Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Shame
DAVID J. HESSELGRAVE
of Studies on Hysteria, but also because it was during that year that
Freud began self-analysis.
Freudian psychology (with its conceptions of the id, ego,
super-ego and Oedipus complex) as it developed over the next
near half century is too well-known to be elaborated here. Many
readers will also be aware of his attempt to extend these ideas
and to show that the basic elements of religion originated in a
"parasitai act" in which primitives killed their fathers in jealousy
over their mothers and then developed beliefs and restraints
connected with a father-god by way of repentance (Totem and
Taboo 1919). Bronislaw Malinowski countered that in the
matrilineally organized Trobriands the Oedipus complex did
not exist as Freud had explained it (The Father in Primitive
Psychology 1927). Freud was over-generalizing — in fact,
universalizing. As a result of this and other criticisms, most
psychoanalysts came to accept a more culturally relativistic
position in which the id and super-ego represented personality
and sociocultural conditioning, and in which ideas of normality
and abnormality were in large measure culture specific.
David Bakan argues that Freud saw himself as a modern-day
messiah leading men away from the moral bondage imposed by
the Hebrew people and the Mosaic Law. According to Freud,
many of man's social problems and all of his psychic disorders
grow out of the internalization of the law into the super-ego or
conscience. Guilt itself is evil. It is the problem of the neurotic. Its
removal is good. Moreover, "if God is the guilt-producing
image, then the Devil is the counter-force" (Bakan 1961:37). In a
very real sense, Freud aligned himself with the Devil, according
to Bakan.
No less a Christian and astute observer than Paul Tournier,
however, claims that in some respects Freud was an ally of
Christianity (1965:230-231). In contrast to Pierre Janet's
psychoasthenic and similar theories which said that patients
suffer inner conflicts because they are ill (have a primary
deficiency), Freud insisted that patients are ill because they have
inner conflicts. This is precisely what the Bible claims. It is what
Paul described so graphically in Romans 7. In fact, Tournier
insists that the p r o b l e m s m e n t i o n e d in Freud's The
Psychopathology of Everyday Life can, without exception, be
categorized under the four types of sin described in the Sermon
on the Mount (1965:230-231). In a day when men's basic
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problems are being analyzed as illnesses for which they bear little
individual responsibility, this aspect of Freudian psychoanalysis
does have a Christian "ring." Nevertheless, the part must be seen
in connection with the whole.
Guilt-Shame and National Character According to Ruth Benedict
As it is well-known, inPatterns of Culture (1946), Ruth Benedict
used the Nietzeschean distinction between Dionysian and
Apollonian ways of arriving at the values of existence as a point
of departure for explaining the difference between Pueblo and
other Indian groups in North America. Benedict found that
American Indians as a whole, including those of Mexico, were
passionately Dionysian. "They value all violent experience, all
means by which human beings may break through the usual
sensory routine, to all such experiences they attributed the
highest value" (Benedict 1946:73). Whether by motionless
concentration, arduous torture or frenzied ritual, they sought to
break through the bounds of the five senses to supernatural
illumination and power. The Pueblos, on the other hand,
distrusted all of this. Staying within the known map of law, they
did not "meddle with disruptive psychological states."
Interestingly enough, Ruth Benedict had little opportunity to
do field work among most of the Indian tribes to whom she
referred (except the Zuni) and took most of her information
from Frank Boas and others. Her book occasioned a storm of
protest among anthropologists, primarily because of its
generalizations. Nevertheless, her insights were deemed of such
value that during World War II her services were engaged in the
attempt to analyze cultures of special military significance,
especially Japanese culture.
In The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture
(1946), Benedict differentiated guilt cultures and shame
cultures, characterizing Japan as a shame culture. A few years
before (1940) her first graduate student at Columbia
University, Margaret Mead, had described traditional or
"puritan" American character type as being guilt-oriented. The
child takes the values of the parent as its own and learns to act as
if the parent were present even when the parent is absent.
Failure to do so results in a retrospective discomfort which
technically can be called guilt. Conformity is reinforced by the
system of rewards and punishment. The picture is completed by
DAVID J. HESSELGRAVE
Missionary Elenctics and Guilt and Shame
464
a conception of deity which sees God as backing up the parent
and primarily concerned with moral behavior. Mead believed
that North America was experiencing a shift in moral emphasis
from parental guidelines to "age-grade standards," in which the
disciplinary force would shift from guilt to the shame of peer
group disapproval.
Once again Benedict made a perceptive, if overly generalized,
analysis without the benefit of field study. Drawing upon Mead's
analysis, she categorized Japanese culture as a shame culture in
which ideal behavior is determined by an elaborate system of
obligations to the larger society and its included groups.
Conformity to the resultant expectations of society brings
approval. Failure to live up to those expectations results in
disapproval and shame. By carefully cataloging and illustrating
the various types of obligations and the attendent system of
rewards and punishment, Benedict described Japanese national
character and made otherwise enigmatic behavioral patterns
more understandable to the West.
Controversy as to the Meaning and Significance of Guilt and the
Guilt-Shame Differentiation
During the past thirty to thirty-five years, numerous dialogues
and debates concerning guilt and shame have occurred among
psychologists (and psychiatrists) and anthropologists. One such
took place in connection with the Ciba Foundation supported
Symposium on Transcultural Psychiatry held in February of
1965 and attended by over twenty leading educators in these
fields.1 One interchange on guilt and shame which took place at
that symposium serves well to characterize typical lines of
agreement and disagreement.
In a paper entitled "Phenomenology of Affective Disorder in
Chinese and Other Cultures" (1965:84-108), P. M. Yap noted
that though the problem of the development of the super-ego is
central to the cross-cultural problem of depression, this area of
study is in chaos. He insisted, however, that it had become
increasingly clear that "the opposition of 'shame' to 'guilt' is
intellectualistic, arbitrary and without empirical justification"
(Yap 1965:100). He held that it is more helpful to distinguish
between unconscious guilt feelings on the one hand, and
conscious guilt feelings and conscious moral shame feelings
"generated by the anticipation of discovery of wrong conduct by
465
others" on the other (Yap 1965:100). He discounted the notion
that guilt feelings are confined to any particular religious system
such as Protestantism with its doctrines of sin and atonement.
And, he agreed with De Vos that Japanese guilt feelings based on
moral obligations to ancestors and Emperor showed a
development analogous to that inherent in Weber's Protestant
ethic. Whereas in the West, Christianity heightens the sense of
guilt and also reduces it; in the Orient a system of obligations and
rites of ancestor worship or reverence serve the same function.
In the Orient, however,
the absence of teachings of original sin and the supernatural basis of conscience
has also made possible among the elite a rationalistic acceptance of moral
values, with conscious acknowledgement of wrong and the need for further
self-cultivation after the example of the Confucian "Superior Man" (Yap
1965:102-103).
Tsung-Yi Lin disagreed with Yap. He said that when the
definitions of sin and guilt are widened so that failure to fulfill
obligations to ancestors and parents are included, guilt
complexes are apparent among Chinese depressives.
Nevertheless, the kind of sin and guilt complexes associated with
the doctrine of original sin and seen in Christian communities is
rare among Chinese unless we are talking about educated
Christian Chinese (Yap 1965:111-112).
Vera Rubin agreed with Yap's ideas on guilt and shame, but at
the same time recalled her own findings in a comparative study
of Negroes and East Indians in Trinidad (Yap 1965:110). In that
study Negro Christians and East Indian Hindus reported
different reactions in guilt situations. The former reacted with
feelings of guilt when doing something "which they thought
involved guilt" irrespective of whether this had been done in
public or private. The latter reported feelings of guilt primarily
if they had been seen committing the "guilty" act. "There was a
difference between internal feelings of guilt and what might be
called shame" (Yap 1965:110).
Margaret Mead noted that discussions of the guilt-shame
dichotomy are often truncated because the question of pride is
disregarded in personality development* She cited Ε. H.
Erikson's theory that a sense of sin develops very early and is
followed by a period of shame and pride associated with the
development of autonomous feeling, which in turn is followed
by guilt at a still later stage. This reinforces the notion that guilt is
DAVID J. HESSELGRAVE
Missionary Elenctics and Guilt and Shame
466
associated with certain kinds of character formation and
religious ideas. According to Mead, this approach makes a
coherent picture possible (Yap 1965:110).
Yap's paper and the ensuing discussion, therefore, reveal
distinct differences of opinion but provide at least two important
keys for our understanding. First, guilt feelings of some kind or
other are an important factor in "transcultural psychiatry and
counseling." Second, if semantic confusion can be cleared away,
the guilt-shame differentiation has validity.
This is not simply theory; it is also practice. Ellis and those who
follow him actually prescribe behaviors for their clients that are
designed to eliminate shame such as wearing a shirt or blouse
469
with vulgarities printed on them or propositioning a person of
the opposite sex.
Morita Therapy
For a third example, let us travel to Japan and consider the
"personal-experience therapy" of Shoma Morita, one-time
professor of psychiatry at Jikei University in Tokyo. Morita's
a p p r o a c h b e a r s s o m e s t r i k i n g r e s e m b l a n c e s to t h e
self-actualization approach of Abraham Maslow. However, it
grows out of a conception of human nature and a world view
which are rooted in the cultural matrix ofJapan and are specially
informed by Zen Buddhism. Morita was trained in Western
psychology and psychiatry, and though very critical of Freud,
was, nevertheless, influenced by him. His own training was in the
Kaepelian German orthodox psychiatry. To this he weds a
Buddhist (largely Zenist) view of human personality. He does
not interpret neurotic conflicts, for example, as deviations from
normalcy, but rather as misinterpretations of normal reactions.
His goal is not to increase conscious control over the unconscious
by the ego. Rather, it is to integrate the unconscious and the
conscious so that decisions of living, thinking and acting are
given over to the same unconscious process that organizes the
body. (In Zen, this is called mushin.) In therapy the patient is
helped to interpret his toraware, or state of being, and transcend
it by various kinds of works within a communal setting.
Morita's therapy consists of four phases, usually beginning in
a hospital setting but continuing as out-patient therapy. The first
phase consists of complete bed rest, during which time the
patient is separated from the unnecessary paraphernalia of his
regular way of life. During this time of rest, the patient is able to
reflect on his condition, but more importantly, he desires
stimulation and activity. He already possesses a strong desire to
live, and during rest, this is built up in order that it might be
channelled into constructive activities during the next three
phases of therapy. These three phases are not really distinct, but
consist of light work and activity which gradually become more
and more complicated and constructive. The patient is given few
specific instructions for this activity, but is pointed in a general
direction and told to look for work himself. Throughout the
therapy, the patient is expected to keep a diary which is given to
DAVID J. HESSELGRAVE
Missionary Elenctics and Guilt and Shame
470
the therapist every morning so that he can monitor his patient's
progress. The therapist's counsel is usually communicated to the
patient only through informal encounters during work therapy
or at larger group meetings. The work and the diary are
designed to give the patient positive and constructive oudets for
his desire to live, instead of allowing it to be expressed aberrantly
in hypochondria. Gradually, he learns that he can live
constructively in existing conditions.
This type of therapy fits in well with a "national character" to
which sin and guilt are largely foreign, because it does not speak
to these issues. But, in contrast to Ν ai kan Therapy (see below),
this therapy does not emphasize shame, though it has a
communal orientation not incompatible with it (Lebra
1976:250-258, 273-277).
Contemporary Non-Christian Therapies That Emphasize Guilt and
Shame
Now let us look at a very different view of man and his
problems as viewed by men like Thomas Szasz, William Glasser,
Rollo May, O.H. Mowrer, Inobu Yoshimoto and others. For all
the differences, often deep differences, that one might adduce
upon studying their theories and therapies, a common thread is
intricately woven through the entire fabric of their writings. It is
this: Man amply has not lived up to what he knows to beright,and the
implications of this must be faced in any adequate diagnosis and
treatment of his problems.
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