Vanni Debating Lat Am Cold War

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Received: 19 May 2022 Revised: 4 November 2022 Accepted: 20 December 2022
DOI: 10.1111/hic3.12759
ARTICLE
Debating Latin America's Cold War: A vision from

the south
Rafael R. Ioris1,2 | Vanni Pettina2
University of Denver, Denver, Colorado, USA

1
University Ca'Foscari in Venice, Italy

2 Abstract
The historiography on Latin America's Cold War has grown
Correspondence
significantly in the last few years. But though the field has
Rafael R. Ioris, University of Denver, 2000 E.
Asbury Ave., Sturm Hall #367, Denver, CO expanded in ways that include new perspectives, much
80208, USA. could be gained by engaging more closely with voices from
Email: Rafael.ioris@du.edu
the South or works produced by scholars based in Latin
America. Similarly, more nuanced analytical framings that
pay closer attention to post-World War II development,
particularly in South America, would also enrich our under-
standing of the complex and multidimensional experiences
of the Cold War in the region. We demonstrate this point by
examining the works of rising Latin American scholars work-
ing on the hemispheric and international dimensions of the
Latin America's Cold War, showing that this literature needs
to be integrated into existing accounts.
1 | INTRODUCTION
Making sense of the Cold War in Latin America has been a fascinating and demanding task. Initially, one of its chal-
lenges derived primarily from the dearth of specialized scholarship whose focus centered on the region itself. As
more works have become available, and new debates as to how best conceptualized the field itself have emerged,
scholars have had to navigate increasingly contested notions in what has quickly become a rich and multidimensional
literature.
This piece does not aim to present an exhaustive description of the field. We rather seek to critically review what
we see as some of its main analytical framings, their heuristic achievements and limits. Of special relevance, we exam-
ine the ways historians have sought to define and temporalize Latin America's Cold War; and in so doing, we suggest
that some central propositions would prove more constructive if reframed under more fine-grained assessments of
the intricacies of how the 20 th century unfolded in broader sections of the region.
It goes without saying that we appreciate the groundbreaking value of foundational works, and we only propose
nuances so that they can best provide guidance for the continuing growth of the field. This is particularly important as
increasingly historians have focused their attention on promising new fields or addressed traditional ones according
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2 of 9 IORIS and PETTINA
to new methodological approaches. Therefore, we also provide an overview of some of the main themes that have
marked an important and refreshing renewal of Latin America's Cold War history in recent years. These include areas
such as the history of economic development, the cultural history, and the history of so-called moderate political
forces that have gained relevance thanks to the work of a new cohort of historians, particularly those who have added
a Latin American perspective.
Innovative approaches, such as transnational studies, have also provided new promising directions for our under-
standing of the field. And in examining these topics, the article incorporates in its discussion and review of the field
the work of rising Latin American scholars focused primarily on the regional and international dimensions of the
Cold War. Though clearly enriching the field, this literature has not been by large sufficiently integrated into existing
Anglophone historiography. 1 We believe this is unfortunate since, as we try to demonstrate below, Latin American
voices have been instrumental in developing innovative thematic and methodological approaches that enrich our
understanding of the multifaceted, complex experiences of Latin America's Cold War.
2 | PROBLEMS OF DEFINITION AND CHRONOLOGIES
One of the first elements pertaining to how the scholarship on the Cold War relates to Latin America centers on
the matter of how we should even define the tragic and transformative experiences that deeply fractured societies
across the continent in the second half of the twentieth century. After all, was the Cold War something that happened
to Latin America, in the sense that its causes and central dynamics emanated from outside the region or was Latin
America at all relevant, and thus a constitutive part of how the Cold War unfolded? While, on the former, some of
the classic scholarship on the Cold War at the center of global events did not sufficiently pay attention to the region
(Kennan, 1951; LeFeber, 1972; Schlesinger, 1967; Williams, 1959), recent paradigm-shifting works have posited
that Latin America was not only a region eventually impacted by the Cold War, indicating instead how regional
historical developments helped shape global Cold War dynamics (Field et al., 2020; Friedman, 2003; Gleijeses, 2002;
Harmer, 2014b; Iber, 2015; Joseph & Spenser, 2008; Pettina, 2018; Sánchez Román, 2015; Westad, 2007).
A second central debate has to do with the chronological framing of the Cold War in Latin America. As expected
in this kind of debates, to understand when a historical process began as well as when it ended is often one of the
central, though not always easily achieved, goals of historiographical undertakings. As part of this debate, definitions
of processes and chronologies drawing on a long durée perspective have gained prominence in the field. In specific,
in one of the most influential works that helped reframe the scholarship in the field in the last decade, Greg Grandin
and Gilbert Joseph (2010) argued that the Cold War represented the intensification of decades-old dynamics of ideo-
logical confrontation and violence shaping Latin American societies since the late 19 th century—wherein US imperial
encroachment played a defining force. In this sense, the global bipolarity of the second half of the century certainly
deepened previous trends, though it should not be seen as their main cause. 2
Though it is undeniable that the work accurately highlights an insightful element of the larger social trajectory of
Latin American societies, in our view, one should not diminish the relevance nor especially the idiosyncratic elements
and unique impact of the post-World War II (WWII) years in the region in order to advance an important contribu-
tion to our understanding of things. 3 Long-term framings such as this tend to artificially stretch time too much by
resorting to generalizing sociological categories, such as violence, thus losing sight of key historical peculiarities and
particularly paths they followed. Such analytical framings could even produce the counterproductive effect of erasing
chronological nuances crucial to understanding how the central phenomenon of violence evolved and changed over
time. One should thus try to balance long-term dynamics with specificities generated by the evolution of time—a
proposition already established in the field but still in need of better implementation (Booth, 2021).
Actions carried out by multiple types of US actors certainly defined much of the course of events unfolding
within the historical confines of the post-WWII context. Similarly, in key countries in the region, US encroachment
was a defining element of the long trajectory of the 20th century. However, whilst US hegemony or imperialism was
IORIS and PETTINA 3 of 9
certainly more consistently interfering with local political processes in the Central American and the Caribbean basins
from the end of the XIX Century, South America seems to offer a somewhat different historical path. To be sure,
in the south of the continent, US imperial incursions were less prominent during the first part of the XX century,
whereas in its second half they became not only much more prevalent but also uniquely important to determine the
dramatic developments, especially in the 1960s and 1970s. We believe thus that taking the part to represent the
whole, namely the experiences of Central American nations to define the entire region is a metonymical device that
loses sight of the much greater historical variation present throughout the continent.
Some of these needed nuances can be, at times, found in the established scholarship, to be sure. Tanya Harmer's
important work, for one, still frames the chronology along the lines of a long Cold war, but this time the experiences
are grounded in the 1920s—time when the main contours of political and ideological disputes in Latin America also
became defined by broader competing propositions between Capitalist versus Communist projects of high modernity
(Harmer, 2014a, pp. 133–147; Westad, 2007). This was indeed the period when Communist Parties across the region
were created, and given that these helped define the Cold War period, it makes sense to look back to the inter-war
period.
This is not to say that the regional and especially domestic Marxist left-right divide that clearly was at play from
the 1920s to the 1940s was the same one of the post-WWII years. In fact, in the inter-war period, especially in the
larger countries, like Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina, the political scenario was not strictly binary. And much of the
political innovations were in the hands of the middle-ground centrist reformist coalitions or progressive nationalist
coalitions which increasingly, as the Cold War settled across the hemisphere, were pushed to the margins of a then
clearly binary, Marxist left versus violent right confrontation. In this sense, though appealing in many ways by high-
lighting the valuable long-term perspective in terms of political violence and, in place, foreign intervention, long duree
characterizations of Latin America's Cold War need to be fined-tuned so that scholarship recently produced, which
increasingly highlights many of the unique, complex, multidimensional and often contradictory elements of the post-
WWII context, can be better appreciated.
One of the main problems with the notion of centuries-long continuities is that it underappreciates the lines
of broader (though clearly far from enough) inclusion unfolding in several Latin America societies in the 1930s and
40s, as well as the uniquely (more) cooperative (or at least less domineering) experience of US–Latin American rela-
tions that was experienced in the same years under the label of the Good Neighbor Policy. In effect, even when
acknowledging—as Grandin insightfully does elsewhere—that the good winds blowing under the Good Neighbor
have in many ways confirmed the determining role the US played in the region since early in the century, it does
not diminish the relevance of the unique historical moment when more balanced terms of economic, political and
diplomatic engagements could be established between the Colossus of the North and, at least, the larger countries
of the continent (Grandin, 2011).
It is clear that the reformist path of the second quarter and the middle of the century could only occur given
the more inclusive lines of hemispheric engagement then in place. And these experiences should therefore be
better incorporated into our analyses of the Cold War since their very impact on mid-century fostered US public
and private actors to step up their level and types of hemispheric interventions right after WWII, thus reframing the
contours of what was going to be seen henceforth as acceptable/unacceptable behavior across the continent (Bethell
& Roxborough, 1992). It was indeed due to more concerted, ideologically driven, and the increasingly militarized
and violent encroachment of United States actors that the region moved from the late 1940s, and in some cases
mid-1950s, reformist domestic and hemispheric approaches for addressing its historical problems to overly more
radicalized courses of action by the mid-1960s (Field, 2014; Ioris, 2014).
It is thus clear that the post-WWII period represented a uniquely complex, challenging, and painful, but also
transformative, moment in Latin America, which was directly involved in and at times at the heart of broader Cold
War dynamics. The Cold War indeed halted and increasingly created the possibility and the military and diplo-
matic wherewithal for oligarchic forces to curtail, and often to reverse, many of the popular political and economic
gains of preceding years. Concretely, the backtracking on neighborly behaviors on the part of the United States
and the insertion of hemispheric events under the emerging containment logic of the late 40s/early 50s provided
ideological justification, diplomatic approval and increasingly military means for powerful conservatives to remobi-
lize their strength and act against historically discriminated and excluded groups. These sectors, however, did not
stand idle when renewed levels of repression were imposed on them. In effect, disillusioned by the unraveling of
centrist-reformist alliances, popular groups increasingly sought alternatives, often politically and ideologically more
radical, wherein foreign influences also played a role. 4
In short, it was the ever more limiting constraints of the polarized logic of the post-WWII global, hemispheric,
regional, and domestic contexts that helped derail the path of socioeconomic, political and cultural transformations
unfolding in many Latin American nations. Altogether, this resulted in large-scale, in most places unprecedented
levels of violence, the deepening of political and ideological divisions, the entrenchment of exclusionary oligarchic
rule, and ultimately, delaying the possibility of implementing more inclusive policies for one or even two generations.
Long durée approaches seem closer to Eric Hobsbawm's Short Century temporalization than to Latin Ameri-
ca's historiographical reflection on time, problems and turning points punctuating the pace of historical devel-
opment in the region (Hobsbawm, 1994). And whether Hobsbawm's perspective about the unfolding of events
in Europe sees continuity and coherence between 1917 and the post-WWII period, political historians like Tulio
Halperín Donghi (1993) or historians of the economy like Luis Bértola and José Antonio Ocampo (2012) see 1945 as
a moment of fracture in Latin American history. 5
Perhaps, the reluctance to incorporate Latin American historiographical contributions into the aforementioned
debates explains some of its shortcomings. It also points to a more general problem where especially Anglophone
historiography has proven to be particularly reluctant to dialogue with Latin American scholarship as the Chilean
historian, Marcelo Casals (2020), recently underlined. In the following pages, we offer an overview of some of the
most promising works produced by Latin American scholars who have enriched the field in ways that warrant higher
levels of historiographical engagement.
3 | NEW THEMES AND METHODOLOGIES IN LATIN AMERICA'S COLD WAR: A

PERSPECTIVE FROM THE SOUTH
That Latin America societies had multiple levels of agency while reacting to US public and private actors' growing
encroachment at the time of the Cold War is a fundamental notion that has increasingly become well established in
the field. 6 That part of these actions involved coordinated attempts at designing new patterns of hemispheric interac-
tions along alleged more constructive lines based on developmental theories provided by Modernization paradigms
of the time, what some have defined as Cold War Liberalism, is a related, important but still bourgeoning area of
research (Cronin, 1996).
In this regard, one of the most interesting recent historiographical developments has been the emerging interest
on the part of Latin American scholars to engage in examinations pertaining to how multiple countries in the region
understood and reacted to US-led reformist initiatives, particularly in the transformative years of the 1960s, when
more inclusive notions of development were debated and pursued across the continent. Central recent works here
include Felipe Loureiro's Aliança para o Progresso e o Governo João Goulart (2020), Ricardo Lopez-Pedreros's Makers of
Democracy (2019), and Fernando Purcell's The Peace Corps in South America (2019).
Loureiro's competently researched and argued work details how the Alliance for Progress' economic disburse-
ments in Brazil were deeply mired in political considerations that included analysis of how trustworthy and ideologi-
cally aligned key national and regional political leaders were considered to be the grandiose technocratic frame of the
program notwithstanding. In so doing, the book makes evident how developmental projects promoted by multiple
agencies of the US government played a destabilizing role in the region's incipient democratic regimes. What is
more, based on the extensive evidentiary base of administrative reports, Loureiro's work substantiates the long-held
but only partially demonstrated notion that the new regional diplomatic overture of the United States toward Latin
America in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution was closely underpinned by narrowly defined Cold War security
concerns. 7
The book similarly examines the different views and positions Brazilian actors held in the course of interactions
involving the design and implementation of multiple developmental projects in multiple parts of the country and
how they went about trying to shape the course of the actions conducted by US actors on the ground. Aliança para
o Progresso e o Governo João Goulart thus highlights the complexities involved in the actions taken, and the various
levels of agency held, by regional actors while, at the same time, nonetheless confirming the notion that hemispheric
interactions were essentially asymmetric in terms of the impact US and Latin American actors could bring to bear.
Loureiro's book enriches our understanding of the new opportunities and challenges presented by the Cold War
in Latin America. In specific, it is clear that though new spaces for mobilization of regional powers emerged (e.g.
new regional partnerships for development promotion along non-revolutionary, reformist lines), and regional agency
continued to part of how experiences unfolded in the ground, power dynamics continued to define final outcomes.
Adding to the line of argument presented by Loureiro, but from a cultural perspective, Lopez-Pedreros examines
the role of the Alliance for Progress in fostering political polarization in Colombia early in the 1960s. Scrutinizing a
vast amount of documentary sources (ranging from official documents, training materials and marketing pieces), the
book argues that the very market-oriented notions structuring middle-class focused on developmental initiatives
supported by US and Colombian actors, public and private, reinforced traditional images of social order. As such,
though ambitious in bringing many new social actors into the political arena, the important and innovative reformist
efforts undertaking during the National Front failed, in the end, to achieve higher levels of social inclusion in what
seemed to be a promising period of that country's history, as well as of the region as a whole. 8 Makers of Democ-
racy expands the analysis of immediate development-related experiences to include an insightful reflection on the
makings of the middle classes in Colombia via a close analysis of the debates surrounding and underpinning the
search to expand and re-signify what it implied to be a member of this, allegedly expanding and said-to-be more
democratic, social segment. Thus, by examining how narrowly defined these images were, Lopez-Pedreros demon-
strates how professed progressive transnational experiences of the Cold War in Latin America served, once again, to
reinforce gendered and racialize hierarchical orderings, thus vividly reflecting the reasserted limits of the agenda of
social change faced in Latin America in the second half of the twentieth century.
Shedding light on another dimension of these interactions, Fernando Purcell examines how personal exchanges
between Latin American and US grass root activists involved in community building projects where Peace Corps volun-
teers allocated to various South American countries impacted projects themselves. One central element of the book
is how surprised US volunteers were at finding out that Latin Americans were already involved in community-based
actions upon arriving in Chile, Peru, Brazil, etc. Purcell's work also documents the gap between development notions
held by US and Latin American actors, and information that can certainly be important in trying to assess not only the
many shortcomings manifested in these initiatives but also the mutual frustration about their poor results. Moreover,
these experiences would be valuable for understanding associated ideological polarization in Latin American socie-
ties and the very hardening of US actions in the region as the developmental decade of the 1960s unfolded.
Together, these works highlight how the national, regional, and hemispheric contexts across the Americas were
increasingly activated in deeply divisive political lines as the Cold War intensified. Likewise, they provide clear exam-
ples about the role that US new diplomatic, foreign aid, and military projects played in this process, especially in areas
not as intensely affected by earlier encroachments, such as South America. The evolution of the studies focused on
Latin America's Cold War cultural battlefields that offer another crucial inroad in order to appreciate both the pecu-
liarities of the period and the geographical nuances which marked the spread of the conflict in the region. The field
has been recently refreshed by the work of historians like Patrick Iber, who has retraced the way in which politics and
culture became -along with military interventions, coups and revolutions-a constitutive backbone of Latin America's
Cold War (Iber, 2015).
A new generation of Latin American scholars has picked up from Iber's focus on enlightened elites and has
tried to approach the cultural Cold War also from the point of view of mass culture produced in Latin America.
Of particular interest is in this sense a dossier edited by Ximena Espeche and Laura Ehrlich, titled “Guerra fría
cultural en América Latina: prácticas del saber en conflicto”, published in the Argentinean journal Prismas (Espeche &
Ehrlich, 2019, pp. 173–179). In this special issue, a group of Latin American scholars retraces the form in which key
“native” concepts such as “revolution”, “anti-communism”, “nationalism”, among others, were in part re-signified in
their use during the Cold War and, as a consequence, at the beginning of the Cold War itself.
Adding to these important notions, Rafael Rojas (2019, pp. 189–196) analyzes how during the insurrections and
the first years in power, Cuban intellectuals, social scientists and the political elite mainly pointed in their essays,
speeches and works to a Revolution rooted in a Republican, democratic and radical nationalist tradition. However,
by 1961, rising tensions with Washington and Cuba's strategic rapprochement toward the Soviet Union imposed a
radicalization and, therefore, an intellectual reinterpretation of the Revolution as a Marxist-Leninist one. Rojas' piece
offers a good example of how Cold War geopolitical specific dynamics impacted on ingrained political concepts,
forcing an alteration of their meaning to keep-up with the peculiarities of new political dynamics triggered by the
bipolar conflict. What is more, Valeria Manzano's work in the dossier offers another interesting approach to the
history of Latin America's cultural Cold War. In effect, displacing usual US-centered interpretations and recasting her
attention to a rather heterodox case-study, Latin American rock band's tours to the Soviet Union during the 1980s,
Manzano (2019, pp. 201–217) helps us to appreciate hidden cultural connections which linked the process of demo-
cratic transition in Latin America and the beginning of the Perestroika era in the Soviet Union. Manzano's article is
also particularly refreshing for its focus on social and cultural aspects of Latin America's historical trajectory during a
decade, the 1980s, which has usually been studied addressing the explosion of guerrilla warfare in Central America.
The push for a transnational approach to Latin America's Cold War history is another interesting phenomenon
emerging recently from the work of Latin American scholars. Aldo Marchesi (2017, pp. 187–202) has expounded
the opportunity of moving beyond a Latin American historiographical tradition for too long, narrowly focused on a
national dimension, in an article published in the Brazilian journal Estudos Históricos. In his piece, Marchesi also argues
in favor of a transnational approach in order to evade the dichotomy proposed by a historiography which has read
Latin America's Cold War as a binary conflict/alliance between Washington and regional/local actors. According to
Marchesi, a multiplicity of transnational, in between spaces exist, which during the Cold War did not necessarily align
themselves with one of the two Cold War poles. Marchesi, for example, calls attention to a transnational body, the
United Nation Economic Commission for Latin America, led by the Argentinean economist Raúl Prebisch. According
to Marchesi, the history of Economic Commission of Latin America shows a key Latin American actor, which did not
belong to the national sphere and which rather than conflicting or allying itself with Washington maintained an inter-
action with the Superpower marked by fluctuating political and theoretical tensions.
In a special issue published by another relevant Latin American journal, Secuencia, Julieta Rostica and Laura
Sala (2021, pp. 1–7) have argued in favor of a transnational approach to the study of Latin America's Cold War as a
tool to better understand connections and synergies between apparently unrelated historical processes. In particu-
lar, the article Sala (2021, pp. 1–34) writes for the dossier offers an overview of the process of circulation of ideas
feeding the constitution of a Latin American National Security Doctrine (NSD), on which Latin American armies fero-
cious interventions drew on during the 1970s and the 1980s. In her piece, the author shows that the NSD was the
product of a wide regional circulation of theories and practices, also highlighting the existence of external influences
beyond the traditionally recognized US and French contributions. For example, focusing on the Guatemalan army
during the 1980s, Sala illustrates how during the bloody Central American civil wars, counterinsurgent strategies
were deeply influenced by the practices adopted by the Argentinean army during the Dirty War but, also, by military
ideas proceeding from extra-regional countries such as Taiwan.
In the same dossier, Daniel Kent (2021, pp. 1–30) points to another peculiarity of Latin America's Cold War era:
South–South interactions in the context of the emerging Third World. However, most authors have focused on left-
wing Third World solidarity; Kent shifts the focus of the attention toward a sort of Liberal Third Worldist cooperation.
Similarly, he retraces how the collaboration between Indian and Mexican governments, within the framework of
the Congress for the Freedom of Culture, strongly contributed to the shaping of “of an elite liberal culture centered
around the denouncement of the danger posed by left-wing totalitarianism”, which strengthened an anti-communist
liberal vision as constitutive identity in both countries but also in the Third World at large.
All in all new methodological approaches, such as transnationalism, and the work realized by new cohorts of
Latin American scholars on refreshing topics, such as the Cultural Cold War, Economic Development or the history
of Latin American middle class, among others, offer important contributions to decentering the history of the Cold
War. They also help us to better grasp the regional and chronological nuances and specificities of the Latin America's
Cold War.
There are certainly historical continuities in the stories the authors mentioned in this short overview tell us. But
they also point toward the need to analyze and understand Latin America's Cold War as dependent on more contin-
gent time and specific dynamics that long duree approaches are sometimes ready to accept or even able to provide.
Much in the same way, these works highlight both the need to hear better the voices from the South and to inte-
grate more fully the contributions of academics based in Spanish and Portuguese-speaking environs in English-based
centers of knowledge. This can only further enrich a vibrant and growing fascinating field of studies that is ever more
important in today's world.
ACKNOWLE DG E ME NT
We thank History Compass for the invitation to write this piece.
O RC ID
Rafael R. Ioris https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1956-2698
END NOTE S
1
On Anglophone historiography reluctance to incorporate the work of Latin American scholars see Casals (2020). More
on the problem pertaining to the production of knowledge on the North vis-à-vis on the South of the World, with special
attention to Latin America, see Lima Grecco and Schuster (2020).
2
Similar longue durée notions are presented in another foundational book in the field also edited by Gilbert Joseph, especially
in Joseph (2008: 2–45).
3
This usage of qualifier is also present in another foundational book in the field also edited by Gilbert Joseph, especially in
Joseph (2008, pp. 2–45).
4
On the regenerating effect the Cold War had for Latin American conservative actors see Pettinà (2022).
5
On the idea of continuity and rupture in Halperín Donghi see Devoto (2015). See also Bethell & Roxborough (1992).
6
This notion has indeed been accepted for a while in synthetic works by authors such as Rabe (2016) and Wright (2001); as
well as in monographic pieces such as Harmer (2014b) and Field (2014).
7
Similar claims for the region as a whole were also advanced by Taffet (2007).
8
A similar argument but largely focused on examining grass-roots experiences in the countryside is presented by Karl (2017).
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AUT HOR BI OGRAPHI E S
Rafael R. Ioris is a Professor of Latin American History at the History Department and an Affiliated Faculty at
the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver. He is the author of several articles
and book chapters on the history of development in Brazil and other parts of Latin America and on the course
of US-Latin American relations, particularly during the Cold War. He is the author of Qual Desenvolvimento?
Os Debates, Sentidos e Lições da Era Desenvolvimentista. (Paco Editorial, 2017), Transforming Brazil: A History of
National Development in the Postwar Era (Routledge, 2014), and Culturas em Choque: a Globalização e os Desafios
para a Convivência Multicultural. (Annablume, 2007). He is also the co-editor of Frontiers of Development in the
Amazon: Riches, Risks, and Resistances. (Lexington Book, 2020) and of Amazonia no Seculo XXI: Desafios, Vozes e
Perspectivas (Alameda, 2022).
Vanni Pettinà holds a Ph.D. in Contemporary History from the University Complutense of Madrid. He is an
Associate Professor of Latin American History at the University Ca'Foscari in Venice. He was John W. Kluge
Postdoctoral Fellow at the Library of Congress and Edmundo O’Gorman Scholar at ILAS-Columbia University. He
has published articles in the Journal of Latin American Studies, International History Review, Cold War History
and Historia Mexicana. He is author of A Compact History of Latin America's Cold War (UNC, 2022) and he is
coeditor, with Stella Krepp and Thomas Field, of Latin America and the Global Cold War (UNC Press 2021). He is
currently working on a book project tentatively titled: From Bilateralism to globalism. Development and Foreign
Policy during Mexico's Cold War.
How to cite this article: Ioris, R. R., & Pettina, V. (2023). Debating Latin America's Cold War: A vision from
the south. History Compass, 21(2), e12759. https://doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12759

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14780542, 2023, 2, Downloaded from https://compass.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/hic3.12759 by Oklahoma State University, Wiley Online Library on [30/01/2023].

Debating Latin America's Cold War: A vision from

Rafael R. Ioris1,2 | Vanni Pettina2

University of Denver, Denver, Colorado, USA

University Ca'Foscari in Venice, Italy

2 | PROBLEMS OF DEFINITION AND CHRONOLOGIES

3 | NEW THEMES AND METHODOLOGIES IN LATIN AMERICA'S COLD WAR: A

AUT HOR BI OGRAPHI E S

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