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Masculinity

Masculinity (also called manhood or manliness) is a set of


attributes, behaviors, and roles associated with men and boys.
Masculinity can be theoretically understood as socially
constructed,[1] and there is also evidence that some behaviors
considered masculine are influenced by both cultural factors and
biological factors.[1][2][3][4] To what extent masculinity is
biologically or socially influenced is subject to debate.[2][3][4] It is
distinct from the definition of the biological male sex,[5][6] as
anyone can exhibit masculine traits.[7] Standards of masculinity
vary across different cultures and historical periods.

Overview
Standards of manliness or masculinity vary across different cultures,
subcultures, ethnic groups and historical periods.[8] Traits
traditionally viewed as masculine in Western society include
strength, courage, independence, leadership, and
assertiveness.[9][10][11][12] When women's labor participation
increased, there were men who felt less comfortable in their
masculinity because it was increasingly difficult for them to
In Roman mythology, Mars was the
reconfirm their status as the breadwinner.[13] god of war and masculinity.

The academic study of masculinity received increased attention


during the late 1980s and early 1990s, with the number of courses
on the subject in the United States rising from 30 to over 300.[14]
This has sparked investigation of the intersection of masculinity
with concepts from other fields, such as the social construction of
gender difference[15] (prevalent in a number of philosophical and
sociological theories).

People regardless of biological sex may exhibit masculine traits and


behavior. Those exhibiting both masculine and feminine
characteristics are considered androgynous, and feminist
philosophers have argued that gender ambiguity may blur gender
classification.[16][17]

History

Lewis Hine's photo of a power house


mechanic working on a steam pump
The concept of masculinity varies historically and culturally.[18]: 1 –3  Since what constitutes masculinity has
varied by time and place, according to Raewyn Connell, it is more appropriate to discuss "masculinities"
than a single overarching concept.[19]: 1 85 

Antiquity

Ancient literature dates back to about 3000 BC, with explicit


expectations for men in the form of laws and implied masculine
ideals in myths of gods and heroes. According to the Code of
Hammurabi (about 1750 BC):

Rule 3: "If any one bring an accusation of any crime


before the elders, and does not prove what he has
charged, he shall, if it be a capital offense charged, be
put to death."
Rule 128: "If a man takes a woman to wife, but has no
intercourse with her, this woman is no wife to him."[20]

In the Hebrew Bible of 1000 BC, when King David of Israel drew
near to death, he told his son Solomon: "I go the way of all the
earth: be thou strong therefore, and shew thyself a man".[21]

In his book Germania (98 AD), Tacitus stated that the men from the
ancient Germanic tribes fought aggressively in battle to protect their
women from capture by the enemy.[22][23][24] Odysseus, hero of the Odyssey

"It stands on record that armies already wavering and


on the point of collapse have been rallied by the
women, pleading heroically with their men, thrusting
forward their bared bosoms, and making them realize
the imminent prospect of enslavement - a fate which
the Germans fear more desperately for their women
than for themselves." -Tacitus (Germania)[25]

Tacitus presented the Germanic warrior Arminius as a masculine hero in his account of ancient Germany
whose already violent nature was further heightened by the abduction of his beloved wife Thusnelda by the
Roman general Germanicus. In his rage Arminius demanded war against the Roman empire.[26][27][28][29]

Medieval and Victorian eras

Jeffrey Richards describes a European "medieval masculinity which was essentially Christian and
chivalric".[30] Courage, respect for women of all classes and generosity characterize the portrayal of men in
literary history. According to David Rosen, the traditional view of scholars (such as J. R. R. Tolkien) that
Beowulf is a tale of medieval heroism overlooks the similarities between Beowulf and the monster Grendel.
The masculinity exemplified by Beowulf "cut[s] men off from women, other men, passion and the
household".[31]
During the Victorian era, masculinity underwent a transformation
from traditional heroism. Scottish philosopher Thomas Carlyle
wrote in 1831: "The old ideal of Manhood has grown obsolete, and
the new is still invisible to us, and we grope after it in darkness, one
clutching this phantom, another that; Werterism, Byronism, even
Brummelism, each has its day".[32]

Boxing was professionalized in America and Europe in the 19th


century; it emphasized the physical and confrontational aspects of
masculinity.[33] Bare-knuckle boxing without gloves represented
"the manly art" in 19th-century America.[34]

20th century to present

At the beginning of the 20th century, a traditional family consisted


Beowulf fighting the dragon
of the father as breadwinner and the mother as homemaker. Despite
women's increasing participation in the paid labor force and
contributions to family income, men's identities remained centered
on their working lives and specifically their economic contributions. In 1963, social theorist Erving
Goffman's seminal work on stigma management presented a list of traits prescribed as categorically
masculine for American men:

In an important sense there is only one complete unblushing male in America: a young,
married, white, urban, northern, heterosexual Protestant father of college education, fully
employed, of good complexion, weight and height, and a recent record in sports.[35]:128

Writing in 1974, R. Gould asserted that the provider role was central to adult men's identities, as masculinity
is often measured by the size of a man's economic contribution to the family.[36] Masculinity is also secured
by denying any semblance of softness, emotion, femininity, or any characteristic associated with
women.[37] Overwhelmingly, the construction of masculinity most valued in the latter part of the 20th
century and the early 21st century is one that is independent, sexually assertive, and athletic, among other
normative markers of manhood.[38][39] There is some evidence of this construction developing slightly
however. A 2008 study showed that men frequently rank good health, a harmonious family life and a good
relationship with their spouse or partner as more important to their quality of life than physical attractiveness
and success with women.[40]

Development

Nature versus nurture

Scholars have debated the extent to which gender identity and gender-specific behaviors are due to
socialization versus biological factors.[4]: 2 9 [41][42] Social and biological influences are thought to be
mutually interacting during development.[4]: 2 9 [3]: 2 18–225  Studies of prenatal androgen exposure have
provided some evidence that femininity and masculinity are partly biologically
determined. [2]: 
8 –9 
[ 3]: 
1 53–154  Other possible biological influences include evolution, genetics, epigenetics,
and hormones (both during development and in
adulthood). [4]: 
2 9–31 
[ 2]: 
7 –13 
[ 3]: 
1 53–154  Scholars suggest that innate
differences between the sexes are compounded or exaggerated by
the influences of social factors.[43][44][45]

Social construction of masculinity

In many cultures, displaying characteristics not typical of one's


gender may be a social problem. In sociology, this labeling is
known as gender assumptions and is part of socialization to meet
the mores of a society. Non-standard behavior may be considered
indicative of homosexuality, despite the fact that gender expression,
gender identity and sexual orientation are widely accepted as
distinct concepts.[46] When sexuality is defined in terms of object
choice (as in early sexology studies), male homosexuality may be
An early color photograph of a
interpreted as effeminacy.[47] Machismo is a form of masculinity
construction worker
that emphasizes power and is often associated with a disregard for
consequences and responsibility.[48]

Some believe that masculinity is linked to the male body; in this view, masculinity is associated with male
genitalia.[18]: 3   Others have suggested that although masculinity may be influenced by biology, it is also a
cultural construct.[18]: 3   Many aspects of masculinity assumed to be natural are linguistically and culturally
driven.[49] It is argued that masculinity does not have a single source. Although the military has a vested
interest in constructing and promoting a specific form of masculinity, it does not create it.[18]: 1 7–21  Facial
hair is linked to masculinity through language, in stories about boys becoming men when they begin to
shave.[18]: 3 0–31 

Some social scientists conceptualize masculinity (and femininity) as a performance.[50][51][52] Gender


performances may not necessarily be intentional and people may not even be aware of the extent to which
they are performing gender, as one outcome of lifelong gender socialization is the feeling that one's gender
is "natural" or biologically-ordained.

Masculine performance varies over the life course, but also from one context to another. For instance, the
sports world may elicit more traditionally normative masculinities in participants than would other
settings.[53] Men who exhibit a tough and aggressive masculinity on the sports field may display a softer
masculinity in familial contexts. Masculinities vary by social class as well. Studies suggest working class
constructions of masculinity to be more normative than are those from middle class men and boys.[54][55]
As these contexts and comparisons illustrate, theorists suggest a multiplicity of masculinities, not simply one
single construction of masculinity.[51]

Historian Kate Cooper wrote: "Wherever a woman is mentioned a man's character is being judged – and
along with it what he stands for."[56] Scholars cite integrity and equality as masculine values in male-male
relationships.[57]

Gay and lesbian people

Gay men are considered by some to "deviate from the masculine norm" and are benevolently stereotyped as
"gentle and refined", even by other gay men. According to gay human-rights campaigner Peter Tatchell:
Contrary to the well-intentioned claim that gays are "just the same" as straights, there is a
difference. What is more, the distinctive style of gay masculinity is of great social benefit.
Wouldn't life be dull without the flair and imagination of queer fashion designers and interior
decorators? How could the NHS cope with no gay nurses, or the education system with no gay
teachers? Society should thank its lucky stars that not all men turn out straight, macho and
insensitive. The different hetero and homo modes of maleness are not, of course, biologically
fixed.[58]

Psychologist Joseph Pleck argues that a hierarchy of masculinity exists largely as a dichotomy of
homosexual and heterosexual males: "Our society uses the male heterosexual-homosexual dichotomy as a
central symbol for all the rankings of masculinity, for the division on any grounds between males who are
"real men" and have power, and males who are not".[59] Michael Kimmel adds that the trope "You're so
gay" indicates a lack of masculinity, rather than homosexual orientation.[60] According to Pleck, to avoid
male oppression of women, themselves and other men, patriarchal structures, institutions and discourse must
be eliminated from Western society.

In the documentary The Butch Factor, gay men (one of them transgender) were asked about their views of
masculinity. Masculine traits were generally seen as an advantage in and out of the closet, allowing "butch"
gay men to conceal their sexual orientation longer while engaged in masculine activities such as sports.
Effeminacy is inaccurately[46] associated with homosexuality,[47] and some gay men doubted their sexual
orientation; they did not see themselves as effeminate, and felt little connection to gay culture.[61] Some
effeminate gay men in The Butch Factor felt uncomfortable about their femininity (despite being
comfortable with their sexuality),[62] and feminine gay men may be derided by stereotypically-masculine
gays.[63]

Feminine-looking men tended to come out earlier after being labeled gay by their peers. More likely to face
bullying and harassment throughout their lives,[61] they are taunted by derogatory words (such as "sissy")
implying feminine qualities. Effeminate, "campy" gay men sometimes use what John R. Ballew called
"camp humor", such as referring to one another by female pronouns (according to Ballew, "a funny way of
defusing hate directed toward us [gay men]"); however, such humor "can cause us [gay men] to become
confused in relation to how we feel about being men".[64] He further stated:

[Heterosexual] men are sometimes advised to get in touch with their "inner feminine." Maybe
gay men need to get in touch with their "inner masculine" instead. Identifying those aspects of
being a man we most value and then cultivate those parts of our selves can lead to a healthier
and less distorted sense of our own masculinity.[64]

A study by the Center for Theoretical Study at Charles University in Prague and the Academy of Sciences
of the Czech Republic found significant differences in shape among the faces of heterosexual and gay men,
with gay men having more "stereotypically masculine" features ("undermin[ing] stereotypical notions of
gay men as more feminine looking.")[65]

Gay men have been presented in the media as feminine and open to ridicule, although films such as
Brokeback Mountain are countering the stereotype.[64] A recent development is the portrayal of gay men in
the LGBT community as "bears", a subculture of gay men celebrating rugged masculinity[66][67] and
"secondary sexual characteristics of the male: facial hair, body hair, proportional size, baldness".[68]

Second-wave pro-feminism paid greater attention to issues of sexuality, particularly the relationship between
homosexual men and hegemonic masculinity. This shift led to increased cooperation between the men's
liberation and gay liberation movements developing, in part, because masculinity was understood as a social
construct and in response to the universalization of "men" in previous men's movements. Men's-rights
activists worked to stop second-wave feminists from influencing the gay-rights movement, promoting
hypermasculinity as inherent to gay sexuality.[69]

Masculinity has played an important role in lesbian culture,[70] although lesbians vary widely in the degree
to which they express masculinity and femininity. In LGBT cultures, masculine women are often referred to
as "butch".[71][72][73]

Hegemonic masculinity

Traditional avenues for men to gain honor were providing for


their families and exercising leadership.[74] Raewyn Connell
has labeled traditional male roles and privileges hegemonic
masculinity, encouraged in men and discouraged in women:
"Hegemonic masculinity can be defined as the configuration of
gender practice which embodies the currently accepted answer
to the problem of the legitimacy of patriarchy, which
guarantees the dominant position of men and the subordination
of women".[19]: 7 7  Connell (1987) placed emphasis on
heterosexuality and its influence on the construction of gender.
From this perspective, there is a dominant (hegemonic) and Contests of physical skill and strength
idealized form of masculinity in every social system and an appear in some form in many cultures.
apotheosized form of femininity that is considered proper for Here, two U.S. Marines compete in a
men and women. This idealized form of masculinity wrestling match.
(hegemonic masculinity) legitimates and normalizes certain
performances of men, and pathologizes, marginalizes, and
subordinates any other expressions of masculinities or femininities (masculine and feminine subject
positions). Alongside hegemonic masculinity, Connell postulated that there are other forms of masculinities
(marginalized and subordinated), which, according to a plethora of studies, are constructed in oppressive
ways (Thorne 1993). This is symptomatic of the fact that hegemonic masculinity is relational, which means
that it is constructed in relation to and against an Other (emphasized femininity, marginalized and
subordinated masculinities).[75] In addition to describing forceful articulations of violent masculine
identities, hegemonic masculinity has also been used to describe implicit, indirect, or coercive forms of
gendered socialization, enacted through video games, fashion, humor, and so on.[76]

Precarious manhood

Researchers have argued that the "precariousness" of manhood contributes to traditionally-masculine


behavior.[77] "Precarious" means that manhood is not inborn, but must be achieved. In many cultures, boys
endure painful initiation rituals to become men. Manhood may also be lost, as when a man is derided for not
"being a man". Researchers have found that men respond to threats to their manhood by engaging in
stereotypically-masculine behaviors and beliefs, such as supporting hierarchy, espousing homophobic
beliefs, supporting aggression and choosing physical tasks over intellectual ones.[78]

In 2014, Winegard and Geary wrote that the precariousness of manhood involves social status (prestige or
dominance), and manhood may be more (or less) precarious due to the avenues men have for achieving
status.[79]

In women
Although often ignored in discussions of masculinity, women can
also express masculine traits and behaviors.[80][81] In Western
culture, female masculinity has been codified into identities such as
"tomboy" and "butch". Although female masculinity is often
associated with lesbianism, expressing masculinity is not necessarily
related to a woman's sexuality. In feminist philosophy, female
masculinity is often characterized as a type of gender performance
which challenges traditional masculinity and male dominance.[82]
Zachary A. Kramer argues that the discussion of masculinity should
be opened up "to include constructions of masculinity that uniquely
affect women."[83] Masculine women are often subject to social
stigma and harassment, although the influence of the feminist
movement has led to greater acceptance of women expressing
masculinity in recent decades.[84]

Women who participate in sports, especially male-dominated sports,


Vaudeville trapeze artist and
are sometimes derided as being masculine. Even though most sports
strongwoman, Charmion
emphasize stereotypically masculine qualities, such as strength,
competition, and aggression, women who participate in sports are
still expected to conform to strictly feminine gender norms. This is
known as the "female athlete paradox". Although traditional gender norms are gradually changing, female
athletes, especially those that participate in male-dominated sports such as boxing, weight lifting, American
football, rugby, ice hockey, and motorsport, are still often viewed as deviating from the boundaries of
femininity and may suffer negative repercussions.[85][86]

Women face a similar paradox in the business world, as corporate leadership roles are widely associated
with stereotypically masculine characteristics. Women who adopt these characteristics may be more
successful, but also more disliked due to not conforming with expected feminine stereotypes.[87] According
to a study in the UK, women with stereotypically masculine personality traits are more likely to gain access
to high-paying occupations than women with feminine personality traits.[88] According to another study
conducted in Germany, women who fit the stereotypical masculine gender role are generally more
successful in their careers.[89]

Health
Evidence points to the negative impact of hegemonic masculinity on men's health-related behavior, with
American men making 134.5 million fewer physician visits per year than women. Twenty-five percent of
men aged 45 to 60 do not have a personal physician, increasing their risk of death from heart disease. Men
between 25 and 65 are four times more likely to die from cardiovascular disease than women, and are more
likely to be diagnosed with a terminal illness because of their reluctance to see a doctor. Reasons cited for
not seeing a physician include fear, denial, embarrassment, a dislike of situations out of their control and the
belief that visiting a doctor is not worth the time or cost.[90]

Studies of men in North America and Europe show that men who consume alcoholic drinks often do so in
order to fulfill certain social expectations of manliness. While the causes of drinking and alcoholism are
complex and varied, gender roles and social expectations have a strong influence encouraging men to
drink.[91][92]

In 2004, Arran Stibbe published an analysis of a well-known men's-health magazine in 2000. According to
Stibbe, although the magazine ostensibly focused on health it also promoted traditional masculine behaviors
such as excessive consumption of convenience foods and meat, alcohol consumption and unsafe sex.[93]
Masculinity and sexual health is also a complex issue in the Global
South, as well. In South Africa, HIV transmission was one of the
significant reasons for the development of masculinities
research.[94] Risky actions commonly representative of toxic
masculinity are also present in Western and Chinese male clients'
attitudes and behaviors toward female sex workers in China's
commercial sex industry. While many male clients frequently
exhibited physical violence toward the female workers, in order to
more overtly display their manliness, some men also admitted to
being more sexually aggressive at times and purposefully having
unprotected sex without the worker's knowledge.[95]

Research on beer-commercial content by Lance Strate[96] yielded


results relevant to a study of masculinity.[97] In beer commercials,
masculine behavior (especially risk-taking) is encouraged. A British soldier drinks a pint glass of
Commercials often focus on situations in which a man overcomes beer after his return from
an obstacle in a group, working or playing hard (construction Afghanistan. Fighting in wars and
workers, farm workers or cowboys). Those involving play have drinking alcohol are both traditionally
central themes of mastery (of nature or each other), risk and masculine activities in many
adventure: fishing, camping, playing sports or socializing in bars. cultures.
There is usually an element of danger and a focus on movement
and speed (watching fast cars or driving fast). The bar is a setting
for the measurement of masculinity in skills such as billiards, strength, and drinking ability.[96] Men engage
in positive health practices, such as reducing fat intake and alcohol, to conform to masculine ideals.[98]

Men, boys and people who were assigned male at birth face gender policing from people who think they
are not masculine enough. Gender policing can increase the risk of alcoholism, anxiety, and depression.[99]

Criticism
Study of the history of masculinity emerged during the 1980s, aided by the fields of women's and (later)
gender history. Before women's history was examined, there was a "strict gendering of the public/private
divide"; regarding masculinity, this meant little study of how men related to the household, domesticity and
family life.[100] Although women's historical role was negated, despite the writing of history by (and
primarily about) men, a significant portion of the male experience was missing. This void was questioned
during the late 1970s, when women's history began to analyze gender and women to deepen the female
experience.[101] Joan Scott's seminal article, calling for gender studies as an analytical concept to explore
society, power and discourse, laid the foundation for this field.[102]

According to Scott, gender should be used in two ways: productive and produced. Productive gender
examined its role in creating power relationships, and produced gender explored the use and change of
gender throughout history. This has influenced the field of masculinity, as seen in Pierre Bourdieu's
definition of masculinity: produced by society and culture, and reproduced in daily life.[103] A flurry of
work in women's history led to a call for study of the male role (initially influenced by psychoanalysis) in
society and emotional and interpersonal life. Connell wrote that these initial works were marked by a "high
level of generality" in "broad surveys of cultural norms". The scholarship was aware of contemporary
societal changes aiming to understand and evolve (or liberate) the male role in response to feminism.[19]: 2 8 
John Tosh calls for a return to this aim for the history of masculinity to be useful, academically and in the
public sphere.[104]
Two concerns over the study of the history of masculinity are that it would stabilize the historical process
(rather than change it) and that a cultural overemphasis on the approach to masculinity lacks the reality of
actual experience. According to John Tosh, masculinity has become a conceptual framework used by
historians to enhance their cultural explorations instead of a specialty in its own right.[105] This draws
attention from reality to representation and meaning, not only in the realm of masculinity; culture was
becoming "the bottom line, the real historical reality".[104] Tosh critiques Martin Francis' work in this light
because popular culture, rather than the experience of family life, is the basis for Francis' argument.[106]
Francis uses contemporary literature and film to demonstrate that masculinity was restless, shying away
from domesticity and commitment, during the late 1940s and 1950s.[106] Francis wrote that this flight from
commitment was "most likely to take place at the level of fantasy (individual and collective)". In focusing
on culture, it is difficult to gauge the degree to which films such as Scott of the Antarctic represented the
era's masculine fantasies.[106] Michael Roper's call to focus on the subjectivity of masculinity addresses this
cultural bias, because broad understanding is set aside for an examination "of what the relationship of the
codes of masculinity is to actual men, to existential matters, to persons and to their psychic make-up"
(Tosh's human experience).[107]

According to Tosh, the culture of masculinity has outlived its usefulness because it cannot fulfill the initial
aim of this history (to discover how manhood was conditioned and experienced) and he urged "questions of
behaviour and agency".[105] His work on Victorian masculinity uses individual experience in letters and
sketches to illustrate broader cultural and social customs, such as birthing or Christmas traditions.[100]

Stefan Dudink believes that the methodological approach (trying to categorize masculinity as a
phenomenon) undermined its historiographic development.[108] Abigail Solomou-Godeau's work on post-
revolutionary French art addresses a strong, constant patriarchy.[109]

Tosh's overall assessment is that a shift is needed in conceptualizing the topic[105] back to the history of
masculinity as a speciality aiming to reach a broader audience, rather than as an analytical tool of cultural
and social history. The importance he places on public history hearkens back to the initial aims of gender
history, which sought to use history to enlighten and change the present. Tosh appeals to historians to live
up to the "social expectation" of their work,[105] which would also require a greater focus on subjectivity
and masculinity. This view is contrary to Dudink's; the latter called for an "outflanking movement" towards
the history of masculinity, in response to the errors he perceived in the study.[108] This would do the
opposite of what Tosh called for, deconstructing masculinity by not placing it at the center of historical
exploration and using discourse and culture as indirect avenues towards a more-representational approach.
In a study of the Low Countries, Dudink proposes moving beyond the history of masculinity by embedding
analysis into the exploration of nation and nationalism (making masculinity a lens through which to view
conflict and nation-building).[110] Martin Francis' work on domesticity through a cultural lens moves
beyond the history of masculinity because "men constantly travelled back and forward across the frontier of
domesticity, if only in the realm of the imagination"; normative codes of behavior do not fully encompass
the male experience.[106]

Media images of boys and young men may lead to the persistence of harmful concepts of masculinity.
According to men's-rights activists, the media does not address men's-rights issues and men are often
portrayed negatively in advertising.[111] Peter Jackson called hegemonic masculinity "economically
exploitative" and "socially oppressive": "The form of oppression varies from patriarchal controls over
women's bodies and reproductive rights, through ideologies of domesticity, femininity and compulsory
heterosexuality, to social definitions of the value of work, the nature of skill and the differential
remuneration of 'productive' and 'reproductive' labor."[112]

Psychological research
According to a paper submitted by Tracy Tylka to the American Psychological Association, "Instead of
seeing a decrease in objectification of women in society, there has just been an increase in the objectification
of both sexes. And you can see that in the media today." Men and women restrict food intake in an effort to
achieve what they consider an attractively-thin body; in extreme cases, this leads to eating disorders.[113]
Psychiatrist Thomas Holbrook cited a recent Canadian study indicating that as many as one in six people
with eating disorders are men.[114]

Research in the United Kingdom found, "Younger men and women who read fitness and fashion
magazines could be psychologically harmed by the images of perfect female and male physiques." Young
women and men exercise excessively in an effort to achieve what they consider an attractively-fit and
muscular body, which may lead to body dysmorphic disorder or muscle dysmorphia.[115][116][117]
Although the stereotypes may have remained constant, the value attached to masculine stereotypes has
changed; Todd Reeser has argued that masculinity is an unstable phenomenon, never ultimately
achieved.[18]: 3 0–31 

In January 2019, the American Psychological Association warns that conforming to traditional standards of
masculinity can cause harm to mental health.[118]

Gender-role stress

In 1987 Eisler and Skidmore studied masculinity, creating the idea


of "masculine stress" and finding three elements of masculinity
which often result in emotional stress:

The emphasis on prevailing in situations requiring body


and fitness
Being perceived as emotional
The need for adequacy in sexual matters and financial
status According to social learning theory,
teaching boys to suppress vulnerable
Because of social norms and pressures associated with masculinity, emotions, as in the saying "big boys
men with spinal-cord injuries must adapt their self-identity to the don't cry", is a significant part of
losses associated with such injuries; this may "lead to feelings of gender socialization in Western
decreased physical and sexual prowess with lowered self-esteem society.[119][120][121]
and a loss of male identity. Feelings of guilt and overall loss of
control are also experienced."[122] Research also suggests that men
feel social pressure to endorse traditional masculine male models in advertising. Brett Martin and Juergen
Gnoth (2009) found that although feminine men privately preferred feminine models, they expressed a
preference for traditional masculine models in public; according to the authors, this reflected social pressure
on men to endorse traditional masculine norms.[123]

In their book Raising Cain: Protecting The Emotional Life of Boys, Dan Kindlon and Michael Thompson
wrote that although all boys are born loving and empathic, exposure to gender socialization (the tough male
ideal and hypermasculinity) limits their ability to function as emotionally-healthy adults. According to
Kindlon and Thompson, boys lack the ability to understand and express emotions productively because of
the stress imposed by masculine gender roles.[124]
In the article "Sexual Ethics, Masculinity and Mutual Vulnerability", Rob Cover works to unpack Judith
Butler's study of masculinity. Cover goes over issues such as sexual assault and how it can be partially
explained by hypermasculinity.[125]

Masculinity in crisis

A theory of masculinity in crisis has emerged;[126][127] Australian archeologist Peter McAllister said, "I
have a strong feeling that masculinity is in crisis. Men are really searching for a role in modern society; the
things we used to do aren't in much demand anymore".[128] Others see the changing labor market as a
source of stress. Deindustrialization and the replacement of smokestack industries by technology have
allowed more women to enter the labor force, reducing its emphasis on physical strength.[129]: 8 6–89 

The crisis has also been attributed to the questioning of male dominance and rights granted to men solely on
the basis of sex following the feminist movement.[129]: 8 3–86  British sociologist John MacInnes wrote that
"masculinity has always been in one crisis or another", suggesting that the crises arise from the
"fundamental incompatibility between the core principle of modernity that all human beings are essentially
equal (regardless of their sex) and the core tenet of patriarchy that men are naturally superior to women and
thus destined to rule over them".[130]

According to John Beynon, masculinity and men are often conflated and it is unclear whether masculinity,
men or both are in crisis. He writes that the "crisis" is not a recent phenomenon, illustrating several periods
of masculine crisis throughout history (some predating the women's movement and post-industrial society),
suggesting that due to masculinity's fluid nature "crisis is constitutive of masculinity itself".[129] Film
scholar Leon Hunt also writes: "Whenever masculinity's 'crisis' actually started, it certainly seems to have
been in place by the 1970s".[131]

East Asian cultures

In 2008, the word "herbivore men" became popular in Japan and was reported worldwide. Herbivore men
refers to young Japanese men who naturally detach themselves from masculinity. Masahiro Morioka
characterizes them as men 1) having gentle nature, 2) not bound by manliness, 3) not aggressive when it
comes to romance, 4) viewing women as equals, and 5) hating emotional pain. Herbivore men are severely
criticized by men who love masculinity.[132]

In Chinese and Taiwanese popular culture, phrases such as " 大 男人 " (lit. 'big man'), "死異男 " (lit.
'damned hetero male'), and " 直男癌 " (lit. 'straight male cancer') are used as pejoratives referring to men
exhibiting misogyny, dominance, and homophobia.[133]

East African cultures

During Margrethe Silberschmidt's research of urban and rural men in East Africa, she concludes that men
experience disempowerment when they cannot not fulfill their role as breadwinner and feel inferior to
women when they cannot provide for their family.[134] The changes in East Africa's cultural and economic
framework can partially be attributed to British colonial rule because it altered the gender division of
labor.[134] There was an increase in wage labor which led to a demand for more skilled workers in an
environment where there were primarily unskilled workers.[134] Eventually, there was a shift to growing
cash crops and the emphasis was put on men to be the breadwinner.[134] A man's social value is
traditionally connected to his ability to provide so when he can no longer do that, it negatively impacts his
ego.[134] Masculinity is seen as en entity to be protected, and when a man feels disempowered, he finds
other ways to reaffirm their masculinity.[134] Research that examines the struggles among men and look into
their personal experiences can help to understand the social structures of masculinity.[135]

In the Global South

Westernized influence in the media

Masculinities as depicted in the media of countries categorized as the Global South can depict stereotypical
gender roles in various ways. In India, such roles have been pushed through Bollywood films.[136]
Additionally, there is some indication that Westernized views of masculinity have been pushed onto a global
audience through print media advertisements, as well. This has been observed in India with the expansion
of availability of transnational men's magazines.[137] While there is some evidence of Western and
specifically, North American, influence in advertisements found in Chinese and Taiwanese men's magazines
as well, it seems that more often than not, those countries' magazines have just adopted a globally uniform
perception of masculinity.[138] This theme also presents itself in visual depictions of men in Afghanistan and
the Democratic Republic of the Congo.[139]

Sports media outlets have not necessarily promoted a completely "Westernized" version of masculinity, and
white, male sports icons may have had an impact when presented alongside those players of other races,
such as Asians or black people. A 2019 study found that in Major League Baseball, for example, Korean
players and their respective accomplishments tend to be pushed to the side when compared with white,
male players in print media and online news outlets.[140]

Novels may be affected by Westernized perceptions. Amjad Alsyouf argues that African novelists Tayeb
Salih and Chinua Achebe, for example, bring some Western influence to the gender roles portrayed in their
respective novels.[141]

Visual portrayals in fashion

Masculinity is also an important concept in advertisement branding in the Islamic culture. In Kuwait,
Muslim men must remain vigilant in making sure that their consumption decisions are representative of the
socially accepted masculine norms — particularly in regard to their fashion choices.[142] Additionally,
advertising in fashion branding choices and its effectiveness has been examined in the context of Chinese
male consumers' choices. Men interested in wearing luxury fashion brands were often more concerned with
making sure their choices were visually representative of a more professional and refined person, as
opposed to someone that simply looked tough or strong.[143] This kind of focus on visual portrayals can
also appear in media depictions. In the Japanese film Sooshokukeidanshi, one of the main characters is
made to appear like more of an outsider than the other male characters because of his unique style choices
being seen as less traditionally masculine than the cultural expectation is, in Japan.[144]

Effects on youth

Adharsh Raj and Manash Pratim Goswami write that in India, young people often copy negative behaviors
seen as being traditionally masculine in Bollywood films.[136] Turkish young people can also fall prey to
such negative media influence, According to Özlem Akkaya.[145] In a 2018 study, young males often
thought that the violent behavior displayed by the main character, "Behzat," in the Turkish television crime
series, Behzat Ç. Bir Ankara Polisiyesi, was relatable to what they already experienced in their own day to
day lives (and therefore, saw violence as a seemingly reasonable thing to occur in the series).[145]

Amongst secondary school students in New Zealand, a 2017 study found that when examining print media
advertisements, young girls occasionally fall back into a preconceived idea of what constitutes "typical"
masculine behavior.[146]

Fatherhood

In the Global South, many societies still follow very patriarchal norms. Through media depictions and real-
life scenarios, men are seen as being the head of the family — those that provide financially, have decision
making power, and really are in charge. The image of the nuclear family being the societal norm is also
ever-present in many places. When men are not able to fulfill that traditionally masculine, fatherly role, they
may have a difficult time proving themselves as being worthy enough to have relationships with their
children.[147] In South Africa, for example, females often take on more of a culturally masculine role in
providing for the household, due to the high percentage of absent fathers in some
communities.[148][149][150] Unfortunately, fathers' decision to desert the mother and their biological child is
fairly common in South Africa, particularly with regard to those fathers who are younger and come from
lower income families. They are often trying to provide for their own nuclear families and cannot also fulfill
the cultural obligations commonly attached to fatherhood.[147]

Efforts toward gender equality

While gender equality has not been achieved, changes are happening in regard to these commonly believed
gender roles, particularly with gender justice work in the Global South. In New Delhi, India, males are
more frequently becoming involved in this work, while also trying to remain mindful of how their
privileged status as men affects the public perception of what they are doing.[151] In Pakistan and
Afghanistan, the tide is also turning, and men's involvement in opposing violence against women is
generally seen as being very positive, a good thing for all. However, there are some who still very much see
conflict and violence against women as simply going hand in hand with the those cultures.[152]

Some want to shift the focus from specifically viewing females as the ones deserving of stronger rights to
everyone deserving the opportunity to be viewed as an equal; however, this can create the potential for men
to fall back into the mindset of "male victimhood," as opposed to focusing on female oppression.[151]
Although gender equality is becoming a more acknowledged topic in South Africa, for instance, fathers
would often rather still hold on to the more traditional gender roles — and pass those ideas down to their
sons.[153]

The International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) has also been developed and the results
from countries in the Global South studied more in recent years. Although the survey indicated areas for
further improvement, a significant recent finding comes in regard to men's childhood upbringing and their
attitudes surrounding gender equality. If men were raised seeing more equal division of household labor
tasks, older female relatives working in non-traditional occupations, less violence toward females, etc.,
those behaviors and attitudes had a tendency to carry over into their adult lives, according to the survey.[154]

A 2012 study found some evidence that youth have perhaps, inadvertently, made contributions toward
greater acceptance of gender equality. Popular culture consumed by youth and those of lesser social status
in East Asia, including manga, singing competitions, bands, and more are starting to showcase more
modernized males that combine some stereotypically masculine and feminine aspects in their behaviors.[155]
In South Africa, stricter governmental policies are being put into place regarding abuse and violence.
Additionally, initiatives like the "One Man Can" program were formed, which aim to provide HIV
prevention and an anti-violence program to men in the country.[156] The 'We Can End Violence against
Women' campaign is another anti-violence initiative in Pakistan, developed by the Oxfam GB group in
South Asia. In 2019, the program garnered much voluntary male participation in its gender equality work
out of Afghanistan and Pakistan.[152]

See also
Emasculation
Gender role
Men's World Day
Model of masculinity under fascist Italy
Mythopoetic men's movement
Virility
Christian manliness
Femininity

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雲 鍵盤大檸檬
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Further reading
Contemporary
Arrindell, Willem A. (1 October 2005). "Masculine gender role stress" (http://go.galegroup.co
m/ps/anonymous?id=GALE%7CA138230975). Psychiatric Times. XXII (11): 31.
Arrindell, Willem A.; et al. (September–December 2003). "Masculine gender role stress: a
potential predictor of phobic and obsessive-compulsive behaviour". Journal of Behavior
Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry. 34 (3–4): 251–267. doi:10.1016/j.jbtep.2003.10.002
(https://doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.jbtep.2003.10.002). PMID 14972672 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.n
ih.gov/14972672).
Ashe, Fidelma (2006). The New Politics of Masculinity: Men, Power and Resistance. London
New York: Routledge. ISBN 9781281062505.
Biddulph, Steve (2010). The new manhood: The handbook for a new kind of man.
Warriewood, N.S.W: Finch Pub. ISBN 978-1876451882.
Broom, Alex; Tovey, Philip, eds. (2009). Men's health: body, identity, and social context.
Chichester, West Sussex, U.K. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons.
ISBN 9780470516560.
Buchbinder, David (2014). "Deciphering men: reading the masculine in Modern Family".
Qualitative Research Journal. 14 (1): 16–27. doi:10.1108/QRJ-03-2014-0003 (https://doi.org/
10.1108%2FQRJ-03-2014-0003).
Burstin, Fay (15 October 2005). "What's killing men". Herald Sun. Melbourne.
Coffey-Glover, Laura (2015). "Ideologies of masculinity in women's magazines: a critical
stylistic approach" (http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/29336/1/PubSub6855_CoffeyGlover.pdf)
(PDF). Gender and Language. 9 (3): 337–364. doi:10.1558/genl.v9i3.17360 (https://doi.org/1
0.1558%2Fgenl.v9i3.17360).
Corneau, Guy (1991). Absent fathers, lost sons: the search for masculine identity (https://arch
ive.org/details/absentfatherslos00corn). Boston New York: Shambhala.
ISBN 9780877736035.
Courtenay, Will H. (May 2000). "Constructions of masculinity and their influence on men's
well-being: a theory of gender and health" (http://menshealth.org/code/SSM.PDF) (PDF).
Social Science & Medicine. 50 (10): 1385–1401. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.462.4452 (https://citeseer
x.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.462.4452). doi:10.1016/S0277-9536(99)00390-1
(https://doi.org/10.1016%2FS0277-9536%2899%2900390-1). PMID 10741575 (https://pubm
ed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/10741575).
Durham, Meenakshi G.; Oates, Thomas P. (2004). "The mismeasure of masculinity: the male
body, 'race' and power in the enumerative discourses of the NFL Draft" (https://semanticschol
ar.org/paper/717b7e031ac9f16b5916f267b7873c3ea3d8db1f). Patterns of Prejudice. 38 (3):
301–320. doi:10.1080/0031322042000250475 (https://doi.org/10.1080%2F0031322042000
250475). S2CID 146256628 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:146256628).
Eldredge, John (2001). Wild at heart: discovering the secret of a man's soul (https://archive.or
g/details/wildatheartdisco00eldr). Nashville, Tennessee: T. Nelson. ISBN 9780785218951.
Evans, Joan; et al. (March 2011). "Health, Illness, Men and Masculinities (HIMM): a
theoretical framework for understanding men and their health" (https://web.archive.org/web/2
0160208060031/http://health-equity.pitt.edu/4057/1/Health,_Illness,_Men_and_Masculinity.p
df) (PDF). Journal of Men's Health. 8 (1): 7–15. doi:10.1016/j.jomh.2010.09.227 (https://doi.or
g/10.1016%2Fj.jomh.2010.09.227). hdl:1903/24529 (https://hdl.handle.net/1903%2F24529).
Archived from the original (http://health-equity.pitt.edu/4057/1/Health,_Illness,_Men_and_Ma
sculinity.pdf) (PDF) on 8 February 2016. Retrieved 14 June 2017.
Galdas, Paul M.; Cheater, Francine M. (2010). "Indian and Pakistani men's accounts of
seeking medical help for cardiac chest pain in the United Kingdom: constructions of
marginalised masculinity or another version of hegemonic masculinity?". Qualitative
Research in Psychology. 7 (2): 122–139. doi:10.1080/14780880802571168 (https://doi.org/1
0.1080%2F14780880802571168). S2CID 143576618 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/Corpu
sID:143576618).
Halberstam, Jack (1998). Female masculinity (https://archive.org/details/femalemasculinit00j
udi). Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN 9780822322436.
Hamber, Brandon (December 2007). "Masculinity and transitional justice: an exploratory
essay" (https://semanticscholar.org/paper/3e70ad04b7956cb8d4fe6975984d1a4f0b79033f).
International Journal of Transitional Justice. 1 (3): 375–390. doi:10.1093/ijtj/ijm037 (https://do
i.org/10.1093%2Fijtj%2Fijm037). S2CID 145584255 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusI
D:145584255).
hooks, bell (2004). We real cool: Black men and masculinity. New York: Routledge.
ISBN 9780415969277.
Juergensmeyer, Mark (2003). "Why Guys Throw Bombs" (https://web.archive.org/web/20061
103115259/http://web.fu-berlin.de/gpo/pdf/juergensmeyer/juergensmeyer_e.pdf) (PDF).
Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence (౩rd ed.). Berkeley:
University of California Press. pp. 198–210. ISBN 978-0-52-024011-7. Archived from the
original (http://web.fu-berlin.de/gpo/pdf/juergensmeyer/juergensmeyer_e.pdf) (PDF) on 3
November 2006.
Kang, John M. (2013). "Does manly courage exist?" (http://scholars.law.unlv.edu/nlj/vol13/iss
2/10). Nevada Law Journal. 13 (2): 10.
Kimmel, Michael; Messner, Michael, eds. (2001). Men's lives (5th ed.). Boston: Allyn and
Bacon. ISBN 9780205321056.
Lawson, Robert (2013). "The construction of 'tough' masculinity: Negotiation, alignment and
rejection" (https://zenodo.org/record/896817). Gender and Language. 7 (3): 369–395.
doi:10.1558/genl.v7i3.369 (https://doi.org/10.1558%2Fgenl.v7i3.369).
Levant, Ronald F.; Pollack, William S., eds. (1995). A new psychology of men. New York:
Basic Books. ISBN 9780465039166.
Levant, Ronald F.; Wong, Y. Joel (2017). The Psychology of Men and Masculinities (https://b
ooks.google.com/books?id=o_hkvgAACAAJ). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological
Association. ISBN 978-1-43-382690-0.
Levine, Martin (1998). Gay macho: the life and death of the homosexual clone. New York:
New York University Press. ISBN 9780814746943.
Lupton, Ben (March 2006). "Explaining men's entry into female-concentrated occupations:
issues of masculinity and social class" (https://semanticscholar.org/paper/36fbbf7ccd1ac722
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x). S2CID 145124069 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:145124069).
Mansfield, Harvey (2006). Manliness. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
ISBN 9780300106640.
Reeser, T. (2010). "Masculinities in Theory". Wiley-Blackwell. Malden, MA.
Robinson, L. (21 October 2005). "Not just boys being boys: Brutal hazings are a product of a
culture of masculinity defined by violence, aggression and domination". Ottawa Citizen.
Ottawa, Ontario.
Shapiro, Stephen A. (1984). Manhood: a new definition. New York: Putnam.
ISBN 9780399129926.
Shuttleworth, Russell (2004), "Disabled masculinity", in Smith, Bonnie G.; Hutchison, Beth
(eds.), Gendering disability, New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press,
pp. 166–178, ISBN 9780813533735
Simpson, Mark (1994). Male impersonators: men performing masculinity (https://archive.org/
details/maleimpersonator0000simp). New York, NY: Routledge. ISBN 9780415909914.
Also available as: Simpson, Mark (1993). Male impersonators: men performing
masculinity. London: Cassell. ISBN 9780304328086.
Stephenson, June (1995). Men are not cost-effective: male crime in America (https://archive.o
rg/details/menarenotcosteff00june). New York: HarperPerennial. ISBN 9780060950989.
Tozer, Malcolm (2015). The ideal of manliness: the legacy of Thring's Uppingham. Truro:
Sunnyrest Books. ISBN 9781329542730.
Walsh, Fintan (2010). Male trouble: masculinity and the performance of crisis. Basingstoke,
Hampshire England New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781349368242.
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27. OCLC 937998604 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/937998604).
Wong, Y. Joel; et al. (2017). "Meta-analyses of the relationship between conformity to
masculine norms and mental health-related outcomes" (http://www.apa.org/pubs/journals/rel
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Historical
Buchbinder, David (2013). "Color and movement: the male dancer, masculinity and race in
film" (https://books.google.com/books?id=OH2UCKBg6xoC&pg=PA65). In Jackson II,
Ronald L.; Moshin, Jamie E. (eds.). Communicating marginalized masculinities: identity
politics in TV, film, and new media. Routledge Studies in Rhetoric and Communication. New
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Laurie, Ross (1999), "Masculinity", in Boyd, Kelly (ed.), Encyclopedia of Historians and
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Taylor & Francis, pp. 778–80, ISBN 9781884964336, Historiography.
Pleck, Elizabeth Hafkin; Pleck, Joseph H. (1980). The American man (https://archive.org/det
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Taylor, Gary (2002). Castration: an abbreviated history of western manhood. New York:
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Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 9780816614516.
Stearns, Peter N. (1990). Be a man!: males in modern society. New York: Holmes & Meier.
ISBN 9780841912816.

External links
Bibliographic

The Men's Bibliography (http://mensbiblio.xyonline.net/), a comprehensive bibliography of


writing on men, masculinities, gender and sexualities, listing over 16,700 works. (mainly from
a constructionist perspective)
Boyhood Studies (https://web.archive.org/web/20060501135951/http://www.boyhoodstudies.
com/), features a 2200+ bibliography of young masculinities.

Other

Men in America (https://www.npr.org/series/323986426/men-in-america), series by National


Public Radio

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Masculinity&oldid=1136674934"

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