You are on page 1of 3

How will the virus and its political responses affect income and healthcare inequalities?

Italy is among the nations most severely afflicted by coronavirus illness in 2019 (COVID-19).
The Italian healthcare system has not been adequately prepared for this pandemic. After
two decades of underinvestment in the sector, during which it struggled with the massive
reduction of public hospitals, it was under great stress.
COVID-19 has caused mayhem on several health systems, supply chains and the global
economy, with devastating effects on the well-being of individuals and families. People who
lost their jobs and are typically poor were more affected by the outbreak than those who
are relatively well-off; this is predictable given that the virus has affected numerous
communities through labour market disengagement and lockdowns. Italy has relatively high
levels of decentralization; hence it has taken a solid top-down approach with a centralized
policy direction and decision-making.
This dire situation is the result of a complex combination of factors such as inadequate tools
to communicate the risk to the population, political considerations of infringing on
individuals' right to liberty, a deceptive impression of safety, the initial reluctance of the
government to implement encircling containment, and, most importantly, individuals'
failure to comply with any preventative or control measures. Significantly, like any
pandemic, a delayed response due to unpreparedness and political biases has inevitably
worsened an already difficult situation.
Italy's access to specialist and inpatient treatment is unequal for the rich. In April 2020, the
virus infected nursing homes (more than one thousand in the Piedmont Region), resulting in
widespread unpreparedness to combat the virus' spread among residents. Specific locations
have been labelled dangerous due to their healthcare systems' dire nature and not due to
the prevalence of positive test results or deaths. In a medical emergency, patients were less
likely to find a free hospital bed and obtain treatment.
Throughout history, the gaps between the affluent and poorest regarding healthy life
expectancy and death rates have been stark. The pandemic has aggravated economic
disparities by reducing the income of Italian families, which has resulted in difficulty
obtaining basic requirements. Increased poverty has increased the demand for food help,
resulting in a significant food crisis. In reaction to this disaster, the government increased
funding for the healthcare system and vulnerable populations by providing financial
assistance to low-income groups, students, and the unemployed during the epidemic, and
several stimulus packages were enacted.
Many efforts have been taken to address income and healthcare inequalities, most notably
the "Cure Italy Decree" which focused on benefitting working parents. This policy provided
guaranteed payment, tax suspension, and emergency income to needy families and
eliminated a planned increase in VAT and excise duty.
What are the geopolitical consequences of COVID-19?

Geopolitics is international relations influenced by factors such as demography, economics


and geography in politics.
In the European Union, numerous countries, including the founding member Germany, have
banned the free movement of persons and commodities due to the impeded international
delivery of medical products, equipment, and essentials. This political choice penalized
everyone, especially Italy, the first and hardest-hit European nation by the pandemic. Cases
of confrontation between territorial authorities and the State in Italy can be viewed through
internal geopolitics.
Before the outbreak, there were only "6,000" intensive care units in Italy. As a result of
globalization, masks had to be imported from underdeveloped nations where
manufacturing had been shifted. "In 2019, Italy and China signed a Memorandum of
Understanding addressing Italy's involvement in the "Belt and Road Initiative", with China
being the significant face mask supplier. Italy requested aid through the Civil Protection
Mechanism, but The European Union rejected it.
The Czech Republic, France, and Germany have prohibited the export of face masks, causing
many Italians to feel abandoned, humiliated, and duped. In Italy, the narrative on social
media was that China would save the country. The timely aid from China has further
weakened European unity. Later, the EU supplied Italy with €50 million for medical
equipment and issued a "sincere apology" for the delay in support. Germany, France, and
Austria have also supplied PPE to Italy.
The EU responded to China's propaganda by highlighting that France and Germany supplied
Italy with more face masks than China. In response to complaints, Huawei ceased providing
Europe with face masks. Huawei's agenda is viewed as a ploy to further China's geopolitical
plan and use this opportunity to persuade European nations to approve equipment from
Huawei in the sector of information technology.
In addition, the Russian Anti-COVID Assistance to Italy consisted of military medics and
experts in biological, chemical, and radiological dangers as part of Russia's clever
geopolitical goal. It supplied a Russian technique for examining pathogens in soil and
surfaces and decontaminating them. No equipment capable of detecting the presence of
COVID-19 was present. Trucks flying the flag of Russia traversed the territory of a NATO
member state, such as Italy, notwithstanding the absence of scientific evidence suggesting
that the ground was a source of infection.
The location of the Russian military experts choosing to clear land and structures was the
most worrying point. It was close to extremely "sensitive" strategic nuclear bases of the
United States and NATO. The Italian government then swiftly chooses to terminate the
operation prematurely. The Russian government utilized COVID-19 as a geopolitical
manoeuvre to exert influence, a domestic political consensus initiative, and a healthcare
intelligence operation.
End Note

Sanfelici, M. (2020). The Italian response to the COVID-19 crisis: lessons learned and future
direction in social development. The International Journal of Community and Social
Development, 2(2), 191-210.
Cerqua, A., & Letta, M. (2022). Local inequalities of the COVID-19 crisis. Regional science
and urban economics, 92, 103752.
Pianta, M., Lucchese, M., & Nascia, L. (2021). The Italian government's economic-policy
response to the Coronavirus crisis. Contemporary Italian Politics, 13(2), 210-225.
Olufadewa, I. I., Adesina, M. A., Ekpo, M. D., Akinloye, S. J., Iyanda, T. O., Nwachukwu, P., &
Kodzo, L. D. (2021). Lessons from the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic
response in China, Italy, and the US: a guide for Africa and low-and middle-income
countries. Global Health Journal, 5(1), 56-61.
Curcio, F., & Marino, D. (2022). The Political Response to the COVID-19 Crisis in Italy: A First
Assessment for the National Food System. Sustainability, 14(12), 7241.
Perugini, C., & Vladisavljević, M. (2021). Social stability challenged by Covid-19: Pandemics,
inequality and policy responses. Journal of policy modeling, 43(1), 146-160.
Bonacini, L., Gallo, G., & Scicchitano, S. (2021). Working from home and income inequality:
risks of a 'new normal'with COVID-19. Journal of population economics, 34(1), 303-360.
González-Touya, M., Stoyanova, A., & Urbanos-Garrido, R. M. (2021). COVID-19 and Unmet
Healthcare Needs of Older People: Did Inequity Arise in Europe? International Journal of
Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(17), 9177.
https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18179177
Jakovljevic, M., Bjedov, S., Jaksic, N., & Jakovljevic, I. (2020). COVID-19 pandemia and public
and global mental health from the perspective of global health security. Psychiatria
Danubina, 32(1), 6-14.
Aristarco, M. (2020). The Russian aid to Italy during the Covid-19 and Russian: Italian ties.
Terranova, G. (2020). Geopolitics of Covid-19: global challenge at national borders. Aims
Geosciences, 6(4), 515-524.
Verma, R. (2020). China's 'mask diplomacy'to change the COVID-19 narrative in Europe. Asia
Europe Journal, 18(2), 205-209.
Pellicciari, I. (2021). THE POOR DONOR AND THE RICH RECIPIENT. FOREIGN AID AND
DONORS'COMPETITION IN THE COVID-19 ERA. INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND
STATES'RESPONSE TO COVID-19, 261.

You might also like