AMERICAN

SPEECHES
EVERY CITIZEN
SHOULD KNOW

VOL. 1
AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
Vol 1
John Adams’
Inaugural Address
Having been fundamental to the Revolutionary
cause from the beginning, John Adams was
well aware of the challenges facing the first
man to step into the leadership spotlight after
nearly two decades of the country looking
up to George Washington. Not only did
Washington leave seemingly unattainable
expectations for the next president of the
United States, but also a country that was
quickly dividing along political party lines
between Adams and his old friend, and
patriotic legend in his own right, Thomas
Jefferson. Adams uses his inaugural speech
to brilliantly pay homage to Washington’s
leadership, as well as unite the Nation under
the guiding principles of the Constitution.
Most importantly, however, the speech
highlights the first-ever peaceful transition of
power that the government established under
the Constitution, and showcases that while
presidents come and go, the country and the
Constitution will go on.
Inaugural Address
March 4, 1797
When it was first perceived, in early times,
that no middle course for America remained
between unlimited submission to a foreign
legislature and a total independence of its
claims, men of reflection were less appre-
hensive of danger from the formidable power
of fleets and armies they must determine to
resist than from those contests and dissen-
sions which would certainly arise concerning
the forms of government to be instituted over
the whole and over the parts of this extensive
country. Relying, however, on the purity of
their intentions, the justice of their cause, and
the integrity and intelligence of the people,
under an overruling Providence which had
so signally protected this country from the
first, the representatives of this nation, then
consisting of little more than half its present
number, not only broke to pieces the chains
which were forging and the rod of iron that
was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties
which had bound them, and launched into an
ocean of uncertainty.
The zeal and ardor of the people during the
Revolutionary war, supplying the place of
government, commanded a degree of order
sufficient at least for the temporary preser-
vation of society. The Confederation which
was early felt to be necessary was prepared
from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic
confederacies, the only examples which re-
main with any detail and precision in history,
and certainly the only ones which the people
at large had ever considered. But reflecting
on the striking difference in so many particu-
lars between this country and those where a
courier may go from the seat of government
to the frontier in a single day, it was then
certainly foreseen by some who assisted in
Congress at the formation of it that it could
not be durable.
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Negligence of its regulations, inattention to posed or suggested. In its general principles

its recommendations, if not disobedience and great outlines it was conformable to such
to its authority, not only in individuals but in a system of government as I had ever most
States, soon appeared with their melancholy esteemed, and in some States, my own native
consequences?universal languor, jealousies State in particular, had contributed to estab-
and rivalries of States, decline of navigation lish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common
and commerce, with my
discouragement fellow-citi-
of necessary Measures were pursued to concert a plan zens, in the
manufactures, to form a more perfect union, establish justice, adoption or
universal fall in insure domestic tranquillity, provide for rejection of
the value of lands the common defense, promote the general a constitu-
and their pro- welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. tion which
duce, contempt was to rule
The public disquisitions, discussions, and
of public and me and my
private faith, loss deliberations issued in the present happy posterity, as
of consideration Constitution of Government. well as them
and credit with and theirs,
foreign nations, and at length in discontents, I did not hesitate to express my approbation
animosities, combinations, partial conven- of it on all occasions, in public and in private.
tions, and insurrection, threatening some It was not then, nor has been since, any ob-
great national calamity. jection to it in my mind that the Executive
and Senate were not more permanent. Nor
In this dangerous crisis the people of Amer- have I ever entertained a thought of promot-
ica were not abandoned by their usual good ing any alteration in it but such as the people
sense, presence of mind, resolution, or in- themselves, in the course of their experience,
tegrity. Measures were pursued to concert a should see and feel to be necessary or expe-
plan to form a more perfect union, establish dient, and by their representatives in Con-
justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro- gress and the State legislatures, according to
vide for the common defense, promote the the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.
general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, Returning to the bosom of my country after a
and deliberations issued in the present happy painful separation from it for ten years, I had
Constitution of Government. the honor to be elected to a station under the
new order of things, and I have repeatedly
Employed in the service of my country abroad laid myself under the most serious obligations
during the whole course of these transac- to support the Constitution. The operation
tions, I first saw the Constitution of the Unit- of it has equaled the most sanguine expec-
ed States in a foreign country. Irritated by no tations of its friends, and from an habitual
literary altercation, animated by no public attention to it, satisfaction in its administra-
debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it tion, and delight in its effects upon the peace,
with great satisfaction, as the result of good order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation
heads prompted by good hearts, as an exper- I have acquired an habitual attachment to it
iment better adapted to the genius, charac- and veneration for it.
ter, situation, and relations of this nation and
country than any which had ever been pro-

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What other form of government, indeed, can eral dissemination of knowledge and virtue
so well deserve our esteem and love? throughout the whole body of the people.
And what object or consideration more pleas-
There may be little solidity in an ancient idea ing than this can be presented to the human
that congregations of men into cities and na- mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or
tions are excusable it is when
the most it springs, not from
pleasing In the midst of these pleasing ideas we power or riches, gran-
objects in should be unfaithful to ourselves if we deur or glory, but from
the sight should ever lose sight of the danger to our conviction of national
of supe- liberties if anything partial or extraneous innocence, informa-
rior intel- should infect the purity of our free, fair, tion, and benevolence.
ligences,
virtuous, and independent elections.
but this In the midst of these
is very pleasing ideas we
certain, that to a benevolent human mind should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should
there can be no spectacle presented by any ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties
nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, if anything partial or extraneous should in-
or august, than an assembly like that which fect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and
has so often been seen in this and the oth- independent elections. If an election is to be
er Chamber of Congress, of a Government determined by a majority of a single vote,
in which the Executive authority, as well as and that can be procured by a party through
that of all the branches of the Legislature, artifice or corruption, the Government may
are exercised by citizens selected at regular be the choice of a party for its own ends, not
periods by their neighbors to make and exe- of the nation for the national good. If that
cute laws for the general good. Can anything solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign
essential, anything more than mere ornament nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or
and decoration, be added to this by robes and violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the
diamonds? Government
may not be
Can authority be ...a people inspired with the same virtues the choice of
more amiable and and animated with the same ardent the American
respectable when patriotism and love of liberty to people, but of
it descends from foreign nations.
independence and peace, to increasing
accidents or insti- It may be for-
tutions established wealth and unexampled prosperity,... eign nations
in remote antiq- who govern
uity than when it us, and not we,
springs fresh from the hearts and judgments the people, who govern ourselves; and can-
of an honest and enlightened people? For it did men will acknowledge that in such cases
is the people only that are represented. It is choice would have little advantage to boast
their power and majesty that is reflected, and of over lot or chance.
only for their good, in every legitimate gov-
ernment, under whatever form it may appear. Such is the amiable and interesting system
The existence of such a government as ours of government (and such are some of the
for any length of time is a full proof of a gen- abuses to which it may be exposed) which the

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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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people of America have exhibited to the ad-
miration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous
of all nations for eight years under the admin-
istration of a citizen who, by a long course of
great actions, regulated by prudence, justice,
temperance, and fortitude, conducting a
people inspired with the same virtues and an-
imated with the same ardent patriotism and
love of liberty to independence and peace, to
increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity,
has merited the gratitude of his fellow-cit-
izens, commanded the highest praises of
foreign nations, and secured immortal glory
with posterity.
In that retirement which is his voluntary
choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious
recollection of his services, the gratitude of
mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself
and the world, which are daily increasing, and
that splendid prospect of the future fortunes
of this country which is opening from year to
year. His name may be still a rampart, and the
knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against
all open or secret enemies of his country’s
peace. This example has been recommend-
ed to the imitation of his successors by both
Houses of Congress and by the voice of the
legislatures and the people throughout the
nation.
On this subject it might become me better to
be silent or to speak with diffidence; but as
something may be expected, the occasion,
I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I
venture to say that if a preference, upon
principle, of a free republican government,
formed upon long and serious reflection,
after a diligent and impartial inquiry after
truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of
the United States, and a conscientious deter-
mination to support it until it shall be altered
by the judgments and wishes of the people,
expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a re-
spectful attention to the constitutions of the
individual States and a constant caution and
delicacy toward the State governments; if an
equal and impartial regard to the rights, inter-
est, honor, and happiness of all the States in
the Union, without preference or regard to a
northern or southern, an eastern or western,
position, their various political opinions on
unessential points or their personal attach-
ments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties
and denominations; if a love of science and
letters and a wish to patronize every rational
effort to encourage schools, colleges, uni-
versities, academies, and every institution for
propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion
among all classes of the people, not only for
their benign influence on the happiness of life
in all its stages and classes, and of society in
all its forms, but as the only means of preserv-
ing our Constitution from its natural enemies,
the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the
spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corrup-
tion, and the pestilence of foreign influence,
which is the angel of destruction to elective
governments; if a love of equal laws, of jus-
tice, and humanity in the interior administra-
tion; if an inclination to improve agriculture,
commerce, and manufacturers for necessity,
convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity
and humanity toward the aboriginal nations
of America, and a disposition to meliorate
their condition by inclining them to be more
friendly to us, and our citizens to be more
friendly to them; if an inflexible determination
to maintain peace and inviolable faith with
all nations, and that system of neutrality and
impartiality among the belligerent powers
of Europe which has been adopted by this
Government and so solemnly sanctioned by
both Houses of Congress and applauded by
the legislatures of the States and the public
opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained
by Congress; if a personal esteem for the
French nation, formed in a residence of sev-
en years chiefly among them, and a sincere
desire to preserve the friendship which has
been so much for the honor and interest of
both nations; if, while the conscious honor
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and integrity of the people of America and With this great example before me, with the
the internal sentiment of their own power sense and spirit, the faith and honor, the duty
and energies must be preserved, an earnest and interest, of the same American peo-
endeavor to investigate every just cause and ple pledged to support the Constitution of
remove every colorable pretense of com- the United States, I entertain no doubt of its
plaint; if an intention to pursue by amicable continuance in all its energy, and my mind
negotiation a reparation for the injuries that is prepared without hesitation to lay myself
have been committed on the commerce of under the most solemn obligations to support
our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if it to the utmost of my power.
success can not be obtained, to lay the facts
before the Legislature, that they may consider And may that Being who is supreme over all,
what further measures the honor and inter- the Patron of Order, the Fountain of Justice,
est of the Government and its constituents and the Protector in all ages of the world of
demand; if a resolution to do justice as far as virtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon
may depend upon me, at all times and to all this nation and its Government and give it all
nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and possible success and duration consistent with
benevolence with all the world; if an unshak- the ends of His providence.
en confidence
in the honor,
... a love of equal laws, of justice, and
spirit, and re-
sources of the humanity in the interior administration;
American peo- if an inclination to improve agriculture,
ple, on which I commerce, and manufacturers for necessity,
have so often convenience, and defense...
hazarded my
all and never
been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high
destinies of this country and of my own du-
ties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the
moral principles and intellectual improve-
ments of the people deeply engraven on my
mind in early life, and not obscured but exalt-
ed by experience and age; and, with humble
reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a
veneration for the religion of a people who
profess and call themselves Christians, and a
fixed resolution to consider a decent respect
for Christianity among the best recommen-
dations for the public service, can enable me
in any degree to comply with your wishes,
it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this
sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall
not be without effect.

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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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Gettysburg Address
President Abraham Lincoln’s infamous address
in Pennsylvania following the deadly Battle
of Gettysburg is often considered, rightfully
so, one of the greatest speeches in American
history. Not only does it mark the turning
point of the Civil War, but in just 271 words,
President Lincoln draws upon the young
Nation’s entire history to paint a portrait for
why the country was at war and why so many
brave men had died on that field, along with
so many other important reminders: that
the work of the Founding Fathers remains
unfinished, and that the fight for liberty and
freedom for all men must continue in each
subsequent generation if it is to remain.
President Abraham Lincoln’s infamous address
in Pennsylvania following the deadly Battle
of Gettysburg is often considered, rightfully
so, one of the greatest speeches in American
history. Not only does it mark the turning
point of the Civil War, but in just 271 words,
President Lincoln draws upon the young
Nation’s entire history to paint a portrait for
why the country was at war and why so many
brave men had died on that field, along with
so many other important reminders: that
the work of the Founding Fathers remains
unfinished, and that the fight for liberty and
freedom for all men must continue in each
subsequent generation if it is to remain.
November 19, 1863
Four score and seven years ago our fathers
brought forth on this continent, a new nation,
conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war,
testing whether that nation, or any nation so
conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.
We are met on a great battle-field of that war.
We have come to dedicate a portion of that
field, as a final resting place for those who
here gave their lives that that nation might
live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we
should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate —
we can not consecrate — we can not hallow
— this ground. The brave men, living and
dead, who struggled here, have consecrated
it, far above our poor power to add or detract.
The world will little note, nor long remem-
ber what we say here, but it can never for-
get what they did here. It is for us the living,
rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished
work which they who fought here have thus
far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be
here dedicated to the great task remaining
before us ­­­— that from these honored dead
we take increased devotion to that cause
for which they gave the last full measure of
devotion — that we here highly resolve that
these dead shall not have died in vain — that
this nation, under God, shall have a new birth
of freedom — and that government of the
people, by the people, for the people, shall
not perish from the earth.
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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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George Washington
on Being Elected
President
President George Washington set the example
for every subsequent U.S.president. The man
himself knew that history was looking to him,
and was aware that every action he took
while in office would be used as precedent
for all those who came after. Thus, while
most Americans celebrated his inauguration
with celebrations similar to the customs
of honoring the monarchy in England,
Washington took a different approach. Giving
an impromptu speech that nobody had
expected him to make, but would, of course,
become the custom for all newly-elected
presidents moving forward, Washington spoke
about how humble and terrified he was to
take on the role of the country’s president,
and that it was his and all future officeholders’
responsibility to ensure “the preservation of
the sacred fire of liberty” was the chief aim of
the presidency, not power nor fame.
Washington’s Inagural Adress
April 30, 1789
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and the House
of Representatives.
Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no
event could have filled me with greater anx-
ieties than that of which the notification was
transmitted by your order, and received on
the fourteenth day of the present month. On
the one hand, I was summoned by my Coun-
try, whose voice I can never hear but with
veneration and love, from a retreat which I
had chosen with the fondest predilection,
and, in my flattering hopes, with an im-
mutable decision, as the asylum of my declin-
ing years: a retreat which was rendered every
day more necessary as well as more dear to
me, by the addition of habit to inclination,
and of frequent interruptions in my health to
the gradual waste committed on it by time.
On the other hand, the magnitude and dif-
ficulty of the trust to which the voice of
my Country called me, being sufficient to
awaken in the wisest and most experienced
of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his
qualifications, could not but overwhelm with
dispondence, one, who, inheriting inferior
endowments from nature and unpractised in
the duties of civil administration, ought to be
peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.
In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver, is,
that it has been my faithful study to collect
my duty from a just appreciation of every
circumstance, by which it might be affected.
All I dare hope, is, that, if in executing this task
I have been too much swayed by a grateful
remembrance of former instances, or by an
affectionate sensibility to this transcendent
proof, of the confidence of my fellow-cit-
izens; and have thence too little consulted
my incapacity as well as disinclination for the
weighty and untried cares before me; my er-
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ror will be palliated by the motives which mis- Government, the tranquil deliberations and
led me, and its consequences be judged by voluntary consent of so many distinct com-
my Country, with some share of the partiality munities, from which the event has result-
in which they originated. ed, cannot be compared with the means by
which most Governments have been estab-
Such being the impressions under which I lished, without some return of pious grati-
have, in obedience to the public summons, tude along with an humble anticipation of
repaired to the present station; it would be the future blessings which the past seem to
peculiarly improper to omit in this first official presage. These reflections, arising out of the
Act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty present crisis, have forced themselves too
Being who rules over the Universe, who pre- strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You
sides in the Councils of Nations, and whose will join with me I trust in thinking, that there
providential aids can supply every human are none under the influence of which, the
defect, that his benediction may consecrate proceedings of a new and free Government
to the liberties and happiness of the People of can more auspiciously commence.
the United States, a Government instituted by
themselves for these essential purposes: and By the article establishing the Executive De-
may enable every instrument employed in its partment, it is made the duty of the President
administration to execute with success, the “to recommend to your consideration, such
functions allotted to his charge. In tender- measures as he shall judge necessary and
ing this homage to the Great Author of every expedient.” The circumstances under which I
public and private good I assure myself that now meet you, will acquit me from entering
it expresses your sentiments not less than myinto that subject, farther than to refer to the
own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large,
Great Constitutional Charter under which
less than either. No People can be bound to you are assembled; and which, in defin-
acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, ing your powers, designates the objects to
which conducts the Affairs of men more than which your attention is to be given. It will be
the People of the United States. Every step, by
more consistent with those circumstanc-
which they have advanced to the character of es, and far more congenial with the feelings
an independent nation, seems to have been which actuate me, to substitute, in place of
a recommendation of particular
measures, the tribute that is due
...there is no truth more thoroughly
to the talents, the rectitude, and
established, than that there exists in the patriotism which adorn the
the economy and course of nature, an characters selected to devise and
indissoluble union between virtue and adopt them. In these honorable
happiness, between duty and advantage, qualifications, I behold the sur-
between the genuine maxims of an honest est pledges, that as on one side,
no local prejudices, or attach-
and magnanimous policy, and the solid
ments; no seperate views, nor
rewards of public prosperity and felicity... party animosities, will misdirect
the comprehensive and equal eye
which ought to watch over this
distinguished by some token of providential great assemblage of communities and inter-
agency. And in the important revolution just ests: so, on another, that the foundations of
accomplished in the system of their United our National policy will be laid in the pure and

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immutable principles of private morality; and
the pre-eminence of a free Government, be
exemplified by all the attributes which can
win the affections of its Citizens, and com-
mand the respect of the world.
I dwell on this prospect with every satisfac-
tion which an ardent love for my Country can
inspire: since there is no truth more thor-
oughly established, than that there exists in
the economy and course of nature, an indis-
soluble union between virtue and happiness,
between duty and advantage, between the
genuine maxims of an honest and magnani-
mous policy, and the solid rewards of public
prosperity and felicity: Since we ought to be
no less persuaded that the propitious smiles
of Heaven, can never be expected on a na-
tion that disregards the eternal rules of order
and right, which Heaven itself has ordained:
And since the preservation of the sacred fire
of liberty, and the destiny of the Republican
model of Government, are justly considered
as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the
experiment entrusted to the hands of the
American people.
Besides the ordinary objects submitted to
your care, it will remain with your judgment
to decide, how far an exercise of the occa-
sional power delegated by the Fifth article of
the Constitution is rendered expedient at the
present juncture by the nature of objections
which have been urged against the System,
or by the degree of inquietude which has
given birth to them. Instead of undertaking
particular recommendations on this subject,
in which I could be guided by no lights de-
rived from official opportunities, I shall again
give way to my entire confidence in your
discernment and pursuit of the public good:
For I assure myself that whilst you carefully
avoid every alteration which might endanger
the benefits of an United and effective Gov-
ernment, or which ought to await the future
lessons of experience; a reverence for the
characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard
for the public harmony, will sufficiently in-
fluence your deliberations on the question
how far the former can be more impregnably
fortified, or the latter be safely and advanta-
geously promoted.
To the preceeding observations I have one to
add, which will be most properly addressed
to the House of Representatives. It concerns
myself, and will therefore be as brief as pos-
sible. When I was first honoured with a call
into the Service of my Country, then on the
eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the
light in which I contemplated my duty re-
quired that I should renounce every pecuni-
ary compensation. From this resolution I have
in no instance departed. And being still under
the impressions which produced it, I must
decline as inapplicable to myself, any share
in the personal emoluments, which may be
indispensably included in a permanent provi-
sion for the Executive Department; and must
accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates
for the Station in which I am placed, may,
during my continuance in it, be limited to
such actual expenditures as the public good
may be thought to require.
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments,
as they have been awakened by the occa-
sion which brings us together, I shall take
my present leave; but not without resorting
once more to the benign parent of the human
race, in humble supplication that since he has
been pleased to favour the American people,
with opportunities for deliberating in perfect
tranquility, and dispositions for deciding with
unparellelled unanimity on a form of Govern-
ment, for the security of their Union, and the
advancement of their happiness; so his divine
blessing may be equally conspicuous in the
enlarged views, the temperate consultations,
and the wise measures on which the success
of this Government must depend.
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Reagan’s Berlin
Wall Speech
The Cold War had been raging for over 40
years by the time President Ronald Reagan
stood at the Brandenburg Gate separating East
and West Berlin. The city itself represented the
post-WWII divide between the world’s last two
super powers, a divide that was always on the
brink of boiling over into open war, and quite
possibly the destruction of the entire world.
Yet by 1987, President Reagan called attention
to what would eventually be the beginning
of the inevitable end of the Soviet Union,
illustrating that just as fascism and Nazism had
failed in Berlin so many years before, so too
would oppression and communism. “Freedom
is the victor,” Reagan states before giving
his most famous line of the speech and his
presidency: “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down
this wall!”
Remarks on East-West Relations
at the Brandenburg Gate
in West Berlin
June 12, 1987
Thank you very much. Chancellor Kohl, Gov-
erning Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen:
Twenty four years ago, President John F.
Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people
of this city and the world at the city hall. Well,
since then two other presidents have come,
each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself,
make my second visit to your city.
We come to Berlin, we American Presidents,
because it’s our duty to speak, in this place,
of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn
here by other things as well: by the feeling of
history in this city, more than 500 years old-
er than our own nation; by the beauty of the
Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by
your courage and determination. Perhaps the
composer, Paul Lincke, understood some-
thing about American Presidents. You see, like
so many Presidents before me, I come here
today because wherever I go, whatever I do:
“Ich hab noch einen koffer in Berlin.” [I still
have a suitcase in Berlin.]
Our gathering today is being broadcast
throughout Western Europe and North Amer-
ica. I understand that it is being seen and
heard as well in the East. To those listening
throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my
warmest greetings and the good will of the
American people. To those listening in East
Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be
with you, I address my remarks to you just as
surely as to those standing here before me.
For I join you, as I join your fellow country-
men in the West, in this firm, this unalterable
belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only
one Berlin.]
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Behind me stands a wall that encircles the directed not against any country or doctrine,
free sectors of this city, part of a vast system but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and
of barriers that divides the entire continent of chaos.”
Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barri-
ers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a
wire, concrete, dog runs, and guardtowers. display commemorating this 40th anniversary
Farther south, there may be no visible, no of the Marshall plan. I was struck by the sign
obvious wall. But there remain armed guards on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was be-
and checkpoints all the same­—still a restric- ing rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my
tion on the right to travel, still an instrument own generation can remember seeing signs
to impose upon ordinary men and women like it dotted throughout the Western sectors
the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in of the city. The sign read simply: “The Mar-
Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; shall plan is helping here to strengthen the
here, cutting across your city, where the news free world.” A strong, free world in the West,
photo and the television screen have imprint- that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin
ed this brutal division of a continent upon the to become an economic giant. Italy, France,
mind of the world. Standing before the Bran- Belgium--virtually every nation in Western
denburg Gate, every man is a German, sepa- Europe saw political and economic rebirth;
rated from his fellow men. Every man is the European Community was founded.
a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.
In West Germany and here in Berlin, there
President von Weizsacker has said: “The Ger- took place an economic miracle, the
man question is open as long as the Branden- Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reu-
burg Gate is closed.” ter, and other leaders
Today I say: As long understood the prac-
as this gate is closed, From devastation, from utter ruin, tical importance of
as long as this scar you Berliners have, in freedom, liberty—that just as
of a wall is permitted rebuilt a city that once again ranks truth can flourish only
to stand, it is not the when the journalist
as one of the greatest on Earth.
German question is given freedom of
alone that remains speech, so prosper-
open, but the ques- ity can come about
tion of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not only when the farmer and businessman en-
come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a joy economic freedom. The German leaders
message of hope, even in the shadow of this reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered
wall, a message of triumph. taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard
of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.
In this season of spring in 1945, the people of
Berlin emerged from their air raid shelters to Where four decades ago there was rubble,
find devastation. Thousands of miles away, today in West Berlin there is the greatest
the people of the United States reached out industrial output of any city in Germany-busy
to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State—as office blocks, fine homes and apartments,
you’ve been told-George Marshall announced proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of
the creation of what would become known park land. Where a city’s culture seemed to
as the Marshall plan. Speaking precisely 40 have been destroyed, today there are two
years ago this month, he said: “Our policy is great universities, orchestras and an opera,

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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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countless theaters, and museums. Where with greater freedom from state control. Are
there was want, today there’s abundance-- these the beginnings of profound changes in
food, clothing, automobiles-the wonderful the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures,
goods of the Ku’damm. From devastation, intended to raise false hopes in the West,
from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in free- or to strengthen the Soviet system without
dom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as changing it? We welcome change and open-
one of the greatest on Earth. The Soviets may ness; for we believe that freedom and secu-
have had other plans. But, my friends, there rity go together, that the advance of human
were a few things the Soviets didn’t count on liberty can only strengthen the cause of world
Berliner herz, Berliner humor, ja, und Berliner peace.
schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes,
and a Berliner schnauze.] [Laughter] There is one sign the Soviets can make that
would be unmistakable, that would advance
In the 1950’s, Khrushchev predicted: “We will dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.
bury you.” But in the West today, we see a General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek
free world that has achieved a level of pros- peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet
perity and well-being unprecedented in all Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liber-
human history. In the Communist world, we alization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gor-
see failure, technological backwardness, de- bachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear
clining standards of health, even want of the down this wall!
most basic kind-too little food. Even today,
the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After
I understand the fear of war and the pain
these four decades, then, there stands before of division that afflict this continent—and I
the entire world one great and inescapable pledge to you my country’s efforts to help
conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in
Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the West must resist Soviet expansion. So
the nations with comity and peace. Freedom we must maintain defenses of unassailable
is the victor. strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must
strive to reduce arms on both sides.
Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets
In the 1950’s, Khrushchev predicted: challenged the Western alliance with
“We will bury you.” But in the West today, a grave new threat, hundreds of new
we see a free world that has achieved and more deadly SS-20 nuclear mis-
siles, capable of-striking every cap-
a level of prosperity and well-being
ital in Europe. The Western alliance
unprecedented in all human history. responded by committing itself to a
counterdeployment unless the Sovi-
ets agreed to negotiate a better solu-
And now the Soviets themselves may, in a tion; namely, the elimination of such weapons
limited way, be coming to understand the on both sides. For many months, the Soviets
importance of freedom. We hear much from refused to bargain in earnestness. As the
Moscow about a new policy of reform and alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with
openness. Some political prisoners have been its counterdeployment, there were difficult
released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are days—days of protests like those during my
no longer being jammed. Some economic 1982 visit to this city—and the Soviets later
enterprises have been permitted to operate walked away from the table.

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But through it all, the alliance held firm. And
I invite those who protested then—I invite
those who protest today—to mark this fact:
Because we remained strong, the Soviets
came back to the table. And because we
remained strong, today we have within reach
the possibility, not merely of limiting the
growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the
first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons
from the face of the Earth. As I speak, NATO
ministers are meeting in Iceland to review
the progress of our proposals for eliminat-
ing these weapons. At the talks in Geneva,
we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic
offensive weapons. And the Western allies
have likewise made far-reaching proposals to
reduce the danger of conventional war and to
place a total ban on chemical weapons.
While we pursue these arms reductions,
I pledge to you that we will maintain the ca-
pacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level
at which it might occur. And in cooperation
with many of our allies, the United States is
pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative-re-
search to base deterrence not on the threat
of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that
truly defend; on systems, in short, that will
not target populations, but shield them. By
these means we seek to increase the safe-
ty of Europe and all the world. But we must
remember a crucial fact: East and West do
not mistrust each other because we are
armed; we are armed because we mistrust
each other. And our differences are not about
weapons but about liberty. When President
Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24
years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was
under siege. And today, despite all the pres-
sures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its
liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the
globe.
In the Philippines, in South and Central Amer-
ica, democracy has been given a rebirth.
Throughout the Pacific, free markets are
working miracle after miracle of economic
growth. In the industrialized nations, a tech-
nological revolution is taking place­—a revo-
lution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in
computers and telecommunications.
In Europe, only one nation and those it con-
trols refuse to join the community of free-
dom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic
growth, of information and innovation, the
Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make
fundamental changes, or it will become ob-
solete. Today thus represents a moment of
hope. We in the West stand ready to cooper-
ate with the East to promote true openness,
to break down barriers that separate people,
to create a safer, freer world.
And surely there is no better place than Ber-
lin, the meeting place of East and West, to
make a start. Free people of Berlin: Today, as
in the past, the United States stands for the
strict observance and full implementation
of all parts of the Four Power Agreement
of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th
anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era,
to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin
of the future. Together, let us maintain and
develop the ties between the Federal Repub-
lic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is
permitted by the 1971 agreement.
And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to
bring the Eastern and Western parts of the
city closer together, so that all the inhabitants
of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come
with life in one of the great cities of the world.
To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East
and West, let us expand the vital air access to
this city, finding ways of making commercial
air service to Berlin more convenient, more
comfortable, and more economical. We look
to the day when West Berlin can become one
of the chief aviation hubs in all central Eu-
rope.
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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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said for your fortitude, for your defiant cour-

With our French and British partners, the age. But I believe there’s something deeper,
United States is prepared to help bring inter- something that involves Berlin’s whole look
national meetings to Berlin. It would be only and feel and way of life—not mere sentiment.
fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United No one could live long in Berlin without being
Nations meetings, or world conferences on completely disabused of illusions. Something
human rights and arms control or other issues instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in
that call for international cooperation. There Berlin but chose to accept them, that contin-
is no better way to ues to build
establish hope for this good and
the future than to As I looked out a moment ago from the proud city in
enlighten young Reichstag, that embodiment of German contrast to a
minds, and we unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted surrounding
would be honored upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner, totalitarian
to sponsor summer presence that
youth exchanges,
“This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality.” refuses to re-
cultural events, and Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it lease human
other programs for cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand energies or
young Berliners truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom. aspirations.
from the East. Our Something
French and British that speaks
friends, I’m certain, will do the same. And it’s with a powerful voice of affirmation, that
my hope that an authority can be found in says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to
East Berlin to sponsor visits from young peo- freedom. In a word, I would submit that what
ple of the Western sectors. keeps you in Berlin is love­—love both pro-
found and abiding.
One final proposal, one close to my heart:
Sport represents a source of enjoyment and Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to
ennoblement, and you many have noted the most fundamental distinction of all be-
that the Republic of Korea—South Korea-has tween East and West. The totalitarian world
offered to permit certain events of the 1988 produces backwardness because it does such
Olympics to take place in the North. Interna- violence to the spirit, thwarting the human
tional sports competitions of all kinds could impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The
take place in both parts of this city. And what totalitarian world finds even symbols of love
better way to demonstrate to the world the and of worship an affront. Years ago, before
openness of this city than to offer in some the East Germans began rebuilding their
future year to hold the Olympic games here churches, they erected a secular structure:
in Berlin, East and West? the television tower at Alexander Platz. Vir-
tually ever since, the authorities have been
In these four decades, as I have said, you Ber- working to correct what they view as the
liners have built a great city. You’ve done so in tower’s one major flaw, treating the glass
spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to im- sphere at the top with paints and chemicals
pose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the of every kind. Yet even today when the Sun
city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit strikes that sphere—that sphere that towers
in the very presence of this wall. What keeps over all Berlin—the light makes the sign of the
you here? Certainly there’s a great deal to be cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, sym-

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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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bols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be

suppressed.

As I looked out a moment ago from the Re-

ichstag, that embodiment of German unity,
I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon
the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner, “This
wall will fall. Beliefs become reality.” Yes,
across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot
withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The
wall cannot withstand freedom.

And I would like, before I close, to say one

word. I have read, and I have been questioned
since I’ve been here about certain demonstra-
tions against my coming. And I would like to
say just one thing, and to those who demon-
strate so. I wonder if they have ever asked
themselves that if they should have the kind
of government they apparently seek, no one
would ever be able to do what they’re doing
again.
Thank you and God bless you all.
Note:
The president spoke at 2:20 p.m. at the Bran-
denburg Gate. In his opening remarks, he
referred to West German Chancellor Helmut
Kohl. Prior to his remarks, President Reagan
met with West German President Richard von
Weizsacker and the Governing Mayor of West
Berlin Eberhard Diepgen at Schloss Bellevue,
President Weizsacker’s official residence in
West Berlin. Following the meeting, Presi-
dent Reagan went to the Reichstag, where he
viewed the Berlin Wall from the East Balcony.
Lincoln’s Inaugural
Address
Like the Gettysburg Address, President
Abraham Lincoln’s first inaugural address
comes at a crucial time in the Nation’s history.
Seven states having just seceded from the
Union, the U.S. was on the brink of the Civil
War, forcing the new president to answer
the question of what he and the federal
government would do in the face of this
rift. Relying on his deep understanding of
the Constitution, Lincoln balances both the
promise to hold the Nation together with his
hope that a war can be avoided. The speech
serves primarily as the legal reasoning for why
secession is not allowed, Lincoln denouncing
majority rule without checks and balances;
an idea against the Constitution’s very nature.
However, it is also a sign that Lincoln knew
what the Civil War would cost the young
Nation, yet one that he was willing to pay in
order to uphold the ideals and protect the
future of that same country.

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March 4, 1861
Fellow-Citizens of the United States:
In compliance with a custom as old as the
Government itself, I appear before you to ad-
dress you briefly and to take in your presence
the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the
United States to be taken by the President be-
fore he enters on the execution of this office.”
I do not consider it necessary at present for
me to discuss those matters of administration
about which there is no special anxiety or
excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the
people of the Southern States that by the ac-
cession of a Republican Administration their
property and their peace and personal secu-
rity are to be endangered. There has never
been any reasonable cause for such appre-
hension. Indeed, the most ample evidence
to the contrary has all the while existed and
been open to their inspection. It is found in
nearly all the published speeches of him who
now addresses you. I do but quote from one
of those speeches when I declare that--
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to
interfere with the institution of slavery in the
States where it exists. I believe I have no law-
ful right to do so, and I have no inclination to
do so.
Those who nominated and elected me did so
with full knowledge that I had made this and
many similar declarations and had never re-
canted them; and more than this, they placed
in the platform for my acceptance, and as a
law to themselves and to me, the clear and
emphatic resolution which I now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of
the rights of the States, and especially the
right of each State to order and control its
own domestic institutions according to its
own judgment exclusively, is essential to that
balance of power on which the perfection
and endurance of our political fabric depend;
and we denounce the lawless invasion by
armed force of the soil of any State or Terri-
tory, no matter what pretext, as among the
gravest of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in do-
ing so I only press upon the public attention
the most conclusive evidence of which the
case is susceptible that the property, peace,
and security of no section are to be in any
wise endangered by the now incoming Ad-
ministration. I add, too, that all the protection
which, consistently with the Constitution and
the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given
to all the States when lawfully demanded, for
whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section
as to another.
There is much controversy about the deliver-
ing up of fugitives from service or labor. The
clause I now read is as plainly written in the
Constitution as any other of its provisions:
No person held to service or labor in one
State, under the laws thereof, escaping into
another, shall in consequence of any law or
regulation therein be discharged from such
service or labor, but shall be delivered up on
claim of the party to whom such service or
labor may be due.
It is scarcely questioned that this provision
was intended by those who made it for the
reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves;
and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.
All members of Congress swear their support
to the whole Constitution--to this provision
as much as to any other. To the proposition,
then, that slaves whose cases come within
the terms of this clause “shall be delivered
up” their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they
would make the effort in good temper, could
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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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they not with nearly equal unanimity frame
and pass a law by means of which to keep
good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether
this clause should be enforced by national or
by State authority, but surely that difference
is not a very material one. If the slave is to
be surrendered, it can be of but little conse-
quence to him or to others by which author-
ity it is done. And should anyone in any case
be content that his oath shall go unkept on a
merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it
shall be kept?
Again: In any law upon this subject ought not
all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized
and humane jurisprudence to be introduced,
so that a free man be not in any case surren-
dered as a slave? And might it not be well at
the same time to provide by law for the en-
forcement of that clause in the Constitution
which guarantees that “the citizens of each
State shall be entitled to all privileges and im-
munities of citizens in the several States”?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental
reservations and with no purpose to construe
the Constitution or laws by any hypercriti-
cal rules; and while I do not choose now to
specify particular acts of Congress as proper
to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be
much safer for all, both in official and private
stations, to conform to and abide by all those
acts which stand unrepealed than to violate
any of them trusting to find impunity in hav-
ing them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inaugu-
ration of a President under our National Con-
stitution. During that period fifteen different
and greatly distinguished citizens have in suc-
cession administered the executive branch
of the Government. They have conducted it
through many perils, and generally with great
success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent,
I now enter upon the same task for the brief
constitutional term of four years under great
and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the
Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is
now formidably attempted.
I hold that in contemplation of universal law
and of the Constitution the Union of these
States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if
not expressed, in the fundamental law of all
national governments. It is safe to assert that
no government proper ever had a provision in
its organic law for its own termination. Con-
tinue to execute all the express provisions of
our National Constitution, and the Union will
endure forever, it being impossible to destroy
it except by some action not provided for in
the instrument itself.
Again: If the United States be not a govern-
ment proper, but an association of States in
the nature of contract merely, can it, as acon-
tract, be peaceably unmade by less than all
the parties who made it? One party to a con-
tract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but
does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we
find the proposition that in legal contempla-
tion the Union is perpetual confirmed by the
history of the Union itself. The Union is much
older than the Constitution. It was formed, in
fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It
was matured and continued by the Declara-
tion of Independence in 1776. It was further
matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen
States expressly plighted and engaged that it
should be perpetual, by the Articles of Con-
federation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of
the declared objects for ordaining and estab-
lishing the Constitution was “to form a more
perfect Union.”
But if destruction of the Union by one or by
a part only of the States be lawfully possi-
ble, the Union is less perfect than before the
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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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Constitution, having lost the vital element of competent resident citizens from holding the
perpetuity. Federal offices, there will be no attempt to
force obnoxious strangers among the peo-
It follows from these views that no State upon ple for that object. While the strict legal right
its own mere motion can lawfully get out of may exist in the Government to enforce the
the Union; that resolves and ordinances to exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so
that effect are legally void, and that acts of would be so irritating and so nearly impracti-
violence within any State or States against cable withal that I deem it better to forego for
the authority of the the time the uses of such
United States are offices.
insurrectionary or I therefore consider that in view
revolutionary, ac- of the Constitution and the laws The mails, unless re-
cording to circum- the Union is unbroken, and to the pelled, will continue to
stances. extent of my ability, I shall take be furnished in all parts
of the Union. So far as
I therefore consider
care, as the Constitution itself possible the people ev-
that in view of the expressly enjoins upon me, that erywhere shall have that
Constitution and the laws of the Union be faithfully sense of perfect security
the laws the Union executed in all the States. which is most favorable
is unbroken, and to calm thought and
to the extent of my reflection. The course
ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution here indicated will be followed unless current
itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws events and experience shall show a modifi-
of the Union be faithfully executed in all the cation or change to be proper, and in every
States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple case and exigency my best discretion will be
duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far exercised, according to circumstances actu-
as practicable unless my rightful masters, the ally existing and with a view and a hope of a
American people, shall withhold the requisite peaceful solution of the national troubles and
means or in some authoritative manner direct the restoration of fraternal sympathies and
the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded affections.
as a menace, but only as the declared pur-
pose of the Union that it will constitutionally That there are persons in one section or
defend and maintain itself. another who seek to destroy the Union at
all events and are glad of any pretext to do
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there
or violence, and there shall be none unless be such, I need address no word to them. To
it be forced upon the national authority. The those, however, who really love the Union
power confided to me will be used to hold, may I not speak?
occupy, and possess the property and places
belonging to the Government and to collect Before entering upon so grave a matter as the
the duties and imposts; but beyond what destruction of our national fabric, with all its
may be necessary for these objects, there will benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it
be no invasion, no using of force against or not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do
among the people anywhere. Where hostili- it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while
ty to the United States in any interior locality there is any possibility that any portion of the
shall be so great and universal as to prevent ills you fly from have no real existence? Will

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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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you, while the certain ills you fly to are great-
er than all the real ones you fly from, will you
risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all
constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it
true, then, that any right plainly written in the
Constitution has been denied? I think not.
Happily, the human mind is so constituted
that no party can reach to the audacity of do-
ing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance
in which a plainly written provision of the
Constitution has ever been denied. If by the
mere force of numbers a majority should de-
prive a minority of any clearly written consti-
tutional right, it might in a moral point of view
justify revolution; certainly would if such right
were a vital one. But such is not our case. All
the vital rights of minorities and of individuals
are so plainly assured to them by affirmations
and negations, guaranties and prohibitions,
in the Constitution that controversies never
arise concerning them. But no organic law
can ever be framed with a provision spe-
cifically applicable to every question which
may occur in practical administration. No
foresight can anticipate nor any document
of reasonable length contain express provi-
sions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives
from labor be surrendered by national or by
State authority? The Constitution does not
expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery
in the Territories? The Constitution does not
expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery
in the Territories? The Constitution does not
expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our
constitutional controversies, and we divide
upon them into majorities and minorities. If
the minority will not acquiesce, the majority
must, or the Government must cease. There is
no other alternative, for continuing the Gov-
ernment is acquiescence on one side or the
other. If a minority in such case will secede
rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent
which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a
minority of their own will secede from them
whenever a majority refuses to be controlled
by such minority. For instance, why may not
any portion of a new confederacy a year or
two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely
as portions of the present Union now claim
to secede from it? All who cherish disunion
sentiments are now being educated to the
exact temper of doing this. Is there such per-
fect identity of interests among the States to
compose a new union as to produce harmony
only and prevent renewed secession?
Plainly the central idea of secession is the es-
sence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint
by constitutional checks and limitations, and
always changing easily with deliberate chang-
es of popular opinions and sentiments, is the
only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever
rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to
despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule
of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is
wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the ma-
jority principle, anarchy or despotism in some
form is all that is left.
I do not forget the position assumed by some
that constitutional questions are to be decid-
ed by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that
such decisions must be binding in any case
upon the parties to a suit as to the object of
that suit, while they are also entitled to very
high respect and consideration in all parallel
cases by all other departments of the Gov-
ernment. And while it is obviously possible
that such decision may be erroneous in any
given case, still the evil effect following it,
being limited to that particular case, with the
chance that it may be overruled and nev-
er become a precedent for other cases, can
better be borne than could the evils of a dif-
ferent practice. At the same time, the candid
citizen must confess that if the policy of the
Government upon vital questions affecting
the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by
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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
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decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant Physically speaking, we can not separate.
they are made in ordinary litigation between We can not remove our respective sections
parties in personal actions the people will from each other nor build an impassable
have ceased to be their own rulers, having to wall between them. A husband and wife
that extent practically resigned their Govern- may be divorced and go out of the presence
ment into the hands of that eminent tribunal. and beyond the reach of each other, but the
Nor is there in this view any assault upon the different parts of our country can not do
court or the judges. It is a duty from which this. They can not but remain face to face,
they may not shrink to decide cases proper- and intercourse, either amicable or hostile,
ly brought before them, and it is no fault of must continue between them. Is it possible,
theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to then, to make that intercourse more advan-
political purposes. tageous or more satisfactory after separation
than before? Can aliens make treaties easier
One section of our country believes slavery than friends can make laws? Can treaties be
is right and ought to more faithfully en-
be extended, while forced between aliens
the other believes it I am loath to close. We are not than laws can among
is wrong and ought enemies, but friends. We must not friends? Suppose you
not to be extended. be enemies. Though passion may go to war, you can not
This is the only sub- have strained it must not break fight always; and when,
stantial dispute. The after much loss on
our bonds of affection. The mystic
fugitive- slave clause both sides and no gain
of the Constitution chords of memory, stretching on either, you cease
and the law for the from every battlefield and patriot fighting, the identical
suppression of the grave to every living heart and old questions, as to
foreign slave trade hearthstone all over this broad terms of intercourse,
are each as well land, will yet swell the chorus of are again upon you.
enforced, perhaps,
the Union, when again touched,
as any law can ever This country, with its
be in a communi- as surely they will be, by the better institutions, belongs
ty where the moral angels of our nature. to the people who
sense of the people inhabit it. Whenever
imperfectly supports they shall grow weary
the law itself. The great body of the people of the existing Government, they can exer-
abide by the dry legal obligation in both cas- cise their constitutional right of amending
es, and a few break over in each. This, I think, it or their revolutionary right to dismember
can not be perfectly cured, and it would be or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the
worse in both cases after the separation of fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens
the sections than before. The foreign slave are desirous of having the National Consti-
trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be tution amended. While I make no recom-
ultimately revived without restriction in one mendation of amendments, I fully recognize
section, while fugitive slaves, now only par- the rightful authority of the people over the
tially surrendered, would not be surrendered whole subject, to be exercised in either of
at all by the other. the modes prescribed in the instrument itself;
and I should, under existing circumstances,
favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity

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AMERICAN SPEECHES EVERY CITIZEN SHOULD KNOW
Vol 1
being afforded the people to act upon it. I
will venture to add that to me the conven-
tion mode seems preferable, in that it allows
amendments to originate with the people
themselves, instead of only permitting them
to take or reject propositions originated by
others, not especially chosen for the purpose,
and which might not be precisely such as
they would wish to either accept or refuse.
I understand a proposed amendment to the
Constitution—which amendment, howev-
er, I have not seen—has passed Congress, to
the effect that the Federal Government shall
never interfere with the domestic institu-
tions of the States, including that of persons
held to service. To avoid misconstruction of
what I have said, I depart from my purpose
not to speak of particular amendments so
far as to say that, holding such a provision
to now be implied constitutional law, I have
no objection to its being made express and
irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all
his authority from the people, and they have
referred none upon him to fix terms for the
separation of the States. The people them-
selves can do this if also they choose, but the
Executive as such has nothing to do with it.
His duty is to administer the present Govern-
ment as it came to his hands and to transmit
it unimpaired by him to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence
in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there
any better or equal hope in the world? In our
present differences, is either party without
faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Rul-
er of Nations, with His eternal truth and jus-
tice, be on your side of the North, or on yours
of the South, that truth and that justice will
surely prevail by the judgment of this great
tribunal of the American people.
By the frame of the Government under which
we live this same people have wisely given
their public servants but little power for mis-
chief, and have with equal wisdom provided
for the return of that little to their own hands
at very short intervals. While the people retain
their virtue and vigilance no Administration by
any extreme of wickedness or folly can very
seriously injure the Government in the short
space of four years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and
well upon this whole subject. Nothing valu-
able can be lost by taking time. If there be an
object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a
step which you would never take deliberately,
that object will be frustrated by taking time;
but no good object can be frustrated by it.
Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have
the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the
sensitive point, the laws of your own fram-
ing under it; while the new Administration
will have no immediate power, if it would, to
change either. If it were admitted that you
who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the
dispute, there still is no single good reason
for precipitate action. Intelligence, patrio-
tism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him
who has never yet forsaken this favored land
are still competent to adjust in the best way
all our present difficulty. In your hands, my
dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in
mine, is the momentous issue of civil war.
The Government will not assail you. You can
have no conflict without being yourselves
the aggressors. You have no oath registered
in heaven to destroy the Government, while I
shall have the most solemn one to “preserve,
protect, and defend it.”
I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but
friends. We must not be enemies. Though
passion may have strained it must not break
our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of
memory, stretching from every battlefield and
patriot grave to every living heart and hearth-
stone all over this broad land, will yet swell
the chorus of the Union, when again touched,
as surely they will be, by the better angels of
our nature.
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