Professional Documents
Culture Documents
to transit or drive to transit?
Preston L. Schiller, Ph.D., Visiting Lecturer, School of Urban and Regional Planning, Queen’s University,
Kingston, Ontario, Canada
Jeffrey R. Kenworthy, Professor in Sustainable Cities, Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute.
Curtin University, Perth, Western Australia
Contact: Preston L. Schiller, Ph.D. School of Urban and Regional Planning, Sutherland Hall, 99 University
Avenue, Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada K7L 3N6 preston.schiller@queensu.ca
Abstract:
The most common form of access to urban transit is by foot. Early suburban and exurban commuting to
urban centers was facilitated first by commuter rail along existing intercity rail lines and then by inter‐
urban services that were often electrified. Since these services generally connected town centers most
access to them was by foot and occasionally by horse. The rise of automobility in the early decades of
the twentieth century facilitated by increased roadbuilding and paving, led to greater automobile
commuting or driving to stations. The provision of park and ride facilities was greatly influenced by shifts
in U.S. transportation policy and funding, beginning in the 1960s. The park and ride idea has been
imported by many transit systems around the world, although most have made significant departures
from the American model in both form and provision. Walk‐to and drive‐to transit are compared and
the consequences of investment in park and ride and “kiss and ride,” especially in the U.S. and Canadian
contexts, are explored. It is found that drive‐to transit comes with considerable environmental, fiscal
and opportunity costs and that its funding could be applied more productively to improving local transit
and pedestrians conditions.
1
• Biographical Information:
Preston Schiller is a co‐author of An Introduction to Sustainable Transportation, visiting lecturer in Urban
and Regional Planning, Queen’s University, Kingston, ON, and also involved in local sustainable
transportation issues. He has worked on a number of US transportation policy and planning issues at
local, state and federal levels.
Dr. Jeff Kenworthy is Professor in Sustainable Cities in the Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute
(CUSP) at Curtin University in Perth and Guest Professor at Goethe University. He is particularly noted
for his international comparisons of cities around the theme of reducing automobile dependence.
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Walk to transit or drive to transit?
Preston L. Schiller, Ph.D., Visiting Lecturer, School of Urban and Regional Planning, Queen’s University,
Kingston, Ontario, Canada
Jeffrey R. Kenworthy, Professor in Sustainable Cities, Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute.
Curtin University, Perth, Western Australia
(Note to editor/layout: please keep figures and tables on the same page, i.e. please do not spread a
table over 2 pages, please remove this note from text after final formatting; article & biblio: 3969
words)
Introduction
The most universal form of access to urban transit is by foot. Historically transit was seen as an extender
of pedestrian distance, a conveyance that carried passengers within walking distance of their residences
and work sites. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries new residential areas in or adjacent
to U.S. and Canadian cities were often created along with transit service. “Streetcar suburbs” were
planned to make residential land accessible by walking from transit. Many of the major streets within
the City of Vancouver still demonstrate a neighborhood commercial vitality derived from being former
streetcar line routes.
Early suburban and exurban commuting to urban centers was facilitated first by commuter rail along
existing intercity rail lines and then by inter‐urban services that were often electrified. Most access to
these was by foot and occasionally by horse (“tie and ride”).
The rise of automobility in the early decades of the twentieth century led to greater automobile
commuting or driving to stations. Until the 1960s, though, most parking around suburban and exurban
stations remained casual rather than planned. The provision of park and ride (P&R) facilities was greatly
influenced by shifts in U.S. transportation policy and funding; that transit should accommodate or be
adjunct to automobility and burgeoning suburbs. The growth of P&R, even in developed urban areas
and within city limits, has generally occurred without challenge in the U.S. and Canada. Most P&Rs are
under government control and could be viewed as a form of “land banking” although conversions from
parking facility to broader uses are rare.
While walking is the most universal form of transit access the extent of attention paid to pedestrian
conditions around transit, including infrastructure, shelters, and related amenities, varies considerably
across countries and cities.
The P&R idea, and its “cousin,” kiss and ride (K&R), have been imported by many transit systems around
the world, although most have made significant departures from the American model. Most park and
rides outside of the U.S. are designed to intercept city‐bound traffic, sometimes at a considerable
distance. Canadian P&Rs roughly follow this strategy, although one can find many examples of such
facilities within developed areas.
This paper compares walk‐to and drive‐to transit (D2T) in terms of their extent, costs and consequences.
It further compares a number of transit systems on several continents in terms of their P&R emphases
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and the relation of these to ridership. A central argument of the paper is that D2T comes with great
costs and at the expense of improving local transit and walking conditions. Suggestions for improving
the situation of walk‐to and local transit access, even in relatively low‐density suburban areas, will be
offered. Prospects and examples for redeveloping park and ride facilities to reduce their automobile
exclusivity are presented. Finally, several alternatives to P&R, including transit‐oriented development
(TOD) and improved local transit are offered.
Walk to transit
Globally the overwhelming majority of transit users walk to a bus stop or station as their first journey
leg. Walk‐to transit (W2T) offers many benefits to users as well as to society: Health, fitness and money‐
saving for the individual; less pollution and potentially better synergy with local land uses for cities.
The varieties of W2T
W2T can refer to various pedestrian access forms:
• A walk of varying length and amenity through a neighborhood to a transit stop or center
• Easy access from a residence in a transit‐oriented or transit‐adjacent development
• A pleasant walk from transit, perhaps in a pedestrianized or traffic calmed area, to a destination
• A noisy and unpleasant walk across pedestrian‐hostile “un‐streets” or “traffic sewers.”
The benefits of W2T
The walk to and from transit is inexpensive, healthful, and beneficial to the community both as “eyes on
the street” and for its potential to strengthen local transit and to include one or more stops at local
amenities:
• W2T is far less expensive than driving to transit.
• A renewed interest in “active transportation” in the U.S. and Canada has brought attention to the
beneficial effects of walking to transit. Besser and Dannenberg (2005) found that even a modest
(median) of 19 minutes daily walking to and from transit had a beneficial health effect. Ker and Ginn
(2003) found that conventional transit planning grossly underestimated the size of walkable catchments
(“ped sheds”) for rail transit, implying even greater potential health benefits should walk‐to transit be
promoted more. In some multi‐directional/multi‐dimensional transit systems transfer from one route or
mode to another may also involve significant walking, usually in a protected environment.
• Pedestrian activity supports commerce through the “transit leverage effect:” pedestrians may stop for
food, beverage, groceries or services en‐route to or from transit (Newman and Kenworthy, 1999: 87‐88).
• Walking accessibility means that transit is nearby and not so far away that it is invisible, so it is more
likely to be on the mental map‐radar of residents and businesses and therefore easier to use.
• If walking conditions on each end of a transit trip were to be improved and if local bus services were to
be improved, multiple benefits could accrue;
‐‐increased transit ridership at a significantly lower cost than P&Rs
‐‐increased demand for comprehensive transit services (all day/evening/weekend) capturing a variety of
travel needs not just costly commuter peak services
‐‐neighborhood‐based commerce as well as center retail and services would be strengthened
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Table 1 offers a comparison of some of the personal and public costs and impacts of walk‐to and drive‐
to transit:
Table 1: Comparing W2T and D2T
Comparison Factor W2T D2T
Personal expense Minimal (shoes, rain/snow gear) Significant (fuel, other vehicle
expense)
Public expense Minimal (sidewalks and shelters Significant (see cost table)
shared with many)
Personal Health Beneficial (even at 20 mins/day) Harmful (sedentary, in‐vehicle
pollution)
Environmental Impact(s) Minimal to none Significant (cold starts)
Traffic impacts Reduces Traffic Unclear: maybe small VKT
reduction, some congestion
redistribution
Land Use‐Commerce Strengthens Generally negative
The benefits and dis‐benefits of D2T
D2T is a minor but expanding form of transit access in the world of public transportation. D2T takes two
forms:
• P&R facilities, surface lots, parking structures or a combination, may be sited adjacent to transit
centers or along major transit routes. Historically these were generally sited at rail stations, but recent
decades have seen a significant degree of P&Rs at bus transit centers or along major bus routes.
• K&R facilities are drive through areas at transit centers or P&Rs where passengers may be discharged
or picked‐up by motorists. K&R facilities generate surprisingly large amounts of traffic, sometimes equal
to or exceeding the amount generated by a P&R (Ison, Meek &??, TRB‐TTI Turnbull? Parkhurst?)
The varieties of P&Rs
• There is considerable variation in the extent and type of P&R internationally and nationally.
• Globally the dominant form of P&R is a facility associated with a rail stations
• Globally most P&Rs are sited either on the peripheries of urban areas, often in suburban areas at or
along the tails of a metro line or at suburban commuter/regional rail stations; outside the U.S. P&Rs are
rarely sited within well‐developed areas.
• Recent decades have seen the growth of bus‐based P&Rs not associated with rail services. In the U.K.,
especially since the Thatcher era of transit privatization and deregulation, there has been a growth of
privately operated P&Rs, usually designed to intercept CBD bound motorists, providing non‐integrated
special bus services to CBDs.
• In the U.S. and Canada and, to a lesser extent, Australia, a much greater use of P&R is found. In Canada
and Australia P&R remains closely associated with rail and/or BRT services and is generally found
outside urban centers—often regulated for the exclusive use of transit patrons or priced. In the U.S.
P&Rs can be found on the periphery as well as in well‐developed areas, and only occasionally regulated
or priced. In the U.S. and Canada some P&Rs provide peripheral parking for large venues during
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evenings and weekends (e.g sport arenas), often served by dedicated shuttles or added rail capacity.
Transit ridership and the provision and utilization of P&Rs
The extent and expanse of P&R provision varies considerably. Table 2 demonstrates the great variation
of P&R commitment and style in high P&R countries. Oxford and Cambridge are included because they
are among several smaller cities in the U.K. that have introduced bus‐based P&Rs in recent decades.
Within regions, such as the southwest coast of Canada and the northwest coast of the U.S., (“Cascadia”)
there can be significant across‐border variation and between the U.S. cities. Table 3 below demonstrates
this variability.
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Table 2: Select Transit Agencies: Region, Transit Habit, P&Rs
System Area Tot. Annual Wkdy Boarding P&R P&R P&R Fee or
sqKm/ Boardings Boarding s Annual Lots Spaces provision Free?
Popul. (1000s) PerCap % Wkdy ($Range)
served Ridership
BART 241 km² 114,654,578 379 138 26 42,230 11 1‐5/day
San Fran. 833,762 low due (2003
Bay Area, to area TTA)
CA P&Rs?
MBTA 8402 km² 367,247,601 1,265 81 150 51,000 4 2‐7
Boston 4,510,400
area, MA
MTAHC 3328 km² 88,510,712 306 32 30 33,000 11? low 29 free
Houston, 2,796,994 + more due to 1; 3/day
TX in area
area? P&Rs?
MUNI 127 km² 227,130,300 711 269 0‐1? 250 0 3‐transit
San Fran. 845,559 (public
CA garage
avail.)
WMATA 1792 km² 435,858,891 1,460 131 50 58,000 4 ‐low Pay‐
Washington, 3,317,169 WMATA +3400 due to WMATA
DC area 300+ K&R area (Area?)
DD area meters P&Rs?
Calgary 848.0 km² 119,511,600 N.A. 125 (88?) 30 17,000 N.A. (4?) Free+
Transit, AB 1,071,515 (400?) approx Free‐
Reserved
STM 499 km² ? 621,505,000 2,597 332 60 27,300 1 Free
Montreal, 1,873,813 CUTA2005 APTA CUTA
QC (2005) 2010 2005
TTC 630 km2 735,602,129 N.A. 296 30 14,000 N.A. Fee 5am‐
Toronto, 2,481,494 CUTA2005 CUTA prob. <1 3pm
ON 2005 wkdy
then free
Oxford (UK) 46 km² N.A. N.A. N.A. 5 5000 N.A. Fee
153,700 proprietary proprie propriet. propriet.
t.
Cambridge 116 km2 4,000,000 11‐15? 5 4500 35? Free
(UK) 110, 000 P&R?
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Table 3: Cascadia Compared: Transit and P&R factors
Seattle Area Portland Area Total Vancouver, BC
Factor KCM/ST/PT/CT/ET TriMet & Clark Co. C‐Tran Translink
AreaServed (mi/km2) 2471 km² (? larger?) 1849 km² (1490 km²) 2977 km²
AreaServed (popul)* 3,472,760* 1,855,169 (1,488,169) 2,318,526
WkdyBrdngs 560,720 367,384 (345,608) 1,100,000
TotAnnual Brdngs* 165039141 114752996 (108,551,806) 347,000,000
BrdngsPerCapYear* 48 (KCM=62) 62 (TriMet=73) 150
No. P&Rs 210 68 (62/32TriMet/Pvt) 21
No. P&R stalls 43,169 14400 (12800) 7705
WkdyOccupancy (%) 70 60 60
%:P&Rprov/WkdyBrdgs 7.7 4.0 (TriMet=3.7) 0.7
%P&Rutil/WkdyBrdgs 5.4 2.4 0.5
Fee for P&R? Free Free (a very few metered) Some free‐Some
fee; $2.50‐$4/day
*Sum of service area populations: King County Metro (KCM), Pierce Transit (PT), Community Transit
(CT), Everett Transit (ET); Sound Transit’s (ST) service population is subsumed within this total; actual
Seattle urbanized area population = 2.77 mil.
“Boardings” = unlinked trips
When a comprehensive set of P&R and transit usage data from 1995 on 100 cities worldwide are
analysed (Kenworthy and Laube, 2001), it is found that the percentage of total P&R bays compared to
daily transit ridership ranges from 0% (22 of the cities, mostly higher density, lower income), up to a
maximum of 12.5% in Houston. The next highest city was Brisbane at only 7.3%, then falling rapidly
away to less than 5%. On top of the 22 cities that record 0%, a further thirty‐seven cities have less than
0.5% of P&R spaces compared to total daily ridership. So almost 60 out of 100 cities in the study record
less than 0.5% of daily transit ridership that would be facilitated by P&R, assuming less than capacity
occupancy, thus generating one transit boarding per day‐‐a reasonable assumption given its primarily
commuting orientation and the wide range of utilization rates recorded. Figure 1 demonstrates that
when global provision of P&R spaces is graphed along with annual per capita ridership an inverse ratio
appears—high P&R providers are low ridership systems.
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Left column: cities
Horizontal bars:
(Red upper line) Total
annual transit
boardings per capita
(Blue lower line) Ratio
of P&R spaces to daily
boardings (x10,000)
• Inverse relation
between P&R
provision relative to
annual per capita
transit ridership:
• Houston at top: low
transit ridership, high
P&R ratio, followed by
several US, CA, AU
cities, tapers to:
• Larger Canadian
cities: Toronto,
Montreal, Vancouver,
Ottawa which begin to
merge with several EU
cities, tapers to:
• Many cities, rich and
not‐so‐rich with
minimal or no P&R
provision but often
good ridership.
Figure 1: Inverse relation of P&R provision to annual per capita transit ridership
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This can be interpreted in several ways:
• That P&R emphasis is a characteristic of systems that tailor services to commuters; peak, limited
evening and weekends, of little utility for non‐commute trips and, therefore, limited in appeal because
most trips are not work‐related.
• That P&R emphasis reduces resources for improving local transit that might attract higher ridership.
• That funding practices and policies (especially in the U.S.) currently make it easier to obtain funding for
construction of P&Rs than expanding transit services.
The benefits of P&Rs, real and imagined
Proponents of P&Rs make many claims for their value, from personal utility to public benefit. No doubt
there are interests that believe they will benefit from extensive construction of P&Rs and a few interests
who might benefit from their use. The claims and realities differ somewhat internationally, but several
appear to be universal. There is considerable controversy about many of these claims and grounds to
consider many of them as imaginary rather than realistic (Parkhurst 2000). Table 4 below summarizes
proponents’ claims as well as critiques of their value in reality.
Table 4: Claims and realities about P&Rs
Claims for P&R provision Critique‐Reality
Good for the economy of city centers and City centers and commercial districts well connected
commercial districts connected by transit, centers to P&R transit benefit but significant local transit
have less parking expansion pressures improvement possibilities ignored
Benefits motorists by loweringf commute costs Controversial: Recurrent expenses may be reduced,
but automobile ownership costs remain.
Grows ridership by attracting users from areas Controversial: Rarely are trip origins studied and
difficult to serve with local transit improved local transit options considered
Reduces vehicle kilometres traveled (VKT) and Controversial: Perhaps accurate for rail transit P&Rs,
congestion through the transfer of some trip not necessarily for bus‐based P&Rs; may relocate
portions from automobiles to transit congestion, ignores option of improving local transit
and bike‐to transit
Protects neighborhoods from spillover parking and Parking management techniques could do so;
undesirable traffic residential parking zones (RPZs, enforcement)
Lowers pollution through reducing overall motor Controversial: P&Rs create at least two cold starts
vehicle trip length per day, perhaps add to trip‐chaining; could just
redistribute pollution
Disbenefits, lost opportunities lost and costs of P&Rs
Many of the benefits claimed for P&Rs by their promoters can be questioned or even viewed as
disbenefits (Schiller et al, 2010: 45‐46, 167‐170). Perhaps the greatest disbenefit of P&R is its inordinate
subsidy and opportunity costs. There are many significant costs incurred to the public through the
building and maintenance of P&Rs:
• The purchase or market value of the P&R land.
• The loss of open space, parks, wetlands, eco‐preserves, or community garden space.
• The lost opportunity to apply an equal level of funding to affordable housing adjacent to transit with
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minimal parking; each P&R stall requires approximately 24m2; two spaces otherwise constructed could
provide a studio apartment, three spaces could equal a nice‐sized apartment, four spaces could equal a
family apartment.
• Subsidization of driving.
• Unnecessary inflation of the automobile fleet, adding to pressures for more general parking.
• Degradation of what could be an amenable space adjacent to transit.
Monetization of opportunity‐subsidy costs
Many of the opportunity‐subsidy costs of P&Rs can be monetized—at least approximately. Some of the
externalities related to P&Rs and the driving associated with them are less easy to monetize. Table 5
below presents a few cases of recent P&R construction with estimated subsidy costs. Given the omission
of several key values, including the value of the underlying land, the subsidies should be seen as lower‐
range estimates.
Table 5: Construction, maintenance and subsidy costs of selected Seattle area P&Rs
( Subsidy Costs)
Facility/ Size Type: Cost $space Maint‐ Total $‐yr‐ $/wkday $/wkday
Agency surface‐ $mil ‐constr. Secur. † space* space** space
structure $/yr/sp Util***
CT Marysville 223 Surface 2 4 18,500 300 925 + 300 1225/250 9
CedarGrove bus bays = 1225 = 5
ST‐KC 697 Surface + 17.9 25825 300 1290 + 1590/250 91
Redondo T.C. 300 = = 6.4
Heights 1590
ST Issaquah TC 819 Struct. 29.5 36,000 300 1800 +300 2100/250 11
= 2100 = 8.4
CT Mountlake 230+ Surf. & 20 30300 300 1515 + 1815/250 14.6
Terracc TC 660 Struct. most (struct. 300 = = 7.3
. & TC) 1815
struc
t
WSDOT‐ST 2 Freeway 41 N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A.
Mntlk Terr†† way Station &
Fwy Station Bus P&R
(I‐5 median) Bays connect.
*Construct$/space X .05 (what the amount could have earned in interest + inflation of deferred cost +
annual maintenance‐security/space = opportunity cost/year/space (Parkhurst uses .08 in his analysis)
**Annual opportunity cost divided by 250 workdays (P&Rs essentially for commuters)
†( ST‐M2010‐51 contract; T= $105,000; but this is probably low‐‐TriMet estimates maint.‐secur. cost at
$1/day/space; a fair estimate could be $300/year/space)
***Utilization%: IssaqTC=78; Redondo Hts. = 7; Mountlk.Terr. = 50; Marysville = 56
†† Recently completed; built to service the Mountlake Terrace P&R/Transit Center (TC)
As Table 5 indicates, there is a huge degree and range of direct cost subsidy to a P&R, especially one that
involves a structure or is seriously underutilized. This amount does not take into account the cost of
externalities created by P&Rs: air pollution with all its effects, roadway and parking lot runoff, heat
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entrapment and water pollution, increased accident risk, especially to bicyclists and pedestrians—some
of them walking to the bus stop. P&R presents a sizeable opportunity cost that could be better spent on
a more remunerative or socially worthwhile investment such as housing adjacent to transit or improved
local transit (see next).
Alternatives to P&R
There are several alternatives to P&R that could help transit services grow ridership, serve trips
currently unserved or underserved, and promote walking, cycling, and better land use (Schiller et al,
2010: 241‐242, 247, 264‐268, 306).
Redevelopment of P&Rs
Some transportation and smart growth interests have seen that a forlorn slab of asphalt, empty many
more hours than it is filled is not the highest and best use of a site well‐served by transit. This has led to
the redevelopment of P&Rs in a few locations incorporating residential, commercial or mixed uses less
dependent on automobile access or storage. Examples include:
• Fruitvale BART station redevelopment in Oakland, California, has won national acclaim in the U.S. from
progressive transportation and smart growth advocates. It contains seniors’ housing, offices, child‐care
facilities, shops and restaurants, outdoor markets, and on‐site management for the whole TOD,
including security and maintenance. This is an extremely important effort because most BART stations
were built with large P&Rs due to a combination of unimaginative planning catering to far suburban
commuters and local resistance to dense development around stations.
• Overlake Village TOD and P&R, Redmond, WA was an innovative approach to combining affordable
housing with an underused P&R operated by King County Metro in a Seattle suburb. Near Microsoft
headquarters and thousands of jobs—many within easy walking or bicycling distance or served by
transit and a special Microsoft shuttle service.
The “no P&R” alternative
The best alternative to P&R is no P&R. Agencies considering the creation of a P&R should examine a
range of alternatives that minimize the need for driving and high rates of motor vehicle ownership:
• Aggressive TDM (especially the pricing of parking at all major destinations well‐served by transit) and
“smart trips” programs that promote walking, bicycling and transit.
• Greatly improved local transit, walking and cycling conditions.
If the best alternative to P&R is no P&R then the best of the best is TOD (Cervero 2001) which, when
done well, creates transit ridership, a variety of housing opportunities, robust commercial development
and activity density in the same close proximity woven together with quality walking, cycling and transit
conditions. Examples include:
• At Skytrain stations north of the Fraser River in the Cities of Vancouver, Burnaby and New
Westminster, B.C., a conscious decision was made to more or less eliminate the provision of P&R and
instead to cluster high density, mixed use developments around stations, all accessed by walking,
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bicycle, feeder buses or in some cases K&Rs. Stations that have benefited from high levels of
development include Main Street/Science World, Joyce‐Collingwood, Metrotown, Edmonds and New
Westminster. Conversely when Skytrain crossed the Fraser River, TOD became less well‐integrated with
stations, such as at Surrey Central station, with areas next to the station sterilized with parking lots,
some of which are used for P&R.
• Perth, Western Australia, has rebuilt and extended its urban rail system since the late 1980s and has
had some success in integrating development around certain stations. The best example is Subiaco’s
“Subi‐Centro” (near inner suburb) on the Fremantle rail line, where a State Government Redevelopment
Authority coordinated the extensive redevelopment of the area north of the rail line, part of which was
sunk for 300 metres to improve land development opportunities. The quality of the public realm is
superb, the area has increased in value dramatically, is highly sought after and the station usage has
increased five–fold since the development. There is no space for P&R. Another is Joondalup in Perth’s
northern suburbs where a major sub‐regional centre contains a mix of commercial, retail, local
government and residential uses within a 1 km walk of the station.
Beyond P&R; improving and promoting W2T and bike‐to transit (B2T)
There are numerous cost‐effective ways that W2T and B2T can be greatly improved were agencies to
apply the subsidy and opportunity costs of P&Rs to this better purpose:
• Improving walking conditions at both ends of a residence‐to‐destination trip; good walkways
protected from traffic; paths connecting cul‐de‐sacs, improved street lighting, protected crosswalks at
transit stops (see Hess et al, 2004).
• Provide travel‐ways for cyclists, secure storage at transit stations and accommodation on transit when
feasible.
• Reforming land use planning and zoning so that access to transit from neighborhoods and commercial
areas is maximized ‐ apply TOD supportive guidelines; develop guidelines for pedestrian access to
transit, bus stop and shelter placement and security provision, including “passive security;” placement
of transit stops near stores or other activity places.
• Include and coordinate pedestrian access to transit between transportation planning, land use
planning, urban design, transit planning and safety enforcement. Do not site transit stops along busy
highways unless safe crossings and accesses are present (Hess, Moudon & Matlick 2004)
• Follow the lead of Portland’s Tri‐Met and create “Bike and Rides” at transit stations
• Improve local transit so that transit riders don’t have to become motorists.
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References
Besser, L.M. and Dannenberg, A. L. (2005) “Walking to Public Transit: Steps to Help Meet Physical
Activity Recommendations,” American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 29 (4):273–280
Cervero, R. (2001). Walk‐and‐ride: factors influencing pedestrian access to transit. Journal of Public
Transportation 3 (4)
Hess, P.M., Moudon, A.V. and Matlick, J.M. (2004) “Pedestrian Safety and
Transit Corridors,” Journal of Public Transportation, 7 (4): 73‐93
Kenworthy, J. R. and Laube, F. B. (2001) The Millennium Cities Database for Sustainable Transport, UITP,
Brussels and ISTP, Murdoch University, Perth, Australia
Ker, I. and Ginn, S. (2003) “Myths and realities in walkable catchments: The case of walking and transit,”
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Meek, S., Ison, S. and Enoch, M. (2009), “Stakeholder perspectives on the current and future roles of UK
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Newman, P. W. G. and Kenworthy, J. R. (1999) Sustainability and Cities: Overcoming Automobile
Dependence, Island Press, Washington, DC
Parkhurst, G. (2000). Influence of bus‐based park and ride facilities on users’ car traffic. Transport Policy,
7 (2) 159‐172
Schiller, P.L., Bruun, E.C. and Kenworthy, J.R. (2010) An Introduction to Sustainable Transportation:
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