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Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, and Rome. Cultural and societal impacts spanned the
attainment of eternal bliss in the eyes of the Egyptians. However, none of these beliefs were
based in the Judeo-Christian moral code; there was neither a heaven nor a hell in any of these
mythologies. Initially, the elite in these civilizations solely had a path to the afterlife, but over
time, as these societies evolved, all socioeconomic levels could attain life thereafter.
Regardless of their alignment of specific theological doctrines regarding the afterlife, the
great societies of Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, and Rome realized cultural shifts as the
reality that was not contingent on social status or moral behavior. Life in the underworld was
only a mere shadow of what life was like on Earth. In Gilgamesh, Enkidu, and the
Netherworld, the underworld is depicted as a far worse existence than on Earth: “You should
not kiss your beloved child. You should not hit your son even if you are annoyed with him.
The outcry aroused would detain you in the netherworld.”1 The denizens of the netherworld
are deprived of earthly interactions, rendering them devoid of human emotions. In the Epic of
Gilgamesh, the underworld is depicted in equally dismal terms: “To the house wherein the
dwellers are bereft of light, where dust is their fare and clay their food.”2 Existence in the
afterlife is dark and meager, reducing the inhabitants to scavenging for dust. After a
Mesopotamian’s transition to the afterlife, their soul was manifested in the form of a ghost,
thus allowing them passage to Earth. The deceased person’s relatives gave offerings to
appease their ghost, much like in ancient Egypt. However, the Egyptians attended to the
1
Anonymous, “Gilgamesh, Enkidu, and the Netherworld,” trans. Joachim Krecher, 2000,
http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section1/tr1814.htm, 1.
2
Cooper, J. "The Fate of Mankind: Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Mesopotamia." Death and the Afterlife:
Perspectives of World Religions, ed. Hiroshi Obayashi. New York: Greenwood Press, 1992, pp. 19-33.
tombs so the spirit of the owner would not starve in the afterlife or be forgotten. The
Mesopotamians also believed that a dead person would be judged in the underworld: “The
judgement was not based on moral behavior in life. It seems that only the possession of
wealth could impact the outcome.”3 In a rigidly hierarchical society such as ancient
Mesopotamia, this meant that only royalty and the elite would be judged favorably.
The ancient Egyptians had a much more positive perception of the afterlife than their
Mesopotamian counterparts. They imagined it was much like Earth, but a superior version. In
the afterlife, the deceased would not have to work in the fields, the crops would always be
abundant, and the land was always beautiful. The Egyptians prepared extensively for the
afterlife, as they saw it as a rebirth. In the Pyramid Texts of Unas, the deceased king is said to
have been reborn upon his death: “You have not gone dead, you have gone alive to sit on the
throne of Osiris.”4 After his death, he was not only reborn, but he was elevated to a semi-
divine status. The texts also incorporate the motif of the lotus, a common metaphor for rebirth
and the first plant that rose from the primeval mound of Earth: “Your scepter is in your hand,
that you may give orders to the living, the handle of your lotus-shaped scepter is in your
hand.”5 Unas’ authority as king transcends even death. The texts on the walls of the tombs
and on the coffins were meant to ward off evil spirits. For the Egyptians, the afterlife was a
process: one had to pass through the underworld, or Duat, to access the afterlife. In the
Pyramid Texts, Unas has to pass through numerous gates to get to the afterlife: “Prepare a
way for Unas that Unas may pass through the guard of demons with terrible faces!”6 Unas
must call upon the gods to ensure his safe passage into the afterlife. Later, in the New
Kingdom, the Book of the Dead would have served as a guidebook to passage to the afterlife.
3
Yasmina Wicks and Yasmina Wicks, “Death, the Afterlife, and Funerary Ritual in Mesopotamia and Elam,” in
Bronze 'Bathtub' Coffins: in the Context of 8th-6th Century BC Babylonian, Assyrian and Elamite Funerary
Practices (Oxford: Archaeopress Publishing Ltd, 2015), pp. 85-97, 2.
4
Pyramid Texts of Unas
5
Pyramid Texts of Unas
6
Pyramid Texts of Unas
According to Stevenson’s account of the entrance to the afterlife: “If the heart was found to
be heavier than the feather of truth (Ma’at), then it would be tossed into the gaping jaws of a
demon, rendering the deceased incapable of entering the afterlife.”7 Ultimately, admittance to
the afterlife was determined by what one had done during life, and only those with a pure
The ancient Greek underworld was particularly gloomy, similar to its Mesopotamian
counterpart. Ironically, it did have a paradise within it known as Elysium, which mimicked
the Egyptian idea of the afterlife. For the worst sinners, such as those who insulted the gods,
there was a deep pit known as Tartarus. Homer expresses the despair of the afterlife in the
Odyssey, where Odysseus struggles in his attempt to embrace his mother: “Three times she
flew away, out of my arms, like a shadow or a dream.”8 The afterlife provided no emotional
fulfilment for its inhabitants. According to Knight, past moral behavior had no impact on
one’s happiness: “The lack of any moral qualification for happiness in the afterlife is frequent
among less civilized peoples.”9 However, there were several mystery cults that believed in
the possibility of rebirth for initiates, a far more hopeful prospect than the Homeric
underworld. Most prominent among these were the Orphists, who followed a religion
centered around Orpheus, and the Eleusinian Mysteries, which centered around Demeter and
The Roman idea of the afterlife can be split into three schools of thought. The first
one was the orthodox state religion, which was very similar to the Greek underworld. The
second one was the mystery cults, who expressed the hope of rebirth for initiates. The third
7
Alice Stevenson and Alice Stevenson, “Journeys to the Afterlife,” in The Petrie Museum of Egyptian
Archaeology Characters and Collections (London: UCL Press, 2015), pp. 78-79, 3.
8
López-Ruiz Carolina, “Odysseus' Nekyia in Homer, Odyssey, Book 11,” in Gods, Heroes, and Monsters: a
Sourcebook of Greek, Roman, and Near Eastern Myths in Translation (New York: Oxford University Press,
2017), pp. 458-478.
9
W. F. Jackson Knight, “The After-Life in Greek and Roman Antiquity,” Folklore 69, no. 4 (1958): pp. 217-236,
https://doi.org/10.1080/0015587x.1958.9717150, 4.
one was the philosophers, who saw that the soul perishes with the body. Stoicism, a school of
philosophy that became popular in the Roman era, believed that you have to seize the day, or
in Latin, carpe diem: “Live for each day, live for the hours. Since nothing is for always
yours.”10 The Romans wanted to be remembered after their deaths, much like the Egyptians
and Mesopotamians. They also believed that people who were properly buried maintained
their sentience in the afterlife, as the deceased resided underground. The souls of people who
were not properly buried were thought to haunt the living. According to Johnston: “Belief in
an afterlife of some sort is implicit in the Roman cult of the dead, which presumed that the
souls of the deceased wanted offerings, and in the concept of the di manes.”11 The di manes
were the souls of deceased ancestors, now deified. In Roman society, it was a legal duty of
Despite the variation in each society’s attitudes towards the afterlife, it was not bound
by socioeconomic barriers, and thus was theoretically attainable by all. However, the quality
of the afterlife would vary depending on one’s rank in society. A wealthy individual could
provide extravagant offerings to the gods and thus be accorded a higher status in the afterlife.
Conversely, a less wealthy individual would be judged unfavorably and be accorded a lower
status in the afterlife. In all of these societies, death was seen as a great leveler, as only in the
10
Epitaph of Pompeia
11
Sarah Iles Johnston and Sarah Iles Johnston, “Death, the Afterlife, and Other Last Things,” in Religions of the
Ancient World: a Guide (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004), pp. 489-492, 4.
Bibliography
Stevenson, Alice, and Alice Stevenson. “Journeys to the Afterlife.” Essay. In The Petrie
Museum of Egyptian Archaeology Characters and Collections, 78–79. London: UCL
Press, 2015.
Johnston, Sarah Iles, and Sarah Iles Johnston. “Death, the Afterlife, and Other Last Things.”
Essay. In Religions of the Ancient World: a Guide, 489–92. Cambridge, MA: The
Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004.
López-Ruiz Carolina, and B.B. Powell. “Odysseus' Nekyia in Homer, Odyssey, Book 11.”
Essay. In Gods, Heroes, and Monsters: a Sourcebook of Greek, Roman, and Near
Eastern Myths in Translation, 458–78. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017.
Knight, W. F. Jackson. “The After-Life in Greek and Roman Antiquity.” Folklore 69, no. 4
(1958): 217–36. https://doi.org/10.1080/0015587x.1958.9717150.
Cooper, J. "The Fate of Mankind: Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Mesopotamia." Death
and the Afterlife: Perspectives of World Religions, ed. Hiroshi Obayashi. New York:
Greenwood Press, 1992, pp. 19-33.