamation of 1944 establishes a guide to acceptable punish
ments for inmates who violate prison rules. For less serious
offenses by prisoners, superintendents may impose the loss of
sentence remission of up to fourteen days (sentence remission
is generally earned for good behavior); solitary confinement,
with or without penal diet, not to exceed seventy-two hours; or
both penalties. In more serious or aggraviated offenses, vio
lators may receive solitary confinement not to exceed seven
days; sentence remission loss of up to twenty -eight days; or
corporal punishment not to exceed twenty - four strokes. In the
case of aa minor, the upper limit of disciplinary corporal punish
ment cannot exceed twelve strokes with a light cane.
The country's single institution concerned with the rehabili
tation of juvenile offenders was built in Addis Ababa in 1942.
Originally, the Training School and Remand Home was part of
the Prison Administration , but in 1964 it was transferred to the
Division of Social Welfare of the Ministry of National Commu
nity Development and Social Affairs. The institution accommo
dates approximately 100 boys aged nine to eighteen years.
It is staffed by a superintendent, two probation officers, and
a number of teachers who conduct classes in elementary ed
ucation. The shortage of trained personnel precludes regular
guidance and counseling for the boys except for limited aca
demic training, therapy, and case work . The Ministry of
National Community Development and Social Affairs has pre
pared a reorganization and development plan for the school,
471
which includes additional staff personnel, an after -care program
for released juveniles, and greater stress on rehabilitation .

INTERNAL SECURITY

Most of the internal challenges to the security of the govern

ment arise from the traditional Ethiopian quest for personal
power in the society (see ch. 3, Historical Setting; ch. 12,
Social Values). Plotting and intrigue are commonplace in the
political life of the country. Attempts on the life of the
Emperor and plots to overthrow his regime have occurred a
number of times during his rule. The best known and probably
the most threatening attempt occurred in December 1960. Its
perpetrators included the commander of the Emperor's Imperial
Bodyguard, the commissioner of police, the chief of public
security, and a governor of an awraja who had received his
higher education at two United States universities. With the
exception of the governorship, all were posts that historically
had required personal loyalty to the Emperor. The leader of a
Galla movement against the elderly ruler in 1966, moreover,
was assisted by a trusted member of the national police who
had opposed the attempted coup in 1960 .
In late 1969 indications of an antigovernment plot were re
ported when police discovered an explosive device on a route
along which the Emperor was expected to travel. Eight persons
were arrested , but their leader, an army general, committed
suicide before the police arrived . The officer had been involved
in an earlier plot but had been pardoned by the Emperor
because of a distinguished record during the Italian invasion
in 1935 .
Few Ethiopian sovereigns have lived out their reigns without
attempts being made to overthrow them . Few have achieved
the throne without having to suppress one or more serious
rivals. Despite the turbulence of domestic history, however,
rebellions have never been revolutionary, in the sense that the
form of government has been changed , or subversive, in the
sense that basic notions of the practice of governing have been
changed.
The overthrow of rulers has most often been by means of
open , armed rebellion, although at times palace revolts and
assassinations have been employed. The critical time has
usually been just before the death of a ruler, when the succes
sion was contested by a number of strong men , among whom
the heir-apparent attempted to defend his interests.
Almost without exception , rebellions of the past have pos
sessed three common characteristics: they have not resulted in
472
basic changes in the form or philosophy of government; they
have never been instigated by a movement or a party ; and no
successful uprising has been inspired or backed by foreign
powers. Over the centuries, government has meant the exercise
of the will of one man strong enough to subdue all others.
On no social level have men been able to unite as equals to
form movements because of their distrust for one another, and
all have generally resisted the influence of foreigners because
of an even stronger mistrust. The intense individualism of the
average Ethiopian makes him prefer to submit to a successful
strong man rather than to give up enough of his individuality
to permit the formation of a union of equals able to oppose
the strong man .
In mid-1970 the chief potential threats to internal security
and the regime in power were posed by four sources. All were
associated in varying degrees with the government's efforts at
modernizing the country, and the political aspirations of each
group were, in differing ways, opposed to those of the exist
ing regime. The groups contributing to a situation of general
unease included two militant ethnic minorities, a growing
number of dissatisfied young intellectuals, members of the
prominent elite who stand to the far right of the regime, and
the military .
The mass of rural inhabitants usually are unaware of what is
happening in the urban centers of power. Because of their
traditional way of life, they are not particularly susceptible to
revolutionary ideas and usually are not given to widespread
acts of disorder. In 1968, however, rural Amhara inhabitants
of Gojam Province revolted against the government's removal
of agriculture from its list of tax -exempt activities. Violence
ensued, and units of the army were deployed ineffectually
against the armed peasants. The uprising subsided when the
central government rescinded its agricultural tax plan as ap
plied to Gojam Province .
In terms of government expenditure, the ethnic monorities
appeared to be of greatest concern to the administration .
The groups involved were the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF),
whose avowed intention was to liberate Eritrea Province from
the Empire, and the Somali dissidents, whose secessionist aims
were directed toward securing portions of eastern Hararge
Province inhabited by Somali ethnic groups. Both dissident
organizations were engaged in varying degrees in overt conflict
with Ethiopian security forces. Most of the Ethiopian counter
efforts, however, were devoted against ELF guerrilla forces.
The ELF began its activities in the early 1960s and adopted
activist methods after Eritrea was incorporated as an Ethiopian
473
province in 1962. Although the ELF claims to represent all
groups and religions in Eritrea Province in its fight against
Ethiopian rule , most of its members are Muslims, and a pre
ponderance of its material support comes from Muslim sources
outside Ethiopia. The movement's external activities are
directed from its headquarters in Damascus, Syria , from
which an endless flow of anti -Ethiopian propaganda is dis
seminated by the press and radio .
The active military situation within Ethiopia is generally con
fined to the western portion of Eritrea Province, but guerrilla
raids have occurred sporadically against scattered government
installations within the province. ELF forces in Ethiopia are
estimated at 1,000 to 2,000 men . These insurgents probably are
trained in Syria , Iraq, and Communist China and receive some
Soviet-made arms and other equipment through Syria .
Ethiopian military forces opposing the ELF consist mainly of
infantry units. Military planning generally avoids costly and
widely dispersed search - and -destroy operations. Instead , the
army's tactics are to wait for guerrilla attacks against such
targets as police stations or government outposts and then to
strike back rapidly and ruthlessly. The army is often assisted
by aerial strikes from the Ethiopian Air Force.
The ELF had conducted sporadic harassing operations against
elements of the government's transportation system . They have
been involved in , or have been quick to claim credit for,
hijacking a number of aircraft belonging to Ethiopian Airlines.
They have also attempted to sabotage the rail lines within the
country. The ELF openly admits such activities and has an
nounced its intention to discourage passengers from using rail
and air facilities. Despite the ELF's unlikely prospects of
achieving any form of Eritrean independence, the group con
stituted the country's most serious overt threat to internal
security in mid- 1970 .
Most of the activity of the Somali dissidents has occurred
along the border with the Somali Democratic Republic in east
ern Hararge Province. The Somali government is reported as
not openly sympathetic toward the movement in view of its
own attempts to improve relations with Ethiopia (see ch. 15,
Foreign Relations ). The Somali dissidents have been deprived
of overt support by the Somali government, and the Arab
states with revolutionary perspectives favor the effort being
conducted by the ELF.
A further restive element is represented by the increasing
number of young intellectuals . Ranging in age from twenty to
forty, they include graduates of foreign colleges and graduates
and students of Haile Selassie I University in Addis Ababa.
474
These individuals express the view that Ethiopian progress
toward national development has been surpassed by a large
number of other African nations. They are critical of the pace
at which the government is attempting to catch up to the
developments occurring elsewhere on the African continent,
and most of them advocate widespread reforms.
Many of these individuals have entered government work.
Assigned to positions not always to their liking, they often find
themselves under superiors who place a tight rein on their
enthusiasm and their attempts to show initiative or assume
responsibility. Their standard reaction appears to be resentment
of their superiors in office, but criticism sometimes extends to
the Emperor.
The growing dissatisfaction began in the 1950s and reached
a climax in the late 1960s, when students at Haile Selassie I
University and a number of secondary schools in Addis Ababa
openly opposed the government and the security forces. Mass
demonstrations involving several thousand students occurred in
the nation's capital. In March 1969 the university and all
secondary schools in Addis Ababa were closed by a govern
ment order stating that “ public safety is threatened by student
agitators who have incited their comrades to demonstrate in
the streets, which is illegal." Student demands had included a
broad range of reforms within the schools and throughout the
country. Approximately 1,000 students were arrested but were
shortly pardoned by the Emperor. Student unrest continued
throughout 1969 , and the university did not reopen until
January 1970 .
Attacks on volunteers of the United States Peace Corps and
demands that they leave Ethiopia led to resignations by a large
number of corpsmen who were assisting in the school system .
In early 1970 the United States announced that it was with
drawing most of its Peace Corps volunteers who worked as
teachers. Further acts of violence involved the national police
during attempts to establish order at a number of schools.
In their opposition to the government, the students condemn
the regime as being feudal. On one occasion students resorted
to ELF tactics and hijacked an aircraft belonging to Ethiopian
Airlines. The government has not acceded to all student
demands, but it has taken some steps toward a number of the
reforms in which students are interested. Although the govern
ment does not regard the threat by young intellectuals to be
a serious one, largely because they lack organization, many
officials, including the Emperor, have not forgotten that a
young intellectual, Germame Neway, engineered the plan for
the attempted coup in 1960.
475
 To a less overt degree the government also faces opposition
from a group of traditional rightists who represent the elite,
landed members of Ethiopian society. Many of these influential
citizens blame the threats to the regime on the Emperor's in
sistence that the country be turned into a modern state . Al
though they can generally be regarded as loyal to the Emperor
during his regime, upon his death this group can be expected
to engage in a struggle for power. This effort will certainly
also include a number of the army and air force leaders, who
are considered by many observers to be major contenders in
future attempts to control the government ( see ch. 14, Political
Dynamics and Values ; ch . 25, The Armed Forces).
An organized Communist party does not exist in Ethiopia,
where all political parties are forbidden . Government leaders
occasionally attribute elements of civil unrest to vague
Communist influences. The country's security forces have
moved energetically against dissident political activity and have
closely followed Communist contacts with potentially subversive
groups, particularly the ELF. During the March 1969 student
crises in Addis Ababa, the government expelled six Soviet and
Czech officials who were accused of subversive contacts with
student activists. This action followed Radio Moscow reports
of the student demonstrations and its announcement that the
Soviet Union was in agreement with student aims.
A Soviet-supported hospital, an information center, and the
Telegrafnoe Agentsvo Sovietskovo Soyuza (TASS) news agency
in Addis Ababa-as well as a few technical assistance projects
elsewhere - are the major outlets for Communist propaganda.
Communist officials have also been active in recruiting Ethio
pian students for schools in Communist countries. The Soviet
Union and other East European states have been involved in
various economic and technical projects in Ethiopia ( see ch . 15,
Foreign Relations; ch . 22, Foreign Economic Relations).
To counter threats to internal security, the government main
tains several active intelligence services supported by a number
of laws that assist in the control of dissidence . The Public
Security Proclamation of 1942 and later amendments provide
for “the arrest and detention of persons indulging in activities
of a nature calculated to disturb public security .” It empowers
the commissioner of police to order the arrest without a warrant
and the detainment of any person who, in his opinion , con
stitutes a danger to public security if left at large. Arrests
under this proclamation generally involve persons engaged in
political activities, espionage, propaganda, and suspected sub
versive actions.
The Security Prosecutions Proclamation of 1947 established a
476
 special security court to hear the cases of persons charged
8 oppler with treason , espionage, and related public security offenses.
nt the end Composed of nine judges drawn from the High Court and
e inflera
senior army officers, the security court was established primari
mpers ly to try persons charged with crimes against the security of the
7 stat Empire during World War II . Although the proclamation has
the Emper not been rescinded , only one person had been brought before
beexpect the court by early 1970 ; in recent years, persons charged with
ill certains treason and other offenses against public security have been
eader tried by the High Court.
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 CHAPTER 25

THE ARMED FORCES

In mid-1970 the armed forces consisted of approximately

45,000 officers and men organized into a relatively large
army, a small but expanding air force, and a modest navy.
Although not an integral part of the defense establishment,
a national police force of about 28,000 was capable of as
sisting the armed forces in the event of a national emer
gency. There were no organized reserves except a 5,000
man national militia assigned to the Ministry of Interior.
Despite the prevalence of warfare in the history of the
country and the great importance society places on tradi
tional military virtues, an armed force wholly controlled
and regularly paid in money by the central government did
not exist until after the end of the Italian occupation in
1941. In its efforts to provide the country with a modern
military force, the government has subsequently sought the
advice and assistance of foreign nations on a broad scale.
At various times military missions from the United King
dom, Sweden, Norway, India, Israel, and the United States
have assisted in organizing and training various elements
of the Ethiopian armed forces. Lacking an industrial base
to support its defense establishment, the government has
purchased equipment from a number of nations. Much of
the military hardware acquired during the 1960s has been
furnished by the United States Military Assistance Program .
In 1970 all branches of the armed forces were manned en
tirely by Ethiopians . Military recruitment depended largely
on voluntary enlistments, but the defense establishment had
little difficulty maintaining desired strength levels. Plans
for military conscription as a means of providing technically
skilled manpower for national civil action programs were
being considered by the government. Despite the relatively
large size of the regular forces, the country had a sufficient
supply of manpower to meet defense requirements without
adversely affecting civilian needs .
The operation of the governing process, although cast in
the form of a constitutional monarchy, nowhere shows its
complete dependence on the imperial initiative and power
479
of decision more than in the direction of military affairs.
The Emperor reserves broad powers regarding military mat
ters, and no important policy is decided upon or action taken
without consulting him . Nonetheless, as an important element
of the existing power base, the armed forces represent an influ
ential, if latent, political force.
MILITARY TRADITION IN NATIONAL LIFE
The country's history has been marked by a long succes
sion of wars, rebellions, usurpations, and quests for power
through military force ( see ch. 3, Historical Setting ). Before
the existence of a strong central government, small sections
of the country were ruled by local neguses (kings) or rases
(princes or dukes) , who maintained their positions of au
thority by establishing their own loyal armies. When not
repelling invasions or making incursions into surrounding
territories, these feudal lords and their fighting forces en
gaged in continuous internecine struggles for greater pow
er. Centuries of warfare and the existence of numerous ar
mies have given military tradition and warrior virtues a
prominent place in the Amhara -Tigre culture.
Although the early feudal armies were not noted for their
organization , discipline , or training, they possessed a num
ber of attributes that, to some degree, are reflected in the
modern armed forces. Primary among these was a highly
developed cult of masculinity based largely on military
prowess . The Ethiopian male has always been noted for his
fighting skill. His knowledge of available weapons and his
ability to use them effectively have been traits developed
from early youth . Possession of arms is a traditional sign
of manhood .
Success in battle has long been regarded as a primary
source of social advancement. From the earliest times, ac
tions of defense and conquest resulted in favored treatment
by emperors, neguses, and rases . Land, titles, and political
appointments were regularly awarded to the loyal, the
brave, and the militarily competent (see ch. 6, Social Struc
ture ; ch. 12, Social Values). As a result, loyalties were pri
marily directed toward the strong man in a position of au
thority , if not always to comrades -in -arms.
Traditionally, all able-bodied adult males who were not
members of the religious orders were expected to be sol
diers if called to the service of their local lord. Each man
provided his own weapons and acquired on his own initia
tive the skills needed to use them. Logistics was an individ
ual matter for each soldier. He walked to battle or rode his

480
own mule and brought his own food or foraged off the land
as he went. Often his wife came along to cook his meals.
Sleeping accommodations were a matter of personal choice
and ingenuity .
A local army was a major integral part of the mobile
tent capital of the leader, whether ras , negus, or Emperor.
Only at rare times, and never for long periods, did a ruler
maintain his court at a permanently built city of wood or
stone. Constantly moving over his domains, whether in
peace or war , the ruler took his whole court and army with
him . Standing operating procedures, a necessity for orderly
camping, movement, and deployment for battle, came to
have the form of unchanging tradition. Because the method
of warfare changed little, even after the introduction of fire
arms in the sixteenth century , the form of the camp and the
framework of military ranks remained relatively unchanged.
The large, round tent of the leader was customarily
pitched on an elevation and marked the center of the en
campment. Grouped around it in fixed order were a guest
and banquet tent, a church tent housing priests and the
tabot ( sacred ark ), the tents of female members of the court,
various storehouses , and kitchen tents or huts . In front of
this grouping in the direction of march was camped the
bodyguard. In this personal army of the leader, the highest
ranking subordinate was the dejazmatch (general of the
gate) , who was in charge of the center of the battle for
mation . To the right and left were the gannazmatch (gen
eral of the right wing) and the gerazmatch (general of the
left wing ) with their troops.
At the rear of the encampment was the rear guard, led
by the blatengetta, usually an old and trustworthy counsel
or of the leader. He combined this duty with that of elder
statesman or prime minister. The outer position in the direc
tion of march was the advance guard, led by the fitawrari,
although in war this unit might be two or three days in ad
vance of the main body. Two other military titles, basic to
the system but not necessarily connected with position in
the camp, were the balambaras (commander of a fort) and
farasanya (horseman ), which designated an approximation
of European knighthood .
Each of the main sections was arranged about the tents
of the leader in small-scale replica of the camp as a whole.
So habitual was the formation that, once the place and fac
ing of the tent of the ras or the negus was known, everyone
found his own position automatically. The same principles
applied to the order of march , although to the uninstructed
481
observer an army on the march , with its vast numbers of
servants, artisans, baggage mules, and camp followers,
looked like a mass migration of a people without order or
leadership. Nevertheless, each person knew his place and
duties; upon the signals for marching, making camp, or as
suming battle order as sounded on the kettledrums and
bugles of the ruler or his dejazmatch, order promptly ap
peared , and positions were taken without delay.
The same form and method without essential change were
used by Emperor Menelik in his campaigns against the Galla
and in the battle of Adowa against the Italians in the late
nineteenth century. In 1935 the armies of provincial troops
led by the rases against the Italians were formed , moved,
and fought in this same fashion . Only the Imperial Body
guard and some of the Harar troops were organized in an
approximation of European military systems. The patriot
forces that rose in 1941 followed their rases and dejazmatches
according to time honored form .
Although battlefield maneuver was not neglected , taking
cover was a tactic that conflicted with the traditional warrior
ethic of impetuous, fearless aggression. The standard attack
formation was a crescent-shaped mass, with both wings ad
vanced in an attempt to outflank the enemy's formation .
Battles were usually decided by a final charge to bring the
enemy to hand -to -hand combat.
Leadership was intensely personal, and commanders at all
levels advanced in front of their men. Success or failure often
depended solely on the fate of the leader himself. Upon his
death, whole armies frequently scattered and fled . On the
other hand, a leader of recognized personal bravery could
take his followers forward against appalling odds, as long as
he had a reputation for success. The obligation of personal
leadership lay upon emperors and rases as much as on the
lower ranks . At the battle of Maichew in 1936 Emperor Haile
Selassie personally manned a machinegun , delivering sup
port for the attack by the Imperial Bodyguard .
The titles of rank in the military system also measured the
degrees of graduation in the social and administrative struc
ture. A ras usually governed a province or a major region of
one. The source and sanctioning power competent to award
or create titles was the Emperor or, in times of division when
the Empire was split , a negus or even a powerful indepen
dent ras. The grounds for promotion through the grades were
valor and success in the wars . In theory , grades were not
inheritable; these distinctions had to be earned (see ch . 6,
Social Structure ).

482
 Moreover, the system was open to entrance from the bot
tom of the social scale. A brave soldier did not need to be of
a landed family . If he was able, by virtue of his toughness
and bravery, to draw attention to himself, the way to honors
and rank was open. Men were happy to follow him, and
higher leaders were glad to employ him . Both strength and
weakness in the Ethiopian system lay in the fact that every
warrior strove to become a great man and, as such, saw him
self the potential equal of the greatest.
Although Ethiopian soldiers were supplied with firearms
and the basic instruction for their use by the Portuguese in
the sixteenth century, serious attempts at modernization of
the military forces did not occur until the regency and reign
of Haile Selassie . In the 1920s he sent a number of Ethiopian
officers to St. Cyr Military Academy in France and arranged
for the training of the Imperial Bodyguard by importing a
Belgian military mission . Swiss and Belgain officers were
hired to train the troops in Hararge Province, and in 1934
he formed a military academy at Holeta near Addis Ababa.
During the initial stages of military modernization, war
with Italy began . The Ethiopian army had only a few units
that were trained according to modern standards and com
manded by officers who understood the tactics of modern
warfare. Most of the troops consisted of traditional warriors
of the rural militia , armed with spears or obsolete rifles and
led by officers who were provincial governors or of other
noble status rather than professional soldiers. Because of
their lack of organization, training, and adequate materiel
and because of their adherence to traditional tactics of war
fare, the Ethiopian army was easily defeated by the modern ,
disciplined Italian forces.
Throughout the five-year occupation of their country by
the Italians, the Ethiopians adapted themselves to guerrilla
tactics and assisted materially with the restoration of inde
pendence in 1941. Having learned from experience that an
outmoded army provided little protection against modern
forces equipped with ground, air, and naval elements , the
government after liberation proceeded to replace its tradi
tional system with a modern standing military establishment.
The ancient system of military rank came to an end, and
the traditional method of raising armies by provincial levies
was abandoned. In the newly organized armed forces, the
old titles of high rank were no longer indicative of function
but existed solely as titles of nobility in a purely social and
political context (see ch . 6 , Social Structure). Creation of
honorary titles and advancement of officers became the Em
483
peror's prerogative. In this way he attempted to abolish the
divisive and separatist dangers of military tradition while
preserving the honor and prestige of the old titles.
In 1942 Emperor Haile Selassie signed a military conven
tion with the United Kingdom , under which the British agreed
to provide without cost to Ethiopia a military mission to as
sist in organizing and training the Ethiopian army. By 1950
the British , with Ethiopian government funds, had trained
and equipped ten infantry battalions and ancillary units,
which included an artillery regiment, an armored car regi
ment, and engineer and communications units. Deployed at
key points throughout the country , these new military units
materially assisted in the maintenance of internal security.
At the outbreak of the Korean conflict in June 1950, a
battalion of volunteers was promptly raised from the Impe
rial Bodyguard and offered to the United Nations forces.
Reaching Korea in May 1951 , the Kagnew Battalion , as it
was known , joined the United States 7th Division after six
weeks of familiarization training and entered combat. In suc
cessive years until the cease -fire in 1953, three such battal
ions totaling 5,000 men were sent in rotation to Korea, where
they fought with distinction .
By 1952 the British had withdrawn their military mission
from Ethiopia , and it was replaced to some degree by Swed
ish military advisers and instructors. In 1953 the United States
provided a military assistance group to assist with moderni
zation of the Ethiopian armed forces. Swedish officers were
appointed to develop and train the new air force, and Nor
wegian naval experts were hired to organize and develop a
small navy. In succeeding years India, Israel, and Japan sent
military missions to train various elements of the security
forces. A number of Ethiopian officers were selected for
training at military institutions in the United States, the
United Kingdom , and Yugoslavia .
Throughout the decade of the 1960s modernization and
expansion of the armed forces continued. In 1960 the Em
peror dispatched army units and part of an air squadron to
assist United Nations forces in the Congo. During this oper
ation approximately 3,300 Ethiopian military men partici
pated in military action .
Although warrior virtues and military bravery are tradi
tionally admired , these attributes are generally indications
of a man's personal fearlessness, rather than his learned
knowledge or skill as a technician. Admiration of military
prowess , therefore, is linked to the ancient warrior tradition
and the display of great personal bravery. It is not necessar
484
ily transferred to the modern military profession and an
armed force patterned largely after Western models.
In mid-1970 much of the civilian population maintained
an ambivalent attitude toward the reorganized and modern
ized military establishment. On one hand, the armed forces
were appreciated for their ability to defend the territorial
integrity of the country and its political independence. On
the other hand, some civilian resentment was indicated by
the often -expressed complaints that the military in peacetime
was a drain on the national economy and that it did little in
return to develop the country .

THE ARMED FORCES AND THE GOVERNMENT

By constitutional provision , supreme authority over the
armed forces is vested in the Emperor, who is expressly des
ignated as commander in chief. He alone has the power to
declare a state of seige, martial law, or national emergency .
With the advice and consent of Parliament, he has the right
to declare war. To the Emperor are reserved the rights to
determine the size, organization , and command structure of
the armed forces together with the power to appoint, pro
mote , transfer, and dismiss military officers. Traditionally,
he assumes direct command of the military forces in time
of war .
Administrative supervision of the armed forces is the re
sponsibility of the minister of national defense, who is ap
pointed by the Emperor. A regulation issued by the Ministry
of National Defense in 1958 outlines the organization of the
armed forces into ground, air, and naval elements and speci
fies the broad duties and functions of the ministry and the
service organizations. The list of responsibilities that remain
within the Emperor's province is nonexclusive, but it includes
appeals in courts-martial, awards, and decorations, changes
in strength and equipment, the military budget, major stra
tegic plans, and the acquisition and construction of major
military facilities .
On military matters not reserved to the Emperor, the min
ister of national defense is given the authority for final ac
tion . He directs the preparation and presentation of studies,
plans , and recommendations appropriate to the services,
jointly and singly, by their respective leaders. He represents
and coordinates service matters including legislation before
the Council of Ministers and Parliament.
At each level in the central military control system is found
a group of advisers concerned with defense matters. The Em
485
peror is provided with a National Defense Council, and the
minister of national defense receives advice and policy rec
ommendations from the Defense Advisory Council. Little is
known of the actual functions of these groups or whether, in
fact, they are ever called to meet. In any event, the Emperor
retains absolute final authority on all military matters.
To alleviate an acute shortage of technically skilled labor
in the civil sector, the armed forces have begun to assume a
broader role in the nation's building projects. Recognizing
that military modernization efforts have produced a reservoir
of trained technicians, the government has developed plans
to use their services in its regional development programs.
The Third Five Year Plan ( 1968-73) anticipates an integrated
program of civic action in which military units would coop
erate increasingly with various central government agencies
and provincial authorities.
In early 1970 units of the armed forces were collaborating
with the Imperial Highway Authority and the Civil Aviation
Administration in the building of roads, bridges, and air
strips. Other projects employing military personnel included
the construction of school classrooms, libraries, and play
grounds. Future efforts will be extended to land clearing,
well digging, and the construction of irrigation canals and
health clinics. It is expected that a sizable number of qual
ified military personnel will receive specialized training that
will enable them to serve as teachers in adult literacy pro
grams and in primary schools in remote areas .
Centralization of the armed forces with their modern weap
ons has elevated the Emperor above the level of a ruler with
a loosely controlled kingdom, as had generally been the case
before 1941. As opposed to the old army and military lead
ership based on traditions, the modern military establishment
is largely based on a system of merit and loyalty to the
Emperor .
To maintain its position of authority and to assure the
continued reliability and support of its armed forces, the
government has generally sought to maintain a careful coun
terbalance between the various elements of the military es
tablishment. After the abortive coup attempt in 1960, steps
were taken to lessen the government's dependence on the Im
perial Bodyguard . Later, the territorial militia was strength
ened to replace the older balance that had existed between
the army and the Imperial Bodyguard. Greater emphasis was
also given to the air force, and the ranks and leadership of
the civil police were strengthened . An inherent feature of
486
this continuing attempt to assure reliability and retention of
power is evident in the efforts to provide each separate ser
vice with training and weapons from different foreign sources.
DEFENSE COSTS

Military modernization has been the product of substan

tial internal spending and extensive foreign military aid and
advice. In addition to maintaining sufficient strength for in
ternal security needs, the steady expansion of the military
has largely resulted from the government's concern over the
country's encirclement by potentially hostile neighbors (see
ch. 15, Foreign Relations). Relatively high defense expendi
tures have been especially recurrent since 1963 when the
Soviet Union began supplying large amounts of arms aid to
neighboring Somalia .
In 1943, during the initial expansion period, approximately
38 percent of the national budget was devoted to defense
items. From 1948 to 1958 the proportions of the budget des
ignated for defense dropped from 27 to 17 percent of the
total, not because of a decrease in military costs but because
the entire national budget increased sharply . Throughout the
1960s money for defense purposes remained the largest sin
gle item in the budget, varying from 19 to 24 percent of the
total funds appropriated for all national programs. Moreover,
these amounts did not reflect funds set aside for the devel
oping national militia , which was not part of the defense
establishment. The cost of the relatively large military force
averaged approximately 2.4 percent of the country's gross
national product (GNP ) in the late 1960s. Published budget
ary figures, however, do not reflect all defense costs, as ex
tensive foreign aid has eased much of the financial load. Dur
ing the years of military modernization, assistance in the
form of equipment, financial credits, grants, and training has
been provided by France, the Federal Republic of Germany
(West Germany), Sweden , Italy , the United Kingdom , and
the United States. In mid- 1970 the United States remained
Ethiopia's chief source of military equipment and logistical
support.
The country's industrial base is not sufficiently diversified
to provide much military equipment. Aside from a few local
industries that supply food, clothing, and construction mate
rials for the armed forces, a single industrial plant, estab
lished in Addis Ababa in 1951 , was capable of manufacturing
military hardware and produced limited amounts of small
arms and ammunition .

487
 MANPOWER

In the late 1960s about half of the estimated 5,156,000

males between the ages of fifteen and forty -nine were con
sidered physically fit for military duty. With an adequate
number of men reaching this theoretical military age bracket
each year, the country has sufficient manpower to meet its
general defense needs. In fact, such a number is far more
than the nation can support logistically or train effectively.
The number of men serving on active duty with the armed
forces is less than 1 percent of the potential military man
power available.
Although by no means all Ethiopians, nor even those who
find their way into the military services, have the same phys
ical characteristics, the typical soldier is of medium height
and appears to have a very light, almost fragile, frame. He is,
nonetheless, extremely wiry and has great physical stamina.
His ability to march rapidly over long distances under a
heavy pack and exist on light rations is a dependable trait.
The quality of available manpower is often affected by a
number of debilitating conditions that exist throughout the
country. Dietary deficiencies, widespread illnesses, and a
limited rate of literacy produce the major adverse effects on
potential service personnel (see ch. 8, Living Conditions).
Despite these factors, the typical military member has a re
tentive memory for things seen or heard and, when the use
of modern equipment is adequately demonstrated, he learns
to use it readily.
General mobilization has never occurred in Ethiopian his
tory, and the standing strength of the regular military estab
lishment has been maintained on a generally voluntary basis.
Attempts to form an organized reserve force continued
throughout the 1960s. Although individual units have re
ceived limited training, the government is expected to ex
pand the capabilities of this part-time militia .
In a Coronation Day address to a joint session of Parlia
ment in late 1969, the Emperor announced that the govern
ment was considering the introduction of compulsory military
service. Although this change in the traditional methods of
procuring military personnel was not wholly necessary from
a defense standpoint, it was viewed as a practical method
of building up a trained , disciplined manpower pool for use
in national development projects.

Procurement and Training of Officers

In mid-1970 it was estimated that there were approximately
2,000 officers in the armed forces. Largely volunteers, the
488
officers of the regular establishment were committed gen
erally to service until eligible for retirement. Although retire
ment age varied with rank, a minimum of ten years of active
duty was required before an officer could receive a govern
ment pension .
The officer corps is composed of two basic groups, gen
erally categorized by age and length of service. The oldest,
and smaller, group includes a few senior officers who began
their careers before the Italo -Ethiopian war; some of these
had some training in modern military tactics and organiza
tion . A number of field -grade officers in this group served
with the patriot forces who fought against the Italians; they
have less education than younger members of the corps and
little modern military training. A few of the older officers
were in exile with the Emperor during the Italian occupation
and received military training in France or the United King
dom. Those composing the senior group of officers are gen
erally more conservative in outlook than their commander
in chief, the Emperor.
The younger group of officers consists largely of those who
have been recruited since World War II. It includes most of
those serving in the air force and the navy as well as an in
creasing number who are assigned to the army. Since the
late 1950s a growing number of young officers have been
selected from the upper levels of secondary school graduat
ing classes and from among first- year college students for
lifetime military service. A moderate number of new officers
is provided from the graduating classes of the country's three
major military academies .
Since World War II inner solidarity of the officer corps
particularly within the ground force - has been affected by
certain ideological differences between older and younger
cadres. Some natural cleavage has been of a generational
nature, but other differences in outlook have resulted from
the variety of foreign military sources that have been in
volved in the training of the officer groups.
To be eligible for a commissioned grade, applicants must
be male Ethiopian citizens at least twenty -one years of age.
They must be able to read and write both Amharic and Eng
lish , must have achieved a secondary -level education , and
must be in good physical condition . Entrance requirements
of the three academies vary slightly, but all cadets must pass
the Ethiopian college entrance examination .
The ethnic composition of the officer corps is a mixture of
Amhara , Tigre, and Galla . Although the exact proportion is
not generally available, a 1960 survey of cadets attending the
Haile Selassie I Military Academy revealed that, of those
489
who replied , 53 percent were Amhara, 26 percent were Tigre,
and 8 percent were Galla . Fifty-three percent of the cadets
listed their socioeconomic status as middle class, and 11 per
cent indicated that they came from families of the upper
class nobility. Twenty -one percent of the cadets were from
low -income families, and 3 percent originated from peasant
stock .
Five schools are involved in the training of potential offi.
cers . Each one provides students with free room , board,
books and other school supplies, medical care, transporta
tion, and varying monthly stipends. Haile Selassie I Military
Academy, reestablished in 1957 at Harar, provides a three
year academic and military education to cadets who will
enter the ground force after graduation. Its total enrollment
is 180 students, 60 of whom are admitted each year. The
curriculum , which is equivalent to that of the first two years
in an Ethiopian college , includes English , economics, mathe
matics, physics, chemistry , bookkeeping, French , history ,
current affairs, public administration, and general military
subjects. Graduates receive diplomas and commissions as
second lieutenants in the ground force. Outstanding gradu
ates often are sent to Haile Selassie I University or abroad
for advanced training that leads to a degree.
In Harar the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts operates
a secondary -level preparatory school in conjunction with the
Haile Selassie I Military Academy. Each year it accepts ap
proximately 100 young men from sixteen to eighteen years
of age who are in good health and who have passed the tenth
or eleventh grades in secondary school . The curriculum ,
which varies in length from one to two years, includes inten
sive instruction similar to that of general secondary schools
and results in a diploma . Admission obligates all students to
serve with the ground force; those who pass the college en
trance examination and meet other entrance requirements
are admitted to Haile Selassie I Military Academy.
Haile Selassie I Air Force Academy , located at Debre Zeyt
near Addis Ababa since 1968, offers a four-year course of
training. Its total enrollment consists of forty students, al
though it is expected to be increased in the future. Before
entering the academy, cadets are sent to Asmara for four
months of basic military and physical training. Three sepa
rate curricula lead to degrees in aeronautical engineering,
electronic engineering, or business administration . Gradu
ates are commissioned as second lieutenants in the air force.
Pilots receive their basic flight training at the Imperial
490
Ethiopian Air Force Primary Flying Training School located
at Dire Dawa airport in Hararge Province. To qualify for
admission to the twelve-month course, applicants must be
eighteen to twenty -two years of age and have completed the
eleventh grade in secondary school. All must be able to read
and write both Amharic and English , pass an entrance exam
ination , and be in good physical condition. Before entering
the school , students receive four months of basic recruit
training at Asmara. After six months of basic flight training,
cadets return to Asmara for six months of academic instruc
tion. The academic curriculum includes English, mathemat
ics, physics , aerodynamics , navigation, and meteorology.
Upon entrance, all cadets must sign a ten-year contract to
perform service with the air force .
At the Imperial Naval College, established in 1955 at Mas
sawa on the Red Sea coast, a student complement of fifty
two prospective naval officers pursues a fifty -two -month
course of instruction that leads to a diploma and commis
sioning as a sublieutenant in the Imperial Ethiopian Navy.
The academic curriculum is considerably broader than those
of the army or air force academies and is supplemented by
practical training at sea. The instruction given at the naval
college is expected to be recognized soon by Haile Selassie I
University, and the academy will then award its graduates
a degree in naval science .
Commissioned officers receive specialized inservice in
struction at a number of training centers throughout the
country. At one center officers train for supervision of tech
nical personnel engaged in aircraft and automotive mainte
nance, communications, and electronics activities. The Major
General Mulugeta Bulli Technical School at Guennet near
Addis Ababa serves as the infantry school for both officers
and enlisted personnel. It also provides training for officers
assigned to artillery, armored, and engineering units and of
fers courses in administration and military medicine. A large
number of senior officers are selected to receive advanced
training abroad, generally in the United States, the United
Kingdom, and India .
Procurement and Training of Enlisted Personnel
Enlisted personnel generally are recruited on a voluntary
basis, and many are former patriots who fought as guerrillas
during the Italian occupation. Most, however, consist of young
men from the rural areas who have rejected their sedentary
existence for a more adventurous life in uniform . A large
491
number with limited education enlist because they cannot
find suitable employment in the cities. Ethnically, the en
listed ranks consist primarily of Amhara, some Tigre, and a
large number of Galla .
The largest technical training center for ground force en
listed personnel is the Major General Mulugeta Bulli Techni
cal School, which has a total capacity of 180 students. Sixty
students are admitted each year for courses that last three
years. The fields of instruction include such academic and
technical subjects as the Amharic and English languages,
physics, chemistry, mathematics, electrical repair, woodwork
ing, automotive maintenance, metalworking, and masonry .
Applicants between the ages of eighteen and twenty years
who have a tenth - grade education are admitted to the school.
They receive free room, board, clothing, books and other
school supplies, medical care , and monthly pay. After suc
cessfully completing their courses of study, they are inducted
into the ground force and assigned to operational units ac
cording to their qualifications.
The installation also serves as the location for all infantry,
artillery, armor, and engineering training. Special classes for
noncommissioned officers are available, and a joint service
communications school offers two-year courses for enlisted
personnel of the ground force, the air force, and the navy .
The air force operates three schools for training enlisted
personnel in technical subjects at its Debre Zeyt base. Before
entering the schools, however, all applicants must have com
pleted a four-month course in basic military training, which
is held at Asmara . One air force school offers eighteen -month
courses designed to produce qualified aircraft and automo
tive technicians. A second school provides its students with
instruction necessary to qualify them as electronics techni.
cians, communications operators, weapons specialists .
Training in these courses lasts for two years . The air force
management school offers a thirteen -month course of admin
istrative training. Upon entry to all air force schools, enlisted
personnel must sign a contract in which they agree to remain
on active duty for a period of ten years .
The navy operates a single training center at Dongollo
Ghindi in Eritrea Province. The school, which has a capacity
of 200 students, provides instruction in twelve different spe
cialties appropriate to naval units. Students must agree to
remain in government service for at least seven years. The
school is not expected to expand unless the size of the navy
increases.
492
 Reserves
Traditionally, every able -bodied male has been expected
to take up arms to defend his homeland against threats of
external aggression. Throughout history this concept was re
lied on to provide large reserves of wartime manpower, but
these forces were without unit organization or training. To
put this potentially formidable force on a more organized
and modern footing, the government in 1959 created the Im
perial Territorial Army (ITA). In mid-1970 it represented a
force of approximately 5,000 men .
Essentially , the ITA is composed of a number of provincial
armies. To minimize control of its integral units by provincial
authorities, the ITA has been placed under the administra
tion of the Ministry of Interior. Centralized control of the
ITA is provided by a senior army officer who serves as chief
of staff. Operating from a headquarters in Addis Ababa, he
is assisted by a general staff responsible for the organization ,
administration , and disposition of personnel.
The system that provides most of the ITA's recruits repre
sents a return to the traditional link between allotting state
land to ex -soldiers and their obligation to serve under arms.
In return for modest grants of land, the holder must serve a
term of two months during each calendar year in the ranks
of the ITA , where he undergoes training in the basic tactics
of contemporary warfare. Again in accord with tradition , the
obligation is deemed to rest upon the land rather than the
man. Thus , if the grantee becomes old or disabled, his con
tinued possession of the property requires that he find a sub
stitute to carry out his military obligation. Volunteers are
also accepted in the eighteen -to -twenty -five year age bracket.
Members are paid each month during training periods and
receive free uniforms.
Reserve training is generally limited to the section level
and consists of military discipline, familiarization with basic
infantry weapons, formation drill, and physical fitness. In
mid-1970 the standards of training had been improved, and
moderate numbers of the ITA had been integrated into units
of the regular ground forces. Should a system of national
compulsory military service be adopted, it is expected that
most conscripts will serve with the ranks of the ITA and par
ticipate in civic action programs.

MISSION AND ORGANIZATION

The mission of the armed forces includes the conventional
functions of preserving territorial integrity and of acting
493
when necessary to supplement the police in an internal se
curity role. During the late 1960s deployment of military
units was limited to missions pertaining to the maintenance
of domestic order.
At the strength and state of training maintained in mid
1970, the armed forces were fully capable of fulfilling that
part of their mission concerned with internal security . In the
event of a threat to territorial integrity, Ethiopia could deploy
one of the largest and best equipped military forces south of
the Sahara .
The defense establishment as organized in mid-1970 was
composed principally of land force elements, with a major
emphasis on infantry. Of approximately 45,000 men in the
armed forces, about 41,000 were members of ground force
units. A growing air force manned by approximately 3,000
personnel and a navy of more than 1,000 men were organized
as autonomous elements of the defense establishment. Addi
tional sources of emergency reinforcement included the 5,000
man, provincially based ITA , the 3,000-man paramilitary mo
bile battalion (carabinieri) of the national police, and more
than 1,000 frontier guards (see ch. 24, Public Order and In
ternal Security ).
The organizational structure of the military establishment
generally conforms to patterns developed outside Ethiopia
( see fig. 12) . The Office of the Chief of Staff of the Imperial
Ethiopian Armed Forces forms the headquarters and control
center of the three component services, and its joint staff
performs the usual administrative functions. The chief of
staff presides over the Council of Commanders, composed
of the leaders of the ground force ( army), the air force, and
the navy. The council is responsible for matters pertaining
to strategic and logistic plans, joint training, and standard
ization policies . The service commanders operate from indi
vidual headquarters, all of which are in the vicinity of the
national capital. Although these officers are subordinate to
the chief of staff, in actual practice each of them often re
ports directly to the Emperor.
The Army

The army is the oldest element of the national military

establishment and since 1955 has been known officially as
the Ethiopian Ground Force. Its principal combat elements
are four infantry divisions, each nominally composed of three
brigades ( three battalions each) and supporting elements.
Commando and airborne companies are assigned as integral
elements of some of these divisions.
494
 The Emperor
Commander in Chief
National Defense
Council
Minister of National
Defense
Minister of State
Defense Advisory
Council
Chief of Staff
Armed Forces
Combined Staff
Council of
Commanders

Commander of the Commander of the Commander of the

Air Force Ground Force (Army) Navy

Units and Units and Units and

Installations Installations Installations

Source: Adapted from Administrative Directory of the Imperial Ethiopian

Government, ( 9th ed . ) , 1969

Figure 12. Organization of the Imperial Ethiopian

Armed Forces, 1970

One of the ground force divisions consists of the Imperial

Bodyguard, which is stationed in the national capital and has
responsibility for the safety of the Emperor. The oldest unit
of the national military establishment, it was formed in 1917
when Haile Selassie was regent. Its formation marked the
first of a series of measures instituted to provide the country
with a defense force trained in the modern skills of the mil
itary profession . Originally created from newly recruited
young men, the Imperial Bodyguard later included in its
units former noncommissioned officers and men who had
served with the British army in Kenya during World War I.
In 1919 White Russian military instructors were brought
to Ethiopia to train the Imperial Bodyguard and in 1930 were
supplanted by a ten -man Belgian military mission . During
the Italian occupation members of the bodyguard conducted
guerrilla operations, and the survivors participated in the
unit's revival after liberation . In 1942 reorganization and
training of the unit were assumed by the British .
After the 1960 coup attempt, in which the commander of
the Imperial Bodyguard and most of his unit were principal
participants, the bodyguard was more fully integrated into
495
the ground force's command structure . Its former command
er was tried and executed publicly. The unit's entire officer
corps was dismissed and replaced by officers of the other
ground force divisions after instruction at the Harar military
academy by apolitical Indian training officers.
The army divisions that form the major tactical commands
are organized directly under the commander of the ground
force with no intervening higher headquarters. Although
technically part of the army chain of command, the com
mander of the Imperial Bodyguard generally receives his
orders directly from the Emperor. Division headquarters are
located at Addis Ababa , Dessie, and Harar. Ground force
units are scattered at key points along the main highways in
the provinces of Eritrea, Tigre, Begemder, Gojam , Shoa , Wol.
lo, Hararge, Kefa , and Sidamo. In mid - 1970 most of the Sec
ond Infantry Division and units of the Fourth Infantry Divi.
sion were operating in Eritrea Province against guerrilla ele
ments of the Eritrean Liberation Front (see ch. 14, Political
Dynamics and Values; ch. 24, Public Order and Internal
Security ).
Ground force supporting units include a tank battalion , an
armored car squadron , several artillery battalions, an engi
neer battalion , a number of training battalions, and several
antiaircraft batteries. The signal corps maintains a central
depot with a maintenance shop and a training school. Mili
tary police companies are assigned to division headquarters;
the largest of these operates from the Addis Ababa garrison
under the supervision of the ground force provost marshal.
An army band is available in the capital for ceremonial and
social occasions.
Weapons available to the ground force are a mixture of
items manufactured largely since World War II in the United
States, the United Kingdom , and Italy . Armored units are
equipped with light and medium tanks supplied by the United
States; artillery weapons include recoilless rifles, howitzers,
and antiaircraft guns. Each division has a heavy mortar
company .

The Air Force

Ethiopian military aviation dates from the formation of a

small air section in 1929. Between its inception and the war
with Italy in 1935 , the air unit acquired a variety of French ,
German , Spanish , Italian, and British light planes. At the
start of the war the country's capability consisted of four
pilots and thirteen aircraft, eight of which were airworthy.
Recognizing the importance of aerial defense, the Emperor
496
assigned high priority to the reorganization and expansion
of the Imperial Ethiopian Air Force (IEAF ) immediately after
1941. With the aid of Swedish instructors, a flying school was
established , and Sweden provided a number of light aircraft,
later supplemented by planes from the United Kingdom , the
United States, and France. A Swedish general was placed in
command of the IEAF and remained responsible for its oper
ation until replaced by a senior Ethiopian air officer in the
early 1960s. The military assistance agreement with the
United States resulted in delivery of the first jet aircraft in
1960 .
In mid- 1970 the IEAF was organized into seven squadrons,
a training command, and a central maintenance workshop.
Its command headquarters was located at Harar Meda Base,
in Debre Zeyt, thirty miles southeast of the capital. Additional
installations were located in Hararge and Eritrea provinces.
Flying units included a squadron equipped with British light
jet bombers, a squadron of Swedish conventional ground
attack aircraft, a squadron of United States supersonic jet
fighters, a squadron of United States jet fighter -bombers, a
squadron of United States conventional and jet trainers con
verted to a reconnaissance role, a squadron of United States
and British conventional transports, and several French jet heli
copters. About half of the aircraft in the IEAF inventory were
combat models .
Most foreign observers agree that, with sufficient educa
tion to enable them to absorb the technical phases of train
ing, Ethiopians have the intelligence, alertness, and judgment
to enable them to become good pilots. Although IEAF units
have had little combat experience except for those that oper
ated in the Congo from 1960 to 1962 and again in mid- 1967,
they appear to have maintained satisfactory training stand
ards. In late 1961 the IEAF participated in flood relief opera
tions in Somalia and in 1964 provided a squadron of fighter
and transport planes as part of a military peace-keeping
mission to Tanzania. The IEAF also provides training facili
ties for civilian flying personnel of Ethiopian Airlines and the
East African Locust Service. Scholarship students from Ni
geria, Somalia, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and the Sudan
have been trained at IEAF specialized schools.
The Navy
An autonomous arm of the armed forces since 1958, the
navy operates as a coast guard unit within the territorial
waters off Eritrea Province . Through a formal agreement
with Norway, the Imperial Ethiopian Navy was formed and
497
trained by a group of Norwegian naval officers. In mid - 1970
the modest maritime force was commanded by a young Brit
ish -trained Ethiopian commodore from a headquarters in
Addis Ababa . A small number of retired British naval offi.
cers were employed in executive positions as advisers and
training supervisers.
The navy's inventory of vessels include a converted sea
plane tender and a number of patrol boats, motor torpedo
boats, and landing craft . The former seaplane tender, which
is similar to a frigate, serves as the flagship of the fleet and
as a training ship. Built in 1943, it saw service in Korean
waters during the 1950s as the U.S.S. Ores. Except for the
Yugoslavian motor torpedo boats, which were built in 1951
and acquired by Ethiopia in 1960, all vessels were received
from the United States during the early 1960s through its
Military Assistance Program . The navy's entire complement
of vessels are based at the port of Massawa.
MORALE AND CONDITIONS OF SERVICE
The general physical conditions and environment surround
ing military life are sufficiently high in quality to attract and
retain enough young men to meet the armed forces' strength
requirements. The public's general acceptance of the fighting
man and the continuing belief that military life is a way to
social advantage contribute measurably to the status of the
military profession . Moreover, pay levels and attendant ben
efits and privileges give most Ethiopian servicemen a higher
than average standard of living.
Facilities, including housing, vary considerably and, in gen
eral, accommodations available to the air force and the navy
are superior to those of the ground force. Barracks are used
for housing unmarried enlisted personnel, and at most instal
lations family quarters are available. Construction of living
quarters conforms generally to the types found in most urban
areas, and buildings at the major installations are mainly of
Western design . Most construction, especially at more remote
posts, is accomplished by ground- force engineering units. In
general, quarters and food compare favorably with similar
amenities in the civil sector and in many cases are consid
erably better.
In mid- 1970 morale among the enlisted personnel was gen
erally good in keeping with the military establishment's vol
untary composition . The serviceman was engaged in an hon
orable profession ; he was paid for his service; and he had
the opportunity, through promotion , to rise as a noncommis
498
sioned officer to a postion of considerable prestige and pow
er for a man of relatively humble origin . The modernization
efforts, particularly the receipt of new equipment, had fav
orably affected morale.
Officer morale , which for younger members of the corps
is affected to some degree by pay levels and opportunity for
promotion , has improved measurably with the reforms that
have occurred since the attempted coup d'etat in late 1960 .
The Emperor approved military requests for pay raises in
1961 and 1964 , and funds to provide the raises were reallo
cated from nonmilitary sections of the national budgets. In
1961 a government decree established a pension plan for
members of the armed forces and the national police with
attendant provisions for continued payments on a reduced
basis to the surviving families of deceased military members.
After 1960, too , promotions for both commissioned and non
commissioned officers were easier to obtain .
The IEAF is reputed to have the best morale of all the serv
ices, particularly among the commissioned personnel. It is a
relatively new service with fewer traditionalists in its officer
corps, and it benefits from the fascination that flying holds
for adventurous young men.
In active operations, reliability of the armed forces has in
the past depended on the bravery of the individual, the qual
ity of leadership, and the state of the logistical base. Of the
bravery of the individual, there can be no question. The de
sire of the Ethiopian fighting man to close with the enemy
and his complete disregard of personal risk in so doing have
been commented upon by all foreign observers from the six
teenth century through the period of United Nations action
in Korea and the Congo.
Historically, the principal factors motivating defection or
desertion have been a deficiency of supplies or the death of a
strong leader, which brought about disintegration of individual
military units. In early times provincial troops also deserted fol
lowing the spread of news or even unfounded rumors of
trouble, such as crop failures, epidemics, or feuding in their
home districts . In mid-1970 , however, modern training and
the logistical base available through external assistance had
greatly improved military reliability. Most observers agreed
that the Ethiopian armed forces could be relied upon to give
a good account of themselves against any local violation of
their frontiers and would fight well against any invading ene
my as long as there was firm leadership and reasonable hope
of effective resistance.
499
 MILITARY JUSTICE
The legal basis of the existing system of military justice
rests primarily on the Emperor's constitutionally reserved
powers as commander in chief to organize and command the
armed forces. Implementing these powers is Proclamation
No. 68 of 1944 for the Army Establishment and the Penal
Code of 1957 , which contains special sections dealing with
military offenses. All members of the armed forces are sub
ject to national laws and are tried under the provisions of
the Penal Code by military courts .
There is no structural connection between the system of
military courts and the hierarchy of civilian courts. The mil
itary system culminates in the headquarters of the armed
forces in the person of the chief of staff, who is assisted by a
judge advocate general. Sentences of death require the Em
peror's approval , but all other court-martial sentences are
reviewed and approved or modified at lower levels. There is
no appeal once the reviewing authority has approved the sen
tence. Reviewing authorities may reduce, mitigate, or com
mute sentences, and acquittal by any court is final. The guar
antee against double jeopardy is in force.
The highest military court, the General Court-Martial, may
be convened by the commanders of the three services or by
their designates. It consists of three to five officers, each of
whom must have over three years of military service. It may
impose any legal penalty, but, if death is the sentence , the
decision must be unanimous .
The only other ordinary military court is the District Court
Martial, which may be convened by certain commanders des
ignated by the service chiefs. It is composed of three officers,
each of whom has performed at least two years of military
duty. It has no limitation as to offenses that may be tried ,
but it cannot impose a punishment greater than two years of
imprisonment.
The listing of military offenses is in all respects conven
tional and resembles similar sanctions applied to most mod
ern armed forces. The most notable deviation of the system
is the wide latitude allowed lower echelon commanders in
awarding summary punishment on their sole authority with
out recourse to court trial.

FOREIGN INFLUENCE

Foreign influence and the use of foreign military advisers

have a long history in the country, going back to the arrival
of the Portuguese in 1541 and continuing intermittently since
500
that time. The ground force is essentially the product of Brit
ish organization and training although, after the British mil
itary mission left the country in 1951 , this task was assumed
variously by Israelis, Indians, and military advisers from the
United States.
The air force was trained and commanded originally by
Swedish officers on extended leave from their own service.
Similarly , Norwegian officers on contract were employed to
organize and train the navy . The Indian army has long fur
nished instructors to the military academy and, more recently,
for the Imperial Bodyguard .
United States influence first came into play through its
association with the Kagnew Battalion of the Imperial Body
guard that served with United States troops in Korea during
the 1950s . A military assistance agreement was signed with
the United States in 1953, and since then United States mil
itary advisers have been present in Ethiopia. These personnel
have had the customary responsibilities, with the exception
that their functions with respect to the navy have been gen
erally confined to logistics and end-use supervision. As an
outgrowth of the military assistance agreement, the United
States army was permitted to establish a large communica
tions base, known as Kagnew Station , outside Asmara.
As a result of threats imposed to their respective territories
by bands of Somali dissidents , the governments of Ethiopia
and neighboring Kenya signed a mutual defense agreement
in July 1963. It provided for mutual aid in the event that
either country was attacked by a third power. The treaty has
never been invoked to the extent of requiring the commit
ment of armed forces, but it remained in effect in mid- 1970 .

501
|
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Ethiopian Herald [ Addis Ababa), July 1969 -April 1970; and
Quarterly Economic Review , East Africa (London ), No. 1 ,
1968 -No. 1 , 1970.)

525
 1
1

1
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531
+
 GLOSSARY
abune ( sometimes abuna )—Head of the Ethiopian Orthodox
Church .
amba - Level-topped mountain . Used at various times in Ethi
opian history for monastery and defense sites and to isolate
high -ranking persons considered dangerous to the throne.
chat ( also called khat, kat, q'at, gat, or tchat)-Catha edulis, a
green shrub that may grow to tree size. Its leaves and ten
der twigs are chewed as a stimulant, particularly in East
Africa and the Arab countries. It grows wild in Ethiopia and
is also produced on commercial plantations.
debtera-An unordained church functionary who performs a
variety of tasks (scribe, astrologer, etc.). He has no position
in the church hierarchy.
dia -paying group - Among the Somali, a group usually based
on the patrilineal lineage and bound by contract to pay dia
(bloodwealth ) or to collect it if one of its members is the
perpetrator or victim of homicide or other damage. Mem
bers of the group may also be bound by rules agreed to by
contract.
EAL - Ethiopian Airlines.
eder - Voluntary welfare association established to provide
mutual aid in matters of burial and other community con
cerns where traditional family assistance is unavailable.
Some have developed other functions.
ensete (ensete edulis )-Often called the false banana. Its fruit
is not used, but portions of the trunk, leafstalk , and roots
are used to make the starchy flour for unleavened bread, a
staple food in the southwest, particularly among the Gurage.
It also provides fibers for household use and for manufac
ture into sacking.
HSIU - Haile Selassie I University; abbreviation commonly
used in English -language publications in Ethiopia .
IHA - Imperial Highway Authority.
qene - A specific form of Ethiopic verse known as sam-enna
warq (wax and gold ). The essence of this verse form is its
double meaning - one apparent (wax ), the other implied
(gold). Qene is the original form of present-day sam-enna
warq verse . It is more elegant, depending mainly on reli
gious symbolism , and written in Geez rather than Amharic.
533
rist - Refers to certain cluster of rights in land. One who holds
rist rights in a specific piece of land may not be deprived
of it except under unusual circumstances and may pass it
on to his descendants. In some areas he may transfer it to
a non -kinsman for aa price if his lord agrees.
shamma—Toga-like garment, usually of white homespun or
commercially woven material, worn traditionally by Amhara
and Tigre men and women .
shankella-Blacks. A term used by the ruling Amhara to refer
to the peoples of western and extreme southwestern Ethi
opia who differ physically and culturally from the Semitic
and Cushitic -speaking peoples and who speak various lan
guages of the Nilo -Saharan stock .
shifta – Traditionally, a disaffected or rejected person who has
retreated from the system of legal authority and often acts
against that authority; in popular use, the term is generally
translated as " outlaw . "
syllabary – A system of written characters representing spoken
syllables rather than individual sounds.
teff ( eragrostis abyssinica )-An annual indigenous grass with
a tiny grain . Ethiopia's principal and preferred food grain .
Its flour is the most widespread staple food .

534
 INDEX
Abay: 40 Amhara Plateau: 12
Addis Ababa : 10 , 30 , 49 , 68, 78 , 79 ,
7 Amharic language: vi, 81 , 84 , 88, 190,
107 , 207 , 236 , 254 , 279, 388 , 490 ; 207; literature, 213-214
education , 198 , 199 ; embassies, 310; animals: 23-24
foreign aid , 435; industry, 376 , 378 , annual calendar: v - vi
384 , 388 , 400 , 487 ; market, 406-408 ; Arabia: 33
media, 173; patterns of living, 157; Arabic: 34
police , 464 , 465 , 466 , 467 ; popula Arab states, relations: 316-317
tion, 73; prisons, 469 , 471 ; public architecture (see also artistic and
media, 321 , 323, 325; recreation , intellectual expression): 225-227
183; sanitation, 168-169; Selassie Ark of the Covenant: 33
University, 193-196; terrain , 12, 18, armed forces (see also air force ,
21 ; transportation , 26 , 28 , 29, 50-51 army, navy): x, 479-501; budget,
Adowa : 32 447 , 487; reserves , 493; strength ,
Administration of Justice Proclama 488 ; training, 488-492
tion of 1942: 283 Arms Traffic Act: 55
administrative divisions : viii, 24-26 army (see also armed forces ): x, 64,
Adulis: 34 68 , 494-496
advertising: 410 art. See artistic and intellectual ex
Afar tribe: 7, 29 , 94-95 pression
African Development Bank: x artisan activity: 382-383
African Liberation Committee: x artistic and intellectual expression :
Afar: 153, 315 208-228; Amharic literature, 213
Afar -Saho: 89 214; architecture, 225-227; folk
Agau people: 35 , 36 , 96-97 , 118
9 literature, 215; Geez literature,
agriculture: viii, 8, 28 , 86, 94 , 346 , 208-213; music, dance, song, 219
350 , 357-374; labor force, 387, 388; 224 ; painting and sculpture, 215
and transportation, 26 219; scholarship and intellectual
air force (see also armed forces ): 68, development, 227-228 ; theater, 225
78 , 490-491, 496–497 Asaorta group : 95
airlines, airports (see also hijacking): Asmara: 26 , 27
10 , 28 , 415-416 associations: 127-130
Akobo River: 24 athletics: 182-183
Akordet: 27 automobiles: 414
Alexandria: 242-244 aviation : ix
Algeria: 70 Awash River: 18 , 21 , 384
Amalak, Yekuno: 36, 38 Awiya: 96
ambas: 38 , 41 Axumite kingdom: 5 , 10 , 31 , 33, 34 ,
Amhara group (see also Amhara 35, 84; literature, 209
Tigre, Tigre ): vii, 5, 12, 29, 36 , 42 ,
81 , 84-86 , 98-100 , 101 , 166 , 257; Bahir Dar: 20, 21
clothing, 166; and land control, 106 Bakaffa : 43
107 balance of payments and foreign
Amhara -Tigre peoples (see also Am trade (see also economy): 427-434
hara, Tigre ): v , 5-7, 36 , 41 , 96 , 98 , balq: 15
229, 238 , 246 , 285 , 480 ; family , banking: 448-453
134-142; social structure, 101 , 102 Baro River: 20, 27-28
118 ; social values , 257-266 barter system : 158 , 448
535
Basilides: 42 collective bargaining in industry ( see
Battle of Lepanto: 40 also unions, labor): 398-402
Bedawiye: 95-96 colleges: 70
beeswax: 426 Commercial Bank of Ethiopia : 452 ,
Beja language: 95-96 453
Beni Amer tribe: 87 , 96 communication: ix, 346, 353, 418-420 ;
Bet Asgede tribe: 87 satellite , 420 ; verbal , 93
Bet Takwe tribe: 96 Communism : 476
Bet Tarke tribe: 96 conscription (see also armed forces ):
Bilen tribes: 96 479
Bill of Rights (see also Constitution ): conservation : 348
viii conservatism and change (see also
Black Jews : 35 tradition, military): 3-5, 265-266,
Blue Nile River: 14 , 18 , 20 , 40 , 51 , 289-293
384 Constitution : viii, 3, 33, 67-68 , 249 ,
Bongo : 96 271 , 274-279 , 294 , 295 , 309, 398 ;
Borana tribe: 91 and free press , 322
boundaries: 24-26 construction materials: 381
boundary disputes: 25, 65-67 copper: 22
Britain : 46 , 50 , 52 , 60 , 62 , 66 , 484 Coptic Church of Egypt : 34-35
British Broadcasting Corporation court system (see also justice ): 283–
(BBC) : 341 286 , 460-463
budget (see also economy): 441 ; de cotton : 367
fense, 447 , 487 ; deficit, 423, 431 Council of Ministers: vii, 3, 52 , 279
Buri Peninsula : 13 282
bus service (see also transportation ): coup of 1960 : 68-69, 459 , 472 , 475 ,
414-415 486
Byzantine Empire: 34 credit: 453-454
crops (see also agriculture ): 363-365
calendar: v - vi, 179-181, 240 crime: 455, 463-464
capital punishment: 459 currency : ix , 448 , 454
Catholicism (see also religion ): 31-32, Cushitic- speaking groups: 7 , 81-83,
44 , 231 89-97
cattle . See livestock Cush kingdom : 33
census: vii
Central Plateau: 12 , 26 da Gama , Christovao : 40 , 41
Central Statistical Office ( CSO ): 71 Dahlac Islands : 13
Chamber of Deputies: 296 Danakil Alps: 13
chemicals : 376 Danakil Depression : 11 , 12, 13, 14 ,
Chilot (see also court system ): 284 29 , 91 , 349, 379
285 Danakil tribe: 94-95
Christ: 35 dance ( see also artistic and intellec
Christianity (see also religion): 5, 31 , tual expression ): 208
34 , 39-41, 207 , 229 , 230 , 231 Debro Libanos : 36
Christian Tigrinya : 64 Debre Zeyt: 68
Civil Code of 1960: 131, 132-134 , 138 , debtera : 237-238
323 , 397, 398 Dengel , Lebra : 39
civil liberties (see also justice , laws ): development: of economy: 350-353;
277-278 of industry, 378-382
civil service (see also government): Development Bank of Ethiopia: 371,
287, 396 372, 450-451
Claudius : 40 , 41 diet ( see also nutrition ): 159-163
climate : vii, 9-10 , 14-16 discrimination ( see also segregation ):
clothing: 165-167 409
coffee (see also agriculture ): ix , 358 , diseases ( see also health ): 169-171
359, 365-367, 423, 425 , 433 division of labor ( see also labor ):
536
 in Amhara -Tigre families, 140-141 ; religion ): 32, 36 , 37 , 40 , 63, 159-160,
in Galla families, 144-145; in 180, 229, 230, 231-246, 278,279 , 341 ,
Gurage families, 147-148; in Somali 361 ; and Amhara -Tigre society ,
families, 152 116-118 ; change, 242-246 ; faith and
Djibouti: 26, 314-316 practice, 238–242; organization and
domestic trade: 348 , 403-421 clergy, 236-238
drainage (see also land): 20-21 Ethiopian Plateau: 12-13
drama (see also artistic and intellec- Ethiopia Police. See police
tual expression ): 225 ethnicity: and politics, 300; stratifica
tion , 118-121
earthquakes: 12 Europe: x , 31-32
East African Community: x executions: 59-60
East African Rift Plateau: 10 Export-Import Bank: 376-423
economy (see also balance of pay. exports: ix , 423, 424 , 425-427
ments ): viii, 345–355 , 378; in ag- extradition : 278
riculture, 371-372; growth , 350-353 Ezana: 34
eder: 176-177 , 318 , 454
education : viii, 70 ; administration of Falasha tribe: 97 , 118-119 , 231 ; litera
schools, 188-189 ; adult education ture, 213
and literacy, 204-206 ; in agricul- family : 131-154 ; Amhara - Tigre, 102
ture, 373–374 ; and elite, 115-116 ; 103 , 134-142 ; Galla, ' 142-146;
financing, 201-204 ; foreign study, Gurage, 146-150; legal situation ,
196 ; higher education , 192-196 ; 132-134 ; other Cushitic-speaking
historical background, 186-188 ; pri- groups, 153–154 ; Somali, 150–152
mary and secondary schools, 189 Family Guidance Association : 78
192; teachers and teacher training, farming (see also agriculture): 157 ,
198-200 ; traditional education , 361
200-201; vocational and technical films (see also news media televi.
education, 197–198 sion ): 321 , 338
Egypt: 33, 47, 196 First Five Year Plan : 353-354
electrical storms: 15-16
fiscal year: v - vi, 448
electric power: 21 , 348, 383–384 fish : 370-371
El Rabita party: 64 Five Pillars of Faith : 250
embassies (see also foreign relations): Five Year Plan (see also First Five
310
Year Plan, Second Five Year Plan,
Emperor (see also Selassie, Haile): Third Five Year Plan ): 423
vii , 3-5, 31 , 32, 33, 38 , 43, 45, 84-85 , food (see also nutrition ): 159-163
108 , 109, 115, 276 , 289, 291 , 294- foreign aid: 202, 318, 352, 376, 433
295 , 485 ; and armed forces, 485 434 ; lending, 434-436
486; and foreign relations, 307; role foreign information activities (see
of, 275 also news media ): 341-343
English language: vii, 185 , 188 foreign relations: 307-320 ; Arab , 316
ensete: 29, 365 317; conduct , 308-311 ; international
Eritrea: 9, 27, 34 , 95 ; Eritrean Feder organizations, 311-313; neighboring
ation , 64-65 ; and Italian rule, 57 states, 313-316; United States, 317
58; problem , 304-305; Province, 14 , 318
29
foreign trade: 425-427
Eritrean National Assembly: 25 forestry: 370
Eritreans : 4 France: 52 , 58 , 319
Ethiopian Airlines ( EAL) : 28 , 415 Franco- Ethiopian Railway Company:
Ethiopian Grain Corporation ( EGC ) : 26
408 , 409 freedom of press: 322
Ethiopian Ground Force . See army Fuga group: 122
Ethiopian Investment Corporation :
451-452 Galla tribe: 7 , 29 , 43, 45 , 60 , 89 , 90
Ethiopian Orthodox Church (see also 92 , 98-100 , 101 , 119-121 , 248 , 253,

537
 254 ; clothing, 166-167; family , 142
146; literature, 215; migrations , 41
42; social structure, 122-124 ; social
values, 266-267
Gallinya language: 83, 90
Gambela River: 20
game: 23-24
Geez : 34 , 84 , 85-86 , 207 ; literature,
208-213
General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT ): 446
geographic regions: 10-13; Ethiopian
Plateau, 12-13 ; Great Rift Valley ,
13; Lowlands, 13; military, 11-12
gold: 22, 379
Gondar: 26 , 42 , 44
government (see also Constitution ,
Parliament): vii, 3-5 , 271-287 ; and
agriculture, 372-374 ; and armed
forces, 485-487; and domestic
trade, 408 ; labor, 385, 387; Provin
cial and local , 286-287 ; and public
information , 322-324 ; and public
welfare, 177-178
grains (see also agriculture):
359, 363
Grañ , Ahmed : 40 , 41
Great Britain . See Britain
Great Rift Valley: vii, 1 , 9, 12, 13 ,
16, 17 , 21
gross domestic product (GDP) : 346
gult: 104
Gurage tribe: 29, 88–89 , 119 , 122 ,
253-254; family, 146-150 ; living
patterns, 158 ; social structure, 126
127 ; social values , 268-269
Haimanot, Tekla : 36
handicraft: 382-383
Harar: 14 , 59
Hararge Province : 29
health (see also medical services):
viii , 167-175
Helena : 40
highways. See roads
hijacking: 474 , 475
history: 31-70 ; of education , 186-188 ;
of Isiam , 247-248
holidays : 180, 250
hospitals . See medical services
housing: 163-165 ; 354
hydroelectric power. See electric
power
Imperial Bodyguard ( see also police ):
63, 68 , 120 , 468 , 472 , 482 , 484 , 486
imports : viii - ix , 425-427
538
industry: 346 , 350, 354, 375–384
insurgency: 472-477
internal revenue. See taxes
internal security: 472-477
international agreements and trea
ties : x
International Bank for Reconstruc
tion and Development ( IBRD ): 384 ,
414 , 450
International Commission of Jurists :
69
International Development Associa
tion ( IDA ): 204
international membership: ix-x
Islam (see also religion ) : 5 , 31 , 35
36 , 151-152, 229, 230 , 247-252
Israel: 320 , 479
Italy: 32, 47-51 , 61 , 319, 438; and
Eritrea, 57-58; occupation, 59-60,
483; war, 50 , 58-59, 483
Iyasu : I , 42; II , 43
John : iv , 46–48
Juba River: 21
357, Jubilee Palace: 30
Judaism: 34
justice (see also court system ): viii,
277-278 ; military , 500
Justus: 43
Kaiser Aluminum: 379
Kambata : 89
Kassa : 43-44 , 46
Kebra Negast: 33
Kebre Mengist goldfields: 22
Kemant group: 118-119
Kenya : x , 9 , 62
Konso: 89
Korea : x
labor: 385-402; force, 386-389; organi
zations, 402; skills, 389-392 ; unions,
385 , 397-398 , 400-402
Lake : Abaya , 28 ; Rudolf , 21 ; Tana ,
20 , 41 , 44 , 59; Tanaand Gondar,
96 ; Ziway , 21
Lalibela : 36
land (see also soils ): 16-20 ; 28 , 101 ,
155, 157 , 345 , 348; and Amhara
control, 106-107 ; climate and soils ,
359 ; and Gurage families, 148-149 ;
Land Act of 1929 , 119 ; and social
stratification , 103-106 ; tenure, 360
361; technology, 362-363; use, 359
360
languages: vi , vii- viii, 81-89
laws (see also legislation , Parlia-
ment): 181-182, 455; criminal, 456-
463; on medicine, 175; on sanita-
tion , 169
League of Nations: 54-55 , 58 , 59 , 63
legal situation in family: 132-134
legislation (see also court system ,
justice, laws ): 276-277; land tax,
440
leisure: 181-183
leprosy: 170
libraries (see also news media, pub-
lishing) : 338-340
life expectancy: 167
literacy rate (see also education ):
viii, 186 , 204-206 , 410 ; of prisoners,
470-471
literature (see also artistic and intel-
lectual expression ): 208-215
Little Abay River: 20
livestock: 349 , 368-370 , 426
living conditions: 155-183; calendar, Napier, Sir Robert: 46
v - vi, 179-181; clothing, 165-167;
dietary practices, 159-163; dis
eases , 169–171; health , 167-175;
housing, 163-165; leisure, 181-183 ;
living patterns, 156-159; medical
practices, 174-175 ; medical serv
ices, 171-174 ; nutrition , 168 ; sani
tation , 168–169; welfare, 175-179
Lowlands: 13
Mad Mullah : 51
Mahfuz: 39
Makonnen , Ras Tafari (see also Se-
lassie, Haile): 53, 54 , 55 , 324
malaria : viii, 170
manufacturing (see also industry):
352
marketplace, market system : 30 , 403,
404-408 ; government control , 408
Maskal: 182
Massawa : 13, 27 , 41
medical services (see also health ): Nilotic peoples: 7
modern , 171-174; traditional, 174- nobility ( see also Emperor): 114-115
175
Menelik I: 33 , 46 , 47
Menelik II: 5 , 7 , 48-52, 91 , 106 , 186 ,
196 , 248 , 308 , 418 , 420 , 449 , 482
Middle Period: 36-42; Galla migra-
tion , 41-42 ; Muslim assault, 38-39;
organization of state, 37-38; re- Oilseed Development Share Corpora
newal of contact with Christian
world , 39-41
minerals : 8 , 10 , 21-23 , 377 , 378
mining: 352 , 378-379
ministers (see also Council of Min
isters ): 279-282
miscegenation : 60
missions (see also religion ): 254-255
modern empire: 44-61 ; Italian occu
pation , 59-60 ; Italian rule in Eri
trea, 57-58 ; Italo -Ethiopian war,
58-59; John IV, 46-48; Menelik II,
48-52; Selassie, 53-56 ; Theodore
II, 44-46; war of restoration , 60-61
monarch. See Emperor
Morocco : 70
mortality rate : 167
mountains: 12
Muhammad: 35
music (see also artistic and intellec
tual expression): 208, 219-221
Muslim: 41 , 87 , 93; assault, 38-39,
41 ; incursion , 31-32, 36
Mussolini: 60
National Bank of Ethiopia: 449-450
National Board of Community De
velopment: 177-178
National Coffee Processing and De
velopment Share Company: 366
367, 381
National Sample Survey: 71 , 72, 77,
78
navy (see also armed forces ): x, 63,
491 , 492, 497-498
Neway: Germame, 475; Mengistu , 68
news media (see also films, foreign
information channels, libraries,
newspapers, periodicals, press ,
publishing, radio, television , word
of-mouth news transmitting): 321
343
newspapers (see also news media,
publishing) : 325-328
Nile River: 20
Nilo-Saharan groups : 97-98
Northern Tigre: 5 , 87-88
Norway: 63
nutrition (see also diet): 168
Ogaden : 28
oil: 22 , 376 , 423
tion : 364 , 374
Omo River : 20-21 , 27
Organization of African Unity (OAU) :
ix- x , 3 , 67
539
origins of Ethiopians: 33-36; Axum ,
34-35; Islam , 35-36
painting (see also artistic and intel-
lectual expression ): 208 , 215-218
Parliament (see also Constitution,
government): vii, 3, 275-277, 295-
299
Parsons, Ralph N. Company: 379
patterns of living: 156-167
Peace Corps: 475
Penal Code (see also justice, court
system ): 259 , 277 , 285 , 322-323,
455, 456 , 457 , 458-460
periodicals (see also news media ,
publishing ): 329-330
petroleum . See oil
Pillars of Faith . See Five Pillars of
Faith
platinum : 22
police: x, 455, 464-468
politics: internal , 284-305; interna-
tional, 307-320
polygyny: 143, 147
population : vii , 1 , 9-10 , 71-79 ; den.
sity, 72-73 , 158 ; distribution , age
and sex, 75-77 ; distribu n , re
gional and urban -rural , 72-75 ;
growth rates, 77-78
ports. See seaports
Portugal: 40
postal system : 420
postwar era : 61-70
potash : 379
poultry: 369-370
press (see also news media, publish- sculpture (see also artistic and in
ing) : 324-331 ; news gathering, 330-
331 ; newspapers, 325-328; periodi-
cals , 329-330
price control in domestic trade: 408
410
prisons: 468-472; Prisons Proclama
tion of 1944 , 471
provinces: viii
public finance: 437-448
public information . See news media
public service: 287
publishing (see also news media):
321-322, 338-340
radio (see also news media, televi-
sion ): ix , 321 , 331-336 , 375
7 189 , 192 , 193–196 , 199 , 200, 202
railroads: ix, 10, 26-27 , 411-412
rainfall: vii, 9 , 14-16
rebellions: 472-477
reconstruction and development: 61-
70
540
Red Sea : vii, 13, 27 , 64
relationships: Amhara families, 141
142; Christian -Muslim , 248–249 ;
ethnic groups , 98-100 ; Gurage
families, 148-149 ; lord -church, 113
114 ; lord - peasant, 111-113 ; reli
gion -politics, 116-118 ; superior
subordinate, 259 , 260 , 262-263
religion : viii, 34 , 39, 81 , 229-255 ;
Ethiopian Orthodox Church, 231
246; foreign missions, 254-255 ;
Islam , 247-252 ; tribal religion , 252
254
Revised Constitution. See Constitu
tion
Rift Valley: 169 , 183, 359
rist: 103-104 , 105 , 106 , 361
ristegult: 104
rivers: See Awash , Baro , Blue Nile,
Gambela , Juba , Little Abay , Nile ,
Tekeze, Upper Nile
roads: ix , 10, 412-415
Roman Catholicism . See Catholicism
rural (see also urbanization ): settle
ment patterns, 28 , 73; urban dis
tribution , 72-75
Saho tribe: 94-95
salt: 22-23
sanitation: 168-169
scholarship (see also artistic and in
tellectual expression ): 227-228
schools. See education; Selassie ,
Haile University
tellectual expression ); 208, 218
219
seaports: ix , 26 , 27 , 416-418
sea routes : 35
seasons. See climate
Second Five Year Plan : 202, 203,
349, 351 , 354-355, 376 , 381 , 412
segregation (see also discrimination ) :
60
Selassie, Haile (see also Emperor ) :
1 , 3, 5 , 24 , 32 , 55-56 , 59 , 63, 67 , 70 ,
116 , 289 , 307 , 449 , 482, 483; Public
Health College and Training Cen
ter, 173; University, 30, 100, 172 ,
203 , 227 , 246, 330 , 339, 435 , 458 ,
474 , 475, 490
Semitic-speaking groups: 81-89
Semitism : 34
Senate ( see also Parliament ) : 297
settlement patterns: 28-30, 157 ; and Theodore : 32 ; II , 44-46
housing 163 Third Five Year Plan : 167 , 169, 185 ,
Shoa: 5 , 36 , 92 , 95 190, 191 , 192, 203, 348 , 351, 352-353,
Shoan : 64 357 , 359, 376, 383 , 384 , 385 , 387,
Sidamo Province: 22 , 29 391-392 , 393 , 413, 414 , 416 , 417 ,
Sidamo tribes: 29 , 37 , 89 , 93-94 418 , 419 , 420 , 421 , 427 , 486
Simen Mountains: 20 Tigre group: 29, 83 , 84 , 95 , 166
Sion , Amba : 37 Tigre Province: 22 , 34 , 62
size of country: vii Tigrinya language: 83, 86
slavery: 7, 54 , 56 , 63, 107 time: v - vi, 179-181
smuggling: 447 Timkat: 182
social security: 397 Tisisat Falls : 20
social values : 257-269 ; Amhara tithe: 442 , 443 , 445
Tigre, 257-266 ; Galla , 266-267 ; titles: 101-102 , 108-111
Gurage, 268,269; Somali , 267-268 tobacco: 381
social welfare. See welfare, social topography. See terrain
soils : 16-20 , 359 tourism: 420-421
Solomon : 33 trade fairs: 410
Somalia : 4 , 7 , 9 , 13, 24 , 60 , 89 , 92 tradition , military ( see also conserva
93, 120, 308, 313 , 319, 474 , 487 ; tion and change ) : 480-485
conflict, 65-67 ; family, 150-152; translation of words and names : vi
housing, 164-165; Plateau , 12 , 13, transportation : ix , 10, 26-28, 346 ,
18 , 21 , 28 , 29 ; religion , 253; social 354 , 411-418 ; and agriculture, 372;
structure, 124-126 ; social values , labor force, 388
267-268 Trans World Airlines: 415
Southern Tigre: 86-87 Treaty of Friendship: 55 , 58
Soviet Union : 318-319 ; 376 , 423, 435 , Treaty of Ucciale: 48 , 50
436 Tripartite Treaty: 51 , 52 , 58
sports: 182-183 tuberculosis: viii , 170-171; Tubercu
state organization : 37-38 losis Control Demonstration Cen
strikes in labor: 399-400 , 401-402 ter , 171
Sudan : 9 , 28, 67 , 316 ; River, 20 tukul: 163-165
Suez Canal : 427
Susenyos: 41 Uganda : 33
Sweden : 63 unemployment: 393-394
Unfair Practices Decree: 409
Taitu : 52 unions, labor: 385, 397-398 , 400-402
tariffs: 378 , 446-447 United Arab Republic. See Egypt
TASS : 331, 476 United Nations : ix , x; Children's
tattooing: 167 Fund, ( UNICEF ) , 161 , 170 ; Devel
taxes: amendment of law , 444-447 ; opment Program , 22 , 420 ; Eco
health , 173; industrial , 378 ; land , nomic Commission for Africa
439-444 ; problems, 439 ( UNECA ), x , 3 , 70 ; General As
technical education : 197-198 sembly , 64 , 65 ; Relief and Rehabil.
technology: 2; farming, 362-363 itation Administration (UNRRA ) ,
Tekeze River: 14 , 20 161
telegraph : 419, 420 United States: X , 63 , 64 , 196 , 366 ,
telex: ix , 418 , 419-420 416, 424 , 425 , 427 , 434, 435 , 479 ,
telephones : ix , 418 , 419 , 420 484 , 487 , 497 , 501 ; relations , 317
television (see also news media , 318
radio): ix , 321, 336-338 Upper Nile River: 20 , 33
terrain : vii, 1 , 9, 10, 12, 26; and pop urbanization : 28 , 71 ; and population
ulation , 72 distribution , 72-75 , 78-79
textiles: 381
theater ( see also artistic and intellec vegetation : 16-20
tual expression ): 225 venereal disease : 170

541
vocational: education, 197-198; train wirch: 14
ing, 385 Wollo Province: 91 , 92
Voice of America : 341 word -of-mouth news transmission
volcanoes: 12 (see also news media ): 340-341
World Bank . See International Bank
Wabi Shebele : 21
wages: 395-397
for Reconstruction and Develop
ment
war: 275; Italo-Ethiopian , 50 , 58-59;
of restoration , 1940-41 , 60-61 World Health Organization (WHO ):
water supplies: 169 167 , 170 , 173
waterways: ix , 10 World Neighbors: 179
welfare, social : government and
Yakob, Zara : 37
public, 177-178 ; private, 178–179 ; Yohannes: 46
traditional, 175-177
White Nile River: 24 Zagwe: 36
wildlife: 23-24 Zauditu : 32

542
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