Nama : Cikal Erlangga

Npm : 2216011019

Kelas : Reg A

Jurnal 1

Title “Gender and generation in Southeast Asian

agrocommodity booms.”
Journal The Journal of Peasent Studies
Volume and page Volume 44 – Issue 6
Publication year 2017
Writer Clara Mi Young Park & Ben White
Keywords gender; generation; agrarian transformation; land grab;
capitalist expansion;
Southeast Asia.
Reviewer Cikal Erlangga
Date 29 Oktober 2022
Abstrak This article introduces the Special Issue on ‘Gender and
generation in agrarian and environmental
transformation in Southeast Asia’. The contributions to
this collection focus on the intersecting dynamics of
gender, generation and class in Southeast Asian rural
communities engaging with expanding capitalist
relations, whether in the form of large-scale corporate
land acquisition or other forms of penetration of
commodity economy. Gender and especially generation
are relatively neglected dimensions in the literature on
agrarian and environmental transformations in
Southeast Asia. Drawing on key concepts in gender
studies, youth studies and agrarian studies, the papers
mark a significant step towards a gendered and
‘generationed’ analysis of capitalist expansion in rural
Southeast Asia, in particular from a political ecology
perspective. In this article we introduce the papers and
highlight the importance of bringing gender and
generation, in their interaction with class dynamics,
more squarely into agrarian and environmental
transformation studies. This is key to understanding the
implications of capitalist expansion for social relations
of power and justice, and the potential of these relations
to shape the outcomes for different women and men,
younger and older, in rural society.

introduction This collection brings together nine studies of the

intersecting dynamics of gender, generation
and class in Southeast Asian rural communities
confronted with the expansion of capitalist
relations, whether in the form of large-scale corporate
 land acquisition or other forms
of penetration of commodity economy.
Most of the contributions to this collection were
originally presented in two panels on
‘Gendered and generational experiences of Southeast
Asia’s corporate rush to land’ at the
conference on ‘Land grabbing, conflict and agrarian-
environmental transformations: perspectives
from East and Southeast Asia’. In another JPS
collection derived from the
same conference, Schoenberger et al. provide a
comprehensive reflective overview of the
evolution of ‘land grab’ studies in the Southeast Asian
context. Land grab studies, they
argue, established themselves quickly as a zone of
engagement and ‘a politically
charged, high-profile, coherent, diverse and open arena,
and one which highlighted Southeast
Asia as a core region of concern’ (Schoenberger, Hall,
and Vandergeest 2017, 702).

The importance of the gendered dimensions of

agribusiness expansions and large-scale
land deals was flagged in this journal some years ago
(Behrman, Meinzen-Dick, and Quisumbing
2012). Some work on this has appeared in recent years
(e.g. Doss, Summerfield,
and Tsikata 2014; Julia and White 2012; Tsikata and
Yaro 2014; White, Park, and Julia
2015), but it remains meagre in relation to the huge
amount of research on almost every
other aspect of land deals. Researchers and activists
have given even less attention to generational
differences and tensions in rural people’s engagement
with corporate land deals
and agribusiness. This neglect is surprising as
intergenerational relationships and tensions
have been a recurring theme in studies of agrarian
change at other times and in other places,
especially in Africa, although they consistently receive
less notice than class and gender
relations (Sumberg et al. 2012).
Discussion ‘community’ and its reproduction is always likely to
involve tensions of gender and interge-
nerational relations. The former are widely recognised,
the latter less so. Considering gender and generational
relations means looking at how these relations and
tensions play out, not only in (smallholder) farmer
households, but also at different
points in class-differentiated agrarian labor regimes,
 and at different points in agro-commodity
chains. Women and men, older and younger, may be
direct producers on their own
account, or unpaid family workers in family farms
(including contracted farms) or on the
farms of others, including larger farms and commercial
plantations; they may be wage
workers on the farms of others (larger farms or
industrial plantations); they may be
actors (own-account, unpaid family workers, wage
workers) in the upstream and/or downstream
entities in agro-commodity chains; they may be
consumers of food and other agricultural
products which they have not themselves produced, and
providers of care and food
in households where one or more members are
involved in agricultural production. men over women
and of old over young) and gender/generational
inequalities in land rights,
decision-making and voice, among others, may have a
decisive inuence in incorporation
in and exclusion from expanding corporate agriculture
as well as from emerging capitalists
smallholder agriculture. These have been largely
overlooked, in studies conducted from an
agrarian political economy perspective.

Commonalities include the tendency for new regimes

of access to reproduce women's lack of land rights,
and/or undermine their existing rights;
their disproportionate marginalization by the enclosure
of commons and resulting losses
of livestock; an increase in both state and domestic
violence against women; and the important
role of women in both overt and 'everyday' forms of
resistance and opposition. Likewise, incorporation (and
resistance to it) is ‘generationed’: younger and older
men and women may respond to the promises of
investors and state agents, the opportunities and
threats of capitalist investment and the violence of
dispossession in quite different ways. The formation of
gendered and generational identities and power
relations, induced by a
forest commodity boom, is the focus of Kristina
Grossman’s paper on marginalised
Punan Murung communities in Central Kalimantan.
This is the only example in this collection
of a commodity boom as yet unmediated by state
regulation or corporate intrusion.
Conclusion This article introduces the Special Issue on ‘Gender and
 generation in agrarian and
environmental transformation in Southeast Asia’. The
contributions to this collection
focus on the intersecting dynamics of gender,
generation and class in Southeast Asian
rural communities engaging with expanding capitalist
relations, whether in the form
of large-scale corporate land acquisition or other forms
of penetration of commodity
economy. Gender and especially generation are
relatively neglected dimensions in
the literature on agrarian and environmental
transformations in Southeast Asia.
Drawing on key concepts in gender studies, youth
studies and agrarian studies, the
papers mark a significant step towards a gendered and
‘generationed’ analysis of
capitalist expansion in rural Southeast Asia, in
particular from a political ecology
perspective. In this article we introduce the papers and
highlight the importance of
bringing gender and generation, in their interaction
with class dynamics, more
squarely into agrarian and environmental
transformation studies. This is key to
understanding the implications of capitalist expansion
for social relations of power
and justice, and the potential of these relations to shape
the outcomes for different
women and men, younger and older, in rural society.
Strength 1. very detailed and detailed wetting
2. presenting abstract
3. preparation using certain procedures or stages
4. use simple language
Weaknes 1. The unusual arrangement of the format causes the
reader to have difficulty in finding some data.
2. There are some languages that are difficult to
understand, especially for general readers

Journal 2

Title “Remembering the Indonesian Peasants’ Front and

Plantation Workers’ Union (1945-1966).”
Journal The Journal of Peasant Studies
Volume and page Volume 43-Issue 1
Publication year 2015
Writer Ben White
Keywords Indonesia; peasants; plantation workers; communism;
1965–1966
Reviewer Cikal Erlangga
Date 29 Oktober 2022
Abstrack Unlike their counterparts in neighbouring countries like
Thailand and the Philippines,
Indonesia’s tens of millions of peasants and agricultural
workers – the country’s
largest single occupational group – have no strong
national movement, organisation
or political party representing their interests. Fifty years
ago, in contrast, the revolutionary
Indonesian Peasants’ Front (BTI) and Plantation
Workers’ Union (SARBUPRI)
together claimed almost 8 million members. But in
1965–1966, after a bungled leftist
attempt to kidnap right-wing generals in Jakarta and the
countercoup led by Major
General Suharto, the Indonesian military unleashed and
orchestrated one of the largest
massacres of the twentieth century. Members and
sympathisers of BTI, SARBUPRI
and other leftist organisations were slaughtered and
they and their families imprisoned
without trial, and for decades suffered persecution and
discrimination in education
and employment. The bulk of the killings occurred in
rural areas, and particularly in
the provinces of Central and East Java and Bali.

Discussion Indonesia, the Cold War, and agrarian reform

1950–1965
Indonesia emerged from the 1930s world depression,
the Japanese occupation (1942–1945)
and the Independence war (1945–1949) a poor nation,
with huge problems of collapsed
infrastructure. From all accounts the Sukarno period
was a time of lively, widespread and
at times confusing political activity, in which people
paid close attention to both local political
affairs and developments at national and international
levels. At the local level, there
emerged a proliferation of institutions and
organisations through which villagers could voice
their views, interests and grievances; these developed
alongside, but did not replace, the old
ties of patronage, dependence and deference to local
elites. Gender and landholding status
were no longer a basis for formal exclusion from the
local political process. Old local cleavages
of religion and politics merged with new political
traditions with the emergence of a
full-fledged multi-party system in the run-up to the
elections of 1955 and 1957. The PKI like all major
political parties had affiliated occupation-based mass
organis-
ations: workers, women, youth, farmers, artists,
students/intellectuals, etc. Some of these
were ‘affiliated’, others formally separated but
‘aligned’ to the party. The most important
were SOBSI (labour) and its sectoral branches (e.g.
SARBUPRI for plantation workers),
GERWANI (the Indonesian Women’s Movement), BTI
(the Indonesian Peasant’s Front),
LEKRA (the People’s Cultural Institute, for writers and
artists), HSI (Indonesian Graduates’
Association, for scholars and intellectuals) and Pemuda
Rakyat (Youth). Altogether
these organisations claimed about 27 million members
(Mortimer 1974, 366, who notes
that even allowing for overlapping memberships this
would amount to ‘a following
approaching 20 million’). By 1963 the BTI claimed 7.1
million members, and SARBUPRI
700,000 (Mortimer 1974, 294).

The BTI, SARBUPRI and agrarian reform

Access to land was one of the burning political issues
of the early post-independence years.
In North Sumatra, the occupying Japanese had
encouraged those starving plantation
workers who were not taken away as romusha (forced
labour) to occupy plantation land
to grow food crops, delivering a part of their produce to
the Japanese; more than one
third of the total plantation area was taken over in this
way. After independence, the exestate
workers remained on this land and the BTI supported
further expansion of the squatter
movement, now augmented by land-poor locals,
refugees and ex-soldiers occupying
under-utilised plantation land to establish smallholder
farms (Stoler 1985, 153–57; Fauzi
2012, 53). Meanwhile SARBUPRI, the union of
plantation workers, mounted successful
campaigns, including many strikes, for maintenance of
living standards of plantation
workers, particularly by the inclusion or retention of in-
kind provision of basic needs
(rice, cooking oil, cloth, sugar, etc.) as part of the pay
package.
The events of 1 October 1965 and the subsequent
reign of terror
From mid-1965 onwards there were widespread
rumours in Jakarta that a group of rightwing
generals, with the support of the US, were planning to
organise a coup and take
over power from Sukarno. We will never know
whether there really was such a conspiracy,
but given the context we have summarised above, it is
not at all unlikely that something like
this was among the options being discussed in anti-
Sukarno and anti-communist circles.
Early on the morning of 1 October 1965 six senior
members of the military high
command and one adjutant to the Minister of Defence
were abducted from their homes
(a seventh general, Nasution, escaped). They were
taken to a village on the outskirts of
Jakarta called Lubang Buaya, at the Halim
Perdanakusumah air force base, where
various leftist organisations were present at training
camps. A few hours later Lieutenant
Colonel Untung (commander of a battalion of the elite
palace guard, the Tjakrabirawa)
announced on national radio the formation of a
‘Revolutionary Council’, which he
claimed had been established to save President Sukarno
and the nation from a military
coup planned by a right-wing, CIA-backed ‘Council of
Generals’ led by the six kidnapped
generals and general Nasution.

The BTI and ‘participatory action research’

Since 1954, the PKI had claimed that ‘the Indonesian
revolution is above all an agrarian
revolution’, but it was not until 1959 that systematic
efforts were made to mobilise the peasantry,
culminating five years later in the campaign of
unilateral actions (aksi sepihak) to
enforce the Law on Share Tenancy and the Basic
Agrarian Law which had been passed
in 1959 and 1960.
The PKI and BTI carried out three rounds of path-
breaking rural research in 1959, 1964
and 1965. These studies (which all received
government support) explicitly abandoned the
conventional questionnaire-survey approach (angket,
borrowed via Dutch from the French
enquête) which had characterised previous research on
agrarian problems (Aidit 1964,
 chapter 1).
Introduction murder’ (Roosa 2006), carried out largely under
military auspices, with the full knowledge
and encouragement of Indonesia’s new leaders and of
various Western powers. The
official version, echoed in many western publications
such as the US Government Printing
Office’s Area handbook for Indonesia (Henderson et al.
1970), suggests first that the
entire Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) and all its
affiliated organisations were
somehow implicated in the ‘30th September
Movement’, justifying their abolition, and
that where killings of communists took place they were
done by enraged civilians
taking their revenge on the PKI, with the military
having no part in the killings
except in some cases to stop them

Conclusion The absence of a strong national peasant and

agricultural workers’ movement in
Indonesia can be traced back to the violent destruction
of the Indonesian Peasants’
Front (BTI) and Plantation Workers’ Union
(SARBUPRI) in 1965–1966. This
contribution reflects on their role in building a
progressive movement of peasants and
workers in the face of continual attempts to squash
them by the Indonesian state and
military. How did the cadres learn about the situation
and problems in rural areas,
and what were their priorities in working with the
peasants? Unpublished reports
from the last round of the BTI’s local-level
‘participatory action research’ conducted
in 1965 provide some answers to these questions
Srength 1. using simple language so that it is easily understood
by readers and even ordinary people
Weaknes 1. The author lacks detail in providing the results
obtained in conducting his research