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Another source of light with respect to the predecessors of the Greeks is re-
ferred to on pp. 522 seq., namely, the recent publications of material relating
to Babylonian mathematics. Surprising as are the two problems mentioned as
being in the Moscow Papyrus, this material is even more so, and the questions
which it raises will profoundly affect the decision as to the Greek claims of
priority. The cuneiform tablets studied within the past three or four years con-
firm the belief that the Babylonian geometry was confined to mensuration, and
this of a type requiring intuition rather than demonstration in the development
of the necessary rules. What is more important is that the solutions apparently
follow certain general rules which we express by formulas, and the process
amounts to the solution of equations of considerable difficulty, although the
work is wholly numerical and no rules are definitely set forth. For example,
Neugebauer (Quellen uind Studien cited above, I. Bd., 1. Heft., pp. 67-74, 1929)
shows that one of the problems involves the solution of what we would now
represent by the equations
it j (x + y) = 783
vz(y + z) = 1377
]{= 13'
x - z = (x - y) + (y - z) = 36
x - y =3 (y-z)
2F 2Fh
x2- x + = 0,
d d
F F\2 2Fh
d d /d
This and further work of the same nature is set forth on the pages cited. If the
interpretation of this new material is properly confirmed, the bearing of these
discoveries upon the work of Euclid and Diophantus is significant.
A third item of importance, not found in the author's two-volume History,
refers (p. 530) to recent discoveries showing that some of the records of the
Babylonian astronomical observations, beginning in the reign of Nabonassar
(747-734 B.C.), came into possession of the Greeks and were actually sent to
Aristotle (d. 322 B.C.) after the capture of Babylon by Alexander (331 B.C.).
These seem to have been used by Callippus (ft. c. 325 B.C.), and hence by Hyp-
sicles, Hipparchus, Ptolemy, and other astronomers of the later Greek period.
Not only is this important with respect to the close of the pre-Christian era,
but it also tends to confirm the common belief that Thales (c. 600) had access to
similar records. (See also p. 89.)
The reference to the commentary of Pappus on Euclid X as "partly extant in
Arabic" (p. 241) will, of course, need changing in view of the elaborate work of
Junge and Thomson (The Commentary of Pappus on Book X of Euclid's Ele-
ments, Arabic text and translation, Harvard University Press, 1930), which ap-
peared while this work was in press.
Such discoveries and studies give hope that definite information may some-
time be forthcoming with respect to the first use of the myriad (Greek myr'ias,
10,000), the counting by 10,000's being oriental as well as Greek. WAas there a
common source in the Sumerian civilization? In speaking of Greek numeration
some readers may regret that the work should give the impression that the nu-
merals in the classical period were always represented by small letters instead of
capitals. This often gives to beginners in the study of the history of notation a
false idea of the facts. Another source of misunderstanding occurs on p. 25,
where a medieval writer is quoted as saying that "the 'mensa Pythagorica' was
so called in honor of the Master who taught its use." Since the quotation seems,
at first sight at least, to be approved, these same beginners feel that it is worthy
of credence. It is something like the confusion arising from the names "Naperian
logarithms," logarithms which Napier never used, and "Arabic numerals" with
which the Arabs were almost wholly unacquainted.
Altogether, the work is by far the best condensed presentation of the history
of Greek mathematics that we have in any language.
DAVID EUGENE SMITH