The Constrained Position of Young Musicians in the

Yogyakarta Jazz Community

Oki Rahadianto Sutopo, Pam Nilan

Asian Music, Volume 49, Number 1, Winter/Spring 2018, pp. 34-57 (Article)

Published by University of Texas Press

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https://muse.jhu.edu/article/684149

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The Constrained Position of Young Musicians
in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community

Oki Rahadianto Sutopo and Pam Nilan

Abstract: This article gives a critical account of the development of the jazz scene in
­Yogyakarta, Indonesia, since the 1980s. It looks specifically at the question of why young
jazz musicians did not take the initiative in creating new kinds of jazz composition and
playing, unlike their age peers in other nonmainstream music genres. In other words,
why was there so little DIY (do it yourself) ethos in the Yogyakarta jazz scene? The inter-
pretation of relevant phenomena offered in this article uses Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of
practice. Data were generated through in-depth interviews and participant observation.
The transformation of Indonesian jazz both in national and local scope, the master-­
based pedagogic model, and economic pressures of the jazz musicians in every­day life
are the main reasons why there was little DIY ethos in the Yogyakarta jazz scene.

Artikel ini menganalisa secara kritis perkembangan ranah jazz di Yogyakarta, Indone-
sia sejak era ’80an hingga sekarang. Secara spesifik artikel ini mempertanyakan men-
gapa musisi-musisi jazz muda tidak berinisiasi untuk menciptakan komposisi dan cara
bermain jazz yang baru, berbeda dengan kolega sebaya mereka di genre spesifik yang
lain. Dengan kata lain, mengapa hanya sedikit etos DIY di ranah jazz Yogyakarta? In-
terpretasi terhadap fenomena ini menggunakan teori praktik dari Bourdieu sedangkan
data dikumpulkan melalui wawancara mendalam dan partisipasi observasi. Transfor-
masi jazz Indonesia pada tingkat nasional dan lokal, model pembelajaran berguru dan
tekanan ekonomi yang dihadapi oleh musisi-musisi jazz dalam kehidupan sehari-hari
menjadi alasan mengapa hanya sedikit etos DIY di ranah jazz Yogyakarta.

Introduction
In the Indonesian academic field,1 youth culture and music studies remain
in a peripheral position. This is partly the result of the hegemonic discourse
of development in knowledge production that prioritized economic and hu-
man capital studies under the New Order authoritarian regime (see Hadiz
and Dhakidae 2005). Yet even during that period, there were several studies
related to youth and music conducted by domestic and foreign scholars (see
Yampolsky 1989, 1995). However, in the subsequent era of reform a number
of significant studies of youth music genres and their sociocultural and polit-
ical context have been carried out by various scholars. They include studies
of rock (Mulyadi 1999), metal (Baulch 2003), campursari (Supanggah 2003),
© 2018 by the University of Texas Press
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 35

rap (Bodden 2005), underground (Wallach 2005, 2008), indie (Luvaas 2009;
Moore 2013), dangdut (Frederick 1982; Weintraub 2010, 2013), hard core
(Martin-Iverson 2011, 2012), and jazz (Nugroho 2003; Sutopo 2010; Harnish
and Wallach 2013). Jeremy Wallach and Esther Clinton (2013) offer a useful
historical overview of the field. Certainly the past 15 years have witnessed a
rapid expansion of the highly lucrative Indonesian pop industry, designed to
appeal to a mass-consumer market of young teens, as well as a craze for Ko-
rean pop.
Amid the commodification of pop, numerous nonmainstream music
genres have flourished in the post-reform era among Indonesian youth. Alter-
native music forms such as indie and underground operate as mechanisms of
distinction (Bourdieu 1984) from mainstream commercial music genres like
pop. Some Indonesian youth proclaim their membership in subversive mu-
sic subcultures, asserting their independence and autonomy (Martin-­Iverson
2011) from mainstream cultural production. This phenomenon is described
as “DIY” (do it yourself), a term borrowed from the punk tradition. Alter-
native and indie musicians express the DIY ethos not only in music perfor-
mance and recording but also in the production of accessories, including
clothes such as jeans and artworks, distributed through distro (alternative
merchandise shops). Some young male musicians dedicate themselves to a
subsistence collective lifestyle (Martin-Iverson 2012), sharing everything.
However, jazz2—another non-pop-music genre favored by young Indo-
nesian male musicians—has not shown much, if any, DIY ethos in the past
15 years. So “why not jazz ?” given that it emerged as a form of resistance from
African American communities in the United States. In this article the au-
thors examine how jazz has been understood and appropriated by young mu-
sicians in Indonesia from the late twentieth century to the present. We argue
that throughout the twentieth century and beyond, jazz retained its distinc-
tive status as a kind of middle-class signifier in the Indonesian music scene.
To theorize jazz development in Yogyakarta, Central Java, we make use of
Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of field,3 forms of capital,4 habitus,5 and doxa.6

Methodology
The data were collected by Oki Rahadianto Sutopo during fieldwork in
­Yogyakarta, Indonesia. In order to follow the dynamic of lives in the jazz com-
munity, the study applied qualitative methods, specifically using in-depth in-
terview and participant observation. Keeping confidentiality and anonymity
was part of the agreements with some informants. The interviews usually
lasted one to two hours and occasionally longer, depending on time available.
Both research methods were critical for a comprehensive ­understanding of
36  Asian Music: Winter/Spring 2018

the dialectic linkage between the historical transformation of jazz both at the
national and local levels as well as the ways young jazz musicians made sense
of their struggle as social actors in the music field. Additionally, participant
observation gave a space for the researcher to engage with the social-­cultural
setting of the jazz music scene in Yogyakarta.
The main sites of participant observation were jazz communities located
in the northern and southern districts of Yogyakarta and gig venues such as
cafés, hotels, and restaurants. Sutopo not only hung out with both younger
and older jazz musicians but often participated in the regular jam sessions.
Through personal relationships, he was able to gather “backstage” informa-
tion from the participants that included gossip, hidden conflicts between se-
nior and junior musicians, and information related to musicians’ personal
issues. Furthermore, during the fieldwork, he was able to position himself in
a relatively “neutral” and “objective” position; thus, participants within jazz
communities, whether dominant or dominated, were willing to share their
stories without inhibitions. Ontologically, balancing roles as an insider per-
former and an outsider scholar was a personal challenge.
The historical data were obtained through print documents and through
oral histories of older jazz musicians. This research positions itself in the em-
pirical tradition suggested by Andy Bennett, Mark Cieslik, and Steven Miles
(2003) rather than in the highly abstracted analysis of the Birmingham tra-
dition used in previous studies of youth culture (see Hodkinson 2005; ­Colosi
2010). The Yogyakarta jazz community can be categorized, according to Andy
Bennett’s scene types, as a local scene: “[a] focused social activity that takes
place in a delimited space and over a specific span of time in which clusters
of producers, musicians and fans realize their common musical taste, col-
lectively distinguishing themselves from others by using music and cultural
signs often appropriated from other places but recombined and developed in
ways that come to represent the local scene” (Bennett and Peterson 2004, 8).
Sutopo functioned as an insider in the Yogyakarta jazz scene during 2004–
12. Pam Nilan, however, acted as an outsider, carrying out analyses based on
the data gathered from fieldwork. These different epistemological positions
strengthened the study by providing a balance between insider and outsider
perspectives. The data were analyzed using a Bourdieusian theory of prac-
tice as a conceptual tool (Bourdieu 1977, 1990, 1993; Bourdieu and Wacquant
1992). Analysis of the interview data proceeded in several steps. First, the in-
terviews were transcribed and then translated from Indonesian and Javanese
into English.7 Second, the transcripts were subjected to rigorous analy-
sis to construct key themes; and third, the selected quotations were chosen,
grouped by key theme, and analyzed using the theoretical frameworks men-
tioned previously. Field notes gathered from participant observation were
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 37

also selected and grouped by key theme and analyzed. The intent of both pro-
cesses was to arrive at the meaning of cultural production among jazz musi-
cians in their everyday lives.
Yogyakarta was chosen because of its very active music scene, especially in
jazz. As a cosmopolitan city of universities, it supports various inclusive mu-
sic communities, provides a space to create a secondary habitus, and enables
young musicians to accumulate various forms of social, cultural, and sym-
bolic capital. Nationally Yogyakarta is an important “stepping-stone” city for
young jazz musicians to build their early music career, later moving on to Ja-
karta, Denpasar, or Ubud to realize a financially and symbolically successful
career (Sutopo 2016; Sutopo, Nilan, and Threadgold 2017). The data show that
most young jazz musicians were from middle- and middle-low-class back-
grounds and in their early 20s. Young jazz musicians usually are university
students, hanging out in jazz communities after class and gigging in cafés,
restaurants, or hotels at night. Senior musicians are often music lecturers at
local art institutes, initiators or leaders of jazz communities, and usually 30–
60 years in age. Most of them have been active in the jazz field for approxi-
mately 20 years or more and have maintained their traditional jazz style by
focusing on repertoire from the Real Book.8 They are highly respected not
only in the jazz community but also by musicians from other nonmainstream
communities such as indie, reggae, and metal. As this study shows, they com-
mand a wide influence in the overall music scene in Yogyakarta.

Jazz in Twentieth-Century Indonesia

A general history of jazz can focus on the powerful personalities who were
behind its creation (Shipton 2007). From the beginning there has been a
struggle between the traditional and the modern in jazz, with a pull between
enshrinement of classic standards and radical innovation. Various jazz styles
in America, such as swing, bebop, cool, fusion, and free jazz, have their own
emergent narratives, often arising from different contexts (Cooke and Horn
2002). However, such historical narratives lose their relevance for jazz intro-
duced and localized in twentieth-century Indonesia. In other words, as the
locus of jazz changes, so do its content, style, and constituency (Lopes 2000).
As this last point suggests, the phenomenon of jazz can be productively stud-
ied using Bourdieu’s analytical model for the investigation of cultural pro-
duction (ibid., 167).
Jazz entered the country now known as Indonesia during its colonial era.
By the early years of the twentieth century, a few jazz bands were performing
regularly in Batavia (present-day Jakarta), the colonial capital of the Dutch
East Indies (Adriaan 2007). Although the origins of jazz are often located in
38  Asian Music: Winter/Spring 2018

the poor black settlements of New Orleans (Lopes 2000), by the time it ar-
rived in the Dutch East Indies, jazz was synonymous with elite European
musical tastes rather than a constituency of the poor (Sutopo 2010). Jazz per-
formance during the Dutch colonial period conformed to a strict formula,
meeting standardized expectations of the genre. According to Adrian ­Vickers
(2013), “Indonesian” society at that time was divided hierarchically based on
ethnic groups. The Dutch colonials made up the first stratum; Chinese and
Middle Eastern traders and entrepreneurs occupied the second stratum; and
the indigenous people of the archipelago composed the third stratum. The
Dutch legally strengthened the hierarchical character of colonial society by
establishing different sets of laws for each stratum (Samuel and Sutopo 2013).
As an avant-garde Western musical genre of that time, jazz distinguished the
musical tastes of the privileged class—the Dutch and minor local elites—
from that of the pribumi or common people.
In addition to social class Andrew McGraw (2012, 276) further argues
that the historic emergence of jazz in Indonesia is characterized by a cultural
and racial mixture of its practitioners. Citing Allard Moller (1987), McGraw
claims that multiracial Batavia was the gravitational center of jazz for the In-
donesian archipelago. Jazz in Batavia was not only developed by local multi-
racial musicians (Indos) but was also influenced by foreign musicians from
the Philippines (see Atkins 2001). As a counter-narrative, Peter Keppy (2013),
citing Miss Riboet, a pioneering artist during the 1920s jazz age in Southeast
Asia, argues that the cosmopolitan character of jazz emerged in the harbor
city of Surabaya in East Java. The historical narratives of jazz in the colonial
era are still subject to contestation and reinterpretation.
It is certainly the case that American jazz recordings were imported for
the urban elite and distributed through record shops and radio broadcast-
ers in Batavia. As for live performance, Heru Nugroho (2003), Josias Adriaan
(2007), and Sutopo (2010) all report that jazz in the colonial era was played in
elite venues: hotels, societet (society) buildings,9 and military clubs. It was also
disseminated via radios and gramophones, to which only the prosperous first
and second strata had access. Thus, jazz in Indonesia emerged as a prestigious
cultural import of Dutch colonialism. In Bourdieu’s terms it signified “bour-
geois high art” (1998, 7), to be distinguished from the common culture of the
lower classes.
The elevated sociocultural position of jazz persisted after Indonesia gained
independence in 1945 and continued during the Sukarno regime until 1965.
Following the bloody coup in 1965 that saw the military take power under
President Suharto, the nation opened to global investment and became more
outwardly oriented. Jazz flourished, and there were some signs of innova-
tion, in keeping with the movement toward “free jazz” in the United States
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 39

at the time (Lopes 2000, 180). In 1967 the Indonesian Jazz All-Stars band in-
troduced Indonesian jazz to the world with a European tour, playing at small
jazz clubs in the Netherlands, Switzerland, and West Germany. According to
Andrew Hurley (2006) this tour represented the legitimization of Indonesian
jazz. The band adapted Indonesian folk songs, made use of the siter/kacapi
(zither), and improvised using Indonesian indigenous scales. As a result of
this European tour, the band produced an album titled Djanger Bali (Balinese
dance), highlighting the exotic. If this Indonesian band had played straight-
ahead jazz, they would have been no different from other jazz bands in Eu-
rope (ibid.). At home, songs played by the Indonesian Jazz All-Stars became
the new jazz canon for Indonesia, a development that would limit avenues for
innovation in the field.
During the early 1970s jazz in Indonesia continued to appeal mainly to the
elite, heard primarily in hotels and restaurants. However, in the late 1970s jazz
activity expanded into universities (Mulyadi 1999; Nugroho 2003) and an-
nual public jazz festivals. The market for jazz also increased through jazz ses-
sions broadcast on national television (Televisi Republik Indonesia, or TVRI).
New jazz audiences included educated young people, academics, and bureau-
crats who made up a rising new middle class in Indonesia. However, jazz was
still a manifestation of modernity and high culture (budaya tinggi), in con-
trast to music genres that were lower class (kampungan), such as ­dangdut
(Wallach 2008; Baulch 2011).10 Jazz performance remained standardized. It
should be noted that the jazz scene in Indonesia, as jazz in general, is predom-
inantly male (Peretti 1994), with some female participation as vocalists.
In the 1980s jazz fusion became the order of the day in Indonesia, a genre
that emerged in the West during the 1970s. Given the popularity of Jimi
­Hendrix and James Brown (Vincent 1996; Wayte 2007), jazz musicians in
the West incorporated emergent rock and funk genres while maintaining el-
ements of traditional jazz styles (Gioia 2011). Accordingly jazz fusion in Indo-
nesia referred to a synthesis of jazz and rock, funk, and pop. However, some
performers made fusions with indigenous and traditional music, for example,
from Sunda and Central Java (see Nugroho 2003; Harnish and Wallach 2013).
Groups like Krakatau, Karimata, Bhaskara, and Emerald were jazz-fusion pi-
oneers; they dominated Indonesian jazz festivals in the 1980s and 1990s.11
This period witnessed conflicts between cultural producers. They debated
whether easy-listening jazz could be considered original/pure jazz, pointing
to a dichotomy between standard and easy-listening jazz. There was also in-
tense debate about the status of jazz as a musical form—whether it applied
the autonomous principle or the heteronomous principle (Bourdieu 1993, 40).
Part of this debate rested on the difference between restricted and large-scale
production (ibid., 15). For example, jazz as a form of autonomous art was
40  Asian Music: Winter/Spring 2018

r­ epresented in Howard Becker’s (1963) study of jazz musicians who resisted

commercializing their music or “selling out.” In an interview, Beben, one of
the senior jazz community leaders and a jazz lecturer, noted the dichotomy:
We can divide them [the Indonesian jazz scene] into two: first, music as a com-
mercial form; and second, music as a form of art. So if the main goal is commer-
cial, everything was made to sell the products no matter if it was made with good
quality of knowledge or whatever; the main goal is to sell the product. In the sec-
ond case, the musicians produce their works, and the most important thing is its
artistic aspect. (Beben, pers. comm., January 10, 2014)

After the Reformasi, the reform era, of 1998, there was a massive shift in
many aspects of life in Indonesia. The transition from the old authoritar-
ian regime into a relatively more democratic regime included the rapid in-
filtration of the Internet and new media (see Lim 2003). With the increase
in global capital investment came global pop culture, which brought a new
and fluid dynamic to jazz. As a cultural product jazz reached a height of pop-
ularity in the post-1998 period. On June 12, 2009, the national newspaper,
­Kompas, proclaimed, “The jazz virus is everywhere!” The number of jazz fes-
tivals grew rapidly, and easy-listening jazz-fusion records were produced by
both regional and national music companies. More Indonesian jazz bands
were invited to jazz festivals abroad. Despite its broadened appeal in Indone-
sia, jazz did not entirely lose its elite status in the new millennium. Thus, the
old class-based discourse of jazz did not completely disappear.

Jazz in Yogyakarta
Bourdieu (1984) considers music to be one of the fields in which class distinc-
tion is expressed in taste preferences. As a cultural form or practice, musi-
cal performance is always embedded in a broader field of cultural production
that can be described and analyzed (Bourdieu 1993). Furthermore, Paul
Lopes maintains that the field itself is objectively structured by the specific
positions that actors (musicians) can occupy (2000, 166). Its early colonial
and postindependence history corresponds to the national history already
discussed. However, by the 1980s some young musicians in Yogyakarta had
begun to play jazz fusion despite the city’s distance from Jakarta, the national
capital, which was the major conduit for Western musical influences (before
the Internet). At the time, only one music shop in Yogyakarta sold cassettes
of American jazz-fusion recordings. Collections of tracks assembled by lo-
cal jazz enthusiasts provided other sources of musical models for young jazz
musicians. These activities are evidence of modest DIY approaches in creat-
ing new songs and arrangements: “At that time, we were using audiotape and
cassettes to search for the chords of the songs. Usually we had two audiotapes,
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 41

one for playing music and the other one as a fake bass amplifier; we even
had to rewind the cassettes using a screwdriver” (Heri, pers. comm., May 11,
2010). Even though jazz fusion was booming in 1980s Indonesia at the na-
tional level, few new jazz bands appeared in Yogyakarta, suggesting a pub-
lic with limited taste for innovation. The few jazz musicians with gigs played
standard jazz. They were mainly academics, senior musicians teaching in mu-
sic schools. As explained by Mundiarso (pers. comm., April 12, 2010), even up
until the early 1990s, jazz was still played primarily to elite audiences at uni-
versities and at luxury hotels. BJ, a senior jazz drummer, corroborates this ob-
servation: “It was not a profitable product to sell. At that time, Top 40 was the
main choice of audiences in Yogyakarta” (BJ, pers. comm., May 25, 2010).
Sweeteners was one pioneering jazz-fusion band in Yogyakarta. It pros-
pered because it was the house band of the Santika Hotel and received gener-
ous support from the owner. D’mood, the only other prominent jazz band at
the time, played primarily standard jazz. These two jazz bands reflected the
dichotomy between those who wanted to play jazz fusion and those who in-
sisted on the purity of standard jazz. Of the two, by the late 1990s jazz fusion
had much more thoroughly dominated the Yogyakarta jazz scene. In addition
to live performance, it was supported by the private radio station Geronimo,
which aired a regular jazz program. A news bulletin (wartajazz) was created
by four young jazz fans and later became the e-news site known as wartajazz.
com; it is now one of the principal sources of jazz news in Indonesia. In addi-
tion, jazz fusion was financially supported by a national cigarette company.
With the popularity and proliferation of jazz fusion in Indonesia, a com-
modification process quickly took hold. Using the sociological research of
George Ritzer (1998), Nugroho (2003) has labeled this commodification the
“­McDonaldization” of jazz. Whereas jazz fusion had been innovative at first,
the pieces performed by the band Sweeteners quickly became the canon of the
expected and accepted—a more contemporary doxa paralleling the canoniza-
tion of repertoire recorded by the Indonesian Jazz All-Stars in 1967. The com-
modification of jazz fusion in Indonesia moved it ever further toward the pop
market directed at a mass teen audience.
Subsequently, a backlash against jazz fusion began in the late 1990s as it be-
came ever harder to distinguish commodified jazz fusion from mainstream
pop and rock. However, this reaction still did not prompt any innovative DIY
impulse among young jazz musicians in Yogyakarta as evident among their
peers in other noncommercial music scenes such as indie. Instead, there was
a return to the performance of classic jazz numbers from the Real Book at
the Yogyakarta Jazz Club and by some jazz bands. Consequently, approx-
imately the first five years of the new millennium were dominated by aca-
demic musicians who constructed their playing to sound as much as possible
42  Asian Music: Winter/Spring 2018

like straight-ahead American jazz. Little originality and a great deal of con-
formity in jazz performance characterize this period. Thus, a new jazz doxa
again prevailed (Bourdieu 1977), and so-called pure American jazz—with lit-
tle innovation12—remained authoritative until 2007, when the jazz-hybrid
genre became popular. During that period of conservative jazz there was lit-
tle for aspiring young musicians to do except imitate their elders and rehearse
the doxa in performance. Theoretically, doxa affects the nature of aesthetic
endeavor: the fewer inconsistencies—new things—encountered by the prac-
titioner, the more effective is the production of doxic experiences that drive
convention and conformity.
For example, when standard jazz became doxa in the Yogyakarta jazz scene,
one of the jazz pianists in the community received much respect from fellow
musicians for his ability to imitate the style of Chick Corea, who played on the
Miles Davis album Bitches Brew: “Gomez as one of leading pianists in the jazz
community has a unique style of improvisation; he can play like Chick Corea!
That is why he always gets a gig with lots of standard jazz bands” (Riza, pers.
comm., September 12, 2009). The same was true for bass players who strug-
gled to gain a better position in the field:

Some bass players in the jazz community identify their style of playing bass with
well-known bass players such as Marcus Miller, John Patitucci, Victor Wooten,
Ron Carter, or Jaco Pastorius. Further, it is not just the style of playing. They use
the same accessories and same instrument as their idols. For example, one of the
bass players uses Marcus Miller’s Fender Bass Signature and even wears the same
hat. (Field notes by Sutopo 2010)

Thus, a doxa helped build the reputations of local bass players, who repro-
duced playing styles and personae of Jaco Pastorius for fretless bass, Marcus
Miller and Victor Wooten for slap techniques, John Patitucci for 6-stringed
bass, and Ron Carter for acoustic double bass. Inevitably in the early part of
the first decade of the new millennium there was growing resistance to the
conformity of standard jazz in Yogyakarta. In other countries jazz-hybrid
subgenres had been around for two decades (see Atkins 2001; Jones 2001),
such as the various incarnations of Indo-jazz during the 1960s and into the
1970s in India and the United States (Farrell 1988).13
Similarly, in a creative trajectory away from Real Book conformity, some es-
tablished jazz musicians in Yogyakarta started to combine musical elements
from local Javanese genres to create local jazz-hybrid forms. They made a case
for contextualization within the sociocultural context of Yogyakarta, espe-
cially its roots in a rural agrarian heritage. In other words, they thought jazz
should be closer to the people and connect with indigenous cultural forms.
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 43

This new counter-discourse to Real Book conformity was supported by the ju-
nior segment of the jazz community that had been marginalized by the dom-
inance of senior musicians playing standard jazz. The new spirit of Javanese
jazz hybrid was manifested in jam sessions held at the side of the road (jazz
sobo ndalan), in neighborhood restaurants, in Bentara Budaya, and in rep-
ertoire that did not come from the Real Book.14 Instead, these young jazz-
ers freely interpreted a local context in their playing. For example, in terms of
music style, they incorporated shifting patterns of hybridization between jazz
and local musical forms from Java and other parts of the Indonesian archi-
pelago. As one example, Sutopo witnessed how local jazz musicians collabo-
rated with Sujud Kendang, a legendary busker of traditional Javanese tunes.
On another occasion, he witnessed collaboration between local jazz musi-
cians and Djaduk and Purwanto, leaders of Kua Etnika, an internationally
recognized contemporary world music group from Yogyakarta. From a Bour-
dieusian perspective, this phenomenon of mixing reflects a “rule of the game”
in the music field, which is characterized by particular struggles for symbolic
profit and/or economic profit (Lopes 2000, 166). In other words, the desire to
achieve cultural status or material gain drives mixing practices in the field.
However, it is important to point out that it was not young musicians fol-
lowing a DIY ethos who led the change to jazz hybrid. Rather, the conserva-
tive senior academic influence of the Real Book was swept away by charismatic
Indonesian world music and jazz-fusion artists who used their authority as
senior musicians to effect change. They urged and inspired younger musi-
cians to try their own hand at hybridizing standard jazz with popular local
music genres such as Middle Eastern–influenced dangdut, kroncong, and the
Javanese innovation of campursari.15 Theoretically, that process of change re-
flects a conservation strategy in the field of struggle, on both sides. Contest-
ing for authority, agents who are in dominant positions or who were, in terms
of age, termed paternalistically as “seniors” (Swartz 1997, 125) battled for in-
fluence over the younger generation. One renegade senior musician, Djaduk,
articulates this ideological position:16 “Jazz has to be open and engaged with
the wider public; jazz has to be supported by its society. This is the virus that I
spread to the jazz community” (Djaduk, pers. comm., April 12, 2010). This de-
velopment might be viewed as a heterodoxa, a plenitude of new forms evolv-
ing against the previous doxa of standard Yogyakarta jazz. Certainly these
new figures of authority in the jazz scene revitalized the annual ­Yogyakarta
jazz festival from Jazz Gayeng into Ngayogjazz. The new jazz-hybrid genre
proved to be very popular with young music fans. Yet at the same time the
push for artistic innovation did not come from young musicians with new
ideas in the Yogyakarta jazz scene. Instead, they keenly reproduced the new
44  Asian Music: Winter/Spring 2018

Yogyakarta jazz-hybrid sound founded by established, older jazz musicians.

The patrimonial tradition in the Indonesian archipelago is central to under-
standing this interpellation in relation to gender.

The Patrimonial Tradition

In most of the cultures of the Indonesian archipelago, patrimonial senior-­
junior relations exist between males (Peletz 2009). Traditionally, respect for
the authority of an aristocratic senior man depended on culturally exalted sta-
tus markers by which the worth of a man could be evaluated. Even today the
vestiges of such patrimonial traditions remain in the honor and respect ac-
corded to Indonesian males highest in the hierarchy of seniority and patronage
for a given field. The Indonesian male hierarchy within traditional perform-
ing arts is characterized by junior men deferring to senior men (Spiller 2010).
This is not just a simple hierarchy based on chronological age but a patrimo-
nial one characterized by cross-cutting discourses of cultural status. In this
field, senior men demonstrate their possession of the masculine “symbolic
capital” (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992, 119) most valued in their local mi-
lieu, manifested as honor, prestige, and recognition. This symbolic capital has
an impact on “the transfiguration of relation of domination and submission
into affective relations, the transformation of power into charisma or into the
charm suited to evoke affective enchantment” (Bourdieu 1998, 102). As men
grow up, they seek to become what they admire in other men (­Horrocks 1995).
Among Indonesian men this inheres in traditional systems of male patronage
and deference. In the esoteric and performing arts, the transmission of knowl-
edge and skill takes place when junior aspirants imitate their elders who are
experts in the field (see Spiller 2010). For example, in the martial art pencak
­silat, “the figure of the teacher, or guru, is fundamental to the dissemination
[of knowledge], the acquisition of which commonly involves apprenticeship to
a guru” (Wilson 2011, 302). It is noteworthy that Lee Wilson’s earlier (2009) at-
tempt to explain the corporeal learning of pencak silat makes a direct ­analogy
with learning to play jazz piano (Sudnow 2001). Wilson points out that both
pencak silat and playing jazz depend on the highly controlled capacity to gen-
erate improvisations, control that can be gained only through arduous rote
learning and repetition, followed by graduated upward progression of status
in group practice/performance. In other words, it takes a lot of time and prac-
tice to gain a feel for the game and to be recognized by senior performers.
This offers one part of the explanation concerning why the push for artis-
tic innovation did not come from young musicians in the Yogyakarta jazz
scene. They did not exercise the autonomy of the DIY ethos manifested by
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 45

their age peers in other forms of nonmainstream music, suggesting that jazz
is not like those other forms of music. First, jazz entered the colonial Dutch
East Indies and became a kind of established canon in the early years of the
twentieth century, unlike rock, reggae, metal, underground, rap, indie, and
so on, which did not enter an independent Indonesia until the late twenti-
eth century. Second, jazz is often counted as a kind of classical music genre
precisely because of the formalism and extensive practice required for jazz
competence. In that sense it is far removed from the rough garage-band mu-
sicianship of rock or the DIY ethos of rap or indie (see Dale 2008). Finally, the
tradition of learning to play jazz in Indonesia to some extent follows the typ-
ical pedagogic model of other elite performing arts, constituting a form of
patrimonialism at the micro-level.17 It is not surprising then that it was se-
nior Yogyakarta jazz artists who began to produce hybrid Javanese jazz. It is
equally unsurprising that only then were younger musicians emboldened to
attempt hybridizing international jazz with local music genres.
The authoritative role of older jazz musicians and other strategic senior ac-
tors in the scene was further reflected in the process of making the first al-
bum compilation by the Yogyakarta jazz community in 2009. It was to be
sold at the annual jazz festival Ngayogjazz. In a very different way from indie
or punk album production realized by a DIY ethos, the compilation and re-
cording were conducted professionally by senior musicians using a modern
recording studio with which they were associated. The album cover was de-
signed by a well-known T-shirt company in Yogyakarta: “We facilitated the
compilation of tracks by the jazz community; everyone has their own role. Me
and Djaduk were the producers, Dani [a senior musician] was the music di-
rector; Dagadu [the T-shirt company] did the graphic design. The album was
sold at ­Ngayogjazz. Wartajazz will promote the album too” (Wartono, pers.
comm., April 12, 2010). The fast and professional production of the album was
a source of admiration for one of the young musicians: “The process itself was
instant; we made it in just two weeks! We recorded the song in Padepokan
studio. There was the music director who guided the recording process, and
sometimes the producer came to check” (Yoga, pers. comm., April 15, 2010).
In other words, senior jazz musicians made use of their accrued economic,
cultural, and social capital (Bourdieu 1986) by achieving a high status posi-
tion in the field. They had established connections to managers and entrepre-
neurs in the Yogyakarta recording industry that enabled quick and efficient
recording and distribution of this first jazz-hybrid compilation. Thus, a link-
age with patrimonial cultures facilitates the normalization of doxa, a domi-
nant perspective that presents and claims itself as a universal point of view
(Bourdieu 1998, 57).
46  Asian Music: Winter/Spring 2018

The Current Era

In the current era, jazz in Yogyakarta has been commodified by those same
managers, entrepreneurs, and senior players in the direction of easy listening
and pop, even while retaining the distinctive Yogyakarta jazz sound estab-
lished through earlier hybridization.18 For example, there is a regular jam ses-
sion called Jazz Mben Senen (Monday jazz) held at the gallery space Bentara
Budaya owned by Kompas, a national media group. The original intent of this
regular jam session was not to create a new sound but rather to expand the
market for jazz in Yogyakarta. The senior jazz musician who directs this jam
session thinks of it as a strategy to expand audiences and increase the market
for recordings and related products. He explains: “You have to accept musi-
cians from every genre, to build relationships with other music communities,
and use the social media to expand your network to Jakarta; this is part of the
strategy to expand your market” (Djaduk, pers. comm., April 12, 2010). In
other words, the jam sessions ostensibly welcome musicians from other music
genres to get onstage and play along. However, senior jazz musicians control
the programming of the jam, effectively privileging what has become a stan-
dardized Yogyakarta jazz-hybrid sound.
The most common practice at Jazz Mben Senen is to use a melody from a
pop song that is popular on Indonesian television at the time. Senior jazz mu-
sicians arrange the melody into a form of jazz-pop, put some traditional Java-
nese flavor into the composition, and overlay it with jazz riffs. They use this
strategy to popularize jazz among Yogyakarta youth. One jazz musician de-
clared, “The most important thing is there are lots of audiences who come!”
(Sutopo 2012, 78). This tactic deliberately challenges the generally held per-
ception of jazz as an elitist, nonmainstream genre. One exemplar of the hy-
bridization of jazz, pop, and Javanese music was the compilation album Jazz
Sesarengan (Jazz united) released at the 2011 Ngayogjazz festival. The album
presented arrangements of Javanese songs, including “Menthok-menthok”
(Ducks), “Lesung jumengglung” (The sound of mortar), “Yen ing tawang ono
lintang” (Stars in the sky), “Cublak-cublak suweng” (Put in the earrings), and
“Gambang suling” (The sound of the bamboo flute).19

Jazz Economies
While the Jazz Mben Senen jam sessions represent an opening up of the
­Yogyakarta jazz scene to some extent, they are far from signaling any kind
of DIY music-making opportunity. Rather, they can be regarded as carrying
on the earlier tradition of jazz patronage in Indonesia. Since the early years,
Indonesian jazz has always depended on businessmen, academics, senior
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 47

­musicians, and (later) media production companies for financial support and
performance space.
There are many examples of this support. The Monday jam session at
­Bentara Budaya gallery depends primarily on the patronage of the gallery
owner-manager. In early 2000 the jazz community gained support from the
elite restaurant Gadjah Wong, which became a home base. In another in-
stance, a former businessman from a national oil company provided free stu-
dio space and a boarding house for young jazz musicians. Corporate sponsors
are always needed to stage the annual jazz festival in Yogyakarta. The depen-
dency on the business world has an inevitable impact on the commodification
of jazz in Yogyakarta. For instance, according to a jazz vocalist the owner of
an elite restaurant where she worked chose the repertoire of jazz bands that
regularly performed there (Asti, pers. comm., May 12, 2010). Presumably the
owner wanted to preserve the image of the restaurant as an exclusive and elite
place. Government can also be a patron. For the Ngayogjazz festival 2009 held
in in Bantul, South Yogyakarta, the local government (Pemkab) in B ­ antul de-
termined the venue—Gabusan market (Djaduk, pers. comm., April 12, 2010).
In return the festival promoted a creative economic project developed by
the former regent of Bantul. Shaping the jazz scene in Yogyakarta involves a
number of corporate stakeholders and (often) gatekeepers.
This is an important way in which the Indonesian jazz scene differs from
the strong DIY ethos of hard core, for example (see Martin-Iverson 2012).
Young jazz musicians are unlikely to be supported mutually by their equally
struggling brother performers, as is often the case for alternative music-
making communities (see Baulch 2007; Martin-Iverson 2012; Luvaas 2013).
Rather, young jazz musicians attempt to get paying gigs. One of their main
strategies to be offered gigs is to connect with the dominant jazz community
in Yogyakarta and exhibit their musical skills in jam sessions. As explained
by a young jazz drummer with a local reputation,20 “Luckily, I built a close
connection with one of the bass players who already had a good reputation
in the jazz community. So every time he has a gig, he asks me to play with
him. This helps me earn more money. Besides that, his good reputation in the
community indirectly benefits my reputation as a drummer too” (Soni, pers.
comm., September 12, 2009).
Based on the “rules of the game” in the Yogyakarta jazz community, if a
young jazz musician is considered ready to do a jam session, it means that
he has passed the first step toward legitimation and recognition by the lo-
cal music community. However, taking part in a jam session does not mean
that a young musician will get a gig. There are many layers of legitimation he
must negotiate. Getting a gig, especially a paid one, depends on strategically
48  Asian Music: Winter/Spring 2018

a­ ccumulating social and cultural capital. Young musicians have to apprentice

with senior jazz musicians, as explained by Victor:

Jam sessions are like an apprenticeship. The first time I played jazz, I was very
nervous. I had not memorized the song at that time, and Dhani [a senior musi-
cian] guided me. It was a similar situation when I first got a gig. Because I was
a newcomer at that time, I helped carry the music instruments. It’s not a prob-
lem if I did not get a chance to jam, but I still helped to bring the music instru-
ments. From there, I got my first chance to jam, and I usually played in the first
session because I was shy and usually musicians who play in the second session
are the masters. I did not have the courage. As newcomers we usually compete
among each other to play in the first jam session so people will probably not see
us and we can finish jamming as soon as possible. (Victor, pers. comm., Novem-
ber 14, 2013)

Furthermore, Affan, a jazz percussionist, confirmed the benefit of doing jam

sessions for the jazz community: “Jam sessions are useful to develop the men-
tal state of the musicians, the mental state for playing in front of audiences,
and also for increasing your musical experience” (Affan, pers. comm., Feb-
ruary 10, 2014). As these comments demonstrate, young jazz musicians must
struggle to prove themselves by performances of acknowledged proficiency.
In Bourdieusian terms, a young jazz musician has to be a good player, who is
the “game” incarnate; at every moment he does what the game requires. That
presupposes a permanent capacity for invention, indispensable if one able
to adapt to situations in the field that are indefinitely varied and never com-
pletely identical (Bourdieu 1990, 63).
There is a financial aspect as well. Young musicians are trying to support
themselves and their families through gigs, as explained by one young mu-
sician with a relatively low economic status: “I usually use money that I get
from gigs to support myself in everyday life. I also support my parents to pay
for my younger sister’s education. She is in the second grade of senior high
school now” (Angga, pers. comm., October 20, 2013). This strategy depends
on gaining the favor of senior musicians who have already established signifi-
cant status. In other words, they try to reach a better position in the jazz field
by accumulating various kinds of capital: social, cultural, and economic. This
confirms the dominant-dominated logic of the jazz field, which can be de-
fined as the “position in the structure of simultaneously economic and sym-
bolic power relations which defines the field of production, i.e. in the structure
of the distribution of the specific capital . . . , governs the characteristics and
strategies of the agents . . . , through the intermediary of a practical or con-
scious evaluation of the objective chances of profit” (Bourdieu 1993, 83).
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 49

Conclusion
This article presents a critical account of the development of the jazz scene in
Yogyakarta since the 1980s. We have advanced several arguments to explain
why young Yogyakarta jazz musicians beginning in the late twentieth cen-
tury did not take the initiative in creating new jazz compositions and play-
ing styles, unlike their contemporaries in other nonmainstream music genres
such as indie, alternative, and hard core. First, jazz had a different and much
longer history in the Indonesian archipelago than the other music genres. It
began life as an elite form of music and has long struggled to find wide ac-
ceptance among the nonelite audience for nonmainstream music. Second,
learning to play jazz is far from a DIY endeavor. The most common pedagogic
model is learning from the master, which has a basis in Asian traditional
pedagogy. While this is a kind of technical apprenticeship, the senior-junior
configuration dovetails with the patrimonial tradition of deference to one’s
superior. Given these circumstances, young jazz musicians were less able to
question or challenge the doxa established by senior musicians because they
were dependent on their seniors for securing paid gigs, their main means
of economic survival. Finally, the senior musicians themselves depended
for their economic prosperity on their social capital: their potentially lucra-
tive connections to powerful patrons, music managers, and recording studio
owners. They were especially disinclined to take risks in the direction of rad-
ical innovation and probably equally inclined to enforce the younger genera-
tion’s adherence to the canon, that is, a standardized style that would attract
the right sponsorship and, ultimately, a “cashed-up” audience.
We have seen that the history of jazz in Indonesia consists of cycles of brief
innovation followed by standardization and commodification in each of
the last four decades of the twentieth century. Thus, musicians who had ex-
celled in playing standard jazz during the 1990s used that high-status cul-
tural capital to gain entry into the most prestigious jazz circuits in Jakarta.
From that position they gained power and prestige in the music cultural in-
dustry, which earlier had favored a conservative genre of jazz and now fa-
vors an easy-­listening/pop transformation. Thus, young musicians entering
the ­Yogyakarta jazz scene during the four decades discussed had to accrue
musical cultural capital by accommodating to a local jazz music community
in which a doxa of carefully controlled performance genres prevailed. More-
over, they needed to secure the patronage of senior jazz musicians to gain eco-
nomic capital and enable their daily lives. As creative neophytes they had less
capacity to attract an appreciative audience for innovative jazz than the senior
established jazz performers who were playing instantly recognizable forms.
50  Asian Music: Winter/Spring 2018

Our major proposition is that in each new decade, shifts in the Yogyakarta
jazz scene were primarily driven by external pressures and significant actors,
both musical and entrepreneurial. Such factors allowed little room for free
improvisation and innovation because continued support depended on the
doxa. Moreover, while senior jazz musicians often enjoyed an academic po-
sition and were assured of regular gigs, young jazz musicians had to strug-
gle to survive and therefore were disinclined to take risks. As actors in the
field, their relatively poor socioeconomic status meant that they were primar-
ily concerned with economic survival rather than new creative directions.21
The generative disposition of their habitus was to imitate their elders as best
they could. They were never in a strong position to challenge the jazz doxa of
the time.

Gadjah Mada University and University of Newcastle, Australia

Notes
Sutopo thanks all jazz musicians in Yogyakarta, Jakarta, and Bali who participated
in this research. Both authors are grateful to three anonymous reviewers and the ed-
itor of Asian Music, Ricardo Trimillos, for their constructive feedback on the draft of
this article.
1 ​This statement refers to both domestic and international scholars who produce
knowledge about Indonesia.
2 ​Jazz here refers specifically to standard jazz and jazz fusion.
3 ​According to Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992, 16), a field consist of a set of ob-
jective, historical relations between positions anchored in certain forms of power (or
capital).
4 ​Bourdieu defines capital as “[a]ccumulated labour (in its materialised form or its
‘incorporated,’ embodied form) which, when appropriated on a private, i.e., exclu-
sive basis by agents or groups of agents, enables them to appropriate social energy in
the form of reified or living labour” (1986, 241). In any field of struggle, three forms
of capital are relevant: economic, cultural, and social (ibid., 16). Economic capital is
usually money, while cultural capital can be converted into wealth under certain con-
ditions. Cultural capital is knowledge and practical capacity, that which is learned.
Social capital is the sum of connections and mutually advantageous links with other
people. It may also translate into economic capital over time. All three forms of cap-
ital are identified with the locus of struggle in the field of jazz in Yogyakarta. Up-
and-coming musicians, as social actors, operationalize their aesthetic and everyday
survival strategies in relation to these forms of capital.
5 ​Habitus is “the set of generative dispositions through which a set of people
typically deal with the world around them according to their cultural social and
economic milieu; mediating the actions of individuals in relation to the external con-
ditions of their production” (Bourdieu 1990, 53). The habitus “organizes practices and
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 51

the ­perception of practices” through the process of distinction. Thus, “social identity
is defined and asserted through difference” (Bourdieu 1984, 172). For musicians, dif-
ferent subgenres are distinctive and offer differential access to forms of symbolic cap-
ital (Lopes 2000).
6 ​Within a Bourdieusian framework, doxa is “reality which is beyond question and
with which each agent tacitly accords by the mere fact of acting in accord with social
convention” (Bourdieu 1977, 169). Doxa can also be thought of as “an adherence to re-
lations of order which, because they structure inseparably both the real world and the
thought world, are accepted as self-evident” (Bourdieu 1984, 471). So a doxa in a spe-
cific subfield such as a musical genre functions as a set of commonly accepted ideas
that forms the basis for everyday practice and conduct in that field.
7 ​They were translated particularly from Javanese Ngoko (Jowo Ngoko).
8 ​The Real Book is a book compilation of standard jazz transcribed and collated by
students at the Berklee College of Music in the 1970s.
9 ​The societet building was a meeting place for the Dutch and indigenous elite of
Yogyakarta. It was also a place to facilitate elite leisure activities, especially partying
and dancing (see Susanto 2005).
10 ​Dangdut is music for dancing that represents a synthesis of local, Middle Eastern,
Indian, and Western musical traditions. It emerged in Jakarta in the late 1960s from
musicians who appropriated the Orkes Melayu (Malay orchestra) sound of northern
and western Sumatra and synthesized its other popular music traditions. The name
dangdut is onomatopoeic for the rhythmic sound of the Indian tabla: dang-dut (with
the stress on the second syllable).
11 ​For an example of jazz fusion in Bali, see Harnish (2013).
12 ​Innovation here is not defined as an aesthetic value in Kant’s dyadic terms.
Rather, it draws on a Bourdieusian perspective as a tool of analysis to understand
power contestation. This struggle for position is continuously reproduced through the
historical evolution of doxa followed by heterodoxa, which can be described as any-
thing outside doxa that therefore challenges the status quo of the field (see ­Grenfell
2004). In Yogyakarta jazz, historically, claims of authenticity were represented by a
geographical demarcation between north jazz (jazz lor) and south jazz (jazz kidul).
For further detailed local narratives of Yogyakarta jazz communities based on oral
history, see Sutopo (2010).
13 ​Indo-jazz is a hybrid musical genre. The structure and patterns are based on mu-
sic from the Indian subcontinent overlaid with typical jazz improvisations.
14 ​The authors define hybridization as a process of cultural transaction that reflects
how global cultures are assimilated in the locality and how non-Western cultures im-
pact the West (see Nilan and Feixa 2006). Bentara Budaya is an art gallery and per-
formance space.
15 ​Campursari (mixture of essences) refers to a crossover of several contemporary
Indonesian music genres, including dangdut. The sound includes musical instru-
ments like gamelan combined with Western musical instruments such as guitar and
keyboard. It is popular in Java and often features a high-pitched female vocalist sing-
ing love songs.
52  Asian Music: Winter/Spring 2018

16 ​Djaduk Ferianto is a leading contemporary composer from Yogyakarta. Most of

his musical works explore the mixture between traditional and modern music. He is
also one of the initiators of the Ngayogjazz festival in Yogyakarta.
17 ​For further explanation of patrimonialism according to the classical sociological
tradition, see Weber (1978).
18 ​This earlier hybridization of Yogyakarta jazz refers to cultural production in the
annual jazz festival Ngayogjazz in 2006. The spirit of this festival was to bring back
jazz to Yogyakarta’s social-cultural roots in its rural agrarian traditions. For an ex-
ample, see “Ngayogjazz 2016,” www.ngayogjazz.com.
19 ​MuciChoir, one of the jazz bands in the compilation album, uploaded its re­
arrangement of “Lesung Jumengglung” on Soundcloud. See https://m.soundcloud
.com/reaginamaria.
20 ​A jazz community can be understood as a space to create cliques among jazz mu-
sicians. It represents a “network, of informal, interlocking cliques and allocates the
jobs available at a given time. In securing work at any one level, or in moving up to
jobs at a new level, one’s position in the network is of great importance. Cliques are
bound together by ties of mutual obligation, the members sponsoring each other for
jobs, either hiring one another when they have the power or recommending one an-
other to those who do the hiring for an orchestra” (Becker 1963, 104).
21 ​The authors’ conclusion is based on empirical findings that reflect the majority
of the informants’ class background. Most of them are from middle- and middle-low-
class backgrounds. For young jazz musicians, economic challenges are still the main
obstacle to enhancing their innovative capacity. Their energy is absorbed into how to
survive economically in everyday life. In that sense, class matters greatly.

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Interviews
Affan, February 10, 2014, in Bahasa Indonesia. Sanur, Indonesia.
Angga, October 20, 2013, in Javanese. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Asti, May 12, 2010. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Beben, January 10, 2014, in Bahasa Indonesia. Jakarta, Indonesia.
BJ, May 25, 2010, in Javanese. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Djaduk, April 12, 2010, in Javanese. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Heri, May 11, 2010, in Javanese. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
 Sutopo and Nilan: Young Musicians in the Yogyakarta Jazz Community 57

Mundiarso, April 12, 2010. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

Riza, September 12, 2009, in Javanese. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Soni, September 12, 2009, in Javanese. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Victor, November 14, 2013, in Javanese. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Wartono, April 12, 2010, in Javanese. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Yoga, April 15, 2010, in Javanese. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.