Cliapter-6

VttarCJlratfesli: Socia[Justice tnrougn ~ervation CJ'o[icy

Figure-6.1

1.Muzaffarnagar 48.Kaushambi
Uttar Pradesh 2.Bijnor
3.Meerut
4.Baghpat
49.Pratapgarh
50.Ambedkar Nagar
51.Sant Kabir Nagar
Population Map N S.Ghaz1abad 52.Maharajganj
S.Bulandshahr 53.AIIahabad
7.Jyotiba Phule Nagar54 .Jaunpur
8.Moradabad 55.Azamgarh
9.Rampur 58.Gorakhpur
I O.Aiigarh 57 .Deoria
II .Budaun 58.Kushinagar
12.Bareilly 59.Sant Ravidas Nagar
13.Pilibhit SD.Mirzapur
14 .Mathura 81.Varanasi
15.Halhras 82.Ghazipur
16.Eiah 83.Mau
17.Shahjahanpur (Maunath Bhanjan)
18.Kheri SHhandauli
19.Agra 85.Sonbhadra
2D.Firozabad 88.Lalilpur
21.Mainpuri 87.Saharanpur
22.Farrukhabad 88.Gautam Budh Nagar
23.Hardoi 89.Banda
24.Sitapur 7D.Ballia
25.Bah aich
28.Etawah
27.kanauj
28.Auraiya
29.Kanpur(Rural)
30.Kanpur(Urban)
31 .Unnao
32.Lucknow Legend
33.Barabanki
34.Gonda Poptdationbehvaen
35.Shravasli
38.Balrampur <I million
.Jalaun
38. hansi 1-2million
BIHAR 39 .Hamirpur - 2-3million
40.Falehpur
41 .Rae Bareil
42.Sultanpur 3-4million
MADHYA PRADESH
~~- 43.Faizabad
44.Basti >4minion
JHARKHAND 45.Sidharthnagar
Ma nd to Seal!! 48.Mahoba
CHHAmSGARH 47.Chitrakut
Copyrighl ~ 2006. Compare I fobase Limited

200
 The previous chapter discussed about the reservation policy for backward classes
in other states and India.
Uttar Pradesh (UP) is one of the important states in Indian Union. It shares an
International Border with Nepal and bounded by the state ofUttarakhand, Himanchal
Pradesh, Haryana, Delhi, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Cbhattisgarh, Jharkhand and
Bihar. Uttar Pradesh sends the maximum number of Members of Parliament (MP). The
Uttar Pradesh is the only state which gave the maximum number of Prime Minister of
this country. UP affects the National politics ofthis country. 1
.
Uttar Pradesh is the fourth largest state in India in terms of areas but in terms of
population it stood first. The total area of the state is 240928 sq. kilometer. Lucknow is
the capital of Uttar Pradesh. There are total 70 districts, 17 divisions, 303 tehsils, 11
Municipal Corporations and 52,028 Gram Panchayats.
According to 2001 census there were total 57.36 percent people were literate.
There were 70.23 percent men were literate and 42.98 percent women are literate. The
total literacy rate were 53.63 percent in rural areas and 70.80 per cent were urban people
are literate?
Total (work force) workers were 32.6 percent of total population. The workers
engaged in agricultural works were 66.03 percent and industrial workers only 5.33
percent of total population.
According to 2001 census the total population of the state were 16.16 crore.
India's most populated state Uttar Pradesh has 7.02 crore people belonging to Other
Backward Classes (OBCs) while Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka have an OBC
population of 3 crore each as Rajya Sabha was informed. The detail of OBC population
furnished by state and Union Territories, the population of Uttar Pradesh collected by
State Panchayat Raj's office (2001 census). It is recorded that the population of Other

1
Pai, Sudha, Caste and Communal Mobilization in the Electoral Politics of Uttar Pradesh, Indian Journal
of Political Science, vo1.55, No.3 July-Sept. 1994.
2
Uttar Pradesh, 2005. P. xiii.

201
 3
Backward Classes (OBCs) were 7, 02, 54,083. The density of the population was 689 sq.
km. The population of women were 7.86 crore and men were 8.75 crore. The female-
male ratio was 898:1000. The total revenue of the state was Rs. 1, 76,076 crore. The per
4
capita income was Rs.lO, 289.
There were total 1, 22,835 primary schools, 12,387 Higher Secondary Schools,
940 Colleges, 27 Universities, I 03 Polytechnics, 179 Industrial Training Institutes,
seven (7) Government Engineering Colleges, 89 Private Engineering Colleges, 9 Medical
Colleges and 3 Agricultural Colleges. 5
There are total 80 Lok Sabha seats from Uttar Pradesh, 31 seats in Rajya Sabha,
404 in Legislative Assembly and 100 seats in Legislative Council in the state.

Population ofOther Backward Classes:

The population of Other Backward Classes was 54 per cent of the total population of the
State. They were socially, educationally and economically backward.6
Table-6.1
Population of Backward Classes in Uttar Pradesh 1999-1000

Distribution of estimated population by social category (1999-2000)

Region Hindu Hindu Hindu Muslim Other Total
Upper SC/ST OBC Regions
Caste
Rural 22.42 25.94 37.50 13.36 0.67 100.00

Urban 32.82 15.27 21.96 28.67 1.37 100.00

Total 24.53 23.77 34.35 16.47 0.81 100.00

,I
Source: Computed from NSS 55ctb Round (Employment/ Unemployment)

3
"UP has the highest OBC population in all Indian states", Times of India, 71h May 2007.
4
Uttar Pradesh, 2005. P. xiv.
5
Ibid. P.xvi.
6
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Annual Plan 2006-07. Vol- I, Planning Commission, Nov 2005.

202
 The above data shows the population of Backward Classes in rural and urban
areas in Uttar Pradesh. The Hindu OBCs were 37.50 per cent (highest) in rural and 21.96
per cent in urban areas. The Hindu SCs!STs were second highest in rural areas with 25.94
per cent and 15.27 per cent in urban areas. The Hindu Upper Castes were 22.42 per cent
in rural and 32.82 per cent in urban which is highest than other community residing in
urban areas. The Muslim were 13.36 per cent and 28.67 per cent in rural and urban areas
respectively. It reveals that Hindu OBCs were highest in rural areas and Hindu upper
caste was highest in urban areas.
Table-6.2

Poverty in Uttar Pradesh:

Various estimate of Incident of poverty in UP in 1999-2000.8

Urban Rural Overall

Planning 30.89 31.22 31.15

Commission (2001)
-30 day estimate
(official estimate)
Planning 28.75 29.04 28.22
Commission (2001)
- 7 days estimate
Datta Kozel and 29.3 37.1 35.4
Ravallion (2003)

Deaton and Dreze 17.3 21.5 -

(2002)

Sundram and 31.75 25.50 26.80

Tendulkar(2003b)
_<M!rn
Source: Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh:
Planning Department, P.73.

7
Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh, Planning Department, Government of Uttar Pradesh.
P.95.
8
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh: Planning Department,
P.73.

203
 This data reveals that the poverty in Uttar Pradesh indicated by various sources.
The Planning Commission (30 day estimate) reveals that 30.89 per cent people were poor
in urban areas and 31.22 per cent in rural areas in Uttar Pradesh during 2001. The
Planning Commission (7 day estimate) reveals that 28.75 per cent poor were living in
urban areas and 29.04 per cent rural areas in Uttar Pradesh. According to Datta Kozel and
Ravallion (2003) estimated that 29.3 per cent people were poor in urban areas and 37.1
per cent in urban areas in Uttar Pradesh. The overall populations of poor are 35.4 per
cent. According to Deaton and Dreze (2002) the incidence of poverty in urban areas are
17.3 per cent and rural areas 21.5 per cent. Other study conducted by the Sundram and
Tendulkar (2003) reveals that 31.75 per cent incidence of poverty in urban areas and
25.50 per cent in rural areas in Uttar Pradesh. The total incidence of poverty were 26.80
percent in 2003.
Table-6.3
Percentage of Population by Social Category and Poverty Class in UP in 1999-2000.
(Rural- Urban) 9

Poverty Class SC/ST OBC Other Muslim Other Total

Hindu Hindu Hindu Religious
Group
Very Poor 14.52 8.82 4.73 10.90 6.86 9.48

Less poor 28.71 24.15 9.80 24.09 6.44 21.53

Just Above 23.75 24.08 16.49 23.66 17.01 22.01

Poverty line
Well Above 33.02 42.95 68.98 41.35 69.68 46.98
Poverty line
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100

Source: Computed from NSS 55th Round (Consumption scheduled)

Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh: Planning
Department, P.lOl.

9
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh: Planning Department,
P-101.

204
 The above data reveal the percentage of population by social category and poverty
class in UP in rural and urban areas in 1999-2000. It reveals that 8.82 per cent Hindu
OBC were very poor, 24.15 less poor, 24.08 just above the poverty line, 42.95 per cent
well above the poverty line in Uttar Pradesh during 1999-2000. It explores that 14.52
SCs/STs Hindus were very poor followed by Muslim by 10.90 per cent, then OBC Hindu
8.82, followed by other religious religion group by 6.86 and other Hindu is 4.73 per cent
(least poor) than other social group. The over all very poor people in Uttar Pradesh was
9.48 per cent. The above poverty line among other religion group was highest as 69.68
per cent followed by other Hindu by 68.98 per cent, 42.95 per cent among OBC Hindu,
41.35 per cent Muslim, and 33.02 least among Hindu SC/ST. The overall above poverty
line social group was 46.98 per cent in Uttar Pradesh during 1999-2000.
Table-6.4
Land ownership by Social Category in Rural UP, 1999-2000.10

Social Percentage of %Land Average land

Category Households Owned Owned (Acres)

Hindu- others 22.38 38.17 1.2

Hindu- 27.69 13.26 0.34

SCs/STs
Hindu-OBCs 36.83 38.43 0.74

Muslim 12.29 8.09 0.46

Other 0.81 2.24 1.94

Reli2ions
Total 100 100.00 0.71

Source: Computed-from NSS 55th Round (Employment/Unemployment)

Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh: Planning
Department. P; 104.

The above data reveal the various social groups in rural Uttar Pradesh during
1999-2000. The 36.83 per cent Hindu-OBCs occupied 38.43 per cent land ownership.
The data suggested that OBCs communities mainly engaged in agricultural work for their

10
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh: Planning Department.
P.l04.

205
source of income. The 22.38 per cent Hindu others occupied 38.17 per cent of land
holding. The 27.69 per cent Hindu SC/ST occupied 13.26 per cent land holding. The
12.29 per cent Muslim occupied only 8.09 per cent land ownership in the state.

Table-6.5
Education Status for Backward Classes
Enrollment ofSCs and OBCs (in Lakhs)
Social group Gender Enrollments Enrollments o/o increase
1997-98 1999-2000
(i) m Project Boys 8.98 13.62 51.6
Districts Girls 7.29 10.53 44.4
Scheduled Caste Total 16.27 24.15 48.4
Other Backward Boys 12.29 16.76 36.3
Classes (OBCs) Girls 9.09 12.67 39.0
Total 21.38 29.43 37.6
(ii) m Uttar Boys 23.17 27.86 20.2
Pradesh Girls 07.29 10.53 44.4
Scheduled Castes Total 16.27 24.15 48.4
Other Backward Boys 29.18 34.30 17.5
Classes (OBCs) Girls 22.10 26.56 20.2
Total 51.28 60.86 18.7
Source: Development and Research Services, 1999. I
Source: Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report: 2003, Uttar Pradesh:
Planning Department, P. 28.
The above data show the two social groups Scheduled Castes (SCs) and
Scheduled Tribes (STs) and their enrollments in 1997-98 and 1999-2000 year. Between
the two areas selected, first one was selected the district where the different elementary
programs (projects) were going on and the other one was the whole Uttar Pradesh. We
see that the enrollments during 1997-98 to 1999-2000 among OBCs boys and girls

11
Human Development Report: 2003, Uttar Pradesh, Planning Department, Government of Uttar Pradesh.
P. 28.

206
increased by 36.3 per cent and 39 per cent respectively in project districts. The total
enrollment increased by 37.6 per cent among OBCs. In the Uttar Pradesh region the
enrollment among OBCs boys and girls increased by 17.5 per cent and by 20.2 per cent
respectively. The total enrollment increased by 18.7 per cent only among OBCs during
1997-98 to 1999-2000.
Table-6.6
Drop-out Rates by Social Group in Uttar Pradesh
Category of Children Drop out (o/o)
General 33.5
SCs/STs 32.6
OBCs 37.6
Source. SIEMAT (1999),IZ
The above data shows the drop-out rates in different social groups in Uttar
Pradesh during the year 1999. It shows that the dropout rates among the OBCs were
highest as 37.6 per cent followed by general students of 33.5 per cent and SCs/STs of
32.6 per cent. This could be setback for the government and different agencies of
elementary education.
Table-6.7

Literacy Rate (7 +years) across regions by social category in UP, 1999-2000.

State/ Social category
Region
Hindu- Hindu- Hindu Muslim Other Total
SC/ST OBC Religions
Other

Western 74.9 49.8 52.9 40.8 77.1 56.0

Central 81.6 39.7 53.4 41.1 72.5 54.3
Eastern 75.9 38.8 49.0 48.4 41.9 52.3
Bundelkhand 79.0 36.0 52.9 58.1 75.9 54.4
Total 76.8 42.4 51.3 43.7 69.6 54.1

12
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh: Planning Department,
P.29.

207
 Source: Computed from NSS 55th Round 13
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh: Planning
Department, P.29.
The above data shows the literacy rate above 7 years of various social categories
during 1999-2000 in four regions of Uttar Pradesh. The data shows that the literacy rate
among OBCs (Hindu) in Western, Central, Eastern and Bundelkhand region of Uttar
Pradesh were 52.9 per cent, 53.4 per cent, 49.0 per cent and 52.9 per cent respectively.
The total literacy rates among OBCs (Hindu) were 51.3 per cent. The whole data shows
that in four regions of Uttar Pradesh, Hindu others (general) was highest in literacy rate
by 76.8 per cent, other religious groups followed by 69.6 per cent, OBCs (Hindu) was
51.3 per cent, followed by Muslim 43.7 per cent and lastly SCs/STs (Hindu) by 42.4 per
cent. The OBCs stood third after Hindu other (general) and other religious group in Uttar
Pradesh.
Table-6.8
14
Educational Attainment ofthe Population above 14 years in UP, 1999-2000.
Educational Hindu- Hindu- Hindu Muslim Other Total
level others SCs/STs OBCs Religions
Illiterate 27.8 67.1 56.5 64.5 32.3 52.3
Primary 6.8 5.6 6.5 10.7 7.5 7.0
Middle 17.5 10.5 13.6 8.2 15.5 13.1
Secondary 13.5 4.3 6.7 4.3 14.7 7.7
Higher 11.8 2.8 4.4 2.4 9.2 5.7
Secondary
Graduation & 12.6 2.0 2.2 1.9 10.1 5.0
above
Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
.
Source. Computed from NSS 55,tb Round, 1999-2000.
The above data reveal some important facts of education in various group in Uttar
Pradesh. It shows the educational attainment of population above 14 years in during

13
Ibid. P.96.
14
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh: Planning Department,
P. 96.

208
1999-2000 such as illiteracy rate, pnmary, middle, secondary, higher secondary,
graduation and above in different social groups in Uttar Pradesh. It shows that highest
illiteracy rate among SCs/STs was highest as 67.1 per cent, followed by Muslim 64.5 per
cent, Hindu OBCs 56.5 per cent, other religions 32.3 per cent and least illiteracy among
Hindu other (general) by 27.8 per cent. The total illiteracy rates among various social
groups are 52.3 per cent in Uttar Pradesh. We can see the graduation and above
population of different social groups in Uttar Pradesh. The Hindu others stood first as
12.6 per cent, followed by other religions of 10.1. We can see that the graduation and
above population was very less among Muslim, Hindu OBCs and SCs/STs. It is 2.2
percent by Hindu OBCs, 2.0 per cent in SCs/STs and 1.9 per cent least in Muslim in Uttar
Pradesh.

Peasant and Backward Castes:

The new agrarianism had an explosive effect on Indian politics following the
official sponsored Green Revolution in the mid of 1960s. The effect of new agrarian was
to led both the anti Congress parties (including the Hindu supremacist Jan Sangh and its
allies) and the reborn Congress led by Indira Gandhi. Jati and varna themes received
much emphasis in this pronouncement. The term KHAM, was an acronym for
Kshatriyas, Harijan, Adivasis ('tribal') and Muslim. The Congress leaders in the key
agricultural regions- most notably in the Hindi heartland states of Uttar Pradesh,
Rajasthan and Haryana- could no longer appeal to voters. They began to target their
electoral appeal towards the two extremes of the economic and social spectrum. 15
The Muslim, Harijans and Adivasis or 'Tribals', the 'HAM' voters, continued to
be thought of as natural congress voters because Congress was the party of 'secularism'
and so-called protective discrimination for the deprived. Kshatriyas refer to the elite
landowners who in the Gangetic north were typically ofRajput or Bhumihar origin. They
won over as Congress voters when the party singnalled to them that its ruling state
ministries were willing to favour their economic interest by suspending or relaxing the
land ceiling laws. These Nehruvian quasi-socialist enactments of the early post-

15
Bayly, Susan, (1999), The New Cambridge History ofIndia: Caste, society and Politics in India from the
Eighteenth Century to the Modem Age, New Delhi: Cambridge University Press. Reprint-2005. P. 284.

209
independence era had supposedly paved the way for the large scale transfers of the land
to the rural poor by setting limits on the size of individual land holdings (Bayly 1999:
285). Mrs. Gandhi's 22 month period of dictatorship (emergency 1975-77). In the
political spectrum the voters were being told to see caste bonds both as an asset and as a
16
means by which others had hitherto been able to advance themselves unfairly.
The state power played an important role in the linking of caste with the
phenomenon of mass 'kisan' (peasant) mobilization. In 1970s, Indira Gandhi successfully
alliance with the Communist Party of India and campaign with a slogan 'garibi batao'
(eradicate poverty). Mrs Gandhi projected herself as land reformer and pro-poor so that
she could appeal the masses. It immediately affected the election scenario in 197ls
general election and Congress Party captured the power in the Centre. The party got the
support oftribals and untouchables. In the era of 'garibi batao' politicians came to treat
educational and employment quotas as electoral assets and raising the stakes at election
times by promising larger quota allocations to important group of voters (Kohli 1987,
Brass 1990). 17 There were central policy makers of this giant new category called "Other
Backward Classes (OBCs)". These communities were neither 'tribals' nor
'untouchables' but it was difficult to identify such communities.

Caste and Politics in Uttar Pradesh:

In Uttar Pradesh, as a result of agrarian reform and quota politics, caste identities
have not receded but evolved under the influence of political parties. The relationship
between the political and the social spheres has passed through caste from the 1950s
onwards. After getting independence from British, parties were looking for mobilization
of masses. As ideological politics withered away and no new ideological orientations
were offered. Caste provided with an easy-to use mobilization social basis. 18
The relations between social groups and the polity were bi-dimensional and
reciprocal in democratic societies. The parties influenced and shape the society as society

16
Bayly, Susan, (1999), The New Cambridge History of India: Caste, society and Politics in India from the
Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age, New Delhi: Cambridge University Press. Reprint-2005. P. 284.
17
Ibid. P.286.
18
Christophe Jaffrelot and Sanjay Kumar (2008), Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changing face of Indian
Legislative Assembly, London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. P. 27.

210
shapes political parties. There was restructuring of political parties on the basis of social,
caste based dynamics both regional as well as national levels. Uttar Pradesh has evolved
from having a political system which is dominated by upper castes over the whole period
considered {1952-2002). Muslim were 18 per cent of population, but no Muslim
leadership has emerged in the state. Hindu marginalized groups have followed the social
change to assert themselves but no such change occurred in Muslim communities.

Political Change in the Assembly:

In the post independence era (from 1952 to 1967), there was the dominance of
upper caste in the assembly. During the period of 1967 to 1989, there was the increase in
OBC members in the assembly. The number of upper caste MLAs in the assembly went
from 58 per cent in 1952 to 45 per cent in 1967 and 1969. 19 In 1969, Jana Sangha party
had 47 per cent upper caste party MLAs. But there was also 10 per cent MLAs from
backward caste in the Jana Sangha Party. The Socialist Parties had more than 25 per cent
belonged from backward-castes middle tenants.
Table- 6. 9.
Caste and Composition of the UP Assembly, 1974-02 (Per cent)20
Caste and 1974 1977 1980 1983 1989 1991 1993 1996 2002
Communities
Upper castes 37.80 35.18 41.31 39.70 35.68 39.05 26.05 34.55 35.38
Intermediary 1.41 1.16 1.17 2.10 2.58 3.09 3.05 3.71 4.67
Castes (Jat)
OBC 18.30 16.78 13.36 19.60 24.14 27.14 32.39 24.83 27.52
Scheduled 21.35 21.42 21.58 21.94 22.02 22.14 22.30 22.07 21.87
Castes
Scheduled 0.23 0.23 0.23 0.23 0.23 0.24 0.23 0.23 ---
Tribes
Muslim 9.38 11.66 11.97 12.15 9.62 5.48 7.51 8.82 10.57
Source: author's field work.
Note: Source: Jaffrelot (2007).

19
Christophe Jaffrelot and Sanjay Kumar (2008), Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changingface ofIndian
Legislative Assembly, London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. P. 33.
°
2
Christophe Jaffrelot and Sanjay Kumar (2008), Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changingface ofindian
Legislative Assembly, London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Pp. 36,37.

211
 The above data show that different social group's representation in the assembly
election from 1974 to 2002 onwards. In 1974, the upper castes representation the
assembly was 37.80 percent which reached 35.38 per cent in 2002 has been decreased by
around 2 per cent. The intermediary castes (Jat) representation was 1.41 per cent in 1974
which reached 4.67 per cent in 2002. The OBC MLAs representation was 18.30 per cent
in 1974 which reached 27.52 in 2002 in the state. There was no such improvement in the
representation of Scheduled Castes MLAs between 1974 to 2002. The Muslim
representation increased by nominal 1 per cent between 1974 to 2002.
We see that OBCs MLAs increased more than any other community during this period. It
is important to know that the representation upper caste MLAs has decreased during this
period in the state legislature.

The rise ofOBCs and SCs (1989-1001):

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) launched by Kanshi Ram in 1984, was a party of
Dalits aiming at forming alliances of Dalits, Minorities and OBCs.21 After the
implementation of Mandai Commission in 1990, the political scenario of the state has
changed. The electoral success of Samajwadi Party (SP)- Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)
alliance in 1993 had some record number of elected OBCs MLAs comparatively more
than Upper Castes MLAs in the state legislature. After Mandai, which ever party came
into power the OBCs MLAs remained in high number. Mandai opened the power sharing
era. In 1993, the SP and BSP were the main contributors to the introduction of a new
political personnel with more than 40 per cent of OBC MLAs in the state legislature. In
1993 election both the parties SP and BSP shows the specific trends. The SP and BSP
both nominate more OBCs and SCs candidate respectively. Even BSP did not nominate
any upper caste candidate due to anti-Brahmin strategy. But SP manage to win 10 per
cent upper caste MLAs. In the same year, Yadavs with 35 per cent MLAs, were more
than SCs and upper caste MLAs put together. 22

21
Shah, Ghanshyam (eds.) (2002), Caste and Democratic Politics in India, New Delhi: Permanent Black.
P.21.
22
Christophe Jaffrelot and Sanjay Kumar (2008), Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changing/ace of Indian
Legislative Assembly, London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. P.44.

212
 Both the parties changed their strategy and introduced upper caste candidates in
the election. At a result the share of OBCs and SCs candidate went down in 1996
compare to 1993. The dilution of the BSP's anti-Brahmin discource was a result of the
alliance entered with the Congress in which 15 per cent MLAs of Congress belonged to
upper castes. The Congress party had 65 per cent MLAs belonged to upper castes, 15 per
cent OBCs and 9 per cent SCs. Bhartiya Janta Party {BJP) which perceived as an upper
caste party nevertheless had over 21 per cent of its MLAs coming from the backward
castes. 23
In terms of political representation, the OBCs MLAs increased since 1960s in the
state.
We observe (table-6.10) that OBCs vote was shifted to one party to another party
during 1996, 1997 and 1999 election.
Table-6.10
Shift of OBCs voters in Percentage (1996-99) 24
PARTY 1996 1997 1999
CONGRESS 5.9 7.6 16.4
BJP 39.9 44.9 24.7
SP 38.0 33.1 18.2
BSP 11.7 10.9 10.8
Source: National Election Studies, New Delhi.

This table shows the OBC voters shift in four important parties like Congress,
Bhartiya Janta Party {BJP), Samajwadi Party (SP), Bahujan Samaj Party {BSP). If we
compare between 1997 and 1999, OBC voters trend in different parties, it shows that in
1999 OBCs voters shifted towards Congress Party by 16.4 per cent. The BJP and SP
voters decrease by 24.7 and 18.2 per cent respectively. Only in BSP the OBC voters
struck in this party with 10.8 per cent from 1997 onwards.
Mayawati has announced to give the ticket to so-called upper caste. She extended her
friendship towards Brahmin and criticized political parties to not doing enough for them.
23
Christophe Jaffrelot and Sanjay Kumar (2008), Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changing face of Indian
Legislative Assembly, London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. P.44.
24
Shah, Ghanshyam (eds.) (2002), Caste and Democratic Politics in India, New Delhi: Permanent Black.
P.20. P. 4454.

213
Even she questioned Prime Minister Atal Bihari Bajpayee for not doing anything to
Brahmin at that time.
The Yadav, Thakur/ Rajput, Muslim supporters of Mulayam Singh have to
oppose by Dalit, Brahmin and Muslim supporters of BSP. The BSP leadership has
launched Brahmin mobilization rallies in various districts. She gave the slogan during the
election that Yeh haathi (election symbol of BSP) nahi, Ganesh hain, Brahma, Vishnu,
Mahesh hain.Z5 In 2007 election; Mayawati got the majority and became the Chief
Minister with the support of upper castes in the state.

The Reservation Policy for Other Backward Classes in Uttar Pradesh:

After the 61 years of independence the reservation policy for backward classes
could not play important role in social and economic aspects of the people. There may be
various reasons for that. Some important factors could be negligence of political parties,
government officials, the mind set of the people regarding the caste system or
insensitiveness towards the implementation of the Government policies and corruption at
the higher level. There is also shocking news which revealed by the Aijun Sen Gupta
Committee report that more than 75 percent of the people in the country living at Rs. 13
per day. They show that after the grqwth of GDP, it could not improve the conditions of
the people at the grass-root level.
The last caste based population available in 1931 census in India. After that
population census on the basis is not available. The two Sociologists enumerated the
population of Uttar Pradesh based on caste. They divided the population in Upper Castes,
Lower Castes (Upper status) Most Backward Castes, Dalit Castes and Muslim.

Chhedilal Sathi Commission:

The Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna established
three members Commission to find out the Backward Classes in the State, on 31st
October 1975. Chhedilal Sathi was the president of the Commission and Malkhan Singh

25
Bhambhri, C.P (2006), Sonia in Power, UPA Government: 2004-2006, Delhi: Shipra Publications. P.
124.

214
Saini and Sita Ram Nishad was the member of it. The Commission has submitted its
report on 17th May 1977.
The Commission found 41 most backward castes, which were 26 per cent of the
total population of the State. It recommended 17 per cent reservation for them in
Government jobs. In his report, he also shows that 12 castes were Upper Backward Castes,
which were the 20 per cent of the total population and recommended 10 per cent
reservation for them in jobs. He also suggested 2.5 per cent reservation for Muslim
Backward Castes, which is 6 per cent of the total population in the State. The Commission
also recommended free education, hostel facilities, scholarship, reservation in educational
institutions and government support to establish the small-scale industries as well as
reservation in Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha, Vidhan Sabha and Vidhan Parisad and also
representation in Government Commissions.
Social Justice Committee:
The Uttar Pradesh government formed a Social Justice Committee on June 28,
2001 headed by Hukum Singh, Minister of Parliamentary Affairs and two other members
were Rampati Shastri Health Minister and Daya Ram Pal member of UP Legislative
Council. The Committee was formed to look into the existing government schemes,
programs and facilities for the welfare of SCs, STs and OBCs to achieve the social justice
in the state. A 'Social Justice Week' was organized from 30th July to 6th August in the
state?6 It registered the family of 53,000 village panchayats in the state. The committee
received and considered 3,233 representations from various interested groups in the state.
It also analyzed SCs, STs and OBCs groups in the 11,27,311 government posts in UP. 27
The committee submitted 200 pages Report on 31st August 2001. The Uttar Pradesh
cabinet accepted the report on 13th September and in 15th September the Uttar Pradesh
Public · Service Commission {Reservation for SCs, STs and OBCs {Amendment
Ordinance 2001) was accepted by the Governor.
There were 66 SCs groups and 79 OBCs groups in Uttar Pradesh. The spirit of
reservation was to benefit for the all section of society in equitable manner. Then only
sprit of social justice could be achieved here. The Social Justice Committee found the

26 51
Verma, A.K. UP: BJP's Caste Card, Economic and Political Weekly, } Dec. 2001.
27
Verma, A.K. UP: BJP's Caste Card, Economic and Political Weekly, 151 Dec. 2001.

215
share of jobs of SCs and OBCs. The data suggested that Chamars/Jatava among SCs and
Y adava among OBCs occupied maximum share of government jobs.
In the higher education among SCs Jatava occupied 49.54 per cent of reserved
seats followed by Koris (12.04 per cent), Pasis (10.04 per cent) and Dhobis (10.04 per
cent), Among the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Yadav occupied 32.37 per cent
followed by Kurmis of 11.24 per cent. The Chamars and the Yadavs also took the
advantage of land holdings and other benefits. Due to that SCs have been divided into
Chamars versus 65 per cent sub caste of non Chamars. Among 21 per cent government
jobs for SCs 10 per cent has reserved for SCs and I 1 percent for non-Chamars.
At the same time OBCs group divided into three groups like A, B and C. The Y adavs/
Ahirs were placed into group A, Sonar, Jat, Kurmi, Giri, Gujar, Gossain, Lodh and
Kamboj in Group B, and the remaining 70 castes (viz, Kahar, Kevat, Koeri, Kumhar,
Gaderia, Teli, Lobar etc.) included in group C.28 According to social justice committee,
the reservation for OBCs raised by 27 to 28 per cent in government jobs. The 5 percent
reserved for group A, 9 per cent for group B and 9 per cent for group C.
Tabl~6.11.

OBCs' share in Population and Government Jobs 29

Caste Caste Population in Percentage in Percentage in

Category Lakhs OBC Jobs
Population
Yadav/ Ahirs A 146.77 19.40 33.00

Kurmi B 56.46 7.46 12.49

Lodhi B 37.06 4.90 4.16

Jat B. 27.26 3.60 6.85

Gujjar B 12.91 1.70 2.07

Sonar B 4.12 0.50 1.70

Gadaria/Pal c 33.50 4.43 3.78

28
Ibid, P. 4452.
29
Government of Uttar Pradesh (2001 ), Social Justice Committee Report: 2001.

216
Kewat/ c 32.74 4.33 1.36
Mallah

Momin/ c 31.40 4.15 2.28

Ansar
Telil Sahu c 30.47 4.03 2.82

Kumhar c 25.84 3.42 2.34

Kahar c 25.04 3.31 2.63

Kachchi c 24.56 3.25 2.97

Nai c 22.79 3.01 2.92

Source: Government ofUttar Pradesh (2001), Soda! Justice Committee Report, 2001.

In 1975 the Chhedilal Sathi Commission of Uttar Pradesh had found wide
differences in socio-economic status of various castes of backward classes. Karpoori
Thakur suggested 8 per cent quota for intermediary OBCs and 12 per cent for the Most
Backward Classes (MBCs). The Supreme Court gave its verdict to uphold the 27 per cent
reservations for the OBCs and suggested the exclusion of 'creamy layer' or economically
well-off from reserve seats.
According to new law 21 per cent government jobs were reserved for SCs, 2 per
cent for STs and 27 per cent for OBCs. Now total 50 per cent government jobs are
reserved which followed the Supreme Court decision of November 1992 to strict the
reservation upto 50 per cent.
The Uttar Pradesh Public Service (Reservation for SCs, STs and OBCs) Act 1994, has
been amended to insert a separate Scheduled III in new law. It enumerated 66 Scheduled
Castes in UP and divided them ~to two parts. In part A -the Chamars also known as
Dhusia, Jhusia and Jatava and remaining 65 castes come under part B.

In part A constitutes 55.70 per cent of the total SC population. It has retained 11.5
per cent of the 21 per cent jobs reserved for all SCs.

217
Estimated Reservation for Other Backward Classes:
The Hukum Singh Committee estimated that the population of OBCs in UP
increased from 41.13 per cent in 1991 to 54.05 per cent in 2001. It shows 12.92 per cent
increased in a decade. The number of backward caste also increased from 55 in 1991 to
79 in 200 I. The 24 new castes have included in the list of backward caste.

Table-6.12
OBCs- Nomenclature of their Castes in Uttar Pradesh30
Part of Categories Name of castes No of
Scheduled Castes
Part-A Other Backward AhirNadav/GwalaNaduvashiya 1
Classes (OBCs)

Part-B More Backward Sonar/Sunar/Swarnkar, Jat, Kurmi/Chanaul 8

Classes (MBCs) Patel!Patanwar/Kurmi-Maillkunni-Seinthwar,
Giri, Gujar, Gosain, Lodhl Lodhal Lodhi/ Lot/
Lodhi-Rajput, Kamboj.

Part-e Most Backward Arakh/ Arakvanshiya, Kachchi-Kushwahal 70

Classes (MBCs) Shakya,Kahar/ Kashyap, Kewat/Mallah/ Nishad,
Kishan, Koeri, Kumhar!Prajapati, Kasgar, Kunjra
or Raeen, Garerial Pal Vaghel, Gaddi/Ghoshi,
Chikwa/Qassab, Qureshri/Chak, Chhippi, Chipa,
Jogi, Jhoja, Dhafali, Tomali/Barai/Chaurasia,
Teli/samani /Rogangar/ Sahul Rauniar/
Gandhi/arrak, Darji/drisi/Kakutstha, Dhiver,
Naqqai, Nat(those not included in SC), Naik,
Lobar/ Lahar-Sai:fi, Lonia/ Nonial Gole-Thakur/
Lonia-Chauhan, Rangre:zJ Rangwa, Marchcha,
Halwai!Modanwal, Hajjam/Nai/ Salmain/ Savital
Sriwas, Rai,Sikh, Sakka-Bhisti/Bhisti-Abbasi,
Dhobi(those not included 10 SC/Sl),Kaseral
Thathera/Tarnrakar, Nanbai, Mirshikar, Shekh/

30
Government of Uttar Pradesh (2001 ), Socia/ Justice Committee Report, Lucknow.

218
 Sarwari (Pirai)/Peerahi, Mev/ Mewari, Koshta/
Koshti, Ror, Khumral Sangatarash/ Hansiri,
Mochi, Khagi, Tanwar Singharia, Fakir, Banjaral
Ranki/ Mukeri/ Mukerani, Barhail Saifi/
Vishwakarmal Panchaal, Ramgadhiyal
Jangir/Dhiman, Bari, Beragi, Bind, Biyar, Bhar/
Raj-Bhar, Bhurji!Bharbhunia /Bhooj/Kandu/
Kashaudhan, Bhathiara, Mali! Saini,
Sweeper(those not included in SC)/ Halalkhor,
Katuwa, Maheegeer, Dangi, Dhakar, Gada,
Tantawa, Joria, Patwa/ Pataharal
Patehara/deovanshi, Kalal/ Kalwar/ Kalar,
Manihar/Kacher/Lakhara, Murao/Murai/maurya,
Momin(Ansar), Muslim Kayastha, Mirasi, Naddaf
(Dhuniya)/ Kandere/ Kadere/ Karan (Karn).
Source: UP Gazette Extraordmary, Sept.l5, 2001.
Government of Uttar Pradesh (2001 ), Social Justice Committee Report, Lucknow.

The OBCs are categorized into three parts. The Y adavs which are also known as
Ahirs, Gwalas and Y aduvanshiyas kept in Part A to know their socio-economic
conditions and shares in public services and posts. In Part B, there are eight intermediary
castes belonging to More Backward Classes (MBCs). There were 70 castes recognized in
Part C as MBC categories (above in the table no 6.11 ). Significantly, there are 22 Muslim
OBCs castes included in the MBC category for their inclusion in government jobs.

219
Table-6.13
OBCs Population and Job Reservation in Uttar Pradesh31

Post of Nomenclature No of Population Share in 28 OveraJJ

Schedule-1 of Caste Castes Percentage percent Percentage
Reservation
A Backward 1 19.40 5 18
Castes
B More 8 18.91 9 32
Backward
Castes (MBC)
c Most 70 61.69 14 50
Backward
Castes (MBC)
Source: UP Gazette Extraordmary, September 15,2001.
Government of Uttar Pradesh (2001 ), Social Justice Committee Report, Lucknow. P. 72.

The Hukum Singh Committee also examines the population of various OBC
castes and their shares in Government jobs. The Y adavs occupied maximum share in
government jobs in among other OBCs. They are 19.4 per cent of OBCs population but
occupied 33 per cent government jobs. According to new reservation policy in the state
they are entitled to take only 5.5 per cent of 28 per cent reserved jobs for OBCs. Due to
their socio-economic status, they have to satisfy only on 5 per cent, 9 per cent reserved
for MBCs and 14 per cent for the MBCs (see table 6.12).

31
Government of Uttar Pradesh (2001), Social Justice Committee Report, Lucknow. P.72.

220
 Table-6.14
Distribution of Principle Occupation of Adults, an e>17 (R+U), 1999-2000.32

Social Managerial, White Farmers Agri. Non- Non Total

Category Technical, Collar, Labourers labourers Gainful
Administrative Cleric, & other and
Sales manual manual
and workers workers
Service
Hindu- 11.5 21.6 50.5 5.1 7.0 4.3 100
others
Hindu- 2.1 10.2 30.3 35.2 8.7 13.5 100
SC/ST
Hindu 2.7 11.1 57.7 12.8 8.4 7.3 100
OBCs
Muslim 4.4 19.3 26.3 12.2 25.5 12.4 100

Other 10.2 18.3 34.1 17.2 15.3 4.9 100

Religions
Total 4.9 14.6 44.2 16.8 10.6 8.9 100

Source: Computed from NSS 55th Round (Employment/Unemployment),

Government of Uttar Pradesh (2003), Human Development Report, Uttar Pradesh, Planning Department,
P.l04.
Note: R-Rural, U-Urban.

This is an important data revealed by NSS 55th round in 1999-2000. It gives the
ideas of different social groups in various occupations in Uttar Pradesh. The Hindu others
were 11.5 per cent in Managerial, Technical, Administrative occupations, 21.6 per cent in
white collar, cleric, sales and service, 50.5 per cent fanners, 5.1 per cent agriculture
labourers & other manual works, 7.0 per cent non labourers and manual workers, 4.3
percent in non gainful works. It is followed by other religion group I 0.2 per cent in
Managerial, Technical and Administrative, 18.3 per cent in white collar, cleric, sale and
service, 34.1 per cent fanners, 17.2 per cent agriculture labourers & other manual
workers, 4.9 per cent non gainful; the Muslim 4.4 per cent managerial, technical,
administrative, 19.3 per cent white coJiar, cleric, sales and service, 26.3 per cent fanners,
12.2 per cent agriculture labourers & other manual workers, 25.5 per cent non labourers
32
Government of Uttar Pradesh (2003), Human Development Report" Uttar Pradesh, Planning
Department, P.l04.

221
and manual workers, 12.4 per cent non gainful works; the Hindu OBCs at 2.7 per cent
were in managerial, technical, administrative, 11.1 per cent in white collar, cleric, sale
and service, 57.7 per cent farmers, 12.8 per cent agricultural labourers & other manual
workers, 8.4 per cent in non labourers & manual workers, 7.3 per cent non gainful works.
The Hindu OBCs are comparatively less in Managerial, Technical, and Administrative;
White Collar, Cleric, Sale and Service; then the Hindu others. At the same time they were
higher in farmers, agricultural labourers & other manual workers, non labourers and
manual workers and non gainful than the Hindu other in Uttar Pradesh during 1999-2000.
Table- 6.15
OBCs in Government jobs in Uttar Pradesh33
Group Total seats Total employed TotalOBCs Percentage of
persons employed in jobs OBCs candidate
employed in Jobs
Group A 11924 10161 7814 6.25
GroupB 35539 28945 4409 15.23
Groupe 839647 696995 189345 27.17
GroupD 300201 2558849 73217 28.62
Total 1187311 991950 267606 26.98
Source: Social Justice Committee, 2001.
The above data show that OBCs representation in government jobs such as Group A,
Group-B, Group-C and group-D. In Group A, OBCs representation is only 6.25 per cent;
in Group B, 15.23 per cent; in Group C, 27.17 per cent; and Group D, 28.62 per cent. It
shows that in Group A and Group B there representation in government jobs is less than
as recommended by the Supreme Court of India But the overall representation of Other
Backward Classes was 26.98 per cent. It is the matter of concern that neither SCs nor
OBCs's proper representation in decision making bodies in governance.

33
Government ofUttar Pradesh (2001), Socia/ justice Committee Report, Lucknow. P.37.

222
 Table-6.16
34
OBCs's representation in Government Jobs in Uttar Pradesh
Sl. Caste Percentage Group Group Group Group Weight-age
No. (OBCs) of OBCs A B c D formula of
in the OBCs's
State representation
in Percentage.
1. Ahir, Yadav 19.40 30.26 40.29 33.84 25.05 34.49
2. Kurmi, Patel, 7.46 23.03 19.17 13.51 7.21 12.49
Patanwar.
3. Lodh, Lodhi, 4.90 3.62 2.72 4.39 4.12 4.16
4. Pal, 4.43 1.48 1.62 3.63 6.31 3.78
Gaderiya,
5. Mal1ah, 4.33 0.49 0.57 1.25 2.78 1.36
Nishad
6. Ansar, 4.15 3.62 2.49 2.50 1.52 2.28
Momin.
7. Teli,Sahoo, 4.03 2.80 3.67 2.91 2.97 2.82
Arraf,
Samani.
8. Jat 3.60 3.62 4.06 7.05 2.77 6.85
9. Kumahar, 3.42 0.66 1.82 2.29 3.48 2.34
Prajapati
10. Kahar, 3.31 0.66 1.16 1.91 8.71 2.63
Kashyap,

11. Kachchi, 3.25 2.30 2.93 2.97 3.90 2.97

Kushwaha,
Shakya,
12. Nai, Sri was, 3.01 0.33 0.59 2.78 5.20 2.92

34
Government of Uttar Pradesh (2001), Social justice Committee Report, Lucknow. P.40.

223
 Salmani.
13. Rajbhar, 2.44 0.66 0.05 0.57 1.00 0.59
Bhar.
14. Carpenter, 2.37 2.80 1.75 1.7 1.70 1.73
Vishwakarma
15. Lonia, 2.33 0.33 0.18 0.83 0.83 0.78
Nauniya
16. Murao, 2.00 3.95 1.85 1.25 1.63 1.30
Maurya,
17. Others 25.58 19.41 15.08 16.54 20.81 16.52

Source: Government of Uttar Pradesh (2001), Social JUStice Comnnttee Report,

Lucknow. P.40.
The above data shows the total castes (OBCs) of Uttar Pradesh and their
representation in Government jobs. The data clearly indicates that Ahir or Yadav is the
dominant caste among the Other Backward Classes in Uttar Pradesh. The representation
of OBCs was in Group A, 30.26 per cent; Group B, 40.29 per cent; Group C, 33.84 per
cent and Group D 25.05 per cent. Kurtni or Patel Patanwar or Chanau comes in second
position and they had good representation in government jobs in Uttar Pradesh. They
were 7.46 per cent of total population of the state. They are 23.03 per cent in Group A,
19.17 per cent in Group B, 13.51 in Group C and 7.21 per cent in Group D services.
There were many castes come under backward classes but they had less population and
their shares is in jobs was inadequate in governance in the state (See table- 6.15).

The Representation of Other Backward Classes in Higher Education, Technical

Education and Medical Education in Uttar Pradesh:
It is important to know that education is very important for the development of
any caste or community. A caste or community could develop socially and economically
through achievement of higher education only. There is the data which reveals the OBCs
representation in higher education, medical education and technical education. The data
are as follows:

224
Table-6.17
Number of Seats in Educational Institutional
SI. No. Number of Number of seats Year
Educational in educational
Institutions institutions
Higher Education 68 7,65, 972 1994-2001

Medical 27 20,989 1986-2001

Education
Technical 33 46,744 1986-2001
Education

According to above data, there were total 68 educational institutions for higher
education, 27 medical educational Institutions and 33 Technical educational Institutions
till 2001. There were 7,65,972 seats for the other backward classes in 68 Higher
Educational Institutions during 1994 to 2001. There were 20,989 seats In Medical
Educational Institutions and 46,744 seats in 33 Technical Educational Institutions during
1986 to 2001 in Uttar Pradesh.
Table-6.18
The representation of OBCs in Higher Education in Uttar Pradesh
Sl Caste Reserved seats in Per cent Seats occupied by
No. (OBCs) Higher Education population Other Backward
Classes (per cent)
1. Ahir, Yadav 66922 32.37 19.40
2. Kunni, Patel, 23242 11.24 7.46
Patanwar.
3. Lodh, Lodhi, 8909 4.31 4.90
4. Pal, Gaderiya, 7540 3.65 4.43
5. Mallah, Nishad 3781 1.83 4.33

6. Ansar, Momin. 9488 4.59 4.15

225
7. Teli,Sahoo, 9236 4.47 4.03
Arraf, Samani.
8. Jat 655 0.32 3.60
9. Kumahar, 5161 2.50 3.42
Prajapati
10. Kahar, Kashyap, 4541 2.20 3.31

11. Kachchi, 5905 2.86 3.25

Kushwaha,
Shakya,

12. Nai, Sriwas, 2650 1.28 3.01

Salmani.
13. Rajbhar, Bhar. 1860 0.90 2.44

14. Carpenter, 4050 1.96 2.37

Vishwakarma
15. Lonia, Nauniya 6133 2.97 2.33
16. Murao, Maurya, 2630 1.27 2.00
17. Others 44026 21.30 25.58
Total 206729 100.00 100.00
Source: Government of Uttar Pradesh (2001), Soctal JUStice Comnnttee Report, Lucknow.

The above data shows that Ahir, Y adav occupied Higher Educational Institutions
than other followed by Kurmi which occupied 11.24 per cent. Lodh or Lodhi has 4.43 per
cent population and occupied 4.31 per cent in Higher Educational Institutions followed
by Pal or Gaderiya caste which occupied 3.65 seats. The Mallah or Nishad, Jat, Nai,
Rajbhar or Bhar, Maurya and Carpenter or Vishwakarma had occupied less number of
seats in Higher Education in Uttar Pradesh. (See table-6.17).

226
Table-6.19
The representation of OBCs in Medical Education in Uttar Pradesh
Sl Caste Reserved seats Per cent of Seats occupied by
No. (OBCs) in Medical total Other Backward
Education Population Classes (per cent)
1. Ahir, Yadav 448 16.13 19.40
2. Kunni, Patel, 729 26.24 7.46
Patanwar.
3. Lodh, Lodhi, 89 3.20 4.90
4. Pal, Gaderiya, 33 1.19 4.43
5. Mallah, Nishad 21 0.76 4.33
6. Ansar, Momin. 295 10.62 4.15
7. Teli,Sahoo, 132 4.75 4.03
Arraf, Samani.
8. Jat. 38 1.37 3.60
9. Kumahar, Prajapati 37 1.33 3.42
10. Kahar, Kashyap, 15 0.54 3.31
11. Kachchi, 47 1.69 3.25
Kushwaha, Shakya,
12. Nai, Sriwas, 37 1.33 3.01
Salmani.
13. Ra]bhar, Bhar. 07 0.25 2.44
14. Carpenter, 57 2.05 2.37
Vishwakanna
15. Lonia, Nauniya 19 0.68 2.33
16. Murao, Maurya, 45 1.62 2.00
17. Others 729 26.24 25.58
Total 2778 100.00 100.00
Source: Government of Uttar Pradesh (2001 ), Social justice Committee Report, Lucknow.

227
 The above data reveal that Kurmi occupied highest seats in Medical education
which 26.24 followed by Y adav which occupied 16.13 per cent of total number of seats.
The third caste is Ansar or Momin occupied 10.62 per cent which stood third in the state.
The other caste of backward classes such Naunia, Rajbhar, Kahar, Nishad, Pal, Maurya,
Nai, Kushwaha occupied less number of seats in Medical Education.
Table-6.20
The representation of OBCs in Technical Institutions in Uttar Pradesh
Sl. Caste Reserved in Percent Other Backward
No. (OBCs) Technical Classes (per cent)
Institutions
1. Ahir, Yadav 1403 19.81 19.40
2. Kurmi, Patel, 1316 18.58 7.46
Patanwar.
3. Lodh, Lodhi, 262 3.70 4.90
4. Pal, Gaderiya, 355 5.01 4.43
5. Mallah, Nishad 94 1.33 4.33
6. Ansar, Momin. 171 2.41 4.15
7. Teli, Sahoo, 343 4.84 4.03
Arraf, Samani.
8. Jat 26 0.37 3.60

9. Kumahar, Prajapati 237 3.35 3.42

10. Kahar, Kashyap, 94 1.33 3.31

11. Kachchi, 264 3.74 3.25

Kushwaha, Shakya,
12. Nai, Sriwas, 106 1.50 3.01
Salmani.
13. RaJbhar, Bhar. 43 0.61 2.44
14. Carpenter, 232 3.28 2.37
Vishwakarma

228
15. Lonia, Nauniya 76 1.07 2.33
16. Murao, Maurya 108 1.52 2.00
17. Others 1951 27.55 25.58
Total 7082 100.00 100.00
Source: Government ofUttar Pradesh (2001), Social justice Committee Report, Lucknow.

The above data reveal the different backward castes representation in technical
institutions in Uttar Pradesh. It shows that Ahir or Y adav occupied highest seats in
Technical education which is around 19.81 per cent. It is followed by Kurmi which is
around 18.51 per cent which is higher then their estimated population. It is very near to
Yadav in technical institutions even less then population ofYadav. Some other castes like
Rajbhar or Bhar, Jat, Lonia, Maurya, Nai, Kahar and Nishad occupied very less seats in
technical education of the state.
If we see the overall representation of backward castes in Uttar Pradesh, it reveals
that the Yadav or Ahir is highest in population as well as government jobs, higher
education, medical education and technical education in comparison to other backward
castes in the state. Kurmi, one of the other backward caste occupied second position in
population as well as higher education, medical education and technical education. Lodh
or Lodhi occupied third position in the population as well as higher education, medical
education and technical education. The other backward castes like Maurya, Nishad,
Naunia, Bhar, Kahar, Jat, Nai and Kushwaha occupied fewer seats in government jobs,
higher education, medical education and technical education in proportion of their
population in the state.

The Backward Classes Welfare Department:

The Backward Classes Welfare Department was established in Sept. 1995 for
improving the level of literacy, education and welfare ofbackward classes. The five posts
ofDeputy Director at divisional level and 46 posts ofDistrict Backward Classes Welfare
Officer at district level have been created in the state. Later 46 posts of District Backward
Classes Welfare Officers have been sanctioned and 24 districts were under consideration.
Now it is universally accepted that lack of education leads to backwardness.

229
 In the 1Oth Five Year Plan (2002-2007) the financial assistance was established for
backward class students with book bank and hostel facilities for them. In the budget
2004-2005 Rs. 56720.00 was provided for the target group of backward classes in the
state. The Uttar Pradesh Pichhara V arg Vitta Evam Vikas Nigam was fonned in 1989
with a share capital Rs.1 0 crore and now 30 crore provided for the upliftment of OBCs in
their social, economic and educational development.35 It provided the loan to backward
classes, unemployed youth, BPL families etc in easy terms and condition as well as
interest.
The Other Backward Classes are 54 per cent of the total population of the state.
They are socially, educationally and economically backward. The government took the
initiative to protect from the social injustice and exploitation. The government provides
the scholarships up to class VIII to enhance the enrollment at primary level. The
scholarship also extended for class IX and X students whose parents' annual income up
toRs. 30,000 to reduce the dropout rate. 36 The post matric students are also getting the
scholarships to encourage them for higher studies. The hostel facilities are provided to
solve their accommodation problems.
The Uttar Pradesh Backward Classes Finance and Development Corporation is
providing the economic assistance by the way of margin money, educational loan, micro
finance etc for their economic development and social reliance. 37 The state government
took the initiative to include 16 more backward castes in Scheduled Castes (SCs) for their
upliftment. In 2006-07 an outlay of Rs. 560 crore provided for the welfare of backward
castes in the state. 38

Implementation of Creamy layer among the OBCs by Uttar Pradesh:

The governnient of India appointed one committee known as Prasad committee
on 8th September 1993 to fixed the criteria to identification of Creamy layer among
OBCs.

35
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Human Development Report 2003, Uttar Pradesh: Planning Department,
P.270.
36
Government of Uttar Pradesh, Annual Plan 2006-07. Vol-!, Planning Commission, Nov 2005. P. 267.
37
Ibid.
38
Jbid.P.267.

230
In Uttar Pradesh an expert Committee was appointed in March 1993. The Committee was
headed by Justice (retired) Sri Umesh Chandra and it submitted its report on 9th May
1993. The Government of Uttar Pradesh, once-again set-up another committee on 26th
August 1993, under the Chairmanship of Ramesh Chandra 39
The Government of Uttar Pradesh passed Uttar Pradesh Public Service (Reservation for
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes) Act, 1994 for public
appointments. The identification of creamy layer among OBCs was given in Scheduled II
of this Act which is as follows:-
Table-6.21
Comparative analysis of Creamy layer criteria Recommended by Expert Committee
40
and Provisions made in Schedule II of Act of 1994 in Uttar Pradesh.

SINo. Categories or person Criteria of exclusion fiXed by Criteria of exclusion

U.P. Act. recommended by
Expert Committee
(A) Single Criteria Categories
I. President, Vice President, Not Covered Covered
Judges of Supreme Court
and High courts, Chairman
in and Members of
UPSCIUPPSC, Chief
Election Commissioner,
CAG.

2. Ministers in central/ State Not Covered Covered

Governments, MPs, MLAs/
MLCs.

39
Verma, R.V.S. (2002), Creamy Layer Among the OBCs: Genesis, Operationalisation and Current Status,
in edt. by H.S. Verma and Raj Kumar Singh, Empowerment of Weaker Sections in India: Interface of the
Civil Society Organisations and Professional Social Work Institutions, New Delhi: Serial Publications.
40
Verma, R.V.S. (2002), Creamy Layer Among the OBCs: Genesis, Operationa/isation and Current Status,
in edt. by H.S. Verma and Raj Kumar Singh, Empowerment of Weaker Sections in India: Interface of the
Civil Society Organisations and Professional Social Work Institutions, New Delhi: Serial Publications. Pp.
156,157.

231
(B) Two or More Criteria
Categories

L Service Category

(a) Sons and Daughters of lAS, (i) Income from salary Same
IFS, Indian Forest Service, of such members of
other central services service is Rs. 10,000
(direct or promoties) P.m.
(ii) Spouse is atleast graduate Do
(iii) He or his/her spouse owns a Do
house in an urban area
{b) Group 'A'/ Class I officers Do
of any department (institute
of Government of India or
educational, research
institutions, directly
recruited through UPSC/
other sources and not cover
by{a).

© Officers of Defenses/ Do
Paramilitary Forces

Forces not below the rank

of Colonial or equivalent:
(a) U.P. Civil Services (direct Do
recruits)
(b) Group 'A' I Class I officers
of any state government
department (direct recruits
and not covered un (d).
n. Professions
Son(s) and Daughter (s) of:

232
(a) Self -employed
occupations (doctors,
surgeons, engineers,
lawyers, architects,
chartered accountants, other
consultants, media and
information professionals,
share/ stock brokers, film
artists, professionals,
running coaching
institutions, etc.)
(b) Business
© Industrialists
(d) Farmers, farmers-planters
etc., whose holdings are
within the limits fixed
under U.P. imposition of
ceiling on Land Holding
Act, 1960.
(e) Persons not covered in
aforementioned categories
Source: Verma 2002: 156,157.
(i) Average income from all Rs. 2 Lakh
sources should not be less than
Rs. 10 lakh per year in three
consecutive years.
(ii) Spouse at least a graduate
(iii) His family property (ii) Rs. I 0 Lakh
(immoveable) should be worth
Rs. 20 lakh.
(i) Provided whose average (i) Rs. 2 lakh
income for 3 consecutive
financial years is not less than Rs.
lOlakh
(ii) Spouse is atleast graduate (ii) Same
(iii) Immovable property worth at (iii) Rs. 10 lakh
least Rs. 20 lakh
(i) Whose level of investment in (i) Rs. 5 Crore
running units is over Rs. 10 crore
and such units are engaged in
production for at least five years.
(ii) Spouse is at least graduate (ii) Same.
(i) Whose income is Rs. 10 lakh (i) Rs. 5 lakh
in a year from sources other than
agriculture
(ii) Spouse is at least a graduate. (ii) Same.
(i) Whose income from all (i) Rs. 21akh.
sources for three consecutive
financial years is not less than Rs.
10 lakh per year
233
So we see that Government of Uttar Pradesh was following the above creamy layer
criteria while appointing the OBC candidates in government jobs. So the needy persons
among backward community could secure the government jobs.

Muslim and Mandai Commission:

Muslim is one of the largest religious groups in India. It constitutes around 12
crore or 12 per cent of total population India. It formed second largest Muslim population
in the world after Indonesia.
Some places, they identified through a provincial- linguistic/ ethnic category as in
Ladaak (Jammu and Kashmir), a Tribal Biradari/Kinship group as in Lakshadweep and
through such tribal groups as Gaddi and Bakrewal in Jammu and Kashmir, through a
sectarian perspective such as Sunni, Shia, Ismaili, Bohra, Ahmedia, etc., or through
41
various Islamic schools such as Deobandi and Barelvi.
The majority of Indian Muslim population came from the lower Hindu castes who
have been coming into fold of Islam to escape from social persecution and the oppressive
socio-economic conditions, but the goal of social equality remained elusive. In Indian
society, people embraced Islam but could not give up their caste identity into a new
socio-religious milieu.
Ghaus Ansari (1960), in his study on caste structure of north Indian Muslim and
categorized the Muslim castes into three parts:
1. Ashraf, 2. Ajlaf and 3. Arzal.
Ashraf includes the Muslim nobility that claim to be the descendants of early Muslim
immigrants, either Sayyad, Shaikh, Mughal or Pathan, as well as descendants of higher
42
Hindu Castes such as Muslim Rajputs.
The clean occupational castes such as Julaha (weavers), Darzi (tailors), Qassab
(butchers), Hajjam (barbers), Kunjra (green grocer), Mirasi (bards, singers and

41
Hasnain, Nadeem (2005), Muslim in India: Caste Affinity and Social Boundaries ofBackwardness, in
H.S. Vanna (edt.)(2005), The OBCs and The Ruling Classes India, Jaipur, New Delhi; Rawat
Publications.P. 84.
42
Ibid. P. 86.

234
 musicians), Manihar (bangle markers), Dhuniya (cotton carders), Gaddi (graziers,
milkman), etc., were included in the category of Ajlaf(destitute).
The third category of Arzal (literary very deprived/ destitute) includes the unclean
or ritually polluting castes such as Bhangi or Mehtar (sweepers and scavengers) [Hasnain
2005: 86].
Mandai Commission followed the following criteria to identify the non Hindu
religion which are as follows:
(i) All untouchables converted to any non Hindu religion.
(ii) Such occupational communities, which are known by the name of their
traditional hereditary occupation and whose Hindu counterparts have been
included in the list of Hindu OBCs (e.g., Dhobi, Teli, Nai, Kumhar, Lobar,
Darzi, Badhai, etc.).43
In Sociological terms, in the Ashraf-Ajlaf-Arzal has been categorized and Ajlaf-Arzal
comes under the category of OBCs status. Mandai Commission ( 1980) identified 82
Muslim groups as backwards which basically come from Ajlaf-Arzal category.
There are some fmdings regarding the representation of Muslim community in various
posts in government jobs.
The data are as follows:
Table-6.22
Muslim in Group-A, Group-B, Group-e and Group-D services in West Bengal
Muslim Group-A Group-B Group-e Group-D Total
population (in (in (in (in (in Employees
Percentage) percentage) percentage) percentage) percentage) (in
percentage)
18.5 4.6 8.0 4.3 5.4 1,34,053
Source: Sachchar Committee Report (2006).
According to Sachchar Committee Report, Muslim are 18.5 per cent of total population
in the state. There are 1, 34,053 employees working in the state. Muslim representation in
government jobs in Group-A are 4.6 per cent. In Group-B there representation is only 8

43
Hasnain, Nadeem (2005), Muslim in India: Caste Affinity and Social Boundaries of Backwardness, in
H.S. Vanna (edt.){2005), The OBCs and The Ruling Classes India, Jaipur, New Delhi; Rawat Publications.
P.89.

235
per cent. In Group-C and Group-D their representation is 4.3 per cent and 5.4 per cent
respectively. It shows that there are inadequate representation of Muslim in Group-A,
Group-B, Group-C and even Group-D jobs in the state. No doubt Muslim is a backward
community in the state.
Rajni Kothari said that "Ifyou want to bring caste to an end, provide more reservations
for the backwards. Moreover, Kothari extends this argument by asserting that Mandalism
is part of "a great secular upsurge". The OBC group brings together not only all the
lower caste but the poor or 'backward· of other religions, while at the same time it
prevents Hindus from acting as a solid bloc. ,,.w
Summary. Uttar Pradesh is one of the important states in India. It elects maximum
number of Member of Parliament (MP). But it is one of the backward states in India.
There are large numbers of people who come under the Below Poverty Line (BPL). The
backward classes are more affected than the upper castes. There are more illiterate among
SCs, STs and OBCs than the upper castes. In the post independence era (from 1952 to
1967), there was the dominance of upper caste in the assembly. During the period of
1967 to 1989, there was the increase in OBC members in the assembly. The number of
upper caste MLAs in the assembly go from 58 per cent in 1952 to 45 per cent in 1967 and
1969. In 1969, J ana Sangha party had 47 per cent upper caste party MLAs. But there was
also 10 per cent MLAs from backward caste in the Jana Sangha Party. The Socialist
Parties had more than 25 per cent belonged to backward-castes middle tenants.
In 1974, the upper castes representation the assembly was 37.80 percent which reached
35.38 per cent in 2002 it decreased by around 2 per cent. The OBC MLAs representation
was 18.30 per cent in 1974 which reached 27.52 in 2002 in the state. There is no such
improvement in the representation of Scheduled Castes MLAs between 1974 to 2002.
The Muslim representation increases by nominal 1 per cent between 1974 to 2002. We
see that OBCs MLAs increased more than any other community during this period. It is
important to know that the representation upper caste MLAs decreased during this period
in the state legislature. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) launched by Kanshi Ram in
1984, is a party of Dalits aiming at forming alliances of Dalits, Minorities and OBCs.

44
Kumar Dharma, The Affirmative Action Debate in India, Asian Survey. Vol. xxxii, N0.3 March 1992,
Pp.75,76.

236
After the implementation of Mandai Commission in 1990, the political scenario of the
state change. The electoral success of Samajwadi Party (SP) Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)
alliance in 1993 have some record number of elected OBCs MLAs comparatively more
than Upper Castes MLAs in the state legislature. After Mandai, which ever party came
into power the OBCs MLAs remained high in number. Mandai opened the power sharing
era. In 1993, the SP and BSP are the main contributors to the introduction of a new
political personnel with more than 40 per cent of OBC MLAs in the state legislature. In
1993 election both the parties SP and BSP shows the specific trends. The SP and BSP
both nominate more OBCs and SCs candidate respectively. Even BSP did not nominate
any upper caste candidate due to anti-Brahmin strategy. In the same year, Yadavs with 35
per cent MLAs, were more than SCs and upper caste MLAs put together.
Both the parties change their strategy and introduced upper caste candidates in the
election. As a result the share of OBCs and SCs candidate went down in 1996 compare to
1993. The dilution of the BSP's anti-Brahmin discourse was a result of the alliance
entered with the Congress in which 15 per cent MLAs of Congress belonged to upper
castes. Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) which perceived as an upper caste party nevertheless
has over 21 per cent of its MLAs coming from the backward castes.
The OBCs political mobilization increases after the implementation of Mandai
commission report. It affects the legislature as well as bureaucratic set-up in the state.
We see that the government of Uttar Pradesh is following the reservation policy for the
upliftment of backward classes. The reservation is applicable to Government jobs and
Educational Institutions for OBCs. Government is running different programs for the
welfare of backward classes in the state. The data reveal that among the other backward
classes some castes particularly Ahir or Yadav, Kurmi and Lodh are in very good
position in government jobs as well as higher education, technical education and medical
education compare to other backward castes in the state. Ansar is good only in medical
education in the state. It shows that the reservation policy could not be shared properly in
different backward castes. Some took more advantages from it and some are still
deprived among them. The Social Justice Committee able to shows the real picture
among the different backward castes in the state which was headed by the Hukum Singh.
It suggested certain important recommendations but it could not be implemented. It

237
 recommended the shares of government jobs according to the share of the population of
backwards. Due to their socio-economic status Yadav has to satisfy only on 5 per cent, 9
per cent reserved for Most Backward Castes (8 Castes) and 14 per cent for the MBCs (70
Castes). Probably it will lead to caste conflict so political parties are afraid to implement
it in its current circumstances. There are total 82 communities identified by Mandai
Commission as backwards in the Muslim community. The Ajlaf-Arzal comes under the
category of OBCs. This new reservation policy is not implemented by the government.

The next chapter 7 discusses about the Other Backward Classes representation in
Government jobs and Educational institutions in West Bengal. It discusses about the
overall development of backward classes in West Bengal. It discussed about the socio-
economic aspects of backward classes in West Bengal and analyzed the impact of
~andal commission report. It also talks about the role of CPI (M) leaders after the
\~plementation of Mandai commission report.

238