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Ethics On The Edge Suicidal Patients 2018 CH
Ethics On The Edge Suicidal Patients 2018 CH
To save a man’s life against his will is the same as killing him.
Horace
As I entered the outpatient clinic upon returning from my lunch break, the recep-
tionist stood up nervously and beckoned me over. In hushed, conspiratorial tones she
informed me that a group of noon-hour joggers had come upon a young man sitting
on the edge of a bridge railing. They called the police, who brought him to us.
Midway through my year-long doctoral internship in clinical psychology, I was
comfortable with psychiatric emergencies and the general demands of mental health
care delivery. I did not know what challenges this new client would present, but was
confident I could figure out what to do. I walked into our waiting area where Brad1
was looking absently at the floor, flanked by two police officers. I introduced myself,
thanked the officers, and confirmed that all necessary paperwork had been com-
pleted. They left and I ushered Brad into my office.
Over the next few sessions, Brad told me how he perched on bridges “almost every
week.” He said that it “just sort of happens” and denied that he particularly wanted to
kill himself. He said it was more that he was puzzled by the fact that for most people
their life is just an accident of being alive. The immediacy of the possibility of falling
to his death fascinated him in “an intellectual sort of way” by bringing the choice to
live or die sharply into focus.
I, on the other hand, became quite beside myself with worry that I would be unable
to prevent Brad from killing himself. It was obvious to me that such a dramatic threat
of ultimate harm required a correspondingly dramatic response and that I should
know what to do. The fact that I did not left me frantic. I read everything I could get
my hands on and tried one therapeutic intervention after another, seeking desperately
to find a way to pull Brad away from death. I was afraid that my supervisor and
colleagues would realize the extent of my incompetence and so I withheld from them
the seriousness of the risk. This hampered their efforts to advise me and worsened my
isolation. During my daily commute to the clinic, I began to daydream about being
terminated from my internship after Brad killed himself and what other career
I might pursue when I was forced to leave psychology.
1
The case studies presented in this chapter are amalgamations of actual clinical cases and all names are
pseudonyms.
134
Our situation reached its climax when I got a telephone call from Brad, who had
never called me before. As usual, he was calm and rational. Unusually, he told me he
intended to jump off a particular bridge. I asked why he wanted to. He was
noncommittal. I asked him what I could do to help. He said there was nothing
anyone needed to do. I encouraged him to come and talk with me in my office
straight away. He declined, said goodbye, and hung up.
I was in a state of panic and could think of nothing to do except to call the police.
They agreed to have a patrol car drive by the bridge and see if he was there. He was,
and they brought him to our clinic. I had an unsettling experience of déjà vu as two
police officers brought him into our waiting room. This time, however, Brad
responded to my questions with a silent hostility that he had never shown before.
He offered no explanation as to why he had decided to jump or why he had called me.
It was obvious that he no longer saw me as his ally.
Our sessions continued, but Brad’s attendance became sporadic, his mood apa-
thetic, our conversations shallow. He did not offer to tell me about visiting bridges
and would change the subject if asked. When I finished my rotation a month later,
I referred Brad to another therapist. I told her about his suicide risk, but did not
elaborate on his fascination with death or how frightened and ineffective I felt.
My relief over no longer having to deal with Brad was spoiled by the nagging feeling
that I had avoided disaster through sheer luck and guilt that I had not handled his case
at all well.
Near the end of my internship, Brad’s new therapist stopped me in the hallway
to tell me that Brad had died from a drug overdose. His death was ruled
a suicide by the coroner, but my colleague did not agree. Brad had been
engaging in increasingly high-risk behaviors, including sexual promiscuity and
drug use (this was when AIDS was new and untreatable), while continuing to
deny any distress. My colleague felt sure that Brad was naive to the risks of his
actions and overdosed accidentally.
I was stunned. I made my way across the hospital grounds to the office of my
supervisor. I told him the news and that I felt I had failed Brad. I confessed how I had
not told the therapist who took over Brad’s care that his risky behavior was in fact
intended to bring him close to death. I said I was sure that my fear of being exposed
as a fraud had prevented me from seeking appropriate guidance or making a proper
referral. I said he might still be alive if I had been more honest with myself and my
colleagues about feeling so out of my depth. I began to cry and expressed my
embarrassment. Thirty years later, all I remember my supervisor saying in that
meeting is, “You should only feel embarrassed if you ever don’t cry when a client
dies.”
Psychologists face few situations that give rise to as much concern as suicide.
When a client expresses suicidal intent, we typically feel a range of negative
emotions, including anxiety, powerlessness, self-doubt, and anger (Reeve & Mintz,
2001). When a client actually takes their own life, most of us feel some combination
of shock, grief, guilt, worry, shame, betrayal, disbelief, and resentment (Hendin,
Lipschitz, Maltsberger, Haas, & Wynecoop, 2000). The experience is stressful at
best, with common responses being increased vigilance for signs of suicidal intent
attempt usually report relief that they failed – a secular version of the “perils of
hubris” argument of religious believers. But we know that whenever anyone makes
a difficult choice, it is common if not typical that doubts remain, such that regret in
itself does not justify us preventing others from acting on their decisions.
The select few who hold that suicide is not necessarily always wrong usually
appeal to our freedom to choose the manner and timing of our death and our rational
abilities to weigh the evidence for choosing to end – or continue – our own lives. This
perspective contains a broad range of beliefs, including suicide as an individual’s
self-indulgent right to die, a reasonable and calculated strategy for avoiding pain and
suffering, or the rational outcome of a contemplated decision that one’s life is not
worth living. Common to these views is that there exists no prima facie obligation to
prevent suicide.
Given all of this concern and controversy, many psychologists are surprised to
learn that the current professional ethical and legal standards regarding suicide
are not really all that complicated. We are expected to do what is reasonable
under the circumstances and within the limits of our professional expertise to
address whatever mental health issues are prompting our client to contemplate
suicide. We are not required to intervene in every instance to prevent someone
from killing themselves. Indeed, our primary ethical and legal obligation is to
respect our clients’ autonomy to decide what they want to do with their lives.
Preventing someone from killing themselves, provided they are competent to
make the decision, is a violation of their autonomy and thus unethical, and in
some instances is an assault and thus illegal. If our failing to take all reasonable
steps to prevent or reduce a client’s risk of suicide contributes to the client’s
death by suicide, we could be found professionally negligent. However, if we
take all reasonable steps and our client still takes his or her own life, their
suicide is not the result of our negligence.
Only when someone with whom we have a professional care relationship is
incapable of deciding whether or not to end their own life and is at risk of suicide
are we expected to intervene to prevent them from doing so. Note that the mere fact
that someone wants to end their life does not constitute sufficient evidence that they
are incompetent. Competence is decision-specific and not synonymous with mental
illness.
The courts recognize that some courses of action undertaken to prevent a suicide,
such as involving other people without the client’s permission, can be reasonable under
some circumstances, while the same action may not be reasonable in circumstances
where it will increase the likelihood that a client will kill themselves. This is why in
particular we are expected to maintain confidentiality in all but exceptional circum-
stances. Breaking confidentiality carries a high risk of being experienced as
a professional betrayal and thereby increasing the client’s risk of suicide. Only when
no other option consistent with the client’s wishes is likely to reduce their risk of killing
themselves do our professional ethics permit us to break confidentiality, which would
normally take precedence over responsible caring, but do not require us to do so.
Therefore, in some situations, such as when a person wants to kill themselves in
response to hallucinations commanding them to do so, doing everything reasonably
possible to prevent their death by suicide would be considered right. In most other
circumstances, intervening to prevent someone from taking their own life would be
wrong to the extent that they are competent to decide that they want to die.
All of this is of course difficult enough in practice, if not in theory, but is made
even more difficult when a client repeatedly threatens suicide or is otherwise
persistently suicidal. Taking extraordinary steps such as scheduling extra sessions,
taking telephone calls in the middle of the night, or arranging involuntary hospita-
lization is one thing when responding to an emergency, but when a client is in
perpetual suicidal crisis, we simply cannot routinely respond in an exceptional
manner. So much time and effort ends up being spent responding to suicide that
none is left to respond to the distress giving rise to it. Of particular significance in
such situations is that our goals for the client are no longer in alignment with the
client’s for themselves. We want to stop them from taking their own life, while they
want to end their emotional pain by means of suicide. What starts out as a lack of
collaboration can become working at cross-purposes, and many therapists are left
feeling that the client is being manipulative in the service of some goal other than
seeking mental health. Such a situation does not bode well for a good outcome.
Of deeper concern for the profession is that our ethical codes and practice guidelines
are predicated on suicide as a circumscribed crisis. This has resulted in practices that
deny us access to corrective feedback with clients who are persistently suicidal. If we
intervene against a client’s wishes in a crisis situation they may be grateful, and if not
they may deny future suicidal intent in order to be left alone to do as they choose or to
discontinue treatment. In any of these situations, it is easy for us to believe that we have
done the right thing. Even if the client makes a complaint after we prevent them from
killing themselves, our colleagues, the courts, and members of a discipline committee
are very likely to be sympathetic toward us for acting to preserve life. If a client is
steadfast in their wish to die, however, our assumptions about the rightness of our
actions are brought into sharp relief and seriously questioned.
Perhaps most significantly, when a client makes repeated attempts on his or
her own life, repeatedly threatens to commit suicide, or is in a state of persistent
suicide risk, important issues regarding accepted professional practice are
raised. In particular, are we too eager to prevent suicide because we desperately
do not want it to happen for reasons of our own self-interest – avoiding the
negative emotions aroused by the threat of self-inflicted death – without fully
considering what our client wants? Are we subjugating the very person we
intend to rescue?
Because I was so afraid of, conflicted about, and categorically opposed to Brad’s
suicide, I responded unhelpfully to his threat to take his own life. I both over- and
under-reacted to his chronic suicidal state, and in so doing acted contrary to my
professional obligations as a psychologist. Brad represented an opportunity to learn
from the extreme of working with a client who was repeatedly threatening suicide
and thereby deepen my understanding of the ethics of suicide prevention. I now
know that resolving my feelings, attitudes, and understandings about suicide and
a client’s wish to die can ultimately improve the ethicality and legality of our
practice.
accusations of malpractice were having a paradoxical effect. The more time I spent
assessing Caroline’s risk of suicide, the more upset she became with me and the more
her risk increased, which intensified my fears and prompted me to be more wary,
which intensified her distress, and so on in a vicious cycle.
I therefore decided after much soul-searching to gird my loins, set aside my fear of
litigation, and discontinue the risk assessments. For our next few meetings, Caroline
appeared suspicious when I did not finish the session with questions about her
suicidal intentions, but she soon adapted, and we put the extra time to therapeutic
use. By not focusing on protecting myself, I was able to focus on how she could
respond to her distress in healthier ways. We collaboratively developed a self-care
plan to address her chronic emotional distress and a safety plan for acute suicidal
exacerbations. She made gradual progress.
After two and a half years of psychotherapy, including nine months of termination
planning, I said goodbye to Caroline. She was still generally unhappy and thought
about suicide from time to time, but her rate of self-harming had declined to every
other month, and she had not made a suicide attempt for over a year. She contacted
me a few years later to tell me that she had married and returned to medical school.
When clients disclose thoughts of suicide, most psychologists consider a risk
assessment to be professionally indicated. If asked, however, they typically cannot
give a good explanation for doing so. Most assess their suicidal client’s risk because
they think they are expected to (for unspecified reasons) or because they feel they
should be doing something to address the suicidality and can think of nothing else to
do. Often they report a vague idea that they are somehow protecting themselves from
legal liability. It should be obvious that none of these reasons are based on sound
professional reasoning.
The greatest practical challenge with risk assessment is that suicide is a very rare
event. Even if we were able to identify those who will take their own life within
a small margin of error (an ability we do not have), we would falsely identify
a great number of people who would not go on to do so (Large, Ryan, & Nielssen,
2011). Thus, we might think that what suicide risk assessment can do is define
a group of people who are more likely to kill themselves than others when, in fact,
suicide is highly unlikely among those classified as high-risk: less than 1 percent of
those classified as high-risk end their own life (Madsen, Agerbo, Mortensen, &
Nordentoft, 2012; Steeg et al., 2012), while 40 percent of inpatient suicides (Large,
Smith, Sharma, Nielssen, & Singh, 2011) and 60 percent of suicides after discharge
(Large, Sharma, Cannon, Ryan, & Nielssen, 2011) occur among patients classified
as low-risk.
To make matters worse, while many factors identified as contributing to suicide
risk, such as psychiatric diagnosis, previous attempts, hopelessness, and lack of social
supports, have a statistically significant (small) relationship with suicide completion
(Maris, Berman, & Silverman, 2000), different studies have identified different
factors, such that there is no empirical basis for justifying our choosing which factors
to assess with any given client (Wang et al., 2015). In fact, those who attempt suicide
and those who kill themselves are, by and large, drawn from different populations
(Beautrais, 2001), with people who survive a suicide attempt tending to be young
women who make multiple attempts and those taking their own life tending to be
older men who do so on their first attempt (Encrenaz et al., 2012; Maris et al., 2000).
Most clinicians understandably but naively regard the presence of suicidal idea-
tion as a crucial factor in assessing a client’s risk of self-inflicted death, despite the
fact that expressed ideation simply does not correspond with completed suicide
(Lukaschek, Engelhardt, Baumert, & Ladwig, 2015). Suicidal ideation is only
weakly associated with future suicide among psychiatric inpatients (Large, Smith,
et al., 2011) and patients recently discharged (Large, Sharma, et al., 2011), while
70 percent of people who kill themselves had not seen a mental health professional in
the year prior to their death (Booth & Owens, 2000; Luoma, Martin, & Pearson,
2002). In one study of 67 people who died by suicide within a week of a medical
appointment, for example, only seven had disclosed suicidal thoughts to their
physician (Britton, Ilgen, Rudd, & Conner, 2012). The combination of thoughts of
self-destruction being very common among those who seek our help and the fact that
many people intent on suicide do not disclose their desire to do so renders ideation
a useless predictor (Large & Ryan, 2014).
Another reason that many psychologists provide for assessing suicide risk is their
belief that the vast majority of suicides, if not all, are a symptom of mental illness
(Pridmore, 2015). If this were true, we would identify and treat our clients’ mental
disorders and thereby reduce their risk of killing themselves. Some have argued that
it is a “kind of gospel” among mental health professionals that “anyone who
contemplates, expresses a desire for, or takes any overt action toward shortening
their life must be afflicted with a mental illness” (Rich, 2014, p. 403). Researchers
who ascribe to this view have argued that approximately 90 percent of people who
kill themselves met the criteria for a mental disorder at the time of their death
(Arsenault-Lapierre, Kim, & Turecki, 2004), although others place the rates at closer
to 30 percent (Milner, Sveticic, & De Leo, 2012; Owens, Booth, Briscoe, Lawrence,
& Lloyd, 2003). Whatever the true rates might be, however, the presence or absence
of a mental illness says nothing practically useful about whether a client will kill
themselves or not. Most people with a mental illness do not take their own lives and
many people who do so are not mentally ill.
Even the fact that suicidality is a manifestation of mental illness for some people
does not justify trying to stop them from killing themselves, however, because not
every product of mental illness is considered worthy of prevention. The urge of many
who produce great works of art, for example, is a manifestation of mental illness, and
that does not warrant stopping them from trying. Even the desire to recover from
mental illness could be said to be a by-product of the illness, but surely no one would
suggest that we are obligated to prevent someone from getting better. So even if all
suicidal intent were the product of mental illness (which is certainly not the case), it
is not sufficient reason for preventing someone from acting on it. Indeed, the courts
have ruled that the only time they would relieve someone with a mental illness of
their responsibility for suicide was if they are incapable of voluntary behavior
(Appelbaum, 2000).
In some situations, people suffer from a mental disorder that restricts their ability
to make a rational decision about whether to live or die, as in the case of command
resources they have to deal with them. Often their resources are depleted, perhaps
because the people who usually support them have abandoned them or because their
ability to generate a nonfatal solution is impaired by mental illness or intoxication.
Always somewhere prominent in the mix of the fatal act is excruciating psycholo-
gical pain.
By persistently conducting suicide risk assessments with the persistently suicidal
Caroline, I took precious time away from responding to her psychological pain.
In fact, by making the assessment of her risk the priority in our professional contact,
the focus of our therapy shifted from her goals to mine. Ultimately, I was expected to
help Caroline deal with her real-life issues, not to protect myself from legal liability.
By spending so much time worrying about suicide, the process of good therapy
became derailed. From the outset, I should have focused less on responding to her
threat of suicide and more on working collaboratively with her to resolve the distress
that gave rise to it.
to the emergency ward when she was intent on suicide and ambivalent at best about
adhering to our safety plan. Twice she was admitted involuntarily after I, without
telling Delia, argued with the attending physician that she posed a significant threat
to her own life as a result of a mental illness.
After six months of therapy, our work together took a sharp turn. Delia told me that
she had been diagnosed with terminal cancer that had started in her breast and
metastasized to her bones and internal organs. There was no possibility of cure.
She wanted to continue our sessions and within a few short weeks I was providing
bedside therapy in her apartment. A nurse visited daily to check on her, but she was
otherwise on her own. She told me that the certainty of her death did have an upside:
it freed her from having to agonize over whether to go on living. Yet while her
physical pain was being kept under control for the time being, it would soon outpace
the medication options available. She was very much afraid of the suffering she
would have to endure as the end of her life neared.
Then one day Delia asked – pleaded, in fact – to “help me end my life now, on my
own terms, before dying an ugly, painful death.” I was stunned. When she was
dealing with intractable emotional pain, I never lost hope that she would overcome it.
I even went against her wishes to keep that possibility alive. Now she faced
excruciating physical pain and I had nothing to cling to. I realized that my failure
to accept suicide as a reasonable choice was due to my unwillingness to accept that
we will all die eventually. Her inescapable death had broken through my denial.
I experienced a depth of compassion and sympathy for her that I had not felt before
and wanted to help.
The problem Delia – and I – faced was convincing the palliative care physician
specialist to help her hasten her death. The specialist was reluctant because of her
history of involuntary hospitalization for suicidality, for which I was more than
partially responsible. I now found myself arguing that she was competent to decide to
kill herself despite still being depressed. I said her desire to die was considered and
congruent with her personal values and her death would not negatively impact
significant others because she had none. Her physician relented and issued
a treatment order for enough pain medication to kill her. Delia died alone a few
days later by her own hand.
In response to his own rhetorical question, “Is life so dear or peace so sweet as to
be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?” during a rousing speech delivered to
the Virginia Convention on May 23, 1775, Patrick Henry famously answered,
“I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give
me death!” Although few would take quite so vehement a stance, autonomy is
considered by most to be an essential and inviolable right worth dying for. Yet
when it comes to suicide – arguably the ultimate expression of autonomy – the only
means by which it can be prevented is to curtail personal liberty. This presents us
with a dilemma.
Historical trends show that considering personal autonomy as a basic human right
is a relatively new concept. Throughout much of recorded history, for example, many
people believed they were owned by or belonged to a god, and it was sometimes said
that our bodies were “on loan” to us from them. Similarly, many peoples have
believed that individuals were owned by their sovereign ruler, king, queen, chief,
emperor, or some other. These leaders were entitled to exert ownership under certain
circumstances, particularly when human resources were needed, such as the practice
of conscription during times of war. And until quite recently, on an historical scale,
many members of society, such as slaves, serfs, women, and children, were con-
sidered the property of another and could not assert that they owned their own
bodies. In fact, if we consider the global population, this is still true for significant
numbers of people.
The current consensus among the peoples of democratic countries, as reflected in
their laws, is that an individual cannot be said to be truly free who does not have
dominion over his or her own life. The view is that all persons own themselves. Our
mind and body are not collective resources; they are us and they are ours. In a free
society, no one is owned by family, society, or country, or by any other individual.
We might therefore well ask why exercising power over individuals who want to
end their own life could be considered justifiable at all. There are many situations
where we allow people to engage in activities that can reasonably be expected to
result in self-harm. Obvious examples include contact sports such as football and ice
hockey. It is very difficult to imagine anyone being forcibly prevented from partici-
pating in such sports on the basis that they might seriously injure themselves. In these
situations, the individual is clearly considered to have the freedom to subject their
body to risk of harm.
Then there are those activities where the chance of serious physical injury, if not
death, exists as a very real possibility. Any mistake or error in judgment when
engaging in “extreme sports” such as mountaineering, motor racing, and BASE
jumping, for example, carries mortal risk by its very nature. Yet as with the relatively
milder contact sports, the autonomy of persons engaging in these life-threatening
activities is not restricted even though the outcome can be, and often is, their death.
There are also behaviors well-known to hasten a person’s death, such as smoking
tobacco, consuming excessive amounts of alcoholic beverages, and avoiding physi-
cal activity. Despite the entreaties of experts to change our collective unhealthy
lifestyle, there does not appear to be any movement toward considering the many
self-inflicted deaths resulting from them as suicides. We may introduce “sin” taxes
and other methods to make engaging in such behaviors more difficult or to nudge
people toward healthier behaviors, but no one is seriously suggesting taking away
peoples’ liberty to shorten their own lives in this manner.
Current mental health policy and practices with respect to people who are suicidal
are thus curiously inconsistent with recognition of self-ownership in other spheres of
life. The modal position is that suicide ought to be prevented in most, if not all, cases
regardless of the wishes of the suicidal person. Authority to usurp personal autonomy
when individuals represent harm to themselves is even enshrined in the mental health
laws of numerous countries (O’Brien, McKenna, & Kydd, 2009; Sheehan, 2009).
Of course, the crucial difference between those who risk their lives through
dangerous activities or hasten their death through unhealthy lifestyles and those
who want to end their lives is intention. High-risk sports have as their goal enjoy-
ment. Participants often say that they feel “more alive” when they risk their necks.
Similarly, smoking, drinking, and loafing on the couch is done for the pleasure of the
activity. Death or a shorter life is an unintended consequence. What troubles us so
deeply about suicide is that death is not a possible outcome of an activity, it is the
goal.
The ethical challenge for most psychologists with respect to a client who is
persistently suicidal arises out of our usual desire to work in collaboration with our
clients toward the goal of improving their well-being. When faced with a client
whose intentions and behavior are, from our perspective, contrary to their welfare,
our ethical obligation to provide responsible caring becomes incompatible with our
ethical obligation to respect their autonomy. Moreover, the client’s persistent suici-
dal intent calls into question the underlying values of our profession to promote life,
well-functioning, bodily integrity, and psychological health. Few of us find such
questioning a pleasant experience.
In fact, clients who are persistently suicidal frighten us. Fear of legal sanctions is
of course quite common and, on the face of it, understandable given that no one
wants to be sued or disciplined. But we are accountable for many actions that could
result in a lawsuit or complaint, such as crossing professional boundaries or failing to
properly diagnose, and few of us live in fear of these events to anywhere near the
extent we do of suicide. Our fears when dealing with someone intent on killing
themselves go deeper; they are primal.
All living things are born with biological systems oriented toward self-
preservation. Those who lack it would be at a distinct reproductive disadvantage
relative to those who would do anything to stay alive. Yet human beings are, as far as
anyone knows, unique among all forms of life in being aware of our mortality
(Solomon, Greenberg, & Pyszczynski, 2015). We know that sooner or later we
will lose the battle against death. In fact, humans are so terrified of death that we
go to great lengths in thought and deed to deny it (Becker, 1973). When circum-
stances conspire to overwhelm our denial and make our mortality salient, death
anxiety is aroused and we seek to defend ourselves against it by clinging more tightly
to our core beliefs about the nature of the world and our place in it (Pyszczynski,
Solomon, & Greenberg, 2015). Working with a client who desires to end their own
life is an obvious threat to our denial of death and may arouse awareness of our own
mortality.
Belief in the sanctity of life is so fundamental to our worldview that few of us
ever stop to even consider its centrality. Beliefs of this kind typically arise
without conscious effort such that we rarely question their presence in our
minds any more than we question whether something has a particular shape,
texture, or taste. That is, we trust our fundamental assumptions as much as we
do our perceptions. The feeling that we should intervene to save someone from
dying, therefore, is usually experienced as a fact that we should do so. That
dying should be their intention only serves to make it less comprehensible and
more worthy of prevention (Liégeois & Eneman, 2012). The net result of this
process is that we are at risk of trying to intervene with suicide in ways that
seems obviously to be the correct thing to do, yet are inconsistent with society’s
expectations of us and our professional codes of ethics.
Our human capacity to be aware of our mortality not only provokes existential
fear, it also presents us with the choice of whether to live or die. And if the choice
exists, there must be some situations where choosing to die is a reasonable alter-
native. It is illogical to declare people unable to reason logically simply because they
consider suicide. Autonomous individuals have the right to behave in any noncrim-
inal way they choose. If suicide can be logically considered, then we are expected to
grant mature individuals who are capable of deciding whether to live or die the
autonomy to understand their situation from their personal framework.
In fact, most democratic societies have accepted that choosing to hasten one’s
death can be rational under certain circumstances. Over the last decade, a number of
prominent professional organizations have issued policy statements or position
papers asserting that the provision of a lethal prescription requested by
a terminally ill patient who is competent to decide is just and ethical. This trend
reflects a shift in societal attitudes away from the view expressed by the U.S.
Supreme Court in the cases of Washington v. Glucksberg (1997) and Vacco v. Quill
(1997) that use of a lethal prescription by a terminally ill patient constitutes suicide,
and toward the position taken in the case of Compassion in Dying v. Washington
(1995) that such action can be the exercise of autonomy in determining the time and
manner of one’s death.
It is now accepted in most democratic countries (including Canada and the United
States) that a person has the right to hasten his or her death following a sound
decision-making process when faced with the intolerable suffering associated with
a terminal illness (Werth & Holdwick, 2000). Death can be the result of withholding
or withdrawing life-supportive technologies or procedures, as well as providing
a person with the means to die (usually medication) and having them self-
administer it.
Thus, when someone has a high likelihood of severe suffering, as in cases of
terminal illness, their decision to die seems understandable. Even if we find it
difficult to endorse an individual’s death wish, it is comprehensible because they
are going to die soon and their remaining quality of life will be poor. Death in this
instance is seen as a relief from dying.
This line of reasoning assumes a particular definition of the concept of “quality of
life,” however. The death wish is acceptable to us because we accept the objective
constraints due to a terminal illness as a valid reason. Yet, if we define quality of life
objectively, we have to ask why we do not find the lack of suicidal intent incompre-
hensible among those facing a horrible death. Indeed, we tend to consider such
stoicism to be admirable. If, on the other hand, quality of life is subjectively defined,
it follows that most death wishes must be acceptable, because for a suicidal person
their life is unbearable by definition. But we certainly do not consider subjectively
experienced suffering as sufficient to make suicide acceptable in every case.
Our inconsistency is the product of the tendency to ask ourselves whether we
would feel similarly in the same situation and make the same decision. If someone
who is suicidal does not feel or decide as we think we would, then we tend to rely on
the implicit norms of our worldview to judge which constraints count as bearable and
which do not. We do accept that some people can endure more suffering than most,
and indeed venerate them because we hope that we would do likewise if faced with
the same challenge. Yet we tend to consider it incomprehensible if someone wants to
kill themselves to escape circumstances that we consider tolerable, and typically
judge them negatively for showing a weakness of character that we fear we would
manifest if similarly tested. If we do not understand or, worse, do not approve, then
we do not accept their justification for wanting to die. And our understanding and
approval are very much dependent on our comfort with and acceptance of our own
mortality (Arndt, Vess Cox, Goldenberg, & Lagle, 2009).
It should be clear, therefore, that we ought neither to judge the validity of an
individual’s distress by an objective standard nor to make the acceptability of
suicide dependent upon imagining ourselves in our client’s situation. The fact
that suicide can be reasonable, even rational, for some people in some circum-
stances requires us to accept that an absolute position against suicide is not
a tenable one. How, then, do we proceed with the knowledge that there is no
ultimate perspective on suicide to which every other viewpoint is subservient?
How do we move forward when our fundamental belief that continuing to live
under any circumstance is flawed?
My ability to effectively navigate the expectations of our professional ethics and
laws when working with Delia in her persistently suicidal state was hampered by my
inability to manage my fear of death. If I had a better handle on my existential terror
from the outset of our work together, then I could have better met her on her own
terms. She was faced with a life that, by her own assessment, was intolerable.
My role was not to contradict her about the rightness or wrongness of suicide as
a way of ending her suffering. Doing so put me in opposition to her goals when I had
no right to do so. I did have an obligation to help her find a way to overcome or find
peace with her sad and lonely life. I should have collaborated with her to resolve the
despair that was driving her to consider suicide. It may have turned out that, despite
my best efforts, her appraisal of her life would have remained unchanged and she
may have decided to end it. But interfering with Delia’s autonomy to decide whether
or not to continue living was an affront to her dignity as a person and, rather than
saving her life, only served to diminish it.
When working with a client who is persistently suicidal, we are expected to seek
to collaborate with them and to find a consensus on goals that we can both agree to
work toward. As paradoxical as it may seem, the prevention of suicide is not always
furthered by coercive rescuing. The approach that has the best chance of dissuading
someone struggling with suicidality begins with empathy because it forms the basis
of hope and facilitates problem-solving. Communicating our understanding of just
how desperate and hopeless our client feels constitutes a profound intervention by
offering the experience of being appreciated rather than coerced. Basing our work
together on empathy avoids the trap of having the client view therapy as an
oppressive force pressuring them to continue living what they experience as an
unbearable life or arguing that their life is worthwhile. Such a domineering stance
is very likely to be ineffective and is often actually countertherapeutic. Rather,
providing a human encounter that allows us to consider together the struggle and
burdens involved in living can in itself decrease the tendency toward compulsive
expression of suicidal desires. Empathic understanding allows a chronically sui-
cidal client the freedom to consider whether their expressed intentions are truly
a choice to die or, as is very common, an act of desperate defiance in response to
overwhelming psychological pain, insoluble personal troubles, and pressure to
continue living.
Working with clients who are persistently suicidal requires us to negotiate
a delicate balance between respecting autonomy and providing care. People consider
their lives worth living only if they enjoy an adequate degree of autonomy to live as
they see fit. As psychologists, we are expected to respect our clients’ autonomy
because it is accepted in our society as a fundamental human right and it is
a necessary condition for wanting to live. Thus, we are expected to grant our clients
as much autonomy as possible, which in practical terms means restricting their
autonomy as little as possible. On the other hand, we are also expected to assume
responsibility for providing effective psychological care, including limiting our
clients’ autonomy when necessary, if their risk of suicide is a product of an invo-
luntarily, irrational decision-making process. However, we must be careful to avoid
the mistake of considering someone presenting with mental health concerns to be
irrational until proven otherwise. All in all, this represents a very difficult practice
situation, but hopefully one in which the relevant parameters are now more clearly
articulated.
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