Title: Press Cooperatives: Main Features and Sustainability of a Journalistic

Enterprise

Author: Eloi Camps i Durban

Institution: Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona)

Email address: eloi.camps@upf.edu

Section: Community Communication and Alternative Media – CAM

ExOrdo ID number: 973

Draft. Do not cite without permission of the author

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1. Introduction and state of the art

Cooperatives are enterprises guided by the social economy principles of self-management,

democratic decision-making process, and the primacy of people over capital (Defourny &
Delvetere, 2009). These companies are owned and run by workers and/or customers and aim
at meeting their members’ needs while seeking a positive impact in their communities (Webb
& Cheney, 2014). This approach stresses sustainability and longevity over short-term
profitability. As a result, cooperatives show a counter-cyclic behaviour: they perform better
than capitalist enterprises in crises, preserving more employment and maintaining activity
through difficult times (Pérotin, 2013).

Media cooperatives are collectively owned by their workers and/or audiences, who run them
democratically and have equal decision-making rights, and are usually non-profit. The multiple
transformations in the mediascape since the Great Recession have prompted media and
academics to investigate innovative and alternative media organization models. Before the
early 2010s, the available literature about media cooperatives was anecdotal. References
appear scattered among historical accounts of national press systems (Dissez, 1992; Kucinski,
1991; Le Floch, 2006). Other works deal with historical cases of cooperative media outlets
(Béal, 1993; Burkholder, 2008; Collins & Rose, 2004; Pettinger, 2006; Tracy, 2007), even
though they do not analyse the specificity of this model of governance. Despite their
shortcomings, these accounts provide enough data to describe and compare historical
cooperatively-owned media outlets.

The survey on news cooperatives conducted by Boyle (2012) is regarded as the foundation
stone of an emerging body of literature. Over the last ten years, scholars have mentioned
cooperatives among the innovative models for the journalistic enterprise (Cagé, 2016; Cohen,
2015; Mick & Tavares, 2017; Picard, 2014; Pickard & Stearns, 2011; Rottwilm, 2014; Schneider,
2020). Other authors focus on single or multiple cases of cooperative outlets (Abatedaga,
2012; Barranquero & Sánchez, 2018; Grohmann, 2019, 2020; Price, 2017, 2020; Siapera &
Papadopoulou, 2016; Solari, 2019). However valuable these accounts are, there is still a lack of
comparative research (Grohmann, 2019: 87) and historical studies on media cooperatives
(Barranquero & Sánchez, 2018: 55).

This paper aims at setting a point of departure to address the study of media cooperatives. Our
first objective is to establish the main characteristics of this governance model in the press.
Our second objective is to determine whether current press cooperatives are sustainable
according to the main indicators of alternative media sustainability.

2. Alternative media sustainability: main indicators

To many scholars, cooperatively-owned media are a form of alternative media (Barranquero &
Sánchez, 2018; Siapera & Papadopoulou, 2016; Price, 2017; Solari, 2019; Van Leeckwyck,
2019). Regardless of their shape, alternative media present some steady features over time: a
critical stance toward the hegemonic, corporate, and commodified forms of social
communication, and the aim to transform society by altering the traditional dynamics of mass
communications (Atton, 2002; Harcup, 2020; McQuail, 1985). Many of these media
undertakings are non-profit and volunteer-run, produce original and radical content that

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cannot be found elsewhere, and encourage citizen engagement (Jeppesen, 2016a). Due to
their disruptive stance and autonomous functioning, alternative media, especially
broadcasting, are often at odds with media regulation and are legally prosecuted (King, 2017).
Taken together, these factors account for the brief lifespan of many alternative media and
their overall discontinuity and difficult sustainability (Rodríguez, 2003; Sáez, 2009).

Considering media cooperatives as a part of the alternative media realm, we draw on the
literature on alternative media sustainability to assess press cooperatives’ ability to sustain
themselves. Fisher understands the sustainability of alternative media as “the capacity (…) to
be self-sufficient and balanced over time” (Fisher, 2019: 82). Similarly, Barranquero and
Candón-Mena define sustainability as “all the procedures that favour continuity,
competitiveness and enhancement” of alternative media (Barranquero & Candón-Mena, 2021:
4). Scholars working on alternative media sustainability agree that the concept is multifaceted.
Thus, it cannot be reduced to the economic axis. Other dimensions also appear to be key: the
institutional or organizational, the social, and the communicational (Barranquero & Candón-
Mena, 2021; Fisher, 2019; Gumucio-Dagron, 2005).

3. Methodology

The point of departure for research objective 1 is a literature review. The academic databases
used for the scoping review are Scopus, Web of Science, and Google Scholar. We combine the
following keywords using Boolean operators: (journalist OR media OR press OR newspaper OR
magazine) AND (cooperative OR co-operative). In addition, we also combine the first set of
terms with the expressions “worker-owned”, “journalist-owned” and “reader-owned”, which
can be indicative of the cooperative nature of a media organization. This search process is
carried out in English, Spanish, and French. No search filters of date or document type are
applied.

We choose to build a consecutive sample, an appropriate technique for explorative research in

which “every subject who meets the criteria is selected” and added to the sample (Naderifar,
Goli & Ghaljaie, 2017: 2). Thus, we include every case of a newspaper or magazine that is
owned by a cooperative whose main goal is to edit periodical publications. The result is a 120-
case sample of press cooperatives from 25 countries. Chronologically, the sample ranges from
the 1930s to the present day. Due to limited extension, this paper only mentions some of the
most significant cases.

To address research objective 2, we design a four-dimension, eight-item model, based on the

literature presented in section 3, to gather key data about the relevant aspects that shape
current press cooperatives’ sustainability:

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Table 1. Cooperative media sustainability model

Economic
1. Sources of income
Organizational
2. Community engagement
3. Decision-making processes
4. Transparency
Communicational
5. Values & mission
6. Sections and topics
Social
7. Collaboration with other media
8. Networks
Source: author’s elaboration.

We select a non-probabilistic, five-case sample based on the national relevance of each outlet,
the availability of information on their websites, and their appearance in academic papers,
which facilitates our analysis. All five cooperatives were after the outbreak of the Great
Recession: El Salto, from Spain (Martínez-Polo & Martínez-Sánchez, 2017); Efimerida ton
Syntakton, from Greece (Siapera & Papadopoulou, 2016); Krautreporter, from Germany
(Zaripova, 2017); Tiempo Argentino, from Argentina (Grohmann, 2019, 2020) and Médor, from
Belgium (Van Leeckwyck, 2019). Data are gathered from March to May 2022 through website
content analysis and questionnaires submitted to the media cooperatives.

4. Characterizing press cooperatives

4.1. Context of appearance

Many press cooperatives appear during democratic transitions or economic crises (Camps-
Durban, in press). Both conjunctions have deep impacts on national mediascapes, which
usually leads to reconfiguring the media markets.

As freedom of expression is legalized and generalized, media gain importance in transitional

countries (Downing, 1996). While the previous media systems collapse, a “plethora of new
media” emerges, often founded by journalists and editors who seek to leverage the
opportunities of the new scenario (Voltmer, 2013: 169-170). A similar process occurs during
economic crises. Legacy media face difficulties such as the reduction of revenue from both
advertisers and readers. Usually, the responses to these challenges are pay cuts, layoffs, and
business closures. Journalists who have been fired or who seek better working conditions opt
for self-employment through entrepreneurship. However, many of these undertakings do not
survive for long after the mediascape stabilizes.

Press cooperatives emerged during the political transitions in Poland (Szynol, 2015), Algeria
(Dris, 2017), The Philippines (Fernandez, 1987), Spain (Camps-Durban & Mauri-Ríos, 2022),
Mozambique (Jone, 2005), India (Sharma, 2019), and Brazil (Kucinski, 1991). Also, in post-WWII
France, some local Resistance committees founded press cooperatives as they believed they

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allowed for the representation of the various anti-fascist organizations (Béal, 1993). Many of
these countries belong to or are close to the Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist media
system model, as defined by Hallin and Mancini, in which “property rights have been subject to
more radical challenges” due to regime changes, leading journalists to aspire “to more radical
forms of autonomy” such as journalist cooperatives (Hallin & Mancini, 2004: 116).

Regarding economic crises, Argentina constitutes a paradigmatic case. There have been two
newspaper cooperativization waves in recent times. The first one took place in the severe crisis
of 1998-2002 when owners abandoned their companies and their staff recovered them as
worker-owned enterprises (Ruggeri, 2011). In that period, three newspapers were transformed
into cooperatives (Abatedaga, 2012). More recently, during the presidency of Mauricio Macri,
several media companies were affected by drastic cuts in the assignation of governmental
advertising due to political discrepancies (De Assis, 2018; Grohmann, 2019). In conjunction
with the economic recession in those years, seven newspaper companies shut down or were
abandoned by their owners, and thus their staff mobilized to recover them as cooperatives. As
a result, Argentina is nowadays the country with the highest number of press cooperatives,
followed by Spain (Grohmann, 2020). There, press cooperatives appeared during the
democratic transition in the late seventies (Camps-Durban & Mauri-Ríos, 2022), but only until
2010 did they start to be regarded as an option for unemployed or unsatisfied journalists
(Barranquero & Sánchez, 2018).

4.2. Motivations

Press cooperatives can be born out of either professional ideology or employment necessity. In
the first case, cooperatives are founded by groups of journalists who are critical of the state of
the profession and the media business and strive for more independent and democratic media
organizations (Cohen, 2015; Siapera & Papadopoulou, 2016). Cooperatives are a growing
model among entrepreneurial journalists (Picard, 2014; Rottwilm, 2014), especially since the
Great Recession has cast serious doubts on the for-profit business model of news media and
has further eroded their independence and credibility (Cagé, 2016; Mick & Tavares, 2017).
Previously, other examples showed how professional ideology plays a major role in the
foundation of press cooperatives. In the city of Faizabad, India, Jan Morcha is an enduring
example of press independence, which has been preserved thanks to its cooperative statute
(Singh, 2020). After the Mozambican Civil War, a group of journalists founded Mediacoop to
report independently, free of pressure and control from media corporations and the
government (Jone, 2005). In the Swiss magazine Zeit-Fragen, “[t]he legal form of the
cooperative was deliberately chosen” as “the cooperative principles of self-determination, self-
administration and self-responsibility” are considered to enable autonomous journalism (Zeit-
Fragen, n.d.).

As noted in the previous subsection, press cooperatives tend to appear under difficult political
and economic circumstances. Some notable cases of media companies facing financial failure
are Excélsior, a Mexican newspaper that turned into a cooperative in 1932 after its economic
situation had been worsening for years (Burkholder, 2009); the German newspaper Die
Tageszeitung, founded in 1978 by a collective of journalists, reformed itself as a worker-and-
reader-owned cooperative in 1991, avoiding growing debts and saving the jobs (Die

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Tageszeitung, n.d.); and the six local newspapers from the bankrupted Canadian Groupe
Capital Médias, which were bought by their employees –up to 350 at that time–, who
constituted the Cóoperative Nationale de l’Information Indépendante (Bergeron, 2019;
Desmeules, 2019).

4.3. Typology of publications

Cooperatives are more common in the local and regional press. Thus, they are usually micro or
small-sized companies. However, nationwide papers include cases such as Morning Star (UK), Il
Manifesto (Italy), Excélsior (México), Die Tageszeitung and Junge Welt (Germany), Tiempo
Argentino (Argentina), la diaria (Uruguay), Co Latino (El Salvador) and El Watan and Khabar
(Algeria). Most publications devote themselves to general information. Nevertheless, some
specialise in certain topics, e.g. politics –New Internationalist (UK), Newsline (Pakistan), Zeit-
Fragen (Switzerland)–, economy and society –Alternatives Economiques (France), Comercio y
Justicia (Argentina)– and culture –The Devil Strip (USA), City Limits (UK).

Ideologically, most cooperative newspapers lean towards the left, even though the majority do
not advocate for a particular ideology or party. Nevertheless, some overtly adhere to specific
political creeds, like the communist newspapers Morning Star, Junge Welt and Il Manifesto.
Just two right-wing cases have been detected, El Alcázar (Rodríguez-Virgili, 2000) and Je suis
partout (Simard, 1988), which adhered to fascist ideals in Spain and France respectively.

4.4. Media cooperatives as alternative media

As already mentioned, media cooperatives are identified as alternative media since they foster
social change towards a more democratic, inclusive, and egalitarian society, and are run in a
horizontal manner (Atton, 2002; Siapera & Papadopoulou, 2016). Arévalo, Al Najjar and Vilar
(2020) highlight the cooperative as one of the preferred legal structures to set up alternative
media. In some cases, press cooperatives are directly rooted in social movements. In Canada,
both The Media Co-op and NB Media Co-op were created by grassroots movements and
political activists (Jeppesen, 2016b; O’Donnell, Glynn & Perley, 2018). The Brazilian press
cooperatives in the 1970s were part of a larger alternative media movement that was set up
by social and political organizations resisting the authoritarian governments (Kucinski, 1999;
Menezes & Ribeiro, 2020). During the Great Recession, the Inter-County Leader weekly
appeared amidst a Farmers Union strike in Wisconsin, as the farmers felt their claims were not
properly represented by the mainstream press (ICCPA, “A voice for us”). In the 1980s
Argentina, El Porteño magazine gave voice to those who fought against the dictatorship,
counterculture activists and sexual minorities (Nahuel, 2014: 134-135).

Media cooperatives across Western Europe show a similar approach to alternative media
when considering their social role: to fill in the gaps left by mainstream media and to give voice
to the voiceless (Camps, 2021). Journalists of media cooperatives in Spain acknowledge the
inspiration from alternative media (Barranquero & Sánchez, 2018: 54). Elsewhere, media
cooperatives also share alternative communication principles. Cítrica (Uruguay) wants “the
voice of the oppressed, of the social, environmental and cultural invisibilized voices” to be
heard (Cítrica, “¿Quiénes somos?”); Desacato (Brazil) defends the so-called “popular
communicational sovereignty” and prioritizes “the Other information, which is not usually
published in monopolist media” (Desacato, “Quem Somos”); in Egypt, Mada Masr aims at “re-

6
examining the role of media about its public” and wants to “comfort the afflicted and afflict
the comforted” with its journalism (Mada Masr, 2019).

However, some features of media cooperatives, like their business nature, the
professionalization of their staff or their adherence to professional routines and practices,
place them “towards the mainstream end” of the alternative media continuum (Price, 2017:
1348).

5. Sustainability of press cooperatives

Literature on social economy foregrounds the ability of its organizations, particularly

cooperatives, to be sustainable and to overcome periods of economic difficulty (Birchall &
Ketilson, 2009; Pérotin, 2013). Media scholars have likewise identified media cooperatives as a
sustainable organizational model (Barranquero & Candón-Mena, 2021; Camps, 2021; Siapera
& Papadopoulou, 2016). The following subsections assess the sustainability of the selected
cases regarding the four dimensions established in the Methodology section.

5.1. Economic sustainability

Diversifying the sources of income is regarded as a key strategy for media start-ups in the
increasingly competitive news media market (Bruno & Nielsen, 2012; Palau, 2015). Whereas
legacy press has heavily relied on advertising for decades, most entrepreneurial media projects
–especially non-profits– aim at balancing their funding (Sirkkunen & Cook, 2012). EfSyn
presents an income structure that resembles that of legacy media, whereas the other
cooperatives diversify their sources of funding, limiting the importance of advertising, or even
dismissing it, as Krautreporter does.

Table 2. Sources of income of press cooperatives

Tiempo
Source El Salto EfSyn Krautreporter Médor
Argentino
Advertising ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Subscriptions & Membership ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Donations & crowdfunding ✓ ✓ ✓
Sells ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Public subsidies
Consulting & communication services ✓
Other (paid events, workshops and
✓ ✓ ✓
training, grants, non-media products, etc.)
Source: author’s elaboration.

5.2. Organizational sustainability

Community engagement is regarded as another central dimension of sustainability for digital

and entrepreneurial media (Ruotsalainen & Villi, 2018; Sandoval-Martí & Rodríguez, 2016).
Press cooperatives try to stimulate the participation of their readers to different degrees, from
one-way feedback to ownership and decision-making, as the table shows.

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Table 3. Interaction and engagement of press cooperatives

Mechanisms El Salto EfSyn Krautreporter Tiempo Argentino Médor

Comments ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Contacting the journalists ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Offline and online meetings with the ✓
✓ ✓
journalists
Content creation ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Ownership and decision-making ✓ ✓ ✓
Source: author’s elaboration.

Some of the cases show a more imaginative approach to audience engagement and establish a
fecund relationship with their readers. It is the case of Krautreporter, which treats its
subscribers and reader-owners as potential expert sources and advisers for their journalists;
and of Médor, where the readers are encouraged to participate in surveys and investigations
and to join its writers in local workshops. For its part, Tiempo Argentino created the
Comunidad Tiempo to build a community with its subscribers, who can engage in
conversations with the journalists and discuss their topics of interest.

All cooperatives share a basic structure consisting of a general assembly, where shareholders
have voting rights on major company decisions, and a board, which manages the daily
activities of the cooperative following the guidelines set by the general assembly. Besides,
press cooperatives enable other decision-making spaces, like editorial committees, to separate
the news work from the managerial aspects of the medium. Furthermore, each press
cooperative has its own arrangements: El Salto is structured around a social council, a
journalistic council, and work commissions; Médor has rotating management positions;
Krautreporter’s staff meets in worker assemblies; in EfSyn, the editor-in-chief, the managing
editor and members of the editorial committee work in contact with the board of directors of
the cooperative, which is the main shareholder of the company that publishes the paper.

Transparency in media enterprises refers to “the public dissemination of corporate

information (values, composition and organizational structure, financial situation)” and the
explanation of “ethical standards, as well as editorial processes and decisions in a clear and
accessible manner” (Mauri-Ríos et al., 2022: 4). Transparency can then be itemized in the
following indicators: mission statement, by-law, newsroom and corporate contact, financial
situation and sources of income, and editorial process transparency mechanisms.

Table 4. Transparency of press cooperatives

Transparency indicator El Salto EfSyn Krautreporter Tiempo Argentino Médor

Mission statement ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
By-law ✓ ✓ ✓
Corporate contact ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Newsroom contact ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Financial disclosure ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Editorial process ✓ ✓
Source: author’s elaboration.

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All cases publish a mission statement or a manifesto. Press cooperatives make available both
general corporate and newsroom contact, and in some cases, of every journalist in their
teams. Most of them publish their financial disclosure annually or at least inform about their
sources of income; this type of transparency is welcomed by journalists (Fengler et al., 2014),
whereas the disclosure of their work routines and editorial decisions is still met with suspicion,
and thus very few media, cooperatively-owned or not, put it into practice (García-Avilés, 2019;
Heikkilä et al., 2014). El Salto, Krautreporter and Médor also publish their by-laws.

5.3. Communicational sustainability

Communicational sustainability is related to media content, journalistic values, pluralism of

voices in news coverage, and meeting the information needs of the community (Gumucio-
Dagron, 2005; Fisher, 2019). As a result of their context of appearance, motivations of their
founders, and closeness to alternative media, press cooperatives foster certain values and
attitudes. In their manifestos, all selected cases allude to some shared concepts:
independence, in-depth and quality content, topics neglected or silenced by the mainstream
media, and community support.

These values are then reflected in the content of press cooperatives, which prioritizes certain
topics and sources. Content analysis of the press cooperatives is beyond the scope of this
paper. Still, we can point out some distinctive elements. El Salto has specific sections about
feminism and climate crisis and runs several blogs that deal with issues such as labour rights,
historical memory, and food sovereignty. Tiempo Argentino sets up special sections, which at
the time of this investigation focused on the environment, housing during the pandemic,
worker-recovered companies, and the 40th anniversary of the Malvinas war. Médor has
devoted a series of articles and reports to social issues like the health system, the
pharmaceutical industry, schooling, and social fraud. Krautreporter splits its contents into two
main sections, “Connections” and “Series”, which gather various articles around topics like
national and international politics, society, environment, and consumption. In contrast, EfSyn
has a rather conventional section structure, except for some special subsections like
“Politically and philosophically relevant” and “Women of the world”.

5.4. Social sustainability

As a part of the social and solidary economy, media cooperatives foster cooperation over
competition, which translates into joint efforts with other journalistic organizations. El Salto
collaborates with other Spanish media and participates in a European independent media
network; Tiempo Argentino offers its organizational and technological know-how to other
media and journalist collectives (Sbaraglia, 2021); similarly, Krautreporter has issued a
guidebook to help other media to increase member engagement and revenues (Whitelaw,
2019); Médor is a member of the Belgian independent media network Kiosque, which aspires
to “enrich the democratic discussion” by regaining citizens’ trust (Kiosque, n.d.); and EfSyn
collaborates with Greek and international media, and also teams up with independent
investigative organizations.

Besides media networks and collaboration with other outlets, some press cooperatives are
also members of cooperative federations and associations. These organizations are particularly
valuable in times of crisis –as the Covid-19 pandemic has shown– since they provide

9
information, resources, and support to the cooperatives (Chaves, 2020; Rosa & Garcia, 2022).
El Salto is a member of the Madrid Social Market, which assembles social and solidary
economy enterprises, whereas Tiempo Argentino is one of the founders of FADICCRA, a
federation that gathers the Argentinian cooperatives of journalists. Médor is a member of the
National Council for Cooperation and Social Entrepreneurship, established by the Belgian
government. EfSyn occasionally joins efforts with other cooperative companies.

6. Conclusions

Media cooperatives are a type of journalistic organization that has existed for about a century
now, but only until recent years has attracted academic attention. The first objective of this
paper is to outline the main characteristics of press cooperatives. Although acknowledging that
“there is no unique pattern in journalist cooperatives” (Grohmann, 2020: 174), our literature
review offers some major tendencies. Press cooperatives are specially –but not solely– suitable
for times of rapid and drastic change in the news industry, such as political transitions and
economic crises. Their founders are mainly journalists who either have been fired, face
precarious working conditions or seek more autonomy in the workplace. Most press
cooperatives produce local and regional newspapers, but there are significant cases of
nationwide daily papers and specialized magazines. Finally, press cooperatives can be
considered alternative media, since they share their tenets of critical information, reporting on
underrepresented topics and social groups, democratic organization, and limitation or absence
of profit.

Regarding our second objective, press cooperatives show potential sustainability in the long
term in four areas. They diversify their sources of income, in which advertising is not the main
source and plays a minor role in their funding. As with any cooperative company, their
organizational arrangement allows the workers and/or the readers to vote on major decisions;
other supervision and decision-making spaces exist to separate editorial decisions from the
company management. Audience participation is encouraged, especially in the reader-owned
cases. Regarding their content, press cooperatives combine a generalist approach to news with
a more specific focus on issues that are underrepresented in mainstream media. Finally, their
social sustainability relies on the principle of inter-cooperation, leading press cooperatives to
collaborate with other media and other cooperatives to share resources and mutually
strengthen their projects. Overall, press cooperatives seem to be well-equipped to resist and
overcome turmoil and crises, following the general trend in cooperatives and social economy
(Birchall & Ketilson, 2009; Pérotin, 2013). Thus, they can be regarded as a sustainable form of
alternative media (Barranquero & Candón-Mena, 2021; Fisher, 2019; Gumucio-Dagron, 2005).

The results of this study should be read as a preliminary approach to these issues, given the
incipient state of the research on media cooperatives. Our analysis of media cooperatives’
sustainability is very limited in scope and depth. Thus, it can only provide a general overview.
However, it sets a point of departure for further research on cooperatively-owned media
outlets, which continue to flourish in our competitive, fragmented, and diverse media systems
(Picard, 2014; Schneider, 2020).

[text length: 3.981 words].

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