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Abstract
This address explores a broad framework for thinking sociologically about emancipatory alter-
natives to dominant institutions and social structures, especially capitalism. The framework is
grounded in two foundational propositions: (1) Many forms of human suffering and many defi-
cits in human flourishing are the result of existing institutions and social structures. (2) Trans-
forming existing institutions and social structures in the right way has the potential to substan-
tially reduce human suffering and expand the possibilities for human flourishing. An emancipa-
tory social science responding to these propositions faces four broad tasks: specifying the moral
principles for judging social institutions; using these moral principles as the standards for
diagnosis and critique of existing institutions; developing an account of viable alternatives in
response to the critique; and proposing a theory of transformation for realizing those alterna-
tives. The idea of “real utopias” is a way of thinking about alternatives and transformation that
responds to these propositions.
cure could be worse than the disease due to implies developing visions of alternatives to
unintended and uncontrollable effects of dominant institutions that embody our deepest
attempts at deliberate social transformation. aspirations for a world in which all people
This is essentially Hayek’s (1988) argument in have access to the conditions to live flourish-
his attack on radical reformers. Following a ing lives; real means proposing alternatives
long tradition of classical conservative attentive to problems of unintended conse-
thought, Hayek makes two central claims quences, self-destructive dynamics, and diffi-
(although not stated in precisely these terms): cult dilemmas of normative trade-offs.2 A real
first, the negative unintended consequences of utopian holds on to emancipatory ideals with-
deliberate social change are generally greater out embarrassment or cynicism but remains
than the positive unintended consequences; fully cognizant of the deep complexities and
second, the larger the attempted social trans- contradictions of realizing those ideals.
formation, the bigger the negative unintended The exploration of real utopias is an inte-
consequences are likely to be.1 Taken together, gral part of a broad agenda of an emancipatory
these arguments suggest that even if one social science that includes four basic tasks:
accepts the first proposition, in general the
second proposition should be rejected. The 1. Specifying the moral principles for judging
emancipatory proposition constitutes the social institutions.
“fatal conceit” of intellectuals, in Hayek’s 2. Using these moral principles as the standards for
(1988:27) words, that “man is able to shape diagnosis and critique of existing institutions.
the world around him according to his wishes.” 3. Developing an account of viable alternatives in
While I disagree with Hayek’s pessimism response to the critique.
and embrace the foundational proposition of 4. Proposing a theory of transformation for real-
emancipatory social science, I do not think izing those alternatives.
such arguments can be dismissed out of hand.
The folk aphorism “the road to hell is paved I like to think of these tasks using the meta-
with good intentions,” has too many historical phor of a journey: the first two tasks tell us
examples to be ignored, many of them ani- what is wrong with the world in which we live
mated by emancipatory aspirations. The idea and why we want to leave it; the third tells us
of real utopias is a way of thinking about something about the destination we seek; and
alternatives and transformations that responds the fourth helps us understand how to get from
to these concerns. here to there. The rest of this address will look
The expression “real utopia” is meant to be at each element in this journey.
a provocation, for “utopia” and “real” do not
comfortably go together. Thomas Moore
coined the word utopia in the early-sixteenth Moral Principles
century as a kind of pun, combining the Greek Many different moral principles can be used
for place—topos—with two prefixes that as standards with which to judge existing
sound the same in English—ou meaning “not” institutions and social structures, frame the
and eu meaning “good.” Utopia is thus both a elaboration of alternatives, and define the
nowhere place and a good place. It is the fan- tasks of transformation. Different moral prin-
tasy of a perfect world that fully embodies our ciples animate different journeys. Here I will
moral ideals. When politicians want to sum- focus on three principles: equality, democ-
marily discredit a policy proposal without racy, and sustainability.
having to provide serious arguments, they call
it utopian. Realists reject such fantasies as a
Equality
distraction from the serious business of mak-
ing practical improvements in existing institu- Moral issues connected to the idea of equality
tions. The idea of real utopias embraces this have always been at the heart of a central
tension between dreams and practice: utopia preoccupation of sociology: understanding
4 American Sociological Review XX(X)
the causes and consequences of diverse forms equal access to the conditions necessary for
of inequality, especially involving class, gen- human flourishing. Finally, equal opportunity is
der, and race. I define the equality principle as consistent with a very punitive view toward
follows: people who fail to take advantage of opportuni-
ties early in life. As long as people have “start-
In a socially just society, all people would ing gate” equal opportunity, there is nothing
have broadly equal access to the social and unjust about their later deprivations if they
material conditions necessary for living a blow their opportunities as young adults. This
flourishing life. reflects a sociologically impoverished view of
the life course, of how motivations are formed
Four ideas are critical in this formula- and disrupted at different stages of life, and a
tion. First, the ultimate good affirmed in the completely unrealistic sociological and psycho-
principle is human flourishing. A variety of logical account of the degree of “responsibil-
interconnected terms are invoked in discus- ity” for the consequences of one’s actions that
sions of egalitarian ideals: welfare, well-being, can be appropriately assigned to persons.4
happiness, as well as flourishing. In practical Equal access implies a more compassionate
terms, it probably does not matter which idea view of the human condition then simple equal
is used, because social practices that facilitate opportunity, but also a more demanding princi-
any one of these are likely to facilitate the ple of justice: in an ongoing way throughout
others as well. Still, human flourishing seems their lives, people should have access to the
to me to be the one least vulnerable to a purely conditions to live a flourishing life.
subjective interpretation and most systemati- Third, the egalitarian principle of social
cally shaped by social conditions. It refers to justice refers to material and social conditions
the various ways people are able to develop necessary to flourish, not just material condi-
their talents and capacities, to realize their tions. The idea of “social conditions neces-
potentials as human beings. The concept does sary for a flourishing life” in this formulation
not privilege one kind of capacity over is complex. In the case of material conditions
another. These capacities are intellectual, it is pretty clear what we are talking about—
physical, artistic, spiritual, social, and moral. mostly economic resources used to satisfy
A flourishing human life is one in which these needs, and also things like personal physical
talents and capacities develop.3 security. Social conditions is a much more
Second, the egalitarian ideal in the principle heterogeneous idea. It includes such things as
is captured by the idea of equal access, not social respect, community, solidarity, and
equal opportunity. Equal opportunity is the trust. In a just world, all people would have
characteristic way Americans think about fair- broadly equal access to such social condi-
ness. I also believe equal opportunity is a good tions. This means that issues of social stigma
thing—a world characterized by equal opportu- and social exclusion are also issues of social
nity is a better world than one with unequal justice along with more conventional con-
opportunity—but I do not think it fully captures cerns of access to material resources.5 Social
the moral intuition the drives the idea of equal- exclusions based on race, gender, sexual ori-
ity. Equal opportunity has a number of limita- entation, ethnicity, physical disability, or any-
tions. It is satisfied by a world in which there is thing else have equal moral standing with
a perfect lottery at birth in which 10 percent of class as bases of critique of existing social
babies get to live a flourishing life and 90 per- institutions and social structures.6
cent live a life of deprivation. That is a version Finally, the principle of equality as stated
of equal opportunity, but hardly what anyone above refers to all persons. This means that in
would consider just. The idea of equal opportu- a fully just world, all persons regardless of
nity also pays no attention to how unequal the race, class, gender, sexual orientation, physical
outcomes are—equal opportunity to thrive or disability, ethnicity, religion, nationality, citi-
starve is still equal opportunity, but it is not zenship status, or geographic location would
Wright 5
have broadly equal access to the material and the context in which choices and decisions are
social conditions necessary to live a flourish- made.
ing life. This is a very strong criterion. We live Of course, virtually everything of impor-
in an unjust world where some people are born tance we do has some kind of unchosen side
in poor communities or countries, others in effect on others; in practice there is no natural
rich communities or countries, and as a result boundary between the private and the public.
people have unequal access to the material How we draw the boundary depends on pre-
conditions to live flourishing lives. It may well cisely what kinds of unchosen effects on oth-
be that for all sorts of reasons it is difficult—or ers we decide should be allowed. This is
even impossible—to fully remedy this global fundamentally a political decision and gener-
injustice. But a damaging inequality does not ally reflects the relative power of different
become socially just simply because of the dif- kinds of social interests. In a fully democratic
ficulty of changing things.7 society, this critical line of demarcation
between the private and public realms would
itself be determined through democratic
Democracy
deliberation among equal citizens.
There are many different ways of defining With this definition of democracy, there are
democracy. Here I want to define it in a way two main ways that a society can fail to realize
that highlights the central moral value that democratic values. First, it can fail the “equal
democratic institutions attempt to realize: access” test if some people have much greater
access to political power than do others. This
In a fully democratic society, all people can be due to explicit rules of exclusion, as in
would have broadly equal access to the the early United States where women and non-
necessary means to participate meaning- whites were denied the vote, or because various
fully in decisions about things that affect kinds of private power are allowed to give some
their lives. people privileged access to political power. This
does not mean that in a deeply democratic soci-
The value underlying democracy is the value ety everyone actually participates equally in the
of self-determination, of people being in con- exercise of power, but everyone needs to have
trol of their lives rather than having their lives equal access to participation. Second, a society
controlled by others. This includes individuals’ can fail to realize democratic values if important
freedom to make choices that affect their own domains of decisions that significantly affect the
lives as separate persons, and their capacity to lives of many people are excluded from collec-
participate in collective decisions that affect tive decision-making.
their lives as members of a broader commu-
nity. When the democratic value is defined this
Sustainability
way, the ideas of individual freedom and
democracy basically share the same core value. Future generations should have access to
Individual freedom means people are in a posi- the social and material conditions to live
tion to make decisions autonomously without flourishing lives at least at the same level as
consulting anyone else under conditions where the present generation.
those decisions do not significantly affect other
people. But if decisions have significant effects This way of understanding environmental
on other people, those other people should be sustainability is closely connected to the
co-participants in the decision. Generally, we equality principle of social justice. Equality is
use the term “democracy” to describe these a social justice principle among people in the
situations of collective decision-making and world today. Sustainability is a justice princi-
“freedom” to describe situations of purely indi- ple for people in the future.8
vidual choice, but they share the same underly- The problem of sustainability as intertem-
ing value of self-determination. What differs is poral justice raises a number of very difficult
6 American Sociological Review XX(X)
Democracy can say all of these things; but what one can-
not legitimately say is that capitalism does
Capitalism generates severe deficits in real- not violate the fundamental value of democ-
izing democratic values for three reasons: racy by giving publicly relevant decisions to
by excluding crucial decisions from public private persons.
deliberation, by allowing private wealth to The second way capitalism contradicts the
affect access to political power, and by allow- full realization of democracy is that it allows
ing workplace dictatorships. private wealth to affect access to political
The first of these is intrinsic to the very power. This is true everywhere; no capitalist
concept of private property in the means of democracy is able to insulate political decision-
production. The word “private” in private making from the exercise of power connected
property means that owners have the right to to capitalist wealth. In the United States this
exclude others from decisions about the use of assault on democracy intensified after the
that property. In practice, of course, there are Supreme Court’s recent decision on the use of
always some restrictions on the use of private corporate funds in political campaigns. But
property, specifically on uses that generate this problem is not peculiar to the institutional
significant negative externalities (e.g., pollu- design of the political game in the United
tion). But in a capitalist economy the critical States; it is inherent in capitalism’s inequali-
power to allocate capital is held almost entirely ties of wealth and the structural power of
by private owners.10 The owner of a large fac- capital.11
tory has the right to close the factory and move The third way capitalism violates democ-
it to another location in order to increase prof- racy is by allowing workplace dictatorships.
its. This can have devastating effects not only When workers agree to work for a capitalist
on the lives of people who lose their jobs, but employer they also agree to subject them-
on the lives of others in the community whose selves to the authority of others and to do what
homes lose value or whose livelihoods are they are told. If they do not like what they are
linked to the factory in other ways. In a capital- told to do, they can quit, but because they still
ist economy it is completely legitimate to must seek employment elsewhere, this is an
make such decisions simply on the criterion illusory autonomy. So long as workers are not
that it is beneficial to the people who own the in a position to freely choose between demo-
factory. The people whose lives are negatively cratically organized workplaces and authori-
affected by that decision have no right whatso- tarian firms, the employment relation cannot
ever to be co-participants in the decision. This really be considered “capitalism between con-
is a violation of the principle of democracy. senting adults.” Again, one might defend these
Capitalism’s defenders could respond that arrangements on the grounds of efficiency or
allowing owners of capital to move their some other value, but this does not change the
capital without worrying about effects on fact that authoritarian workplaces violate the
nonowners is necessary for the dynamism of democratic principle that people should be co-
capitalism, for efficiency and economic participants in collective decisions that sig-
growth. They could even say the individual nificantly affect their lives.12
freedom that private property entails is more
important than democracy. Democracy, after
Sustainability
all, is not the only thing we care about; nor-
mative trade-offs are inevitable in complex Capitalism inherently threatens the quality of
social systems. On such grounds one might the environment for future generations
conclude that the right to destroy home values because of imperatives for consumerism and
and community members’ livelihoods is justi- endless growth in material production. The
fied by the importance of the values con- world is finite; endless growth in material
nected to private property even though, consumption is simply not compatible with
regrettably, it violates democratic values. One long-term sustainability of the environment.
8 American Sociological Review XX(X)
This does not mean that prosperity as such is viability problem. It might seem sensible to
incompatible with the environment, but sim- begin by establishing whether an alternative
ply that prosperity dependent on a dynamic of is really achievable and only then discuss its
endless growth is incompatible.13 viability. Why waste time exploring the via-
Consumerism and imperatives for growth bility of unachievable alternatives? It turns
within capitalism are not just cultural facts. out that the achievability problem is simply
Consumerism is a central imperative of a sta- too difficult, at least if we want to understand
ble capitalist economy, for it is only through whether something might be achievable
people buying things in the market that capi- beyond the immediate future. What public
talist firms create jobs and only through jobs policy innovations and institutional transfor-
that most people can acquire income. An anti- mations might be achievable in, say, 2040?
consumerist economy is one in which produc- There are too many contingencies to even
tivity growth is turned into greater leisure begin to answer that question in an interesting
rather than greater consumption. But if this way. But there is an even more fundamental
were to happen, capitalist firms would con- reason why I think the question of viability
tinually face problems of inadequate demand should have priority over the question of
for their products.14 In the economic crisis achievability: developing credible ideas about
that began in 2008, the continual mantra was viable alternatives is one way of enhancing
how to stimulate growth, how to increase their achievability. People are more likely to
consumer demand. Only by curtailing profit- mobilize around alternatives they believe will
maximization as the driving force allocating work than around alternatives they think are
capital would it be possible to reengineer the pie in the sky. Moreover, such widely circu-
economy in the rich regions of the world in lated discussions may enhance cultural reso-
such a way that increases in leisure would be nance for actions in line with such viable
given priority over increases in consumption, ideas. Viability affects achievability. This
and most people would be able to acquire an reflects an interesting aspect of the notion of
adequate standard of living without continual the “limits of possibility” in social contexts in
economic growth in material production. All contrast to the natural world. Before Einstein
of this is inconsistent with capitalism. demonstrated that nothing can travel faster
than the speed of light, it was still true that the
speed of light was the absolute limit of pos-
Alternatives sibility. The reality of those limits of possibil-
The third task of an emancipatory theory is ity did not depend on their discovery. Limits
how to think about alternatives, both for spe- of social possibility are not quite like that
cific institutions and for macro-structures of because beliefs about the limits of social pos-
society. Alternatives can be evaluated in terms sibility are one of the things that affect what
of their desirability, their viability, and their in fact becomes possible. Evidence for the
achievability. If you worry about desirability viability of alternatives has the potential to
and ignore viability or achievability, then you shape such beliefs.
are just a plain utopian. Exploration of real Two other preliminary comments on the
utopias requires understanding these other idea of alternatives are needed to set the stage
two dimensions. The viability problem asks: for the exploration of real utopias.
If we could create this alternative, would we First, how one thinks about alternatives
be able to stay there or would it have such depends in part on one’s conceptualization of
unintended consequences and self-destructive the idea of “social system.” One metaphor for
dynamics that it would not be sustainable? thinking about social systems depicts them as
Achievability asks of a viable alternative: analogous to an organism whose parts are
How do we move from here to there? tightly integrated into a functioning whole.
At this particular moment in history, I There is some degree of freedom and varia-
think it is especially important to focus on the bility in how the parts function, but basically
Wright 9
they constitute a totality of functional interde- not, I would argue, a building block of a world
pendency. If you remove critical parts of the of racial justice and emancipation. It is a nec-
whole or try to dramatically transform them, essary means to move toward such a world,
the whole disintegrates. but it is not itself a constituent element of the
An alternative metaphor is that a social alternative that we seek.
system is more like an ecosystem. Think of To embrace real utopias in this way is not
society like a pond. A pond contains many to reject ameliorative reforms. In the practical
species of fish, insects, and plants. Sometimes world of struggling to create the social condi-
an alien species is introduced to an ecosystem tions for human flourishing it is important to
and it thrives; sometimes it does not. Some be a pragmatic idealist. Often this means
ecosystems are quite fragile and easily dis- muddling through with patchwork programs
rupted; others can tolerate quite significant that do not prefigure emancipatory alterna-
intrusions of invasive species without being tives. Sometimes this is the best one can do.
seriously affected. If you think of society as But sometimes it is possible to move strug-
an ecosystem, it still is the case that every- gles for equality, democracy, and sustainabil-
thing is interdependent, but interactions do ity beyond such narrow constraints and create
not constitute a tightly functionalized totality. institutions that are constitutive of a more
This opens up a different way of imagining profound alternative.
alternatives. One way to transform an ecosys-
tem is to introduce an alien species that ini-
tially finds a niche and then gradually Examples
displaces certain other species. The idea of As a practical object of research, the study of
real utopias as a way of transforming a soci- real utopias mainly focuses on institutions
ety is more in line with the ecosystem view of that in way or another prefigure more radical
society than with the organismic view. emancipatory alternatives. Sometimes these
The second general comment about alter- are created in contexts of political struggles;
natives concerns two contrasting ways of other times they emerge quietly, without
thinking about how to make the world a better sharp confrontations. Sometimes they are in
place—ameliorative reforms and real utopian deep tension with dominant institutions; other
transformations. Ameliorative reforms look at times they occupy nonthreatening niches in
existing institutions, identify their flaws, and the socioeconomic ecosystem. Before elabo-
propose improvements that can be enacted. rating a systematic theoretical map of real
These improvements matter—they reduce utopian alternatives to capitalism, it will be
harms and enhance flourishing—but they are useful to briefly describe a number of specific
limited to proposals that directly act on exist- examples. Most of these are discussed in
ing structures and move one step beyond. Real more detail in Wright (2010).
utopias, in contrast, envision the contours of
an alternative social world that embodies Participatory budgeting. Participatory
emancipatory ideals and then look for social budgeting (PB) is a transformation of the way
innovations we can create in the world as it is urban budgets are created. Instead of techni-
that move us toward that destination. Some- cal experts working with politicians to create
times, this turns out to be the same as an ame- city budgets, budgets are created by ordinary
liorative reform, but often ameliorative citizens meeting in popular assemblies and
reforms do not constitute building blocks of voting on budget alternatives. In the PB model
an emancipatory alternative. Consider, for initiated in the Brazilian city of Porto Alegre
example, affirmative action policies around in the early 1990s by the Brazilian Workers
race. Affirmative action is one of the critical Party, neighborhood assemblies throughout
policies for combating the pernicious effects the city were empowered to debate budgetary
of ongoing racism, not merely the legacies of priorities, propose specific kinds of budgetary
racism in the past. But affirmative action is projects, and then choose delegates to a
10 American Sociological Review XX(X)
citywide budget council who would bring all allocated according to various principles. An
of the proposals from the different neighbor- interesting example is the Quebec Solidarity
hood assemblies together and reconcile them Fund developed by the labor movement in the
into a coherent city budget. This basic model 1980s. The purpose of these funds is to use
has spread to many other cities in Latin Amer- investments deliberately to protect and create
ica and elsewhere, most recently to some city jobs rather than simply to maximize returns
council districts in Chicago and New York. for retirement. One way the Solidarity Fund
The result is a budget that much more closely accomplishes this is by directly investing in
reflects the democratic ideal of citizens’ equal small and medium enterprises, either through
access to participate meaningfully in the exer- private equity investment or loans. These
cise of power. investments are generally directed at firms
strongly rooted in the region and satisfy vari-
Wikipedia. Wikipedia is an example of ous criteria in a social audit. The Solidarity
something no one would have thought possi- Fund is also involved in these firms’ gover-
ble until it happened. Several hundred nance, often by having representation on the
thousand people around the world actively board of directors. Investments are typically
cooperate without pay to write and edit the made in firms with a significant union pres-
world’s largest encyclopedia (more than 4 ence, because this helps solve information
million English language entries in 2012, and problems about a firm’s economic viability
some version of Wikipedia in more than 100 and facilitates monitoring firm compliance
languages), which is made available without with the side conditions of investment. Soli-
charge to anyone in the world who has access darity finance thus goes beyond ordinary
to the Internet.15 The quality is uneven in socially screened investments in being much
places but overall quite high. Wikipedia is the more actively and directly engaged in the
best known example of a more general model project of allocating capital on the basis of
of nonhierarchical cooperative economic social priorities.
activity: peer-to-peer distributed production
with open source property rights.16 Worker-owned cooperatives. Perhaps
the oldest vision for an emancipatory alterna-
Public libraries. “To each according to tive to capitalism is the worker-owned firm.
need” is part of a familiar distributional prin- Capitalism began by dispossessing workers of
ciple associated with Karl Marx. You go into their means of production and then employing
a library and check out the books you need. them as wage-laborers in capitalist firms. The
You go to a bookstore, go to the shelf, find the most straightforward undoing of that dispos-
book you need, open it up, see that it is too session is its reversal through worker-owned
expensive and put it back. Public libraries are firms. In most times and places, however,
fundamentally anti-capitalist institutions that worker cooperatives are quite marginal within
allocate resources on the basis of need and market economies, occupying small niches
ration them by waiting lists. Some libraries rather than the core of an economic system.
lend much more than books: music, videos, One striking exception is the Mondragon
art work, even tools. They often provide Cooperative Corporation in the Basque region
public space for meetings. They increase of Spain, a conglomerate of more than 100
equality in access to the material conditions separate worker cooperatives that produce a
necessary to live a flourishing life. wide range of goods and services, including
high-end refrigerators, auto parts, bicycles,
Solidarity finance. Unions and other industrial robots, and much more. Coopera-
organizations in civil society often manage tives in the conglomerate have weathered the
pension funds for their members. In effect this severe Spanish economic crisis much better
is collectively controlled capital that can be than conventional capitalist firms.
Wright 11
The Quebec social economy council. reciprocity and cooperation rather than ordi-
The term “social economy” refers to a variety nary commodified exchange.17
of economic organizations, often community-
based, that produce directly to meet needs Randomocracy. Democratic governance
rather than for profit. Examples in Quebec is generally thought of as involving either
include community-based daycare centers, elected representatives or direct participatory
elder-care services, job-training centers, and assemblies. A third form involves representa-
social housing. Quebec has a democratically tion without elections through randomly
elected council, the chantier de l’économie selected assemblies. The jury is the classic
sociale, with representatives from all the dif- example. In ancient Athens, legislation was
ferent sectors of the social economy, that done by an assembly of citizens chosen by lot.
organizes initiatives to enhance the social Today, policy juries adopt that procedure for
economy, mediates its relation to the provin- various kinds of public policy in situations
cial government, and extends its role in the where nonpoliticians might have a greater
overall regional economy. The chantier capacity to weigh alternatives in a disinter-
enhances democratic-egalitarian principles by ested community-oriented way. One could
fostering economic activity organized around also imagine a two-chamber legislative
needs and developing new forms of demo- system in which one house is elected and the
cratic representation and coordination for the other is a citizens assembly of randomly
social economy. chosen representatives. Such institutions
allow for ordinary citizens’ capacities and
Urban agriculture with community ideas to be deployed in democratic gover-
land trusts. A number of cities in the United nance at geographical scales where direct
States have initiatives for developing urban democracy would not be feasible.18
agriculture. Some of these have the familiar
character of community gardens with individ- Unconditional basic income. Uncon-
ual plots, but in some cities there are serious ditional basic income (UBI) is a proposal to
efforts to develop community-based urban give every legal resident of a territory an
farms capable of providing work for people income sufficient to live above the poverty
and offering partial solutions to problems of line without any work requirement or other
the “food desert” in decayed central cities. A conditions. Nearly all existing public pro-
critical issue in such efforts is the nature of grams of income support would be eliminated.
property rights involved in urban agriculture Minimum wage laws would also be elimi-
and how such development can be sustained in nated because there would no longer be any
a way that is accountable to communities. The reason to prohibit low-wage voluntary con-
proposal for community land-trusts for urban tracts once a person’s basic needs are not
agriculture is one approach to this problem. contingent on that wage. UBI opens up a wide
array of new possibilities for people. It guar-
Internet-based reciprocity economy antees that any young person can do an unpaid
in music. In a stylized way, musicians’ lives internship, not just those who have affluent
are polarized between starving artists and parents who are prepared to subsidize them.
celebrities. The Internet opens up a potential Worker cooperatives would become much
space for musicians to earn a middle-class more viable because worker-owners’ basic
standard of living in between these extremes. needs would not depend on the income gener-
The idea is that musicians create websites that ated by the enterprise. This also means worker
offer free downloads of their music, and then cooperatives would be better credit risks to
ask people to pay whatever they want. banks, making it easier for cooperatives to get
Through this mechanism, musicians establish loans. If it could be instituted at a relatively
a direct relation to fans based on norms of generous level, UBI would move us
12 American Sociological Review XX(X)
State Social
Three types of power: Economic
Power Power
Power
Illustrations
Economic
Power
Economic Activity:
Configurations of Capitalist investment,
Social
Empowerment Power production, and
distribution of
goods and services
State
Power
Economic
Power
Economic Activity:
Configurations of Socialist
investment,
Empowerment Social production, and
Power distribution of
goods and services
State
Power
elections. In a democracy, state power is still corporate influence over state power occurs
important—Why have a democracy if the through subordination of political parties to
state has no capacity to do anything?—but this economic power. Finally, in the fourth illustra-
power is not autonomously exercised by state tion, social power subordinates economic power
officials; it is subordinated to social power. through the mediation of state power. This is the
In the second illustration, economic power ideal of social democracy: the state effectively
subordinates social power. An example is the regulates the behavior of capitalist firms but is
unrestrained use of donations by corporations itself democratically subordinated to social
and the wealthy to fund political parties in the power.
United States. Political parties still matter— Figure 2 illustrates the different aggregate
they are the vehicles for selecting state offi- configurations of forms of power within a
cials who directly exercise state power—but dominant capitalist hybrid economy and
the social power mobilized by political par- within a dominant socialist hybrid economy.
ties is itself subordinated by the exercise of In these diagrams, the arrows are all directed
economic power. toward explaining control over economic
These configurations can be connected in activity: investments, production, and distri-
chains of power relations, as in the third and bution of goods and services. In the picture of
fourth illustrations. In the third illustration, capitalist empowerment, both social power
Wright 15
Economic Economic
Power Power
State State
Power Power
Economic Economic
Power Power
State State
Power Power
Economic Economic
Power Power
State State
Power Power
Figure 10. Social Economy II: The Core Figure 11. Social Economy III: Cooperative
Social Economy Market Economy
Economic Economic
Power Power
Social Economic
Power Activity Social Economic
Power Activity
State
Power State
Power
Socialist configurations
aspect of economic activity; participatory Social democracy configurations
budgets are thus not simply a form of demo- Social economy configurations
cratic participation in the state, but are part of
a participatory socialist economy. Figure 13. Combined Configurations of
Social Empowerment
The Seven Configurations Together
As summarized in Figure 13, these different Transformation
configurations of social empowerment can be
clustered into three broad groups, each corre- Transforming capitalism in a socialist direc-
sponding to different political traditions of tion means democratizing the economy
socioeconomic transformation: a socialist through the seven configurations summarized
cluster, a social economy cluster, and a social in Figure 13. In this process, the economic
democratic cluster. These different clusters structure remains a hybrid combining capital-
vary in the role they accord to the state and the ist, statist, and socialist practices and rela-
extent to which they attempt to subordinate tions, but the socialist dimension gains weight
rather than bypass capitalist economic power. and centrality. Extending and deepening
What all of the configurations have in com- social power in any one of these configura-
mon is the idea of democratization of power tions may be quite compatible with maintain-
over economic life by subordinating economic ing the dominance of capitalism, but if it is
and state power to social power—power possible to increase social power within all of
rooted in voluntary cooperation for collective these configurations, the cumulative effect
action. Of course, the ideal of socialism could be a qualitative transformation in which
involves much more than this. Equality and socialism becomes the dominant form of rela-
social justice are also core traditional socialist tions within a complex economic hybrid,
values, to which environmental sustainability subordinating both capitalism and statism
should be added today. What this model of within democratized power relations.
socialism stresses, however, is that realization This, of course, is a very big if. Skepticism
of all these values depends on the transforma- toward socialism at the beginning of the
tion of power relations over economic activity, twenty-first century is at least as much about
both in terms of how social power is directly the prospects of challenging the dominance of
involved in shaping economic activity and capitalist relations as it is about the viability
how it indirectly shapes economic activity of alternative institutions. The power of capi-
through the democratization of the state. tal seems so massive that if ever social power
20 American Sociological Review XX(X)
socialism and communism, interstitial strate- Building real utopias can both prefigure more
gies with some strands of anarchism, and sym- comprehensive alternatives and move us in
biotic strategies with social democracy. It is the direction of those alternatives.
easy to raise objections to each of them. Rup- In these terms, I think the best prospect for
tural strategies have a grandiose, romantic the future is a strategic orientation organized
appeal to critics of capitalism, but the historical around the interplay of interstitial and symbi-
record is pretty dismal. There are no cases in otic strategies, with perhaps periodic episodes
which socialism as defined here—a deeply involving elements of ruptural strategy.
democratic and egalitarian organization of Through interstitial strategies, activists and
power relations within an economy—has been communities can build and strengthen real
the result of a ruptural strategy of transforma- utopian economic institutions embodying
tion of capitalism. In practice, ruptural strate- democratic egalitarian principles. Symbiotic
gies seem more prone to result in authoritarian strategies through the state can help open up
statism than in democratic socialism. Interstitial greater space and support for these interstitial
strategies may produce improvements in peo- innovations. The interplay between interstitial
ple’s lives and pockets of more democratic and symbiotic strategies could then create a
egalitarian practices, but nowhere have they trajectory of deepening socialist elements
succeeded in significantly eroding capitalist within the hybrid capitalist system.
power relations. As for symbiotic strategies, in Worker cooperatives are a good example.
the most successful instances of social democ- Under existing conditions, worker cooperatives
racy they have certainly resulted in a more face serious obstacles to becoming a significant
humane capitalism, with less poverty, less ine- component of market economies: credit mar-
quality, and less insecurity, but they have done kets are skeptical of worker-owned firms; risk-
so in ways that stabilize capitalism and leave averse workers are reluctant to sink their
intact the core powers of capital. Historically, savings in a venture that has low probability of
any advance of symbiotic strategies that success; and cooperatives face supply chains in
appeared to potentially threaten those core which, because of scale, they pay higher costs
powers was massively resisted by capital. The than capitalist corporate rivals. Symbiotic strat-
reaction of Swedish capitalists to proposals for egies directed at public policy could address all
serious union involvement in control over of these issues. Given the potential for worker-
investments in the late 1970s is one of the best owned cooperatives to help solve problems of
known examples. These are all reasonable unemployment and deteriorating tax bases,
objections. Taken together they suggest to new rules of the game to support cooperatives
many people that transcending capitalism could gain political traction. Even within the
through some kind of long-term coherent strat- logic of market economies, the positive exter-
egy is simply not possible. nalities of worker cooperatives provide a justi-
Pessimism is intellectually easy, perhaps fication for public subsidies and insurance
even intellectually lazy. It often reflects a schemes to increase their viability. Such poli-
simple extrapolation of past experience into cies could, over time, expand the weight of a
the future. Our theories of the future, how- cooperative market economy within the broader
ever, are far too weak to really make confi- capitalist economic hybrid.
dent claims that we know what cannot Such a combination of symbiotic and
happen. The appropriate orientation toward interstitial strategies does not imply that the
strategies of social transformation, therefore, process of transformation could ever follow a
is to do things now that put us in the best posi- smooth path of enlightened cooperation
tion to do more later, to work to create institu- between conflicting class forces. What is at
tions and structures that increase, rather than stake here is a transformation of the core
decrease, the prospects of taking advantage of power relations of capitalism, and this ulti-
whatever historical opportunities emerge. mately threatens the interests of capitalists.
22 American Sociological Review XX(X)
Although elites may become resigned to a available, and then pushing against the state
diminution of power, they are unlikely to and public policy to expand those spaces. For
gracefully embrace the prospect. Symbiotic many people these kinds of interstitial initia-
transformations help solve problems within tives also have the advantage of generating
capitalism, but they often are not optimal for immediate, tangible results in which each
elites and are thus resisted.25 This means that person’s contribution clearly matters. A vision
a key element of ruptural strategies—con- of emancipatory alternatives anchored in the
frontations between opposing organized multidimensional and multiscalar problem of
social forces in which there are winners and deepening democracy can encompass this
losers—will be a part of any plausible trajec- wide range of strategies and projects of trans-
tory of sustainable social empowerment. The formation. Because democracy is such a core
purpose of such confrontations, however, is value in most developed capitalist societies—
not a systemic rupture with capitalist domi- both symbolically and substantively—a broad
nance, but rather creation of more space for political project for a truly democratic society
the interplay of interstitial and symbiotic may also capture the popular imagination.
strategies.
Notes
1. Hayek’s two propositions are rooted in a view about
Conclusions the difficulty in generating a coherent social equilib-
The framework proposed here for a socialism rium in which different kinds of social actors’
expectations and behaviors mesh in ways that allow
rooted in social empowerment involves a
for the necessary minimum level of social stability.
commitment to institutional pluralism and Social systems, in Hayek’s view, can coherently tol-
heterogeneity. Instead of a unitary institu- erate only slow, evolutionary processes of change
tional design for transcending capitalism, the and dispersed adaption. In this view of the inherent
configurations of social empowerment open fragility of social integration, the inevitable unin-
tended consequence of abrupt deliberate change is
up space for a wide diversity of institutional
social disintegration; and in response to the resulting
forms. Worker cooperatives and local social chaos, the inevitable consequence is state oppres-
economy projects, state-run banks and enter- sion as the only way of maintaining social order
prises, social democratic regulation of corpo- (thus “the road to serfdom” is the prediction of
rations, solidarity finance, and participatory attempts at revolution). No presumption of bad faith
on the part of revolutionaries is needed here, only
budgeting all potentially undermine the dom-
self-deception, wishful thinking, and arrogance.
inance of capitalism and increase the weight 2. Unintended consequences refer to all side effects of
of social power within the economic hybrid. a transformation that were not part of the motiva-
The institutional pluralism of the destina- tions for the transformations. Some of these might
tion suggests strategic pluralism in the prac- be positive, but many are negative. Self-destructive
dynamics are a particular kind of negative unin-
tices of transformation. Within some of these
tended consequence: side effects that over time
configurations, strengthening social power destroy the conditions of possibility for sustaining
requires state power. But other configurations the transformation itself. Dilemmas of normative
can be advanced without state involvement. trade-offs refer to the fact that the more values one
This is especially true for the social economy cares about the more implausible it is that any given
institutional arrangement can fully realize all of
initiatives. Activists on the left, especially
them. If our emancipatory ideals include an array of
those on the radical left, often regard these complexly interconnected values—for example,
kinds of locally oriented, community-based freedom, democracy, equality, sustainability, com-
initiatives as not being very political, because munity, and individuality—then institutional
they do not always involve direct confronta- transformations will inevitably confront tensions
and contradictions across these values. A real uto-
tion with political power. This is a narrow
pian worries about this; a pure utopian does not.
view of politics. Interstitial strategies to cre- 3. The idea of flourishing proposed here is closely
ate real utopias involve showing that another related to the idea of “capabilities” developed by
world is possible by building it in the spaces Sen (1999) and Nussbaum (2000). For a more
Wright 23
extended discussion of flourishing, see Wright idea of a market economy. Capitalism is not simply
(2010: chapter 2). an economy in which markets play a central role in
4. How much responsibility should be accorded indi- coordinating economic activity; it is a specific kind
viduals for their choices is, of course, a profoundly of market economy, one in which workers do not
difficult philosophical issue. There is always a ten- own and control the firms in which they work, capi-
sion between sociological explanations of behavior, tal is privately owned and allocated to alternative
which look to the causes behind the choices people purposes on the basis of private economic returns
make, and assignment of moral responsibility to (or, equivalently, on the basis of private profit-mak-
people for their choices. In general, egalitarian the- ing), and labor is allocated to economic activities
ories of justice allow for inequalities to emerge that through labor markets.
are the result of choices and effort, but not the result 10. There are obviously many complications to this
of forces outside a person’s control for which they simple characterization. Use of taxes to build infra-
have no responsibility. It turns out that drawing structure, for example, is a public allocation of
unambiguous lines of demarcation between these capital. As I will argue later in this address, to the
sources of inequality is probably impossible. extent that capital in the economy is allocated by
5. Fraser (1997, 2000) emphasizes the idea of social the state through taxes and other mechanisms, the
recognition as an integral element in justice. For a economy becomes less fully capitalist.
discussion of the interconnection of class and rec- 11. The “structural power” of capital refers to how
ognition as moral issues, see Sayer (2005). capitalists’ interests powerfully constrain states’
6. The key idea here is that all these forms of social actions because of the state’s dependency on the
exclusion have equal moral standing. This is dis- vitality of capital accumulation. For now classic
tinct from the question of the explanatory relevance discussions, see Block (1977), Lindbloom (1977),
of any given form of exclusion for access to the and Przeworski (1985).
conditions to live a flourishing life, either in the 12. For a good discussion of the problem of dictatorial
lives of specific people or in the social institutions workplaces as a fundamental violation of demo-
of a particular society. cratic principles, see Dahl (1985).
7. It is obviously a deeply controversial claim that 13. For a discussion of the possibility of prosperity
principles of egalitarian social justice apply to citi- without growth, see Jackson (2009).
zenship status and geographic location. Some 14. See Schor (1993) for a discussion of the consumer-
philosophers have argued that principles of justice ist imperative in capitalism.
fully apply only within states’ jurisdictions, for it is 15. Unequal access to the Internet remains a significant
only states that can enforce the “rules of the game” problem, especially globally, which limits access to
that govern distribution, opportunities, and rights. Wikipedia. The Wikimedia Foundations—the orga-
States’ geographically limited jurisdictions may be nization that runs the infrastructure for
a powerful fact about the world that limits our abil- Wikipedia—recognizes this problem and is devel-
ity to move toward global social justice, but I do not oping new technologies to make Wikipedia
think it defines the central meaning of the moral available free on flash drives to libraries and public
imperative itself. schools in developing countries that lack Internet
8. Some environmentalists will be critical of this connections.
anthropocentric view of sustainability. I care about 16. For an extended theoretical and empirical discus-
global warming and other environmental issues sion of such innovative collaborative forms of
mainly because of their consequences for human production, see Benkler (2006).
flourishing. If we currently lived in an ice age and 17. See Belsky and colleagues (2010).
global warming would make the planet more tem- 18. For a general discussion of randomized assemblies
perate and benevolent for human beings, then it as a way of enhancing democracy, see Gastil and
would be of much less concern. As a practical Richards (2012).
matter in the world today, it probably does not 19. This is not meant to be a complete theoretical speci-
matter whether one anchors the principle of sustain- fication of the differences between these three types
ability in human flourishing for future generations of economic structures, but only their differentia-
or some broader notion of the well-being of all tion in terms of power relations. For a fuller
living creatures. Both perspectives demand strong discussion, see Wright (2010:11–123).
efforts to reduce environmental damage. An anthro- 20. It is an important, but unresolved, empirical ques-
pocentric perspective on the environment does not tion how stable different kinds of hybrids might be.
license environmental destruction, because destruc- One traditional Marxian view is that any capitalist
tion is harmful to future and current generations of hybrid with significant socialist elements would be
people; it merely specifies why such destruction is a inherently unstable. The only stable equilibria are
moral issue. ones in which socialism is unequivocally dominant,
9. A brief note on the definition of capitalism is or capitalism is unequivocally dominant and social-
needed. Many people equate capitalism with the ist elements only fill small niches in the economic
24 American Sociological Review XX(X)
system in ways that are functional for capitalism. solving problems of capitalist reproduction), but
An alternative view is that there may be multiple some are better for capitalists than others and some
relatively stable equilibria involving all three eco- involve more social empowerment than others. A
nomic forms, and that it is even possible for there to symbiotic transformation is one that seeks to
be an equilibrium involving no clear dominance expand social empowerment while still achieving
among them. The extent to which any given con- an institutional equilibrium that contributes to an
figuration could be stable depends on a complex adequately well-functioning capitalism. This often
array of contingent historical and political factors requires blocking capitalists’ preferred solution. As
and this makes it impossible to make any general, Rogers (Wright and Rogers 2011:164) has put it, to
abstract propositions about what is really possible. get capitalists to accept the high road, it is necessary
21. Much of the theory of the capitalist character of the to close off the low road.
capitalist state developed in the late 1960s and
1970s can be interpreted as an attempt to explain
how, in spite of the state’s democratic form, much— References
perhaps most—intervention by the state in the Belsky, Leah, Byron Kahr, Max Berkelhammer, and
capitalist economy is subordinated to the needs of Yochai Benkler. 2010. “Everything In Its Right
capital rather than the collective will of the people, Place: Social Cooperation and Artist Compensation.”
and thus, in the present terms, is an expression of Michigan Telecommunications and Technology Law
economic rather than social power. This argument is Review 17.
especially well formulated by Offe (1974) and Benkler, Yochai. 2006. The Wealth of Networks: How
Therborn (1978). Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom.
22. Of course, in a sense the state is always involved in New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
all economic activities insofar as it enforces rules of Block, Fred. 1977. “The Ruling Class Does Not Rule.”
the game and imposes taxes. The issue here is that Socialist Revolution 33:6–28.
in a social economy the state operates in a relatively Dahl, Robert. 1985. A Preface to Economic Democracy.
passive way in the background rather than directly Berkeley: University of California Press.
organizing economic activity or regulating eco- Fraser, Nancy. 1997. Justice Interruptus. New York:
nomic power. Because the state is on the sidelines Routledge.
of the social economy, political conservatives and Fraser, Nancy. 2000. “Rethinking Recognition.” New Left
libertarians are often relatively enthusiastic about Review 3:107–120.
social economy initiatives, particularly when these Gastil, John and Robert Richards. 2012. “Making Direct
activities are anchored in religious communities or Democracy Deliberative through Random Assem-
other socially conservative organizations. When the blies.” Presented at the 2012 annual meeting of the
social economy embodies ideals of economic American Sociological Association, Denver, Colorado.
democracy involving real mobilization of social Hayek, Frederick A. 1988. The Fatal Conceit: The Errors
power and efforts at subordinating economic power, of Socialism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
the initiatives pose a bigger challenge to free market Jackson, Tim. 2009. Prosperity without Growth: Eco-
ideologies. nomics For a Finite Planet. New York: Routledge.
23. Although there is considerable debate on this Lindbloom, Charles. 1977. Politics and Markets: The
matter, I think Marx was largely a determinist about World’s Political-Economic Systems. New York: Basic.
the ultimate demise of capitalism, even if he was Nussbaum, Martha C. 2000. Women and Human Devel-
not a determinist about the process of actually con- opment: The Capabilities Approach. Cambridge, UK:
structing socialism. Capitalism could not, he Cambridge University Press.
believed, survive indefinitely in the face of intensi- Offe, Claus. 1974. “Structural Problems of the Capital-
fication of the contradictions generated by its laws ist State: Class Rule and the Political System. On the
of motion. For my assessment of this argument, see Selectiveness of Political Institutions.” Pp. 31–45 in
Wright (2010: chapter 4). German Political Studies, edited by K. Von Beyme.
24. The idea of interstitial transformation resonates Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
with various strands of nonviolent activism in Przeworski, Adam. 1985. Capitalism and Social Democ-
which people are exhorted (in words apocryphally racy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
attributed to Gandhi) to “be the change you want to Sayer, Andrew. 2005. The Moral Significance of Class.
see in the world.” The difference is that interstitial Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
transformation involves collectively building new Schor, Juliet. 1993. The Overworked American: The
institutions, not just individually behaving in a dig- Unexpected Decline of Leisure. New York: Basic
nified, value-affirming way. Books.
25. As I discuss in Wright (2010: chapter 11), the basic Sen, Amartya. 1999. Development as Freedom. Oxford,
idea here is that there are multiple institutional equi- UK: Oxford University Press.
libria within capitalism, all of which are functionally Therborn, Göran. 1978. What Does the Ruling Class Do
compatible with capitalism (i.e., they contribute to When It Rules? London: New Left Books.
Wright 25
Wright, Erik Olin. 2010. Envisioning Real Utopias. Lon- sociology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison since
don and New York: Verso. 1976 where he is Vilas Distinguished Professor. His
Wright, Erik Olin and Joel Rogers. 2011. American Soci- academic work has been centrally concerned with recon-
ety: How It Really Works. New York: W.W. Norton. structing the Marxist tradition of social theory and
research in ways that attempt to make it more relevant to
contemporary concerns and more cogent as a scientific
Erik Olin Wright was born in Berkeley in 1947, grew up framework of analysis. His empirical research has
in Kansas, and was educated at Harvard, Oxford, and the focused especially on class in developed capitalist societ-
University of California-Berkeley. He has taught ies and real utopias throughout the world.