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To cite this article: Barbara J. Swain & George Domino (1985) Attitudes toward
suicide among mental health professionals, Death Studies, 9:5-6, 455-468, DOI:
10.1080/07481188508252537
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The Suiciak Opinion Questionnaire (SOW and the Recognition of Suicide Lethality
( R S L ) scale were trdministered to 141 mental health professionals representing seven
groups: f a m i b pructice physicians, psychiatrists, psychologists, psychiatric nurses
and aides, social workers, crisis line workzrs, and clergy. The results indicate
s@;f;cant differences among goups on 5 o f the 15 SOQ fnttors, on a clinical[y
derived empathic understanding scale, and on the R S L . Major findings of the study
include: (a) the complexity of attitudes towards suicide; @) substantial differences
between clergy and other mental health professionals; (c) differences between
physicians and psychologists on attribution of manipulative motivation to suicide
attempts; (d) a rehtionship between attitudes and personalfamiliarity with suicide;
(e) an ordering qf professional groups on the Empathic Understanding Scale
rejecting psycholoi$cal, medical, or rel&ious training; (f) group differences on the
recognition of suicide lethality signs; and (9)a relationship between knowledge of
lethality and several attitudinal factors.
Introduction
Method
Subjects
Instruments
100 SOQ items were those that survived logical and statistical anal-
yses from an initial pool of approximately 3000 items derived from a
comprehensive survey of the literature (16). Representative items
are: “I would feel ashamed if a member of my family committed
suicide”; “most persons who attempt suicide are lonely and de-
pressed”; and “suicide is an acceptable means to end an incurable
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Procedure
The first step was to submit the 141 SOQprotocols to a factor analy-
sis. Although Domino et al. (16) carried out such a procedure for a
sample of 285 heterogeneous adults, the specific nature of this sample
suggested the need to repeat the factor analysis.
Attitudes Toward Suicide 459
Results
the very poor, the depressed, and the obese, present a greater risk.
Factor VII, Irrationality, reflects the attitude that suicide is an irra-
tional act often reflective of mental illness, while Factor VIII, Insta-
bility, reflects the attitude that suicide is more prevalent among those
who have enduring defects of character than among victims of exter-
nal circumstances. Factor IX, Hidden Suicide, centers on the notion
that dangerous or unhealthy lifestyles, such as automobile racing and
alcoholism, may represent a hidden or unconscious desire to die.
Factor X, Fatality, suggests that the desire to die, although rare, is
successfully fatal and not preceded by suicidal gestures. Factor XI,
Romantic and Common, centers on the dual notion that suicide is
romantic, that is, reflects heroism and/or unreturned love, and is
also common in the United States. The items of Factor XII, Cultural
Values, reflect the interplay of cultural values such as patriotism,
personal honor and family shame, with suicide. Factor XIII, Social
Institutions, centers on the theme that suicide reflects social institu-
tions because it has social consequences and implications. In Factor
XIV, Communication, suicide attempts are a form of communica-
tion, a “cry for help” from someone with disturbed interpersonal
functioning. Finally, Factor XV, Religion, assesses the attitude that
having religious beliefs is inconsistent with suicidal behavior.
Many of the above factors are identical with or substantially sim-
ilar to those obtained by Domino et al. (16) but there are sufficient
differences to support the utilization of the factors obtained with this
sample.
The results of the ANOVA indicate that five of the factors, the
empathic understanding scale, and the RSL scale show significant
differences between professional groups. These are presented in
Table 2.
On Factor 111, Impervious Drive, there was a significant rela-
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Number % of
of total
Factor items variance Sample items Loading
I. Acceptability 16 9.8 There may be situations where the only reasonable resolution is suicide. .76
11. Manipulative Aspects 7 3.3 Those people who attempt suicide are usually trying to get sympathy. .74
111. Impervious Drive 9 3.1 Suicide is clear evidence that mankind has a basically aggressive and
destructive nature. .50
IV. Harsh World 11 6.2 Many suicide notes reveal substantial anger towards the world. .64
V. Elderly 3 2.4 Most suicide victims are older persons with little to live for. .65
VI . Differential Aspects 6 2.9 The suicide rate is higher for blacks than for whites. .76
VII. Irrationality 4 2.7 Suicide among young people (e.g., college students) is particularly
puzzling since they have everything to live for. .69
VIII. Instability 4 2.5 People who commit suicide must have a weak personality structure .48
IX. Hidden Suicide 3 3.0 People who engage in dangerous sports like automobile racing probably
have an unconscious wish to die. .66
X. Fatality 4 2.3 John Doe, age 45, has just committed suicide. An investigation will
probably reveal that he has considered suicide for quite a few years. - .62
XI. Romantic and Common 6 2.1 The Japanese KamiKaze pilots who destroyed themselves by flying
their airplanes into ships should not be considered suicide victims. - .56
XII. Cultural Values 4 1.9 If a culture were to allow the open expression of feelings like anger and
shame, the suicide rate would decrease substantially. .43
XIII. Social Institutions 5 2.2 Suicide rates are a good indicator of the stability of a nation; that is,
the more suicides the more problems the nation is facing. .52
XIV. Communication 7 3.6 A suicide attempt is essentially a “cry for help.” ,516
xv. Religion 5 5.2 People who attempt suicide are, as a group, less religious. .69
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TABLE 2. Results of ANOVA on SOQ and Empathic Understanding Scale, and RSL Scale
Ip
QI
N Variables Groups (differentiated by parentheses)"
Discussion
others. Sifneos may not have intended the term to be pejorative, but
it has become so. Ansel and McGee (1 1) found that public attitudes
towards a suicide attempter are more negative when the attempter’s
motive is seen as a manipulative one rather than as a desire to die.
Similar findings were obtained by Ramon et al. (9) among a sample
of medical personnel.
A suicide attempter’s first professional contact is often with a
physician (12, 29) whose skills are best utilized in the resolution of
physical rather than emotional problems. The label “manipulative”
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