CHAPTER 10 EMOTIONAL CEVELOPMENT 419 be blamed for al their faults. But parents car transform an environment thot exaggerates & child's problems into one that builds on the youngster's strengths. Inthe following sections, wwe will see that goodness of fits also atthe heart of infant-caregiver attachment. This first intimate relationship grows out of interaction between parent and baby, to which the emo- tional styles of both partners contribute Gok Yourself: . . . (Or EVIEW. jo do grt dentate wok louie nueea wa Epon rp fon ecto cerarct fierercatn ia epee Siponeratit APPLY "Mandy and ef ae parents of year-old Sam and 3-year-ldditiaik Maria Clan he each of portance of otal onl to Mandy an el and suger ways hey an stenthen their children, CONNECT | Compared with thei agemates, shy; lhbited 2-year-olds re less likly to fespand with sympathetic prosocial behavior to an unfarniar pes in distress (Young, Fox, © Zahn Waser, 1999). Using the pathy and sympatiy on page 409, explain why. REFLECT | Howwould you that temperament? 8 Development of Attachment Attachmentsthe strong affectionate tie we have with pci people rive that nds us tofeel pleasure when we ntact wih them andto be comfoced by ther nearnes dig ines of ses By the second lf ofthe fist year, nents have ecome attached t friar people ohne responded to their needs, Watch ho babies ofthis ae sng ont hr pacet for special atenton When theme entetsthe roomy tabby cls into x brow ers, When she picks him up, he pas her fice, explores her ai and sugges against her body. When he els amcous, he ras into er lap and clings loser. Freud fist suggested that he inns enotiana eto the mater provides the funtion @ oa pekeys eared vith forall ater relationships, although Freud was coret thatthe quay ofthe infnt-peert Sunaguenaos tomar bond is vitally impertnt, contemporary secarch inden het ees merit evs: The pened acing sot comtribation of atachment to longterm dereopmentdxponds not just ont inant erly fer Scho eno experiences bt ao on the ongoing parent-ciléreatioship. 2 te mesh metie thet ‘tachment hasaio been the sub of nese there debate: Rel rom Chapter how eather the pychoanalytic perspecive regards feeding as the central context in which caregivers and babies ‘teal thatthe dive reduction build this close emotional bond. Behaviorism, too, emphasizes the importance of feeding, but for Tanation of ie diferent reasons Accontngtoa vel-kneon behavirstexplanaton athe caregiver isthe hasan tha the Baby's hanger (primary dee) theft ars to prefer er so caresses warm amie and treba stip is der words of comfor (acondary ev) because tases beeen ped wihtension eee elon fg cect Athogh feeding isan important context ia which rote and abies Duda coe Stunna sclatonship tachment docs not depend on hunger stscion. fa he 1950s 9 arose {xperent showed iat sess monkeys ered with ery dh nd wire mesh erp rotor chang the softteey-clthsubrtts even oth ewe meshed the bot ard fans tc on tt bee (vow & Zisman, 1959 Say human infants become attached to family members who seldom feed them, including fathers lings an rendparets. And you may hve noticed tat oars Western ca tues who seep alone and experience equen dayne separations fom thr pares sometimes cep song emotion! eso cul objet sch alan ote Dears Stach eb hve never played olen ifn edig! Another problem with psychoanalytic and behaviors accounts of attachment i that the emphasis mainly onthe carers contieton to testtschment ation ship. Lele atenton fs given tothe importance ofthe infants characteris420 © Athough separation arai= fy increases betwcen 6 and 4S months of age, its eccur rence depends o infant tem= Derament, conte and adult behavior. his ill shows ates a his mother says ‘ge0d-bys but beeause his faegiver i supportive and Sesiive, his aay wil robabiy be shot-lve, PART IV © PERSONALITY ANO SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT ‘oablongmencomerk Bowlby's Ethological Theory Today, ethologicl theory of attachinent, which recognizes the infants emotional tie to the careguer as an evolved response that promotes survival, i the most widely acepted view ohn Bowlby (1969), who fst applied this ides to the infant-categiver bond was coviginally 9 psychoznalyst. In his theory, he retained the psychoanalytic idea that ‘quality of atachment tothe caregiver has profound implications for the chil’ fee ings of security and capacity to form trusting relationships "atthe same time, Bowiby was inspited by Konrad Loren’s studies of imprinting (see Chapter 1)- He believed tht the human infant ke the young of other animal species, is endowed with a set of built-in behaviors that Keep the parent nearby to protect the infant from danger and to previde support for exploring and mastsing the envirooment (Woters& Cumming, 2000). Contact wit the parent also ensures thatthe baby wl be fed, but Bowlby pointed out tha feeding isnot the basis for attachment Rather the sttchment bond has strong biological roots. It can best be tindecstood in en evolutionary context ia Which survival ofthe species—through aiarantecing both safety nd competence—is of ulaost importance “secording to Bowlby the infants relationship with the parent begins esa set of innate sigaals hat call the adult to the bab’ side, Overtime, a trac affecionatebond develops, supported by new emotional and cognitive capacities as well as bya history ‘of warn, sensitive cae, Atachment develops in four phases: 1. Preattackavent phase (birth to 6 weeks). Built-in signals—grasping, smiling, crying, end igezing into the adults eyes—help bring newborn babies into close contact with other humans, Once an adult responds, infants encourage her to remain nearby because close ‘ness comforts them, Babies ofthis age recognize theie own mother’s smell and voice, and they will soon recognize her face (see Chapter 4). However, they are not yet attached to her, since they do not mind being left with an unfamitiar adult 2. “Attachment-in-the-making” phase (6 weeks to 6-8 months). During this phase, infants espond differently to familiar caregiver than to a stranger. For example, the baby smiles, Taughs, and babbles more freely with the mother and quiets more quickly when she picks Jhim up. As infos interact with the parent and experience relief from distress, they lara that their own actions affect the behavior of those around them. Babies now begin to develop a ses of trust—the expectation thatthe coregiver will respond when signaled but they sill do not protest when separated from her. 3. “Clear-ut attachiient phase (6-8 months to 18 months-2 years). Now attachment tothe familiar cregiver i evident. Babies display separation anxiety—they become upset when the adnlt on whom they bave come to rely leaves. Separation anxiety does not always ‘occurs like stranger anxiety (see page 401), it depends on infant temperament and on the ‘cartent situation. But in many cultures, it increases between 6 and 15 months (see Figuce 10.6). lis appearance suggests that infants have a clear understanding that the caregiver continues 10 exist when not in view, Consistent with this idea, babies who have not yet ‘mastered Piagetian object permanence (see Chapter 6) usually do not become anxious ‘when separated fcom their mothers (Lester et al, 1974). ‘Besides protesting the parents departure, older infants and toddlers try hard to main- tin her presence. They approach, fellow and climb on her in preference to others. And, as indicated earlier in ths chapter, they use her asa secure base from which to explore. 4, Formation ofa reciprocal relationship (18 months-2 years and on). By the end of the second year rapid growth in representation and language permits toddlers to understand some ofthe Fetors that influence the parents coming and going and to predict her return. As result sep- aration protest declines. Now children start to negotiate with the caregiver, using requests and persuasion to alter her goals, For example, one 2-year-old asked her parents to read a story before leaving her with a baby-sittr. The extra time with her parents, along with a beter “understanding of where they were going (“to have dinner with Uncle Charfie") and when they ‘would be back (right ater you goto sleep"), helped this child withstand her parents’ absence. “With age, children depend lesson the physical proximity of caregivers and moreon a sense of confidence that they will be accesible and responsive in times of need, According to BowlbyCHAPTER 10 © EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT 421 8 Development of separation aneaty. neutures und the ‘wot Separation ane ‘emerges Inthe cand tal of the fst yen creases st about 18 months and then Geelnes. am Lani ese 0 ao, 98 noe Us rhcein Hanan Cerca CGmiye wa vanata ety esd Lepge 1784t (tage eighteen ype) 8 8 & Percentage of Children Who ‘cd Foowing Materal Depare 8 rr rr a a ‘Age n Months (4980), out of their experiences during these four phases, children construct an enduring affectionate tie that they tse asa secure base in the parents’ absence. This image serves as an internal working model, or set of expectations about the availability of attachment figures, thee likelihood of providing support during times of stres, and the sel’ interaction with those figures. The internal working model becomes a vital part of personality, serving as @ fide for all future close relationships (Beetherton & Munbolland, 1999). With age, children constantly “update’—or revise and expand—the internal working, model as their cognitive, emotional, and social capacities increase, as they interact further with parents, and as they form other close bonds with adults, siblings, and frends. ‘Measuring the Security of Attachment Although viewlly al fumily-reated babies become attched toa familias caregiver bythe sec cond year, the quality of this relationship differs from child to child. Some infants appear secure in the presence of the caregivers they know they can count on her for protection and ‘sipport Others scem anxious and uncertain, ‘A widely used laboratory technique for measuring the quality of attachment between 1 and 2 years of age isthe Strange Situation, In designing Mary Ainsworth ani her colleagues (1978) reasoned that if the development of attachment has gone well, infants and toddlers should ue the parent asa secre base fom which wo explore a uafuniliar playroom In add tion, when the parent leaves, an unfamiliar adult should be less consocting than the paren. ‘The Strange Situation takes the baby through eight short episodes in which brief separations fiom and reunions with the paent occur (se Table 10.2). TABLE 10.2 EPISODES IN THE STRANGE SITUATION (eee + Exporimenterintroduces parent and baby to plyraom and then leaves. 2 Parents seated while bay plays with toys. Parent asa secure base 3 Shangerenters i seated and tales to parent Resction to unfaniar adult 4 Parent eaves room, Stranger responds to baby and offers comfort baby Is upset. Separation aniety 5 Parent returns, greets baby, and offers comfort if necessary, Stranger leaves reom. —Reaetlon to reunion 6 Parent eaves room Separation ansiety 7 Stranger enters roam and offers comfort. Ablity tobe soothed by strsger @ Parent setums, gests baby offers comfort if necessary, and tres to reinterest Reaction to reunion baby in toys Notetpste tats about 20 seconds each of theremin eseestasts abut 3 sues, Separation eae rect shot the baby comes very upset Reunon episodes ace exter Ifthe baby neds ere ice to ca day ar etrn to pa. Source Nesuarth et 1978.422 PART IV. © PCRSOMALITY AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT voawablongnia cole Observing the responses of infants o these episodes, escarchers have identified a secure attachment Pattern and thice patterns of insecurity; @ few babies cannot be casted (Binsworth eal, 1978; Barnett & Vonrs, 1999: Main & Solomon, 1990). Although separation (ey varies astong the groups, the baby’s reunion responses define attachment quality. « Secure attachment. These infants use the parent asa secre base. When separted; they ay or may not erysbutif they do, itis beesuse the parent is absent and they prefer her to the strangee When the patent return, they actively seek contact and thee rying is feaiucedlmmediately. About 65 percent of North American infants show this peter. « Avoidant attachment. These infants seem unresponsive to the parent when she i preset. ‘When she leaves they usually ae no distessed, and they reac othe stcanger in much the Tame way 25 to the paret. During ri, they avid ox ae slow to greet the parent and ‘Ghen piked up, they ofted fait ling. Abou! 20 percent of North American infants show this patern ee estan ttghpea. Before spsition, these infnts seck closnes to the parent and ben Pe eaigre. When she leaves, they are usualy distressed, and on her tur, they shit clingines nth angry, esitive behavior, stragling when held and sometimes hitting Und peshing In dition, many continue to ery and cling after being picked up and cannot becnforted easily. About 10 to 15 percent of North American infants show this pattern. © Disorganized/disorientedattachament, This pater reflects the greatest insecurity. At Teunien, these infants show confused, contradictory behaviors. They might look away tale being held by the parent. or approgerher with Hat, depressed emotion. Most com- Mnicate thee disvientatioflfitia died facial expression, A few cry, out ater having Calmed down 0; display odd, Fozen postures. About § to 10 percent of North American infants show this patient, +7 Infants reactions in the Strange Situation closely resemble their use ofthe parent as a secate base and their response to separation and reunion at home (Blanchard & Mal 1979: Pederton & Moran, 1996). For this reason, the procedare isa powerfol tool for asesing attachment security. “The Attachment Q-Sort isan alternative method, suitable for children between 1 and 4 years af age, that permits attachment to be asesed through observations inthe home (Waters eta 1990) An observer (be parent or highly tained informant) sortsa set of 90 descriptors of child tehavior-such a5 “Child grets motes with a bg sme when she enters the room, “if mother ove very facil fellows along and "Child uses mother’ facial expressions as good source Utinfornaton?--into ine categories, ranging rom highly desritive to not at all descriptive of the child Then asco is computed that ndiats where the child fll along continua range ine fom high olow security. Because the Q-Srt psa wider atray of ttachment-rcated behav- inns than the Stange ituation,t may beter reflec the parent-inantrsatonship in everyday ie, “The Q sort method time consoming, requiing a nonparent informant to spend several hours observing the eh before sorting the descriptors, and it does not differentiate between types of insecurity, Bat the Q-Sort responses of expert observers correspond well with infants) caioretave behavior in the Strange Siteation, Pants’ Q-Sort judgments, however, show litle ‘ehifonship wit Strange Situation asesaments (van Gaendoorm etal, 2008). Parents of insecure {hldcenespealy, may lack sls for accurately reporting their chil’ attachment behaviors Stability of Attachment Research on the stability of attachment patterns between 1 and 2 years of age yields a wide range of findings In some studies, as many 2870 to 50 percent of babies remain the same in thei reactions to parents; in thes, only 30 to 40 percent do (Thompson, 1998, 2000). close look at which babies stay the same and which ones change yields a more consistent picture. ‘Ouality of attachment is usually secure and stable for middle-SES babies experiencing favor- able its conditions. And infants who move from insecurity to security typically have well tajusted mothecs with positive family and friendship tes Perhaps many became parents before they were psychologically ready but, wit social support, grew into the role. n contrast i low- ‘SES families with many daily stresses, litle social support, and parental psychological prob- Jems attachment status generally moves avay froma security or changes froma one insecure pat tern to another (Belsky el al, 1996; Vondra, Hommerding, & Shaw, 1999; Vondra et aly 2001).CHAPTER 10. © EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT ‘These findings indicate that securely attached babies more often maintain their attachment status than insecure babies, whose relationship with the caregiver is, by definition, fragile and ‘uncertain, The exception to this trend is disorganized/ disoriented attechment-~an insecure pat tern that is as stable as attachment security, with neaey 70 percent retaining this classification ‘over the second year (Barnett, Ganiban, & Ciccheti, 1999; Hesce Main, 2000) As you will ee, many disorganized/disoriented infants experience extremely negative caregiving, which may clisrupt emotional self-regulation so severely thatthe baby’s confused behavior persists, Overall, many children show short-term instability in attachment quality. A few studies reveal high long-term stability fom infancy to middle childhood and—on the basis of inter- views about relationships with parents—into adolescence and emerging adulthood (Hamilton, 2000; Waters et al, 2000). But once again, participants ceme from middle-SES homes, and most probably had stable family lives. In one poverty-stickea sample, many participants moved from secure attachment in infancy to insecare attachment in emerging, adulthood. Child maltreatment, maternal depression, and poor family functioning in early adolescence distinguished these young people from the few who stayed secutly attached, Disorganizedidisociented participants, however, typically remained insecure over the long term, expressing confused, ambivalent feclings toward their parents, many of whom had been abusive (Weinfield, Whaley, & Egeland, 2004; Weinfield, Sroufe, & Egeland, 2000). Cultural Variations Cross-cultural evidence indicates that attachment patterns may have tobe interpreted fer- ently in certain cultures. For example, as Figure 10.7 reveal, German infants show consder~ ably sioce avoidant attachment than American babies do. But German parents encourage their infants to be nonclingy and independent, so the baby’s behavior may bean intended out «come ofcltural belies and practices (Grossmann etal, 1985). In contrast a study of ffents ofthe Dogon people of Mali Africa, revealed that none showed avoidant attachment to their ‘mothers (Troe, Pisani, & Oumar, 2001). Even when grandmothers ae primary caregivers (as Js the case with first-born sons), Dogon mothers eemain avaiable to thee babies, holding them elose and nucsng them promptly io response to hunger and dies, Japanese infants, aswel rarely show avoidant attachment (eer agin to Figure 10.7).An unusually high number ae resistant! attached, but this reaction may not represent true nse- ‘curity Japanese mothers carly leave their babes in other’ car, so the Stange Situation prob ably creates greater stres for them thn fr infans wo fequently experience maternal sepa- tations (Takahashi, 1980). Also Japanese parents value the infant cinginess and attention seeking that ae part of resistant attachment, considering them to be normal indicators of infant doseness and dependency (Rothbaum eal, 20008) Despite these cultutal variations and others, the secure patter is sill the most common attachment classification in all societies studied to date (van Tendooen & Sai, 1999) Factors Affecting Attachment Security ‘What fictors mightinfluence attachment security? Researchers have looked closely at four important influences: (1) opporta- nity to establish a cose relationship: (2) quality of caregivings (2) the baby’s characteristics and (4) family conte, including parent internal working models + OPPORTUNITY FOR ATTACHMENT What happens when a baby does not have the opportunity to establish a close tie to a caregiver? In a series of studies, René Spite (1946) observed institutionalized infants who had been given up by their mothers between 3 and 12 months of age. The babies were placed ina large ward where each shared a nurte ‘with atleast seven other babies. In contrast tothe happy, out- going behavior they had shown hefore separation they wept, ‘withdrew from their surroundings, lst weight, and had dif. ficulty sleeping. Ifa consistent caregiver did not replace the ‘other, the depression deepened rapidly. Percentage of infants 423 son of infants’ reactions In the Strange Situation A Napercentage of Geren babies seem avoidatly attached whereas asub “antl numberof fpanese infants sppea esata attached Note that these Fesponsesimay nt fleet ‘nue insecurity. Intend, they are probably dus to altursl ‘erences in chie-eaing practices, (oped ema nen Freche a8)426 PART IV. © PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT en ablonganconveek “These inctitutionalized infants experienced emotional cifcuies because they were prevented from forming a bond with one or a few adults (Rutter, 1986). In another study, which supports this conclusion, researchers followed the development of infants in an institution that offered a good caregiver-child ratio anda tcl selec tion of books and toy, Nevertheless, staff turnover was so rapid thatthe average child had a total of 30 caregivers by the age of Vl Many of these children became “late adoptees" who were placed in homes after age 4. Mast developed deep tes with their ‘adoptive parent, indicating tha a fist attachment bond can develop as late 354 106 years of age (Tizard & Rees, 1975). But these children see also more likely to display attachment difficulties, inchud- ing an excessive deste for adult attention, “overfrendliness to unfamiliar adults and peers, faite to check back with the parent in new situations, and fev friendships. ‘Adopted children who spent thie fist § months or more in deprived Romanian insli- tutions frequently have similar relationship problems (Hodges & Tizard, 1989s O'Connor etal, 2003). Although follow-ups into adulthood are necessary to be sure, these results leeve open the possiblity that folly normal development depends on establishing se es with caregivers carly in ie. QUALITY OF CAREGIVING + Dozens of studies report that sensitive caregiv- ing—responding promply, consistently, ane appropriately to infants and holding, them tenderly and carefully—ie moderately related to attachment security in both biological and adoptive mother-infant pairs and in diverse cultures and SES groups (DeWol & van Trendoora, 1997; Posada et el, 2002, 2004; Stams, Jaffer, & van Heendoorn, 2002; van Uzendoorn et al, 2004). In contrast, insecurely attached infants tend to have mothers who engage in les physical contact, handle them avr ‘wardly, behave in a “routine” manner, and are sometimes negative, resentful, and ‘ejecting (Ainsworth eta. 1978; Isabella, 1993; Pederson & Moran, 1996) ‘Also, in several studies of North American babies, special form of communica- tion called interactional synchrony separated the experiences of secure from insecure babies. It is best described as a sensitively tuned “emotional dancey” in which the caregiver responds to |G attachment pattems vary with cultural beefs snd practices. Ameng the Dogon peop, wo Fe sal infant signals in a well-timed, shythmic, appropriate fashion. In addition, both partners match farming vilages ih Ma «emotional tates, especially the positive ones Isabell & Belsky, 1991; Kochanska, 1998), Flier ‘tea natemal care conssts we saw that sensitive faceto-fce play, in which interactional synchrony occur, helps infants fof constant neatness 0 ‘regulate emotion, But moderate adult-infant coordination isa beter predictor of attachment babies and prompt,gentle security tha “tight” coordination, in which the adut esponds to most infant cues (Jaffe ta, |] sesoonsivenesstodstress.in 2001). Perhaps warm, sensitive careers use alae, flexible style of communication in which {hat ature noneaf the they comfortably accept and repair emotionél mismatches, returning to asynchronous state. i Infants were avoidanly attached to thelr matters. vaeng koe Tn addition, the way different cultucee view maternal sensitivity depends on their values and goals fr children's development. Among the Gusii people of Kenya, mothers rarely cuddle hug, Or interact playfully with their babies, although they are very responsive to their infants’ needs. Yet most Gasit infants appear securely attached, using the mother asa secure base (LeVine etal, 1994). This suggests that security depends on attentive caregiving, not necessarily on moment by-moment contingent interaction. Puerto Rican mothers, who highly valne obedience and socially appropriate behavior, often physicelly direct and limit their babies actions—a style of, Caregiving linked to attachment security in Puerto Rican culture. Yet sueh physical control pre ict insecurity in Western cultutes, where itis regarded as intrusive (Carlson & Horwood, 2003). ‘Compared with securely attached infants, avoidant babies tend to receive overstimulating care. Their mothers might, for example, talk energetically to them while they are looking awey or falling asleep, By avoiding the mother, these infants try to escape from overwhelining inter- action. Resistant infants often experience inconsistent care Their mothers are unresponsive to infont signals, But when the baby begins to explore, they interfere, shifting the infant's atten: tion back to themselves, As a.resul, the baby is overly dependent as well as angry at the ‘mother’s lac of involvement (Cassidy & Betlin, 199; Isabella & Belsky, 1921), ‘When caregiving is highly inadequate itis a powerful predictor of disruptions in attachment. (Child abuse and neglect (topics we will consider in Chapter Id ae associated with al three forms i fof attachment insecurity. Among maltreated infants, dsonganized/disoriented attachment isCHAPTER 10. © EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT especially high (Bamest, Ganiban, & Cicer, 1995, van Tendoorn, Schuegel, & Bekermans: Kranenburg, 199) Depresed mothers and pani sulting fom w traumatic ‘vent sichar sro lned on aso tnd promotethe une tin behaviors ofthis pattem (i et ay 1955; van edocs, 1685). Observations reel that some of thse mshers pay frightening contactor and implessnt behavors auch Jookng eared, mocking or tesing the baby, ling the by Sify ata distance oughly pling the bby byte amor eke ing reassurance from the upset child (Goldberg et al., 2003; Tyons-Ruth, Broninan, & Persons, 19995 Schuenge, Bakermans-Kranebug & van Fenoor, 1958). The babys disorgnizesbcharsemstorefetaconfictd recontothe sent wo sometimes comfrs butt other mes arose fe. ‘+ INFANT CHARACTERISTICS * Because attachmentis the result of a relationship that builds hetween two partners infant characteristics should affect how easly itis established. In Chapter 3, we saw that prematurity, birth complications, and newborn illness make caregiving more taxing. In stressed, poverty-szicken famiis, these difficulties are liked to attachment insecurity (Wile, 1991). But when pacents have the time and patience to care for a baby with special needs and view their infants positively at-risk newborns fare quite wel in attachment security (Cox, Hopkins, & Hans, 2000; Pederson & ‘Moran, 1995). Infants also vary considerably in temperament, but its rote in attachment security has been intensely debated. Some researchers believe that infants who are iritable and fearful may simply react to bref separations with intense anxiety, regardless ofthe parent’ sensit ity to the baby (Kagan, 1998). Consistent with this view, emotionally eeactve, dificult babies are more likely to develop later insecure attachments (van Ijzendoorn etal, 200d Vaughn & Bost, 1939), But other evidence suggests that caregiving is involved in the relationship between infant difficutness and attachment insecurity. In a study extending from birth to age 2, difficult infants more often had highly ansious mothers, a combination that often resulted in a “disharmonious relationship” in the second yeat-—characterized by both maternal insensit and attachment insecurity (see Figure 10.8) (Symons, 2001). Infent difficultness and maternal anxiety seemed to perpetuate one anather, impairing caregiving and the security of the parent-infant bond, In another investigation that focused on disorganized/disoriented j cs Reletonstip tow omens Retatonsn gh ay moe. | Nesmons Be aoe, \ igh Reltorahip a2 Hon ot 2405. \ ea ‘\ @ this mother and baby engage in a sensitvely tuned {erm of communication called Interaetional sycirony, in lich they matchemotinal states expecially he postive ones. 6 Greta holt ‘months, ne study extending ove the fist, 2yeary the combination of hgh maternal aruety ang high Infant dfcuttess Trequently inpied careyjving, esultiog Inman mothers ad babies th ove Reloied Mother! Anxious Motie#/ relationship harmony-—charactereed osy Boby at 6 mos. Duiteut Baby ot 6 m0. bbymaternalinsensivity and attachment leseuurty—in the second year, pt Symon, 2201)426 PART IV. © PERSONALITY ANO SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT vwaesblongrancomfiee babies, negative emotional reactivity increased sharply between 12 and 18 months, Attach~ ‘ment disorganization was not caused by a difficult emperainent; instead, it preceded diffi- cullness and seemed to promote it (Barnett, Ganiban, & Cicchetti, 1999). Indeed, extensive research confitmis that caregiving can override the impact of infant char- acteristics on attachment security. When researchers combined data from more thea a thou- sand mother-infent pairs, they found that maternal problems—such as mental illness, teenage parenthood, and child abuse—were associated with a sharp rise in attachment inse curity, In contrast, child problems—ranging from prematurity and developmental delays to ' physical disabilities and psychological disorders—had litle impact on attachment quality (van Izendoorn etal, 1992). Finally if children’s traits determined security of attachment, we would expect attachment to be at least moderately heritable, just as temperament is, Yet twin compatisons reveal that the heritability of ertachment i vitwally nil (O'Connor & Croft, 2001). [dential twins ae not ‘more elie than fraternal twins (or other siblings) in attachment security. About two-thirds of sSblings—whether identical tvns, fraternal twins, nontwia siblings, unrelated siblings, or fos ter infants establish similar attachment patterns with their parent. Yet chese siblings often differ in temperament (Dorie et al, 2001; van Hjzendoorn, 1995). This suggests that the Stcongest environmental influences an attachment security are nonshared experiences, reflect- ing most parents’ effocts to adjust thei caregiving to each chil’ individual needs. ‘A major reason that childze’s characteristics do not show strong relationships with attachment quality is that their influence depends on goodness of ft From this perspective, ‘many child attributes can lead to secure attachment as long asthe car ively adjusts hher behavior to ft the baby’s needs (Seifer & Schiller, 1995; Sroufe, 1985), Interventions that teach patents to interact sensitively with difficult-to-care-or infants are highly successful in enhancing both quality of caregiving and attachment security (Bakermans-Kranenburg et al, 2003). But when parents’ capacity is strained—by their own personality or by stressful living conditions then infants with llnesses,dssbilities, and difficult temperaments are at rsk for attachment problems, + FAMILY CIRCUMSTANCES # As we have indicated inthis and previous chapters, quality of caregiving can be filly understood only in terms ofthe larger context of the parent-child relationship, Job loss, a failing marriage, nancial difficulties, and other stressors can under ‘mine attachment by interfering with the sensitivity of parental cae. Or these stressors can ect babies’ sense of security directly, by exposing them to angry adult interactions oF unfs- vorable child-care arrangements (Thompson & Raikes, 2003). “The arrival of a new sibling illustrates how family circumstances can affect attachment ‘quality, In one study, first-born preschoolers who declined in attachment security after the birth of baby hed mothers who weee depressed, anxious, or hostile before the birth. These symptoms were associated with marital friction (which the first-borns probably sensed) as ‘well as with unfavorable mother-first-born interaction, When mothers had cooperative mar- ages, coped well withthe second bieth, end stayed involved with ther older child, preschool- cersimaintained a secure attachment bond (Tet eta, 1996). The availability of social supports, ‘expecially a good mother-father relationship and mutual asistance with caregiving, reduces, facil sess and predicts greater attachment security (Owen & Cox, 1997). + PARENTS? INTERNAL WORKING MODELS * Parents bring to the family context a Jong history of attachment experiences, out of which they construct internal working models that they apply to the bonds established with ther babies. To assess parents’ “state of mind” with recpect to attachment, Mary Main and her colleagues devised the Adulr Artachment Interview, which asks adults to recall and evaluate childhood attachment experiences (Main & Goldwyn, 1998). ‘As Table 103 shows, quality of mothers’ working models is clearly related to thee children’s attachment security in infancy and early childhood —results replicated in Canada, Germany, eat Britain, the Netherlands, andthe United States. Parents who shows objectivity and balance indiscussing their childhoods tend to have secutely attached infants. In conttas, parents who dis- miss the importance of erly relationships or describe them in angry, confused ways usually have‘CHAPTER 10 © EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT 427 TABLE 10.3 RELATIONSHIP OF MOTHERS’ INTERNAL WORKING MODELS TO INFANT ATTACHMENT SECURITY ‘Autonomous! These mothers show ebjectivity and balance in discussing ther childhood expriznces, Secure secure whether these were postive or negative They neither ieabze ther parents nr feel. angry about the past, Tei explanation ae coherent and bellevade Dismissing These mothers devalue the importance af thei attachment relationships, hey tend to Avoidant ideaize their parents without being able to recall spciic experiences. What they do recalis discussed intellectual, wthlittle emotion. COveriolved These mothers tak about ther chidhood expaiences with highly charged emation, Resistant sometimes expressing anger toward ther parents. They appear overwhelmed and confused about tei early attachments and cannot discuss them eaherentiy, Unresolved These motets show charactrstis of any af the Urce other patterns At the same _Disorganized/ time, they reason in a dsorganized 2nd confused vay when las a aloved one or Alsoriented experiences of physical or sexal abuse are dicussed. ‘scusespondences between type cf maternal weitog ndeland inert attachment clestion hl fr 1070 parce of mothe-ifa ps. Sarees: Bari Paka, 1994 Main ald, 196; Pedeeon ot, 996 inscurey attached babies (Std Stele, & Tonagy, 1996; van Izendooen, 1995). Caregiving behavior helps explain these associations. Mothers with autonomousfsecure representations ae warmer and more sensitive wit their babies. They ae also more likely to be suppocive and to encourage learning and mastery inthe older children, who in tra, ae more ale tionate and comfortably interactive with them (Pederson etal, 1998; Slade et al, 1999). But we mus be carefil not to essume any dec transfer of paren cildiod experiences to quality of atachment with their own children. Interal working models are reconstructed ‘memories affected by many acior, including relationship experiences over the if curse, pee= sonality and current lif satisfaction. Acorn to longitacinal research, certain negative ie ‘events can weaken the link between an individval’s own attchament eect in infney and « secre internal working moe in adulthood. And insecurelysttached babes who become aduls vith insecute intemal working models often have lives that, based on adulthood sel repri are fraught with family crises (Waters eal, 2000; Wein, Seoul, & Egeland, 2000). Ta sum, our cary rearing experiences do not destne us to become sensitive or insensitive perents, Rather, the way we view ou childhoods—our ability to come to terms with negative © Hie ight tetra ting modelo he 2a Uepilseatesin erties Spot ayer the “ait anetagadere tin tre deede ter th fer ony fences al ely deer patenis oe Sina pags that can ee tie tee fuakaithp opetnces ve thelfe couse posoraty, sneer iat sreabo nuertt cao aei | i 428 PART IV © PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL DEVELOPIAENT soeablngion combo evens, to integeate new information into our working models, and to look back on our own parents in an understanding, forgiving way—is much more influential in how we rear our Children than the actual histery of care we received (Main, 2000). Multiple Attachments: The Father's Special Role ‘We have already indicated that babies develop attachments to a variety of familiar people—not just mothers but also fathers, siblings, grandparents, and professional caregivers. The quality of these attachments can vary, depending on infants’ experiences with each person. Although Bowlby (1968) made room for multiple attachments in his theory, he believed that infants are predisposed to direct their attachment behaviors toa single special person, especially wien they are distessed. Consistent with this view, when anxious or unhappy, most babies prefer to bbe comforted by their mother. But this preference declines over the second year. And when. Dabies axe not distessed they approach, ask to be held by, yocalize to, and smile at both par- cents equally (Lamb, 1997). ‘Like that of mothers, fathers sensitive caregiving predicts secure atachment—an effect that becomes stronger the more time they spend with their babies (van Tjzendoorn & De Wolff, 1597), And fathers of I- to 5-year-olds entolled in fll-time child care report feeling just a8 ‘much anxiety as mothers about separating from their child and just as much concern about the impact of these daily separations on the child’s well-being (Deates-Deckard et al, 1994). But as infancy progresses, mothers nd fahersin many cultures—Austalis, nda Israel, tly, Japan, and the United States relate to babies in different ways. Mothers devote more time to physical care and expressing affection. Fathers spend mote time in playful iteraction—a vital Context in which they build secure attachments with their babies (Lamb, 1987s Roopnarine et GL, 1990). Mothers end fathers alzo play differently. Mothers more often provide toys, talk to infant, and engage in conventionel games, such as pat-a-cake and peeksboo. In contrast, fathers tend to engage in more exciting, highly physical bouncing and fifting games that provide bursts Of stimulation, especially with their infant sons (Yogruan, 1981). Tn some families, this picture of “mother as caregiver” and father as playmate” has changed in reponse to women’s increased workforce participation. Employed mothers tend to engage in more playful stimulation of theie babies than unemployed mothers, and their husbands are somewhat more involved in caregiving (Cox etal, 1992). When fathers are the primary care- fivers, they retain their arousing play style (Lamb & Oppenheim, 1989). Suck highly involved fathers are less gender stercotyped in their beliefs, have sympathetic, friendly personalities, often had fathers who were more involved in rearing them, and regard parenthood as an espe: ‘ally enriching experience (Cabrera etal, 2000; Levy-Shiff& Isracashvili, 1988). Fathers’ involvement with babes takes place within a complex system of family attitudes and relationships. When pregnancies were intended rather than accidental and when both parents believe that men can nurture infants, fathers devote mare time to caregiving (Beitel & Parke, 1998; Brown & Eisenberg, 1995). A warm, gratifying marital bond supports both par cate involvement, bu itis particulaely important for fathers (Braungart-Rieker, Courtney, & Garwood, 1999; Frosch, Mangelsdorf, & McHale, 2000), See the Cultural Influences box on the following page for cross-cultural evidence that documents this conclasion—and that also shows the powerful role of paternal warmth in children’s development. Attachment and Later Development “According to psychoanalytic and ethological theories, the inner feelings of affection and secu rity that sesult from a healthy attachment relationship support all aspects of psychological development. nan extensive longitudinal study consistent with ths view, Alan Sroute and his Collaborators found thet preschoolers who were securely attached as babies showed more elaborate make-believe play and greater enthusiasm, flexibility, and persistence in problem Solving by 2 years of age. At age 4 these children were rated by preschool teachers as high in Self-esteem, social competence, and empathy. In contrast, the teachers viewed avoidantly attached agemates as isolated and disconnected, and resistantly attached agemates as disrup- tive and difficult, Studied again at age 11 in summer camp, children who had been secure infants had more favorable relationships with peers, closer friendships, and better social skills, as judged by camp counselors (Elicker, Englund, & Sroufe, 1992; Matas, Arend, & Sroufe, 1978; Shulman, Bicker, & Sroufe, 1994).