Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Kristen Bottema-Beutel, PhD,1 Steven K. Kapp, PhD,2 Jessica Nina Lester, PhD,3
Noah J. Sasson, PhD,4 and Brittany N. Hand, PhD, OTR/L5
Abstract
In this commentary, we describe how language used to communicate about autism within much of autism research
can reflect and perpetuate ableist ideologies (i.e., beliefs and practices that discriminate against people with
disabilities), whether or not researchers intend to have such effects. Drawing largely from autistic scholarship on
this subject, along with research and theory from disability studies and discourse analysis, we define ableism and its
realization in linguistic practices, provide a historical overview of ableist language used to describe autism, and
review calls from autistic researchers and laypeople to adopt alternative ways of speaking and writing. Finally, we
provide several specific avenues to aid autism researchers in reflecting on and adjusting their language choices.
1
2 BOTTEMA-BEUTEL ET AL.
How will these recommendations help autistic people now or in the future?
Language is a powerful means for shaping how people view autism. If researchers take steps to avoid ableist
language, researchers, service providers, and society at large may become more accepting and accommodating
of autistic people.
adopt an anti-ableist stance and be intentional about their lan- and produce identities.41 What people say or write produces
guage choices. We believe that such a commitment will result specific versions of the world, one’s self, and others,42 and
in less discriminatory and more accurate discussions of re- language conveys, shapes, and perpetuates ideologies.43
search findings. Language choices are also reflective of power structures and
mirror dominant narratives and ideologies about social phe-
The Impact and History of Language nomena. From this critical perspective, ideologies are con-
Used to Talk About Autism ceptualized in such a way that includes consideration of the
role of power in the ‘‘positions, attitudes, beliefs, perspec-
Why does the language we use to talk about
tives, etc. of social groups’’42 (p. 9). Thus, ideologies evi-
autism matter?
denced in everyday and institutional discourse are assumed to
Language is not simply descriptive but is also performa- both establish and maintain power relationships.42 Disrupting
tive.40 That is, language use is constructive of social life; dominant discourses about autism, primarily controlled by
through language we make a case, take a particular stance, those in positions of power, is therefore necessary to change
4 BOTTEMA-BEUTEL ET AL.
conceptualizations about the nature of autism. Additionally, ated and emphasize the loss of opportunities to participate in
all communication involves language choices, and there are society.58 Under this framework, autism is disabling in socie-
no ‘‘neutral’’ options independent of an ideological stance.44 ties that do not make efforts to remove barriers to participation
The fact that representations of research participants and that autistic people face.59 For example, autism can be dis-
results are shaped by research biases, and may not accurately abling when an autistic person seeks employment but is not
reflect how participants perceive themselves, has long been accommodated for communication differences that impact
emphasized in qualitative methodological literature.45–47 their ability to participate in an interview.
Furthermore, social science researchers produce various ver- Current conceptualizations of the social model acknowl-
sions of reality, theory, and descriptions of people and places edge that social barriers do not explain all aspects of disability
when writing research reports.48 As such, researchers’ lan- and recognize individual contributions in the context of a
guage choices shape how people and places come to be known. disabling society.60 Proponents of the autistic-led neurodi-
versity movement conceptualize autism in such a way that
autism itself can be celebrated while still recognizing im-
Historical reflections on language about autism
pairments and support needs.61 Neurodiversity scholars and
Autism arose as a clinical category in the 1940s, but de- activists: (1) recognize that barriers imposed by nonautistic
scriptions of autism have varied across time and place and are society hinder the fulfillment of autistic people and assert that
shaped by complex disciplinary histories and discourses.49 The it is a societal responsibility to remove these barriers59; and
works of Leo Kanner and Hans Asperger continue to influence (2) acknowledge the transaction between inherent weaknesses
how autism is understood. While Kanner is typically credited of autism and the social environment, viewing autism as both
with classifying autism as a diagnostic category, Eugene Bleuler a difference and a disability.11,61–63 Therefore, they support
first coined the term in 1911, using it to describe ‘‘psychotic an integrative model of disability, which values impairment as
patients’’ tendency to withdraw into fantastical worlds.50 Dur- a valid form of human diversity12,64 and dovetails with the
ing the 1920s and 1930s, the term ‘‘schizophrenic autism’’ was nuanced views of autism among autistic adults.16,65
used to describe children who appeared to separate from reality Inspired by the disability rights movement, Sinclair served
and become affectively withdrawn. as the primary founder of the neurodiversity movement and
Even recently, autism is often written about using medical its use of identity-first language.66 Sinclair’s67 essay ‘‘Why
model frameworks, which construe all differences associated I Dislike Person First Language’’ is a foundational text that
with autism to be evidence of deficits, and advocates for curing explains why many neurodiversity advocates prefer identity-
these deficits via intervention.51 In keeping with the medical first language such as ‘‘autistic person.’’ This piece explains
model, autism has linguistically, culturally, and politically been autism as inseparable from and fundamental to an individual’s
constructed in relation to a normal/abnormal binary.52 Can- experience of the world. Perhaps most controversially, Sinclair
guilhem53 noted that a ‘‘normal or physiological state is no critiques the need to emphasize personhood as paradoxically
longer simply a disposition which can be revealed and ex- dehumanizing (‘‘Saying person with autism suggests that au-
plained as fact, but a manifestation of an attachment to some tism is something so bad that it isn’t even consistent with being
value’’ (p. 57). The medical model traditionally dichotomizes a person,’’ para. 3). While person-first constructions were
people as ‘‘healthy’’ and ‘‘sick’’ or ‘‘non-disabled’’ and ‘‘dis- originally promoted by self-advocates with intellectual dis-
abled,’’ without reference to the social systems that render these ability (ID) in the late 1960s and 1970s, becoming widespread
categories meaningful, and with the assumption that disability by the 1990s as the self-advocacy movement came of age,68
is inherently inferior to nondisability. Treatment is admin- many within the autistic community now reject them. Neuro-
istered in hopes of transforming disabled individuals into diversity proponents may recognize that supporters of either
nondisabled individuals.54 The medical model, therefore, language preference may share the value of upholding autistic
inherently relies on deficit construals of autism, even though people’s dignity and worth but disagree on rhetorical means for
both Kanner55 and Asperger56 noted autistic strengths. doing so.8
In the medical model, autism is ‘‘essentially a narrative The positioning of autism as an entity that can be discovered
condition . diagnoses of autism are essentially storytelling in one’s genetics, neurological systems, or biochemistry49,51
in character, narratives that seek to explain contrasts between ‘‘implies a lack of reflexivity about how autism is constructed
the normal and the abnormal, sameness and difference’’57 through our representational practices in research, in therapy,
(p. 201). Autism diagnosis, even when observational tests or and in popular accounts’’69 (p. 20). Medicalized representa-
interviews are administered, largely relies on subjective in- tions of autism rarely include consideration of the experiences
terpretations of behavior. Indeed, the medical model of dis- and everyday practices of autistic people. Historically, disabled
ability centers on identifying autism by assessing behaviors people have rarely been allowed to ‘‘control the referent ‘dis-
and interactions with others. As such, it constructs autism as a ability’’’ and the ‘‘terminology that has been used to linguis-
within-person phenomenon, even though the condition is tically represent the various human differences referred to as
diagnosed through social behavior. These conceptualizations ‘disabilities’’’70 (p. 122). This type of medical-model rhetoric
of autism locate the source of impairment in autistic people has material consequences for shaping research agendas. Pre-
who may have difficulty understanding nonautistic social sently, several funding initiatives promote prevention research
behavior but do not question why nonautistic people expe- (with the goal of eradicating autistic people) and certain
rience the same difficulty in understanding autistic social strands of intervention research that attempt to teach autis-
behavior (this is termed ‘‘the double empathy problem’’).11,13 tic people to pass as nonautistic. Both these avenues of re-
In contrast, the social model distinguishes between impair- search ignore aspects of disability that are socially mediated,
ments, which are socially valued differences in functioning or which requires social and structural changes to how autistic
appearance, and disabilities, which are environmentally medi- people are viewed, valued, and treated in lieu of efforts to
AVOIDING ABLEIST LANGUAGE 5
exclusively change autistic people. See Figure 1 for an in- crepancies in the language used by health care professionals
fographic contrasting the medical and social models. and that which is preferred by autistic adults and other
members of the autism community (e.g., family members,
friends), particularly surrounding identify-first versus person-
Current Research on the Language Preferences
first language.17 Whereas autistic adults in the United King-
of the Autistic Community
dom endorsed ‘‘autistic’’ and ‘‘autistic person’’ in greater
Formal research characterizing language preferences of numbers than ‘‘person with autism,’’ professionals endorsed
autistic people is emerging.71 This research highlights dis- ‘‘person with autism’’ in greater numbers than ‘‘autistic’’ or
‘‘autistic person.’’ Parents were also much less likely to en- Lack of consensus
dorse ‘‘autistic person’’ than were autistic participants. Even when polling is available to identify group-level lan-
Research on Australian samples has shown that autistic guage preferences, controversy remains as to the representa-
people rated the terms ‘‘autistic,’’ ‘‘person on the spectrum,’’ tiveness of samples of autistic people. Whether researchers
and ‘‘autistic person’’ significantly higher than ‘‘person with should replace person-first language with identity-first lan-
autism,’’ ‘‘person with ASD’’ (autism spectrum disorder), and guage has received particular attention recently.74 An argu-
‘‘person with ASC’’ (autism spectrum condition). U.S.- and ment primarily put forward by nonautistic researchers for why
U.K.-based research has shown that self-identification as au- autistic people’s preferences should not lead to changes in
tistic and awareness of the neurodiversity movement are as- their language practices is that there remain members of the
sociated with stronger preferences for the term ‘‘autistic autistic community who prefer person-first constructions over
person’’ over ‘‘person with autism.’’65 Data suggest that ‘‘on identity-first constructions,69 or are unable to participate in
the autism spectrum’’ may be the least polarizing way to refer discussions about language preferences because of commu-
to autism,17,72 but even using this description is a political nication impairments.
decision. We contend that this line of reasoning works to maintain the
Outside identifying language, there is some evidence to status quo by allowing nonautistic researchers to avoid en-
suggest relative consensus among stakeholder groups about gagement with the expressed preferences of many members of
other preferred language choices. For example, Kenny et al.17 the autistic community, and discount or minimize their argu-
found few autistic adults, family members/friends, or health ments around language choices. Complete consensus is un-
care professionals endorse the use of functioning-level de- likely to be gained for a set of terms for any marginalized
scriptors such as ‘‘high-functioning’’ autism (approximately community. Yet, it remains important to avoid using language
20% endorse) and ‘‘low-functioning’’ autism (<10% endorse). with known stigmatizing effects (unless referring to a specific
Additionally, most autistic adults and other stakeholders prefer individual who has indicated their language preferences), such
the use of diversity-focused language (e.g., neurodiversity) as as many usages of person-first language.71 Stakeholders (in-
opposed to phrases such as disability, deficit, or disorder.17 cluding parents) may eventually move toward consensus on
Furthermore, evidence suggests autism community members preference for identity-first language, because it is positively
predominantly prefer probabilistic language over danger- correlated with the growing awareness of the neurodiversity
oriented terms. For example, the terms ‘‘infants with high movement that also increases acceptance of and positive
autism likelihood’’ or ‘‘infants with higher chance of devel- emotions toward autism.65 While it is the case that non-
oping autism’’ are preferred over terms such as ‘‘at-risk’’ when speaking autistic people with profound communication im-
describing infants with autistic siblings.68 pairment cannot have their views directly incorporated into the
It is worth noting that this work largely describes the neurodiversity movement, nonspeaking autistic people do
preferences of English-speaking research participants, a participate, as do those who formerly did not have an effective
disproportionate amount of whom are white. Additionally, means to communicate, but now do.75,76 Additionally, speak-
as most studies were surveys, it is unclear the extent to ing individuals in this movement consider the unique needs of
which these preferences represent those of autistic people communication-impaired autistic people in their advocacy
with marked impairments in written communication and/or surrounding language choices, such as support for augmenta-
intellectual functioning that may hinder their ability to tive and alternative communication.61–63 Likewise, many
participate in survey research. Further work is needed to caregivers of communication-impaired autistic people align
understand language preferences of autistic people from themselves with neurodiversity proponents when advocating
diverse racial, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural backgrounds, for their children.77,78
and those with a range of communication and intellectual We recommend that researchers consider the majority
abilities. Finally, quantitative survey approaches should be preferences for particular language (which could involve
supplemented with qualitative analyses of language-in-use, polling their research participants as part of standard data
to understand how language choices are implicated in ev- collection methods), the specific arguments made by autistic
eryday experience. community members when articulating their preferences, and
existing recommendations by academic and professional or-
Ongoing Controversies Around Language Usage ganizations to respect the majority language preferences of
the group being referred to.79,80 We recommend that journals
Many autism researchers may be unaware of how lan- not require person-first language, and researchers still disin-
guage forms can reflect ableist ideologies. Other research- clined to adopt identity-first language may opt for the rela-
ers who are aware of the potentially ableist implications of tively neutral term ‘‘on the autism spectrum.’’ This may be
some terms and discourses, but continue to use them in their especially important for autistic people with ID given the
work, may appeal to three commonly used arguments for language disagreements between the self-advocacy and neu-
this choice: (1) a lack of complete consensus from the au- rodiversity movements.
tistic community on their language preferences, (2) con-
cerns about a lack of scientific accuracy conveyed by
Concerns about accuracy
nonableist language, and (3) misunderstandings about terms
that originated from autistic and other disabled advocates. A second reason researchers may choose not to adopt non-
In this section, we address each of these arguments and ableist language is because they believe that it inaccurately or
provide a rationale for why researchers should continue to imprecisely represents their research findings. However, as
make efforts to audit their written and spoken work so as to several examples illustrate, the opposite is often true. Ableist
avoid ableist language. language, and the implicit assumptions that underlie it, clouds
AVOIDING ABLEIST LANGUAGE 7
research findings in ways that are not helpful to researchers or teristics, and therefore may offer a biased view of what con-
autistic communities.31 In this section, we review several ex- stitutes ‘‘autistic traits.’’
amples of this phenomenon. A final example in this category is using ‘‘typically devel-
Autistic people without ID are sometimes referred to as oping’’ or ‘‘neurotypical’’ to describe participants serving as a
‘‘high-functioning,’’ with the assumption that these individ- reference group. Although these terms are meant to indicate
uals will function better than autistic individuals with ID participants do not meet criteria for clinical diagnoses, this is
(often referred to as ‘‘low functioning’’). Autistic people rarely assessed. Many researchers assess the comparison group
have argued against the use of these labels both because they for autism and may employ some basic exclusionary criteria
are stigmatizing, and because they inaccurately reflect their for large disqualifiers such as substance abuse, but most do not
experience. An autistic individual’s intellectual and adaptive screen for relatively common clinical conditions such as
functioning can vary significantly across domains (i.e., so- anxiety, ADHD, and depression. Given that many people meet
called ‘‘spiky’’ cognitive profiles); for example, hyperlexia criteria for some clinical condition at some point during their
can co-occur with dyscalculia.76,81 This suggests that ‘‘in- lives,88 groups labeled ‘‘neurotypical’’ include individuals
tellectual ability’’ is not uniformly distributed for any given with clinically relevant features that go unaccounted for. This
autistic person, and blanket-level functioning labels may is not to suggest that researchers should always screen for the
mask this reality. Functioning can also vary across time and presence or history of all clinical conditions—doing so is often
context and may depend more on the adequacy of supports resource-prohibitive. Rather, we note that the term ‘‘neuroty-
provided than on the presence or absence of ID.9 For exam- pical’’ is often misleading and promotes the assumption that
ple, autistic people without ID more often experience a drop- any nonautistic person is ‘‘typical.’’ Researchers might instead
off in services following high school, whereas those with ID label their comparison group ‘‘non-autistic,’’ if they conducted
are more likely to transition into a supported context (e.g., appropriate screeners. The term ‘‘comparison group’’ is pre-
supported employment, organized daytime activities).82,83 ferred to ‘‘control group’’ because autism is not an experi-
Recent empirical research supports these criticisms; mea- mentally manipulated assigned condition, so full ‘‘control’’ of
sures of adaptive functioning do not correlate with measures all variables besides autism between groups is impossible.
of intellectual ability in autistic children,84 and the divergence
between these two domains tends to increase with higher age Misunderstanding terms
and IQ scores.85 Functioning labels are therefore not only
A third controversy involves researchers using terms in
inaccurate, but they can also result in situations where autistic
ways other than how they are used by the disability com-
people labeled ‘‘high functioning’’ are not provided with the
munity that coined them. Neurodiversity is a term that has
supports they need, while autistic people labeled ‘‘low func-
been used and written about by several autistic scholars, but
tioning’’ are underestimated in regard to their actual cap-
may be new to some autism researchers. The neurodiversity
abilities.9 We encourage researchers to replace terms such
framework conceptualizes autism as a natural form of human
as ‘‘high-’’ and ‘‘low-functioning’’ with descriptors of the
variation, inseparable from individuals’ identity, and not in
characteristics they intend to convey (e.g., ID).
need of a cure or normalization.61 Recently, calls for tem-
Another instance of this phenomenon is when autistic
pering the claims put forward by neurodiversity proponents
people are described as ‘‘severely’’ affected, without includ-
have been made by nonautistic researchers.89,90 However,
ing specific information about what contributes to this clas-
some of this pushback is couched in inaccurate representa-
sification. Researchers may mean to convey ID, structural
tions of neurodiversity as both a concept and a movement.
language impairment, or substantial support needs. These
Some may purport that neurodiversity focuses on strengths
characteristics often, but not always, co-occur, and research-
without reference to disablement, which is inaccurate.65,91
ers should specify the characteristics they are indicating when
Calls for temperance of the neurodiversity framework cate-
using the term.85 Other similar examples of a lack of precision
gorize specific autistic features as either ‘‘disabilities’’ or
in terminology include ‘‘challenging behavior’’ and ‘‘autistic
‘‘differences,’’ but this is a false dichotomy.65 The extent to
traits.’’ These terms have different meanings across studies,
which differences constitute impairments, which can in turn
making comparisons between research findings more diffi-
be disabling, requires reference to the supports that are pro-
cult. ‘‘Challenging behavior,’’ for instance, is a value-laden
vided (or not) in particular environments, and the sociocul-
phrase that does not specify what the behavior is, indicate who
tural contexts in which particular abilities are valued (or not).
perceives the behavior as challenging and why, or consider
These misrepresentations of terms set the stage for arguments
the possible adaptive value the behavior has for the person
that distort and over-simplify the neurodiversity framework.
employing it.7 Likewise, ‘‘autistic traits’’ is sometimes used
This in turn reinforces the status quo and allows researchers
by researchers as a catchall phrase for autistic characteristics
to sidestep reflecting on the concerns raised by autistic peo-
that extend into the general population when present at less
ple. Taking the time to understand terms autistic people use to
impactful degrees. However, autism consists of a constella-
describe their perspectives and experiences should be stan-
tion of traits that vary in presence, intensity, and function
dard procedure for any researchers focusing on autism.
across individuals. As such, the term ‘‘autistic traits,’’ while
not problematic in itself, should not be used for distinguish-
Suggestions for Researchers
able and uncorrelated characteristics. The Autism Quotient,86
a measure purporting to quantify autistic traits, includes In this section, we provide practical guidance to help re-
subscales measuring distinct autistic traits that are weakly searchers make language choices that reduce stigmatization,
associated, suggesting the overall score of ‘‘autistic traits’’ misunderstanding, and exclusion of autistic people. While
lacks coherent meaning.87 The term ‘‘autistic traits’’ is also our suggestions are primarily targeted to researchers, health
rarely used to refer to autistic advantages or neutral charac- care providers and other direct support professionals may
8 BOTTEMA-BEUTEL ET AL.
also find them useful. We have divided our guidance into native ways of speaking or writing (which we provide in
three sections. First, we briefly discuss participatory models Table 1, explained below).
of autism research, and the ways that they may improve
1. Would I use this language if I were in a conversation
discourse around autism. Second, we provide a set of ques-
with an autistic person?
tions that researchers can ask themselves about their lan-
2. Does my language suggest that autistic people are
guage choices that may help them identify problematic
inherently inferior to nonautistic people, or assert that
wording. Third, we have compiled a noncomprehensive list
they lack something fundamental to being human?
of potentially ableist terms and discourses that regularly recur
3. Does my language suggest that autism is something to
in autism research (including some of our own prior work)
be fixed, cured, controlled, or avoided?
and provide suggested alternatives.
4. Does my language unnecessarily medicalize autism
when describing educational supports?
Participatory models of autism research
5. Does my language suggest to lay people that the goal
For many nonautistic autism researchers, language choi- of my research is behavioral control and normaliza-
ces may be dictated by historical conventions and a desire to tion, rather than granting as much autonomy and
be consistent with language in the academic journals in agency to autistic people as reasonably possible?
which they publish. These conventions persist, despite au- 6. Am I using particular words or phrases solely because
tistic preferences, in part because of a failure to integrate it is a tradition in my field, even though autistic people
representative numbers of autistic people and stakeholders have expressed that such language can be stigmatizing?
into executive research positions. To counter this, partici- 7. Does my language unnecessarily ‘‘other’’ autistic peo-
patory models of autism research have been developed. ple, by suggesting that characteristics of autism bear no
A hallmark of these approaches is that autistic people are relationships to characteristics of nonautistic people?
included in the research process conducted by nonautistic
investigators, and editorial decisions made by nonautistic Alternatives to commonly used terms
publishers elevate autistic voices into roles with greater that are potentially ableist
power. (See Refs.13,18,59,92,93 for descriptions and guidance
on this approach). This can help break down conventional Finally, Table 1 provides concrete examples of how re-
barriers and lead to research that better matches the prefer- searchers might replace potentially ableist terms/discourses with
ences and priorities of the autistic community. We advocate suggested nonableist alternatives. In generating this table, we
for a shift in funding priorities (which traditionally favor relied on the work of autistic scholars, researchers, and advo-
causation and cure research94–96), so that grant money is cates, as well as on research by nonautistic scholars that centers
available to compensate autistic people for their participa- autistic perspectives. We provide references to this work so that
tion. For autistic nonresearchers who are interested, these researchers can understand the rationale behind these language
funds could be used to provide training on basic research suggestions and determine if it applies to their work. We ac-
methodology that would further enable substantive contri- knowledge that what can be considered ‘‘ableist language’’
butions to research design and analysis procedures. Non- depends on the time, place, and manner in which it is used.98
autistic researchers should also be trained on how to partner Therefore, not all instances of using the terms/discourses de-
with autistic people (including those without academic scribed in the table are necessarily ableist. Likewise, not all
backgrounds) through all phases of the research process. nonableist language suggestions we offer will be appropriate or
Procedures for remote participation (e.g., video conference preferred for all of autistic people; in those cases, other terms
or instant messaging) have been developed that will enable may be necessary. While the autistic writers whose language
researchers to cast a wide net in soliciting autistic partners suggestions appear in this table may not be representative of the
and communicate about research activities using accessible entire autistic community, their suggestions may nonetheless
modalities.92,97 have broad applicability. It is also likely that this table will need
Additionally, hiring and promoting autistic researchers revising as language usage will inevitably evolve. Still, while our
into faculty positions can ensure that autistic people play partial compilation will not serve as hard-and-fast rules, it offers
leading roles in autism research. Autistic autism researchers researchers an opportunity to interrogate their language choices.
have already made significant contributions to our under-
standing of autism and have provided much of the language Conclusion
guidance we draw on in this article. In tandem with mean-
In this commentary, we have defined and described ableism,
ingfully involving autistic people (researchers and non-
traced the historical trajectory of ableist language in autism
researchers alike) in the research process, participatory
research, and provided arguments for why researcher attempts
research should be conducted that is rigorous and high
to avoid ableist language will result in better outcomes for the
quality.10
autistic community as well as improved communication in
research. Language choices are important, as they shape atti-
Researcher questions for self-reflection
tudes about autism and people’s understanding of what it
on language choices
means to be an autistic person. Now more than ever, re-
Below are seven questions that may help researchers de- searchers are taking autistic perspectives into account in their
termine if they have adequately considered the impacts of writing, and we applaud these changes. While the views pre-
their language choices on autistic communities. If the answer sented in this Perspective are by definition partial, we hope this
to question one is ‘‘no’’ or the answers to questions two commentary contributes to ongoing discussions about lan-
through seven are ‘‘yes,’’ researchers should consider alter- guage use and offers avenues for researchers to adapt their
AVOIDING ABLEIST LANGUAGE 9
language practices. Moving forward, journals that publish 10. Dawson M. What history tells us about autism research, re-
autism-related research should encourage researchers to in- dux. http://autismcrisis.blogspot.com/2017/11/what-history-
terrogate and explain their language choices to ensure that they tells-us-about-autism.html (accessed April 26, 2020).
have considered autistic perspectives and the implications of 11. Kapp SK. Empathizing with sensory and movement dif-
their choices for autistic people. ferences: Moving toward sensitive understanding of au-
tism. Front Integr Neurosci. 2013;7:38.
Acknowledgment 12. Kapp SK. Interactions between theoretical models and
practical stakeholders: The basis for an integrative, col-
The authors would like to thank Sue Fletcher-Watson for laborative approach to disabilities. In: Ashkenazy E, La-
her commentary on an earlier version of this article. timer M, eds. Empowering Leadership: A Systems Change
Guide for Autistic College Students and Those with Other
Authorship Confirmation Statement Disabilities. The Autistic Press; 2013;104–113.
13. Milton D. On the ontological status of autism: The ‘double
K.B.-B. proposed the initial outline of the article and empathy problem’. Disabil Soc. 2012;27(6):883–887.
oversaw editing of the final document. K.B.-B., S.K.K., 14. Yergeau M. Clinically significant disturbance: On theorists
J.N.L., N.J.S., and B.N.H. conceptualized the article, gath- who theorize theory of mind. Disabil Stud Q. 2013;33(4).
ered literature for the review, wrote sections of the article, https://dsq-sds.org/article/view/3876/3405 (accessed August
and contributed to editing the final document. All authors 28, 2020).
have reviewed and approved the article before submission. 15. Yergeau M. Authoring Autism: On Rhetoric and Neurologi-
This article has been submitted solely to this journal and is cal Queerness. Durham, NC: Duke University Press; 2018.
not published, in press, or submitted elsewhere. 16. Gillespie-Lynch K, Kapp SK, Brooks PJ, Pickens J,
Schwartzman B. Whose expertise is it? Evidence for autistic
Author Disclosure Statement adults as critical autism experts. Front Psychol. 2017;8:438.
17. Kenny L, Hattersley C, Molins B, Buckley C, Povey C,
No competing financial interests exist. Pellicano E. Which terms should be used to describe
autism? Perspectives from the UK autism community.
Funding Information Autism. 2016;20(4):442–462.
The authors did not receive any funding in support of this 18. Nicolaidis C, Raymaker D, Kapp SK, et al. The AASPIRE
article. practice-based guidelines for the inclusion of autistic
adults in research as co-researchers and study participants.
Autism. 2019;23(8):2007–2019.
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